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The  Catholic  Encyclopedia 


VOLUME  FOUR 
Cland— Diocesan 


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THE  CATHOLIC 
ENCYCLOPEDIA 


AN  INTERNATIONAL  WORK  OF  REFERENCE 
ON    THE    CONSTITUTION,  DOCTRINE, 
DISCIPLINE,  AND  HISTORY  OF  THE 
CATHOLIC  CHURCH 


EDITED  BY 
m  CHARLES  G.  HERBERMANN,  Ph.D.,  LLD. 
EDWARD  A.  PACE,  Ph.D.,  D.D.      CONDE  B.  PALLEN,  Ph.D.,  LL.D. 
THOMAS  J.  SHAHAN,  D.D.  JOHN  J.  WYNNE,  S.J. 

ASSISTED  BY  NUMEROUS  COLLABORATORS 


FIFTEEN  VOLUMES  AND  INDEX 
VOLUME  IV 


SPECIAL  EDITION 

UNDER  THE  AUSPICES  OF 

THE  KNIGHTS  OF  COLUMBUS  CATHOLIC  TRUTH  COMMITTEE 


Hew  UJorft 
THE  ENCYCLOPEDIA  PRESS,  INC. 


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as 

V,  f 


Nihil  Obstat,  November  1,  1908 
REMY  LAFORT,  S.T.D. 

CBNBOB 


1  "I  VII 

Imprimatur 

*JOHN  CARDINAL  FARLEY 

ARCHBISHOP  OF  NEW  YORK 


Copyright,  1908 
By  Robert  Appleton  Company 

Copyright,  191S 
By  T.HE  ENCYCLOPEDIA  PRESS,  INC. 

The  articMs/ ii{  tjiis  work  have  been  written  specially  for  The  Catholio 

Encyclopedia  an/l.are  protected  by  copyright.    All  rights,  includ- 
.  ;  lBgj^he  ;rjght  of  translation  and  reproduction,  are  reserved. 


PRCBBWONK  AND  BINDING  IV  J.  B.   LYON  CO.,  ALBANY,   N.  Y„  U.  S.  A. 


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Contributors  to  the  Fourth  Volume 


ABRAHAM,  LADISLAUS,  LL.D.,  Member  or 
Academy  of  Science  at  Cracow,  Professor  of 
Canon  Law,  Royal  University,  Lbmberg, 
Galicia,  Austria:  Cyril  and  Methodius. 

AHERNE,  CORNELIUS,  Professor  of  New  Testa- 
ment Exegesis,  Rector,  St.  Joseph's  Col- 
lege, Mill  Hill,  London  :  Coloesians,  Epistle  to 
the;  Commentaries  on  the  Bible;  Corinthians, 
Epistles  to  the. 

AIKEN,  CHARLES  F.,  S.T.D.,  Professor  of  Apol- 
ogetics, Catholic  University  of  America, 
Washington:  Confucianism. 

ALSTON,  G.  CYPRIAN,  O.S.B.,  Downside  Abbey, 
Bath,  England:  Cluny;  Convent;  Convent 
Schools  (Great  Britain);  Corbie,  Monastery  of; 
Corvey;  Crutched  Friars;  Deusdedit,  Saint; 
Dinooth. 

ALVARADO,  THOMAS  CANON,  Cdenca,  Ecua- 
dor: Cuenca. 

ANGER,  HENRY,  Lrrr.B.,  B.Sc.,  New  York: 
Delacroix,  Ferdinand. 

ARENDZEN,  J.  P.,  Ph.D.,  S.T.D.,  B.A.,  Professor 
of  Holy  Scripture,  St.  Edmund's  College, 
Ware,  England:  Cosmogony;  Demetrius  (Syrian 
Kings);  Demiurge. 

ASTRAIN,  ANTONIO,  8J.,  Madrid:  Congregatio 
de  Auiiliis. 

AVE  LING,  FRANCIS,  S.T.D.,  Chelsea,  London: 
Condition;  Deism. 

BALESTRI,  GIUSEPPE,  O.S.A.,  Professor  Emeri- 
tus of  Sacred  Scripture,  College  of  St. 
Monica,  Rome:  Cyrus  and  John. 

BANDELIER,  AD.  F.,  Hhpanic  Society  of  Amer- 
ica, New  York:  Clavigero;  Cobo;  Cogolludo; 
Colombia;  Columbus,  Christopher;  Condamine; 
Copacavana;  Cordova,  Juan  dej  Coronado; 
Coronel,  Juan;  Cortes;  Costa  Rica;  Davila 
Padilla. 

BARNES,  ARTHUR  8TAPYLTON,  M.A.  (Oxon. 
and  Cantab.),  Cambridge,  England:  Counsels. 

BAUMGARTEN,  Rt.  Rev.  Mgr.  PAUL  MARIA, 
J.U.D.,  S.T.D.,  Domestic  Prelate,  Rome:  De 
Rossi. 

BAUMSTARK,  ANTON,  S.T.D.,  Teacher  in  the 
Catholic  Gymnasium  of  Sasbach,  Baden,  Ger- 
many: Cosmas. 

BECCARI,  CAMILLO,  8  J.,  Postulator  General 
of  the  Society  of  Jesus,  Rome:  Confessor. 

BECHTEL,  F.,  SJ.,  Professor  of  Hebrew  and 
Sacred  Scripture,  St.  Louis  University,  St. 
Louis:  Cordier;  Core,  Dathan,  and  Abiron; 
Cornelius  (Centurion). 


BENIGNI,  U.,  Professor  of  Ecclesiastical  His- 
tory, Pont.  Collegio  Urbano  di  Propaganda, 
Rome:  Codex  Vaticanus;  Colle  di  Val  d'Elsa; 
Comacchio;  Como;  Concordia;  Converzano; 
Conza;  Cortona;  Cosenza:  Cotrone;  Cozza- 
Luzi;  Crema;  Cremona;  Cuneo;  Democracy, 
Christian;  Diano. 

BIHL,  MICHAEL,  O.F.M.,  Lector  of  Ecclesiasti- 
cal History,  Collegio  San  Bonaventura, 
Quaracchi,  near  Florence:  Colette;  Concep- 
tionists;  David  of  Augsburg. 

BOEYNAEMS,  LIBERT  H.,  C.SS.CC.,  Titular 
Bishop  ok  Zeugma,  Vicar  Apostolic  of  the 
Sandwich  Islands:  Damien. 

BOOTHMAN,  C.  T.,  Kingstown,  Ireland:  Digby, 
Kenelm;  Digby,  Sir  Kenelm. 

BOUDINHON,  AUGUSTE-MARIE,  D.D.,  D.C.L., 
Director,  "Canonists  Contbmporain ",  Pro- 
fessor of  Canon  Law,  Institut  Catholique, 
Pard3:  Desertion;  Desservants. 

BOWDEN,  SEBASTIAN,  The  Oratory,  London: 
Dalgau-ns. 

BRAUN,  JOSEPH,  S.J.,  Luxemburg:  Dalmatic. 

BREHIER,  LOUIS  RENE,  Professor  of  Ancient 
and  Medieval  History,  University  of  Cler- 
mont-Ferrand, Puy-dk-Doms,  France:  Corn- 
mines;  Crusades;  Dandolo. 

BROCK,  HENRY  M.,  S.J.,  Professor  of  Physics, 
Holy  Cross  College,  Worcester,  Massachu- 
setts: Coriolis;  Curley;  Danti,  Ignazio;  Daubree; 
Denza;  Desains. 

BURTON,  EDWIN,  D.D.,  St.  Edmund's  College, 
Ware,  England:  Clement,  Csesar;  Clenock; 
Clerk;  Clifton;  Codrington;  Colet:  Constable, 
Cuthbert;  Cordell;  Cuthbert,  Saint;  Daniel, 
John;  Darrell ;  Davenport,  Christopher;  De  Lisle, 
Digby,  George. 

BURTSELL,  Very  Rev.  Mgr.  RICHARD  L.,  Ph.D., 
S.T.D.,  Rondout,  New  York:  Consanguinity; 
Crime;  Defender  of  the  Matrimonial  Tie. 

BUTIN,  R.,  SJI.,  S.T.L.,  Ph.D.,  Jefferson  College, 
Convent,  Louisiana:  Cleophas;  Contant  de  la 
Molette;  Crelier. 

CABROL,  FERN  AND,  O.S.B..  Abbot  of  St. 
Michael's,  Farnbobouoh,  England:  Complin; 
Cross  and  Crucifix  (Part  II.  Representations  as 
Objects  of  Devotion). 

CAMM,  BEDE,  O.S.B.,  B.A.  (Oxon.),  Erdinoton 
Abbey,  Birmingham,  England:  Clitherow; 
Davies;  Dean,  William;  Dingley. 

CAMPBELL,  NOEL  JOSEPH,  SJ.,  BjV.  (Oxon.), 
Beaumont  College,  Old  Windsor,  Berks, 
England:  Covenanters. 


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CONTRIBUTORS  TO  THE  FOURTH  VOLUME 

CAMPBELL,  THOMAS  J.,  S.J.,  St.  Mary's  Col-  DE  SMEDT,  CH.,  SJ.,  Brussels:  Criticism,  Hm- 

leqb,  Montreal:  Cresset;  Croiset.  torical. 

CANDIDE,  F.,  O.M.Cap.,  Lector  in  Philosophy,  DEVAS,  FRANCIS  CHARLES,  SJ.,  Classical 

Capuchin  Monastery,  Ristioouche,  Province  Master,  Stonyhurst  College,  Blackburn, 

of  Quebec:  Cochem,  Martin  of.  England:  Devas. 

CAPES,  FLORENCE  MARY,  London:  Colomba  of  DE™T^L^0Jn;  WoOMTOCK 
Rieti;  Columba,  baints. 

CARMICHAEL,  MONTGOMERY,  British  Vice  DIONNE,  N.  E.,  S.B.,  M.D  Librarian  to  the  Leo- 

^NroL^EGHORN:  Clerks  Regular  of  the  Mother  islature  op  Quebec:  Denonville. 


of  God  of  Lucca 

CASSIDY,  JOHN  JOSEPH,  S.J.,  Woodstock  Col- 
lege, Maryland:  Conimbrice rises. 

CHAPMAN,  JOHN,  O.8.B.,  B.A.  (Oxon.),  Prior  of 
St.  Thomas's  Abbey,  Erdington,  Birmingham, 
England:  Clementines;  Clement  I;  Cornelius, 
Pope;  Cyprian  of  Carthage;  Cyril  of  Alexandria; 
Cyril  of  Jerusalem;  Demetrius,  Saint;  Didache; 
Didascalia  Apostolorum;  Didymus  the  Blind. 

CHARLES,  BROTHER,  C.S.C.,  Professor  of  Eng- 
lish, Scholasticate  of  the  Congregation  of 
the  Cross  of  Jesus,  Rimouski,  Canada:  Cross 
of  Jesus,  Brothers  of  the. 

CLEARY,  GREGORY,  O.F.M.,  J.U.L.,  Professor 
of  Moral  Theology  and  Canon  Law,  St.  Isi- 
dore's College,  Rome:  Commissariat  of  the 
Holy  Land;  Custos. 

CLEARY,  HENRY  W.,  Editor,  "New  Zealand  ,ftPMTttral,„  .  u  „TT 

Tablet",  Dunedin,  New  Zealand:  Cooktown;  DRISCOLL,  JOHN  THOMAS,  A.  M.,  S.T.L.,  Fonda, 
Dalley.  '  New  York:  Deity. 

CLIFFORD,  CORNELIUS,  Seton  Hall  College,  D*SOUZA,  A.  X.,  Bombay,  India:  Cuncolim,  Martyn. 
South  Orange,  New  Jersey  :  Craigie;  Crashaw.  0f. 

COFFEY,  PETER,  Ph.D.,  S.T.L.,  Professor  of  DUBRAY,  C.  A.,  S.T.B.,  Ph.D.,  Professor  of  Phil- 
Philosophy,  St.  Patrick's  College,  May-  osophy,  Marist  College,  Washington :  Clich- 
nooth:  Deduction;  Dialectic.  tove;  Colonna,  Egidio;  Dhuoda. 

COLEMAN,  AMBROSE,  O.P.,  M.R.I.A.,  Sr.  Sav-   DUNFORD,    DAVID,    Diocesan   Inspector  of 

tATTn'o    PdtADV     nnni.TW     Pmllv_  C'nri^/M  n       UnnnilXinAM       WrDTQ       TT.TUni .  A  TJT»  '  Oil" 


DONOVAN,  STEPHEN  M.,  O.F.M.,  Franciscan 
Monastery,  Washington:  Clare  of  Montefalco; 
Clare  of  Rimini:  Coelde;  Colman,  Walter;  Con- 
rad of  Ascoli;  Conrad  of  Offida;  Conrad  of  Pia- 
cenza;  Conrad  of  Saxony;  Conry;  Conversi; 
Cozza;  Crib;  Crispin  of  Viterbo;  Crown,  Francis- 
can; Cuneeundes;  Daniel  and  Companions; 
Delfino;  Delphine;  Didacus. 

DOWLING,  AUSTIN,  Providence,  Rhode  Island: 
Conclave. 

DOWLING,  M.  P.,  SJ.,  Kansas  City,  Missouri: 
Creighton  University. 

DRISCOLL,  JAMES  F.,  D.D.,  President  of  St.  Jo- 
seph's Seminary,  Dunwoodie,  New  York: 
Dan. 

DRISCOLL,  JAMES  H.,  S.T.D.,  D.C.L.,  Rouse's 
Point,  New  York:  Contumacy. 


iour's  Priory,  Dublin:  Crolly. 

COLEMAN,  CARYL,  B.A.,  Pelham  Manor,  New 
York:  Cosmati  Mosaic. 

CORBETT,  JOHN,  S.J.,  Associate  Editor,  "The 
Messenger",  New  York:  Cornoldi;  David, 
King. 

COUDERT,  ANTOINE,  O.M.I.,  Archbishop  of 
Colombo,  Ceylon  :  Colombo. 

COURSON,  COMTESSE  ROGER  de,  Paris:  Com- 
mune, Martyrs  of  the  Paris. 

CURLEY,  CHARLES  F.,  A.B.,  LL.D.,  Wilmington, 
Delaware:  Delaware. 


Schools,  Hoddesdon,  Herts,  England: 
rate;  Dean;  Decree. 


DUNN,  JOSEPH,  Ph.D.,  Professor  of  Celtic  Lan- 
guages and  Literature,  Catholic  University 
of  America,  Washington:  Crescimbeni. 

DURET,  AUGUSTE,  D.D.,  Prefect  Apostolic  of 
the  Delta  of  the  Nile,  Cairo,  Egypt:  Delta  of 
the  Nile. 

EDMONDS,  COLUMBA,  O.S.B.,  Fort  Augustus, 
Scotland:  Coemgen;  Columba,  Saint;  Colum- 
ba, Saint,  Abbot  of  Iona;  Columbanus. 

ENGELHARDT,  ZEPHYRIN,  O.F.M.,  Watson- 
ville,  California:  Deymann;  Diego  y  Moreno. 


CUTHBERT,  FATHER,  O.S.F.C.,  Hassocks,  Sus- 
sex, England:  Definitors  (in  Religious  Orders).  ENNIS,  A.  T.,  Concordia,  Kansas:  Concordia 

D'ALTON,  E.  A.,  M.R.I.A.,  Athenry,  Ireland:  {U.S.A.). 

Clynn;  Cogitosus;  Creagh;  Culdees;  Dease.  ENRIGHT,  SISTER  M.  AUGUSTINE,  St.  Joseph's 

_  „    _  Academy.  Springfield.  Illinois:  Dallas. 

DELAMARRE,  LOUIS  N.,  Ph.D.,  Instructor  in  academy,  oriu«u  ir.  , 

French,  College  of  the  City  of  New  y°**'  FANNING,  WILLIAM  H.  W.,  S J.,  Professor  of 

Coppee;  Corneille,  Pierre;  Dareste  de  la  Cna-  Church  .History  and  Canon  Law,  St.  Louis 

vanne;  Deschamps,  Eustache;  Didot.  *  " 


DELANY,  JOSEPH  F.,  New  York:  Correction; 
Death;  Decalogue;  Despair;  Detraction. 

DELAUNAY,  JOHN  BAPTIST  STEPHEN,  C.S.C., 
Lrrr.B.,  Ph.D.,  Notre  Dame  University,  In- 
diana; Clemanges;  Cochin,  Jacques;  Cochin, 
Pierre;  College  de  France. 


Church  .History  and  Canon  Law,  St.  Louis 
University,  St.  Louis:  Cleric;  College  (in 
Canon  Law);  Collegiate;  Commissary  Apostolic ; 
Competency;  Conference;  Confraternity;  Con- 
grua;  Conservator;  Constitutions,  Papal;  Cura- 
tor; Cure  of  Souls;  Cursores  Apostohci;  Cus- 
tom; Definitor  (in  Canon  Law);  Delegation; 
Denunciation;  De  Smet;  Devolution;  Dimis- 
so  rial  Letters. 


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CONTRIBUTORS  TO  THE  FOURTH  VOLUME 


FENLON,  JOHN  F.,  S.8.,  S.T.D.,  President  of  St. 
Austin's  College,  Brookland,  D.  C,  Profes- 
sor of  Sacred  Scripture,  St.  Mart's  Semi- 
nary, Baltimore:  Codex  Alexandrinus;  Codex 
Amiatinus:  Codex  Bezse;  Codex  Ephrsemi  Re- 
scriptus:  Codex  Sinai ticus;  Concordances  of  the 
Bible;  Crescens. 

FISCHER,  JOSEPH,  S.J.,  Professor  of  Geo- 
graphy and  History,  Stella  Matutina  Col- 
lege, Feldkirch,  Austria:  Clavus. 

FISHER,  J.  H.,  S  J.,  Woodstock  College,  Mary- 
land: Cursing;  Delrio. 

FITA  Y  COLOMER,  FIDEL,  S  J.,  Membeh  of  the 
Royal  Academy  of  History,  Madrid:  Com- 
poetela. 

FORTESCUE,  ADRIAN,  Ph.D.,  D.D.,  Letchworth, 
Herts,  England:  Collect;  Communion- Anti- 
phon;  Concelebration-  Confiteor;  Constanti- 
nople, Rite  of;  Cowl;  Denzinger. 

FOURNET,  PIERRE  AUGUSTE,  S.S.,  Professor 
of  Belles-Lettres,  College  de  Montreal, 
Montreal:  Colin,  Frederic;  Cuoq. 

FOX,  JAMES  J.,  S.T.D.,  B.A.,  Professor  of  Philos- 
ophy, St.  Thomas's  College,  Washington: 
Cruelty  to  Animals. 

FOX,  WILLIAM,  BJ3.,  M.E.,  Associate  Professor 
of  Physics,  College  of  the  City  of  New  York: 
Clerke. 

FUENTES,  VENTURA,  A.B.,  M.D.,  Instructor, 
College  of  the  City  of  New  York:  Cruz; 
Cuba;  Cue va;  De  Soto;  Diaz  del  Castillo;  Diaz 
de  Soils. 

GANS,  LEO,  J.C.D.,  St.  Cloud,  Minnesota:  Com- 
promise. 

GARDNER,  EDMUND  GARRETT,  M.A.  (Cam- 
bridge), London:  Colonna,  Vittoria;  Dante 
Alighien. 

GAYNOR,  H.  A.,  8  J.,  Woodstock  College,  Mary- 
land: Concubinage. 

GERARD,  JOHN,  SJ.,  F.LJ3.,  London:  Coleridge; 
Digby,  Sir  Everard. 

GEUDENS,  FRANCIS  MARTIN,  O.Pr*m.,  Abbot 
Titular  of  Barlings,  Corpus  Christi  Priory, 
Manchester,  England:  Cornillon. 

GIETMANN,  GERARD,  S.J.,  Teacher  of  Classical 
Languages  and  ^Esthetics,  St.  Ignatius  Col- 
lege, Valkenburg,  Holland:  CorneLisz;  Cor- 
nelius, Peter. 

GIGOT,  FRANCIS  E.,  S.T.D.,  Professor  of  Sacred 
Scripture,  St.  Joseph's  Seminary,  Dunwoodie, 
New  York:  Daniel;  Daniel,  Book  of. 

GILLET,  LOUIS,  Paris:  Clovio;  Delaroche. 

GLLLIAT-SMTTH,  FREDERICK  ERNEST,  Bruges: 
Common  Life,  Brethren  of  the. 

GODINHO,  JOHN,  Dabul,  Bombay,  India:  Damfio. 

GOLUBOVTCH,  GIROLAMO,  O.F.M.,  Florence, 
Italy:  Dardel. 

GORY,  JAMES  L.,  Covington,  Kentucky:  Cov- 
ington. 


GOYAU,  GEORGES,  Associate  Editor*  "Revue 
des  Deux  Mondes",  Paris:  Clermont;  Com- 
pagnie  du  Saint-Sacrement;  Concordat  of  1801; 
Constantine,  Diocese  of ;  Coutances;  DignejDijon. 

GRATTAN-FLOOD,  W.  H.,  M.R.I.A.,  Mus.D., 
Rqbemount,  Enniscorthy,  Ireland:  Clement  of 
Ireland;  Colman,  Saints;  Conal;  Conan;  Cro- 
nan;  Dal  ton;  Darerca;  Deicolus;  Diarmaid; 
Dichu. 

GRUPP,  GEORG,  Maihinqen  near  Marktoffdj- 
gen,  Bavaria:  Constantine  the  Great  (Historical 
Appreciation). 

GUASCO,  ALEXANDRE,  LL.D.,  Secretary  Gen- 
eral of  the  Society  for  the  Propagation  of 
the  Faith,  Paris:  Corsica. 

GULDNER,  B.,  S.J.,  St.  Joseph's  College,  Phila- 
delphia: Coffin,  Robert;  Contzen;  Conversion. 

GURDON,  EDMUND.  O.  Cart.,  Barcelona,  Spain: 
Contemplative  Life;  Denys  the  Carthusian. 

HAGEN,  JOHN  G.,  SJ.,  Vatican  Observatory, 
Rome:  Copernicus. 

HANDLEY,  M.  L.,  Madison,  New  Jersey:  Coustou; 
Coysevox;  Danti,  Vincenzo;  Decker. 

HANNA,  EDWARD  J.,  S.T.D.,  Profbssor  or  The- 
ology. St.  Bernard's  Seminary,  Rochester, 
New  York:  Contrition. 

HARTIG,  OTTO,  Assistant  Librarian  of  the 
Royal  and  City  Library,  Munich:  Cosa;  Cos- 
mas  Indicopleustes;  Delisle;  Dias;  Dicuil. 

HARTY,  JOHN  M.,  D.D.,  Professor  of  Moral 
Theology  and  Canon  Law,  St.  Patrick's  Col- 
lege, Maynooth:  Definition,  Theological. 

HASSETT,  MAURICE  M.,  8.T.D.,  Harrisburg, 
Pennsylvania:  Coliseum. 

HAVEY,  FRANCIS  P.,  S.S.,  S.T.D.,  Professor  of 
Homiletics  and  Pastoral  Theology,  St. 
John's  Seminary,  Brighton,  Massachusetts: 
Clement  of  Alexandria. 

HEALY,  Most  Reverend  JOHN,  D.D.,  LL.D., 
M.R.I  .A.,  Senator  of  the  Royal  University 
of  Ireland,  Archbishop  of  Tuam:  Clonard; 
Clonfert;  Clonmacnoise;  Cork,  School  of;  Deny, 
School  of. 

HEALY,  PAT-iICK  J.,  S.T.D.,  Assistant  Profes- 
sor of  Church  History,  Catholic  University 
of  America,  Washington:  Combefis;  Commo- 
dus;  Decius. 

HECKMANN,  FERDINAND,  0  JJtf.,  Teacher  of 
Latin  and  Greek,  Mount  St.  Sepulchre  Mon- 
astery, Washington:  -  Cord,  Confraternities  of 
the. 

HENRY,  H.  T.,  Lrrr.D.,  Rector  of  Roman  Catho- 
lic High  School  for  Boys,  Professor  of  Eng- 
lish Literature  and  of  Gregorian  Chant,  St. 
Charles's  Seminary,  Overbrook,  Pennsyl- 
vania: Congregational  Singing;  Dies  Ira. 

HERBERMANN,  CHARLES  G.,  Ph.D.,  LL.D^ 
Professor  of  Latin  Language  and  Litera- 
ture. College  of  the  City  of  New  York  :  Con- 
stantine the  Great  (First  Part);  Dance  of  Death 
(First  Part) 

HERRERA,  FELICIANO,  Comayagua,  Honduras: 
Comayagua. 


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CONTRIBUTORS  TO  THE  FOURTH  VOLUME 


HIND,  GEORGE  ELPHEGE,  OJ3.B.,  Glamorgan- 
shire, Wales:  Clark;  Clayton;  Clement,  John; 
Coenred;  Cole;  Coleman;  Courtenay;  Creasy; 
Cuthbert,  Abbot  of  Wearmouth;  Cuthbert,  Arch- 
bishop of  Canterbury. 

HINOJOSA,  EDUARDO  de,  Member  of  the  Span- 
ish Academy,  Professor  of  History,  Univer- 
sity of  Madrid:  Coimbra;  Coria;  Crusade,  Bull 
of  the;  Cuenca  (Spain). 

HOEBER,  KARL,  Ph.D.,  Editor,  "  VoLKszErnmo" 
and  "Die  Akademischen  Monatsblatter", 
Cologne:  Dillingen. 

HOLWECK,  FREDERICK  G.,  St.  Louis:  Colmar; 
Deo  Gratias ;  DeProfundis;  Deus  in  Adjutorium. 

HOUCK,  GEORGE  F.,  Domestic  Prelate,  Dioc- 
esan Chancellor,  Cleveland,  Ohio:  Cleve- 
land. 

HOWLETT,  J.  A.,  O.S.B.,  MA.,  Suffolk,  England: 
Desert  (in  the  Bible). 

HOWLETT,  WILLIAM  JOSEPH,  Pueblo,  Colo- 
rado: Denver. 

HUNT,  LEIGH,  Professor  of  Art,  College  of  the 
City  of  New  York:  Cleef,  Jan  van;  Cleef,  Joost 
van;  Cleef,  Martin  van;  Clouet;  Corneille,  Jean- 
Baptiste;  Corneille,  Michel  (2);  Cousin;  Cri- 
velli;  Deger. 

HUNTER-BLAIR,  D.  O.,  Bart.,  O.S.B.,  M.A.,  Ox- 
ford, England:  Cro viand. 

HURTH,  PETER  JOSEPH,  C.S.C.,  S.T.D.,  Bishop 
of  Dacca,  India:  Dacca. 

JENNER,  HENRY,  F.S.A.,  Assistant  Librarian, 
British  Museum:  Creed,  Liturgical  Use  of. 

JOUVE,  ODORIC-M.,  O.F.M.,  Candiac,  Canada: 
Denis,  Joseph. 

KELLY,  G.  E.,  SJ..  Woodstock  College,  Mary- 
land: Coster;  Coton. 

KELLY,  LEO  A.,  Ph.B.,  Rochester,  New  York 
Coleti;  Concordat  (Second  Part);  Deuededit 
Pope. 

KENT,  W.  H.,  O.S.C.,  Bayswater,  London:  Demon, 
Demoniacs;  Demonology;  Devil;  Devil- Wor- 
shippers. 

KERZE,  FRANCIS 
harbe. 


L.,  Cleveland,  Ohio:  De- 


KTRSCH,  Mgr.  J.  P.,  Professor  of  Pathology  and 
Christian  Archeology,  University  of  Fri- 
bourg,  Switzerland:  Cletus;  Conrad  of  Mar- 
burg; Damberger;  Darras;  David  Scotus;  Dela- 
te res;  Desidenua  of  Cahors;  Deusdedit,  Car- 
dinal; Diekamp;  Dietrich  von  Nieheim. 

KNOWLES,  JOSEPH  ALPHONSUS,  O.SA..,  Presi- 
dent of  the  Catholic  Young  Men's  Society, 
Cork:  Coronel,  Gregorio. 

KRMPOTIC,  M.  D.,  Kansas  City,  Kansas:  Croatia; 
Dalmatia. 

KURTH,  GODEFROID,  Director,  Belgian  His- 
torical Institute,  Liege:  Clotilda ;  Clovis. 

LAUCHERT,  FRIEDRICH,  Ph.  D,  Aachen:  Die- 
ringer. 


LAURENTIUS,  JOSEPH,  S.  J.,  Professor  of 
Canon  Law,  St.  Ignatius  College,  Valken- 
burg,  Holland:  Diocesan  Chancery. 

fLE  BARS,  JEAN,  B.A.,  Lrrr.D.,  Member  of  the 
Asiatic  Society,  Paris:  Daguesseau. 

LEJAY,  PAUL,  Fellow  of  the  University  of 
France,  Professor  of  the  Catholic  Institute 
of  Paris:  ClaudianusMamertus;  Commodianus; 
Consentius;  Dacier. 

LENHART,  JOHN  M.,  OJI .Cap.,  Lector  of  Phil- 
osophy, St.  Fidelis  Monastery,  Victoria, 
Kansas:  Coccaleo;  Comboni. 

LIBERT,  P.  PROSPER,  S.T.B.,  Librarian  St. 
Bernard's  Seminary,  Rochester,  New  York: 
De  La  Croix,  Charles. 

LINDSAY,  LIONEL  ST.  G.,  B.Sc.,  Ph.D.,  Editor- 
in-Chief,  "La  Nouvelle  France",  Quebec: 
Denaut. 

LINS,  JOSEPH,  Freiburg.  Germany:  Cologne; 
Csanad;  Culm;  Damaraland. 

LIONNET,  JOSEPH,  Licentiate  of  Letters,  Ed- 
itor, "Etudes  Religieuses",  Paris:  Daniel, 
Charles. 

LOUGHLIN,  Mgr.  JAMES  F.,  S.T.D..  Philadel- 
phia: Clement  II;  III;  IV;  VHI:  IX;  X;  XI; 
XII;  Clericis  Laicos;  Colonna  (Family);  Con- 
gregationalism ;  Con  well;  Corcoran,  James. 


LUCAS,  GEORGE  J, 
sylvania:  Creed. 


S.T.D.,  Blossburg,  Penn- 


LUEBBERMANN,  BONIFACE,  Professor  of  Sa- 
cred Scripture,  Mt.  St.  Mary's  Seminary,  El- 
lenora,  Ohio:  Diepenbrock. 

LUZIO,  SALVATORE,  D.D.,  Ph.D.,  J.U.D.,  Pro- 
fessor of  Canon  Law,  St.  Patrick's  College, 
Maynooth:  Degradation;  Deposition;  Dero- 
gation. 

MAAS,  A.  J.,  S  J.,  Rector  of  Woodstock  College, 
Maryland:  Communicatio  Idiomatum;  Co- 
ninck;  Correctories;  Deluge;  Deuteronomy. 

MaoCAFFREY,  JAMES,  S.T.L.,  St.  Patrick's  Col- 
lege, Maynooth:  Clogher;  Coelchu;  Colgan; 
Comgall;  Cormac  MacCuilenan-  Curry;  Deny, 
Diocese  of. 

MACPHERSON,  EWAN,  New  York:  Dahomey. 

McDONALD.  MICHAEL,  Westport,  Ireland; 
Croagh  Patrick. 

McDONALD,  WALTER,  D.D.,  Prefect  of  the 
Dunboyne  Establishment,  Maynooth  Col- 
lege: Congruism. 

McMAHON,  ARTHUR  L.,  O.P.,  St.  Dominic's  Pri- 
ory, San  Francisco:  Dedication,  Feast  of  the; 
Didon. 

MAERE,  R.,  DX>.,  Professor  of  Christian  Ar- 
chaeology, University  of  Lou  vain:  Diaconi- 
cum;  Didron. 

MAGINNIS,  CHARLES  DONAGH,  F.A.I.A.,  Bob- 
ton:  De  L'Orme. 

MAGNIER,  JOHN,  C.SS.R.,  Rome:  Clement  Mary 
Hofbauer;  Dechamps,  Victor;  Desurmont. 


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CONTRIBUTORS  TO  THE  FOURTH  VOLUME 


MAKER,  MICHAEL,  S  J.,  Lrrr.D.,  M.A.,  Director 
or  Studies  and  Professor  or  Pedagogics,  St. 
Mart's  Hall,  Stonyhurst,  Blackburn,  Eng- 
land: Consciousness;  Determinism. 

MANN,  HORACE  K.,  Headmaster,  St.  Cuthbert's 
Grammar  School,  Nbwcastlb-on-Tynb,  Eng- 
land: Conon;  Constantino,  Pope. 

MARIQUE,  PIERRE  JOSEPH,  Tutor  in  French, 
Collbob  of  thh  Citt  of  New  York:  Conscience, 
Headrik;  Dechamps,  Adolphe;  Delille. 

MARUCCHI,  ORAZIO,  Professor  of  Christian 
Archeology,  Director  of  the  Christian  Mu- 
seum at  thh  Late  ran,  Rome:  Cross  and  Cruci- 
fix (Part  I.  Archaeology). 

M  EE  HAN,  THOMAS  F.,  New  York:  Congresses 
(Part  III);  Corcoran,  Michael ;  Cosgrove;  Cosin; 
Croke;  Cummings;  Da  Ponte;  Day,  Sir  John; 
Denman;  Detroit. 

METER,  GABRIEL,  O.S.B.,  Einsiedeln,  Switzer- 
land: Cosmas  and  Damian;  Crisp  ina;  Crispin 
and  Crispinian;  Cyprian,  Saint,  Bishop  of  Toulon; 
Cyprian,  Saint,  and  Justina. 

MELODY,  JOHN  WEBSTER,  AM.,  S.T.D.,  Asso- 
ciate Professor  of  Moral  Theology,  Catho- 
lic University  of  America,  Washington: 
Commandments  of  the  Church;  Continence; 
Covarruvias;  Cresconius. 

MERSHMAN,  FRANCIS,  O.S.B.,  S.T.D.,  Professor 
of  Moral  Theology,  Canon  Law,  and  Liturgy, 
St.  John's  University,  Collegeville,  Minne- 
sota: Corbinian;  Corpus  Christi;  Deer,  Abbey 
of;  Diario  Romano. 

MING,  JOHN  J.,  SJ.,  Professor  of  Ethics,  St. 
Ignatius  College,  Cleveland,  Ohio:  Concu- 
piscence. 

MOLLOY  JOSEPH  VINCENT,  O.P.,  S.T.L.,  Somer- 
set, Ohio:  Dead  Sea;  Decapolis. 

MONTEIRO  d'AGUIAR,  Joseph,  Secretary  of 
this  Episcopal  Curia,  Cochin,  India:  Cochin, 
Diocese  of. 

MOONEY,  JAMES,  United  States  Ethnologist, 
Washington:  Cceur  d'Alene  Indians;  Cree; 
Creeks;  Delaware  Indians. 

MOONEY,  JOSEPH  F.,  LL.D.,  Ph.D.,  Prothono- 
tary  Apostolic,  Vicar-General  of  the  Arch- 
diocese or  New  York:  Consul  tors,  Diocesan; 
Corrigan,  Michael. 

MORAN,  PATRICK  FRANCIS,  Cardinal,  Arch- 
bxshop  of  Sydney,  Primate  of  Australia: 
CuUen. 

MORICE,  A.  G.,  OJIJ.,  St.  Boniface,  Manitoba: 
.  Demers;  Denes. 

MORRISON,  ROBERT  STEWART,  Denver,  Colo- 
rado: Colorado. 

MORRISROE,  PATRICK,  Dean  and  Professor  of 
Liturgy,  St.  Patrick's  College,  Maynooth: 
Colours,  Liturgical;  Commemoration;  Com- 
munion-Bench; Communion  of  Children;  Com- 
munion of  the  Sick:  Credence;  Crosier;  Cross- 
Bearer;  Cruet;  Dedication;  Desecration. 

MOYES,  JAMES  CANON,  Webtminbteb,  London: 
Clovesho. 


MUELLER,  ADOLF,  S  J.,  Director  of  the  Private 
Astronomical  Observatory  on  the  Janicu- 
lum,  Professor  of  Astronomy  at  the  Gregor- 
ian Observatory,  Rome:  Clavius. 


MULHANE,  L.  W, 
Diocese  of. 


Mt.  Vernon,  Ohio:  Columbus, 


MURPHY,  JOHN  F.  X.,  SJ.,  Woodstock  College. 
Maryland:  Clerks  Regular:  Clerks  Regular  of 
Our  Saviour;  Daniel,  Gabriel. 

MOTEL,  GUST  AVE,  Seoul,  Corba:  Corea. 

MYERS,  EDWARD,  M.A.  (Cambridge),  Professor 
of  Dogmatic  Theology  and  of  Patrology,  St. 
Edmund's  College,  Ware,  England:  Convoca- 
tion of  the  English  Clergy. 

NYS,  DESIRE,  S.T.B.,  Ph.D.,  President,  Semi- 
naire  Leon  XIII,  University  of  Louvain:  Cos- 
mology. 

CDANIEL,  VICTOR  F.,  O.P.,  S.T.L.,  Professor  of 
Dogmatic  Theology,  Dominican  House  of 
Studies,  Washington:  Connolly. 

OESTREICH,  THOMAS,  OJ5.B.,  Professor  of 
Church  History  and  Sacred  Scripture,  Mary- 
help  Abbey,  Belmont,  North  Carolina: 
DamasusII;  Delfau. 

OJETTI,  BENEDETTO,  S.J.,  Consultor  S.C.P.F., 
Consultor  S.C.C.,  Consultor  of  the  Commis- 
sion on  the  Codification  of  Canon  Law,  Gre- 
gorian University,  Rome:  Concordat;  Courts, 
Ecclesiastical. 

O'NEILL,  JAMES  D.,  A.M.,  S.T.D.,  Highland  Park, 
Illinois:  Clandestinity;  Concursus;  Consent. 

OUIORDAN,  JOHN,  Cloyne,  County  Cork: 
Qoyne. 

OSUNA,  MANUEL  GARCIA,  S.T.D.,  Cordova, 
Spain:  Cordova  (Spain). 

OTT,  MICHAEL,  O.S.B.,  Ph.D.,  Professor  of  the 
History  of  Philosophy,  St.  John's  Univer- 
sity, Collegeville,  Minnesota:  Commenda- 
tory Abbot;  Commendone;  Conrad  of  Hoch- 
stadt;  Conrad  of  Leonberg;  Conrad  of  Urach; 
Conrad  of  Utrecht;  Constance;  Corker;  Cor- 
tege; Coustant;  Couturier;  Cracow,  Diocese  of ; 
Dal  berg;  Diemoth;  Diether  of  Isenburg. 

OTTEN,  JOSEPH,  Pittsburgh,  Pennsylvania: 
Clemens  non  Papa;  Colonna,  Giovanni;  Coun- 
terpoint; Coussemaker;  Croce;  Depres. 

PACE,  EDWARD  A.,  Ph.D.,  D.D.,  Professor  of 
Psychology,  Catholic  University  of  America, 
Washington:  Cologne,  University  of;  Copen- 
hagen, University  of;  Cornaro. 

PAPI,  HECTOR,  S.J.,  Ph.D.,  B.C.L.,  S.T.D.,  Pro- 
fessor of  Canon  Law,  Woodstock  College, 
Maryland:  Consistory. 

PETIT,  L.,  A.A.,  Constantinople:  Delcus. 

PETRIDES,  S.,  A.A.,  Constantinople:  Claudi- 
opolis  (2);  Clazomente;  Cocussus;  Colonia;  Colo- 
phon; Colossse;  Comana;  Coracesium;  Corfu; 
Corinth;  Corydallus;  Cotenna;  Cotiasum; 
Croia;  Curium;  Cusse;  Cybistra;  Cyclades; 
Cydonia;  Cyme;  Cyprus;  Cyrene;  Danaba; 
Dansara;  Dardanus;  Damis;  Daulia;  Derbe; 
Dibon. 


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CONTRIBUTORS  TO  THE  FOURTH  VOLUME 


PHILLIPS,  G.  E.,  Professor  of  Philosophy  and 
Church  History,  St.  Cuthbert's  College, 
Ushaw,  Durham,  England:  Day,  George; 
Dicoonson. 

PIAT,  CLODIUS,  Litt.D.,  Professor  or  Philos- 
ophy, Instttut  Cathouque,  Paris:  Descartes. 

PLANCARTE  Y  NAVARRETE,  FRANCISCO, 
S.T.D.,  Bishop  of  Cuernavaca,  Morelos, 
Mexico:  Cuernavaca. 

POLLARD-URQUHART,  JEROME,  O.S.B.,  St. 
Benedict's  Abbey,  Fort  Augustus,  Scotland: 
Dempster. 

POLLEN,  JOHN  HUNGERFORD,  SJ.,  London: 
Counter-Reformation. 

POOLE,  THOMAS  H.,  New  York:  Clerestory; 
Colonnade;  Column;  Cornice;  Coucy;  Crypt; 
Cupola. 

POULALN,  AUGUSTLN,  SJ.,  Paris:  Contempla- 
tion. 

PRAT,  FERDINAND,  S.J.,  Memberofthe  Biblical 
Commission,  Professor  or  Holy  Scripture 
and  Oriental  Languages,  College  German- 
ique,  Rome:  Criticism,  Biblical  (Textual). 

REID,  GEORGE  JOSEPH,  S.T.L.,  Professor  of 
Sacred  Scripture  and  Hebrew,  The  St.  Paul 
Seminary,  St.  Paul,  Minnesota:  Criticism, 
Biblical  (Higher). 

REILLY,  W.  S.,  S.T.D.,  S.S.,  St.  Stephen's  Bibli- 
cal School,  Jerusalem:  Claudia;  Cush;  Da- 
lila;  Debbora. 

REINHOLD,  GREGOR,  Freiburg,  Germany: 
Diakovar. 

REMY,  ARTHUR  F.  J.,  Ph.D.,  Adjunct-Professor 
of  Germanic  Philology,  Columbia  Univer- 
sity, New  York:  Daumer;  Denis,  Johann. 

RICKABY,  JOHN,  SJ.,  Professor  of  Ethics,  St. 
Mary's  Hall,  Stonyhurst  College,  Black- 
burn, England:  Conscience. 

ROBINSON,  PASCHAL,  O.F.M.,  Rome:  Clare  of 
Assisi;  Conventuals. 

ROCK,  P.M. J.,  Louisville,  Kentucky:  Decora- 
tions, Pontifical. 

ROUGIER,  FRANCIS,  AM.,  College  of  the  City 
of  New  York:  Desmarets  de  Saint-Sorlin. 

RUDGE,  FLORENCE  MARIE,  M.A.,  Youngstown, 
Ohio:  Conception;  Confession  (Tomb  of  a  mar- 
tyr); Craven;  Curityba  do  Parana;  Cuyaba; 
Cuzco. 

RUDSKI,  OSCAR,  S.J.,  Professor  of  Sacred 
Scripture  and  Hebrew,  University  of  Cra- 
cow: Cracow,  University  of. 

RYAN,  JOHN  A;,  S.T.D.,  Professor  of  Moral  The- 
ology, The  St.  Paul  Seminary,  St.  Paul,  Min- 
nesota: Collectivism;  Communism;  Compen- 
sation; Conciliation. 

RYAN.  PATRICK,  S.J.,  London:  Clifford;  Coffin, 
Edward;  Constable,  John;  Coombes;  Corbie, 
Ambrose  and  Ralph ;  Creswell ;  Curr. 

8AUER,  JOSEPH,  S.T.D.,  Editor,  "Rundschau", 
Professor  of  Theology,  University  of  Frei- 
burg, Germany:  Cochleus;  Crotus;  Cuspinian. 


8AUVAGE,  G.  M.,  C.S.C.,  S.T.D.,  Ph.D.,  Professor 
of  Dogmatic  Theology,  Holy  Cross  College, 
Washington:  Condillac;  Contract,  The  Social. 

SCANNELL,  T.  B.,  S.T.D.,  Editor,  "Cathouc  Dic- 
tionary", Folkestone,  England:  Confirma- 
tion; Cons  instantiation. 

SCHAEFER,  FRANCIS  J.,  S.T.D.,  Ph.D.,  Profes- 
sor of  Church  History,  The  St.  Paul  Semi- 
nary, St.  Paul,  Minnesota:  Consalvi;  Con- 
tarini,  Gasparo;  Cosmas  of  Prague;  Crescentius; 
Cretin;  Dei  Gratia. 

SCH LAGER,  HEINRICH  PATRICIUS,  Harre- 

VELD,  NEAR  LlCHTENVOORDE,  HOLLAND:  Cl&Den- 

cet;  Clement,  Francois;  Cr6tineau-Joly;  Dan- 
tine. 

SCHROEDER,  JOSEPH,  O.P.,  Immaculate  Con- 
ception College,  Washington:  Concina. 

SCHULTE,  AUGUSTUS  JOSEPH,  Professor  of 
Liturgy,  Latin,  and  French,  St.  Charles's 
Seminary,  Overbrook,  Pennsylvania:  Col- 
lectarium;  Consecration. 

SCHWEITZER,  PETER,  SJ.,  Professor  of 
Ethics  and  History,  Canisius  College,  Buf- 
falo, New  York:  Comely. 

SCHWICKERATH,  ROBERT,  SJ.,  Holy  Cross 
College,  Worcester,  Massachusetts:  Col- 


SEARLE,  GEORGE  M.,  C.8.P.,  New  York:  Deshon. 

SENNA,  NELSON  COELHO  de,  Minas  Geraes, 
Brazil:  Diamantina 

SEXTON.  PATRICK,  D.D.,  President  of  St.  Fin- 
barr  s  Seminary,  Cork,  Ireland:  Cork,  Dio- 
cese of. 

SHAHAN,  THOMAS  J.,  D.D.,  Professor  of  Church 
History,  Cathouc  University  of  America, 
Washington:  Clement  V;  Commissions;  Con- 
stance, Council  of;  Constantinople,  Councils  of; 
Damasus  I;  Dignitary. 

SHANNAHAN,  WILLIAM  PATRICK,  Professor 
of  Philosophy,  President  of  St.  Ambrose 
College,  Davenport,  Iowa:  Davenport. 

SHARPE,  ALFRED  BOWYER,  M.A.  (Oxon.),  Saf- 
fron Walden,  Essex,  England:  Common 
Sense. 

SHIELDS,  THOMAS  EDWARD,  Ph.D.,  Assistant 
Professor  of  Physiological  Psychology, 
Cathouc  University  of  America,  Washing- 
ton: Co-education. 

SIEGFRIED,  FRANCIS  PATRICK,  Professor  of 
Philosophy,  St.  Charles's  Seminary,  Over- 
brook,  Pennsylvania:  Contingent;  Creation; 
Creationism;  Deutinger. 

SLATER,  T.,  S  J.,  St.  Beuno's  College,  St.  Asaph, 
Wales:  Contract  (Part  I);  Debt;  Diana. 

SLOANE,  CHARLES  WILLIAM,  New  York:  Con- 
tract (Part  II);  Coudert. 

SLOANE,  THOMAS  O'CONOR,  A.M.,  EM.,  Ph.D., 
New  York:  Desprets. 

SMITH,  HELEN  GRACE,  Torresdale,  Pennsyl- 
vania: De  Vere. 

SMITH,  SYDNEY  F.,  SJ.,  London:  Clement  XIII; 
Co-consecrators. 


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CONTRIBUTORS  TO  1 

SOLLIER,  JOSEPH  FRANCIS,  S.M.,  S.T.D.,  San 
Francisco:  Colbert;  Colin,  Jean,;  Communion 
of  Saints;  Cornet;  Cyrus  of  Alexandria;  Darboy; 
Deschamps,  Nicolas;  Dillon. 

SOUVAY,  CHARLES  L.,OM.,LL.B.,  S.T.D.,  Ph.D., 
Professor  or  Holt  Scripture  and  Hebrew, 
Ken  rick  Seminary,  St.  Louis:  Court  (in  Scrip- 
ture); Dagon;  Dancing;  Dietenberger. 

SPAHN,  MARTIN,  Ph.D.,  University  of  Stras- 
burg,  Germany:  Congresses  (Parts  I  and  II). 

SPILLANE,  EDWARD  P.,  SJ.,  Associate  Ed- 
itor, "The  Messenger",  New  York:  Co- 
quart;  Cordara;  Crepieul;  Dablon:  Daniel, 
Anthony;  Dawson;  Detr6;  Diaz,  Pedro. 

STAPLETON,  JOHN  H.,  Hartford,  Connecticut: 
Clericato;  Climent;  Commandments  of  God; 
Compensation,  Occult;  Contenson;  Covetous- 
ness. 

STIGLMAYR,  JOSEPH,  SJ.,  Professor  of  Latin, 
Greek,  and  German,  Stella  Matutina  Col- 
lege, Fbldkirch,  Austria:  Denis,  Saint. 

TAAFFE,  THOMAS  GAFFNEY,  Ph.D.,  Instructor 
in  English  Literature,  College  of  the  City 
of  New  York:  Crevecceur. 

THURSTON,  HERBERT,  SJ.,  London:  Clement 
VII;  Collections;  Cope;  Coronation;  Corporal; 
Costume;  Cross  ana  Crucifix  (Part  III.  In 
Liturgy) ;  Crown  of  Thorns;  Cursor  Mundi;  Cyne- 
wulf;  Daniel  of  Winchester;  Dates  and  Dating; 
Deacons;  Deaconesses. 

TOKE,  LESLIE  ALEXANDER  ST.  LAWRENCE, 
B.A.,  Stratton-on-the-Fosse,  near  Bath, 
England:  David,  Saint. 

TONER,  PATRICK  J.,  D.D.,  Professor  of  Dog- 
matic Theology,  St.  Patrick's  College,  May- 
nooth:  Communion  under  Both  Kinds;  Dead, 
Prayers  for  the. 

TURNER,  WILLIAM,  BA,  S.T.D.,  Professor  of 
Logic  and  the  History  of  Philosophy,  Catho- 
lic University  of  America,  Washington: 
Cjmic  School  of  Philosophy;  Cyrenaic  School 
of  Philosophy;  David  of  Dinant. 

URQUHART,  FRANCIS  FORTESCUE,  M.A.,  Lec- 
turer in  Modern  Hdjtory,  Balliol  College, 
Oxford:  Dice  to. 

VAILHE,  SIMEON,  A.A.,  Member  of  the  Russian 
Archaeological  Institute  of  Constantinople, 
Professor  of  Sacred  Scripture  and  History 
at  the  Theological  Seminary  of  Kadi-Keui, 
Constantinople:  Constantia;  Constantinople; 
Coptos;  Corycus;  Crisium;  Curubis;  Cyrrhus; 
Cyzicus;  Damascus;  Damietta;  Diocsesarea. 

VAN  BAARS,  JACOBUS  JOHANNES  AMBRO- 
SIUS,  Vicar  Apostolic  of  Curacao:  Curacao. 

VAN  CLEEF,  AUGUSTUS,  New  York:  Diepen- 
boock. 


HE  FOURTH  VOLUME 

VAN  DEN  BIESEN,  C,  S.T.D.,  Professor  of  He- 
brew and  Old  Testament  Exegesis,  St.  Jo- 
seph's College,  Mill  Hill,  London:  Diaspora. 

VAN  HOVE,  A.,  D.C.L.,  Professor  of  Church  His- 
tory and  of  Canon  Law,  University  of  Lou- 
vain:  Corpus  Juris  Canonici;  Decretals;  Dens; 
Devoti. 

VAN  KASTEREN,  JOHN  P.,  SJ.,  Maastricht, 
Holland:  Cornelius  Cornell!  a  Lapide. 

VANOUS,  FRANCIS,  Chicago:  Czech  Language  and 
Literature. 

VERMEERSCH,  ARTHUR,  S  J.,  LL.D.,  Doctor  of 
Social  and  Political  Sciences,  Professor  of 
Moral  Theology  and  Canon  Law,  Lou  vain: 
Cloister;  Congo. 

VOLZ,  JOHN  R.,  OP.,  Washington:  Coeffeteau; 
Collado;  Conradin  of  Bornada. 

WALSH,  JAMES  J.,  M.D.,  Ph.D.,  LL.D.,  Professor 
of  the  History  of  Medicine,  Ford  ham  Uni- 
•  VER8ITY,  New  York:  Colombo,  Matteo;  Con- 
stantine   Africanus;    Corrigan,  Sir  Dominic; 
David,  Armand;  Desault. 

WALSH,  REGINALD,  O.P.,  S.T.D.,  Rome:  Denifle. 

WARD,  Mgr.  BERNARD,  President,  St.  Edmund's 
College,  Ware,  England:  Corporation  Act  of 
1661. 

WARREN,  KATE  MARY,  Lecturer  in  English 
Literature  under  University  of  London  at 
Westpield  College,  Hampstead,  London: 
D'Avenant. 

WEALE,  WILLIAM  HENRY  JAMES,  London: 
David,  Gheeraert. 

WEBB,  JAMES  H.,  New  Haven,  Connecticut: 
Connecticut. 

WEBER,  N.  A.,  S.M.,  S.T.L.,  Professor  of  Church 
History.  Marist  College,  Washington:  Cle- 
mens; Clement  VI;  Costadoni;  Cotelier. 

WILHELM,  J.,  8.T.D.,  Ph.D.,  Battle,  Sussex, 
England:  Clement  XIV;  College,  Apostolic; 
Constitutions,  Ecclesiastical;  Councils,  General. 

WILLIAMSON,  GEORGE  CHARLES,  Lrrr.D., 
London:  Contarini,  Giovanni;  Cossa;  Costa; 
Cosway;  Coxcie;  Crayer;  Credi;  Dance  of  Death 
(Second  Part). 

WILLIS,  JOHN  WILLEY,  A.M.,  St.  Paul,  Minne- 
sota: Corporation. 

WITTMANN,  PIUS,  Ph.D.,  Reichsarchivrath, 
Munich:  Denmark. 

YZERMANS,  HENRICUS  WILHELMUS  ULARIA, 
Can.  S.C.,  S.T.L.,  St.  Agatha,  near  CCyk,  Hol- 
land: Crosiers,  The. 

ZIMMERMAN,  B.,  O.D.C.,  Sr.  Luke's  Priory,  Win- 
canton,  Somerset,  England:  Cohen;  Con- 
ecte;  Cyril  of  Constantinople;  Dereser. 


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Tables  of"  Abbreviations 


The  following  tables  and  notes  are  intended  to  guide  readers  of  The  Catholic  Ekcyclopbdia  in 
interpreting  those  abbreviations,  signs,  or  technical  phrases  which,  for  economy  of  space,  will  be  most  fre- 
quently used  in  the  work.   For  more  general  information  see  the  article  Abbreviations,  Ecclesiastical. 


I. — General  Abbreviations. 

a.  article. 

ad  an.  at  the  year  (Lat.  ad  annum). 

an.,  ann.  the  year,  the  years  (Lat.  annus, 

anni). 

ap  in  (Lat.  apud). 

art.  article. 

Assyr.  Assyrian. 

A.  S  Anglo-Saxon. 

A.  V  Authorized  Version  (i.e.  tr.  of  the 

Bible  authorized  for  use  in  the 
Anglican  Church — the  so-called 
"King  James",  or  "Protestant 
Bible"). 

b.  bom. 

Bk.  Book. 

BL  Blessed. 

C,  c  about  (Lat.  circa);  canon;  chap- 

ter; compagnie. 
can.  canon. 

cap.  chapter  (Lat.  caput — used  only 

in  Latin  context). 

et  compare  (Lat.  confer). 

cod.  codex. 

col  column. 

concL  conclusion. 

const.,  constit. . .  .Lat.  constitutio. 

curiL  by  the  industry  of. 

<L  died. 

diet.  dictionary  (Fr.  dictionnaire). 

disp.  Lat.  dieputatio. 

diss.  Lat.  dissertatio. 

dist.  Lat.  distinctio. 

D.  V  Douay  Version. 

ed.,  edit.  edited,  edition,  editor. 

Ep.,  Epp.  letter,  letters  (Lat.  epistola). 

Fr.  French. 

gen.  genus. 

Gr.  Greek. 

H.  E.,  Hist.  EccL  .Ecclesiastical  History. 

Heb.,  Hebr.  Hebrew. 

3>..  ibid.  in  the  same  place  (Lat.  ibidem). 

Id.  the  same  person,  or  author  (Lat 

idem). 


inf.  below  (Lat.  infra). 

It.  Italian. 

1.  c,  loc.  cit.  at  the  place  quoted  (Lat.  loco 

citato). 

Lat.  Latin. 

lat.  latitude. 

lib  book  (Lat.  liber). 

long.  longitude. 

Hon.  Lat.  Monumenta. 

MS.,  MSS  manuscript,  manuscripts. 

n.,  no  number. 

N.  T  New  Testament. 

Nat  National. 

Old  Fr.,  O.  Fr. . .  .Old  French. 

op.  cit  in  the  work  quoted  (Lat.  open 

citato). 

Ord.  Order. 

O.T.  Old  Testament. 

p.,  pp.  page,  pages,  or  (in  Latin  ref- 
erences) pars  (part). 

par.  paragraph. 

passim.  in  various  places. 

pt.  part. 

Q  Quarterly   (a  periodical),  e.g 

"Church  Quarterly". 

Q,  QQ.,  qutest. . .  .question,  questions  (Lat.  quctttio). 

q.  v.  which  [title]  see  (Lat.  quod  vide) 

Rev  Review  (a  periodical). 

R,  8  Rolls  Series. 

R.  V.  Revised  Version. 

S..SS.  Lat.  Sanctus,  Sancti,  "Saint", 

"Saints" — used  in  this  Ency» 
clopedia  only  in  Latin  context. 

Sept  Septuagint. 

Seas.  Session. 

Skt.  Sanskrit. 

Sp.  Spanish. 

sq.,sqq  following  page,  or  pages  (Lat. 

sequens). 

St.,  Sts.  Saint,  Saints. 

sup  Above  (Lat.  supra). 

s.  v.  Under  the  corresponding  title 

(Lat.  sub  voce). 
torn  volume  (Lat.  tomve). 


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TABLES  OF  ABBREVIATIONS. 


tr.  translation  or  translated.  By  it- 
self it  means  "English  transla- 
tion", or  "  translated  into  Eng- 
lish by  " .  Where  a  translation 
is  into  any  other  language,  the 
language  is  stated. 

tr.,  tract  tractate. 

v  see  (Lat.  vide). 

Ven  Venerable. 

Vol  Volume. 

II. — Abbreviations  of  Titles. 

Acta  SS  Acta  Sanctorum  (Bollandiste) . 

Ann.  pont.  cath  Battandier,  A  nnuaire  pontifical 

cathoKque. 

Bibl.  Diet.  Eng.  Cath.Gillow,  Bibliographical  Diction- 
ary of  the  English  Catholics. 

Diet.  Christ.  Antiq. .  .Smith  and  Cheetham  (ed.), 
Dictionary  of  Christian  An- 
tiquities. 


Diet.  Christ.  Biog.  . .  Smith  and  Wace  (ed.),  Diction- 
ary of  Christian  Biography. 

Diet,  d'arch.  chret..  .Cabrol  (ed.),  Dictionnaire  d'ar- 
ckeologie  chrttienne  et  de  litwr- 
gie. 

Diet,  de  theol.  cath. .  Vacant  and  Mangenot  (ed.), 
LHctionnaire  de  thiologie 
catholique. 

Diet.  Nat.  Biog.  Stephen  and  Lee  (ed.),  Diction- 
ary of  National  Biography. 

Hast.,  Diet,  of  the 

Bible  Hastings  (ed.),  A  Dictionary  of 

the  Bible. 

Krchenlex.  Wetzerand  Welte,  Kirchenlexir 

con. 

P.  G  Migne  (ed.),  Patres  Greed. 

P.  L  Migne  (ed.),  Patres  Latini. 

Vig.,Dict.  de  la  Bible.  Vigouroux  (ed.),  Dictionnaire  de 
la  Bible. 


Nora  I. — Large  Roman  numerals  standing  alone  indicate  volumes.  Small  Roman  numerals  standing  alone  indicate 
chapters.  Arabic  numerals  standing  alone  indicate  pages.  In  other  cases  the  divisions  axe  explicitly  stated.  Thus  "  Rashdall, 
Universities  of  Europe.  I.  ix"  refers  the  reader  to  the  ninth  chapter  of  the  first  volume  of  that  work;  "I,  p.  ix"  would  indicate  the 
ninth  page  of  the  preface  of  the  same  volume. 

Note  II. — Where  St.  Thomas  (Aquinas)  is  cited  without  the  name  of  any  particular  work  the  reference  is  always  to 
"Summa  Theologies"  (not  to  "Summa  Philosophise").  The  divisions  of  the  "Summa  Theol."  are  indicated  by  a  system  which 
may  best  be  understood  by  the  following  example:  "  I-II,  Q.  vi,  a.  7,  ad  2  urn  "  refers  the  reader  to  the  Kventh  article  of  the 
tilth  question  in  the  firtt  part  of  the  tecond  part,  in  the  response  to  the  second  objection. 

Note  III. — The  abbreviations  employed  for  the  various  books  of  the  Bible  are  obvious.  Ecclesiastious  is  indicated  by 
Seehu.,  to  distinguish  it  from  Eoolesiastes  (Eccla.).  It  should  also  be  noted  that  I  and  II  Kings  in  D.  V.  correspond  to  I  and  II 
Samuel  in  A.  V. ;  and  I  and  II  Par.  to  I  and  II  Chronicles.  Where,  in  the  spelling  of  a  proper  name,  there  is  a  marked  difference 
between  the  D.  V.  and  the  A.  V.,  the  form  found  in  the  hitter  is  added,  in  parentheses. 


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Full  Page  Illustrations  in  Volume  IV 

Frontispiece  in  Colour  paob 

Cleveland   54 

Cloisters   64 

Cong  Abbey   65 

Francis  I  in  Full  Armour — Clouet   68 

Codex  Amiatinus   82 

The  Coliseum   102 

The  Cathedral,  Cologne   118 

Colorado   130 

Some  Portraits  of  Columbus   144 

Ercole  Cardinal  Consalvi   262 

Victory  of  Constantine  the  Great  over  Maxentius   300 

Constantinople   301 

The  Syon  Cope— XIII  Century   352 

Copernicus — "De  Orbium  Ccelestium  Revolutionibus"   353 

Interior  of  the  Cathedral,  Cordova   360 

Memorial  of  the  Vatican  Council   432 

Croagh  Patrick   508 

Apparition  of  the  Cross  to  Constantine   522 

Cross  of  Cong   532 

Crucifixes   533 

Coronation  of  Baldwin  I,  King  of  Jerusalem   546 

Pontifical  Decorations   668 

Detroit   758 

Cathedral  of  Saint-Benigne,  Dijon   794 


Maps 

Colombia,  Ecuador,  and  Panama   122 

South  Africa   236 

Juan  de  la  Cosa — First  Map  of  the  New  Discoveries   402 

Crusades   554 

Central  America — West  Indies   560 

Denmark  and  Scandinavia   722 


xv 


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THE 

CATHOLIC  ENCYCLOPEDIA 


c 


Olandestinity  (In  Canon  Law). — Strictly  speak- 
ing, clandestinity  signifies  a  matrimonial  impediment 
introduced  by  the  Council  of  Trent  (Sess.  XXIV,  c.  i) 
to  invalidate  marriages  contracted  at  variance  with 
the  exigencies  of  the  decree  "Tametsi",  commonly  so 
called  because  the  first  word  of  the  Latin  text  is 
tametsi.  The  decree  reads:  "Those  who  attempt  to 
contract  matrimony  otherwise  than  in  the  presence  of 
the  parish  priest  or  of  another  priest  with  leave  of  the 
parish  priest  or  of  the  ordinary,  and  before  two  or 
three  witnesses,  the  Holy  Synod  renders  altogether 
incapable  of  such  a  contract,  and  declares  such  con- 
tracts null  and  void."  The  Council  of  Trent  did  not 
transmit  any  historical  record  of  this  question.  While 
upholding  the  validity  of  clandestine  marriages  "as 
long  as  the  Church  does  not  annul  them  ",  the  council 
asserts  that  "for  weighty  reasons  the  holy  Church  of 
God  always  abhorred  and  prohibited  them"  (Sess. 
XXIV,  De  reformatione matrimonii).  That  this  sen- 
tence strikes  the  keynote  of  unending;  antipathy  on  the 
part  of  the  Church  towards  clandestine  marriages  can 
be  gathered  by  a  brief  review  of  the  historical  attitude 
of  the  Church.  In  the  fifth  chapter  of  his  Epistle 
to  Polycarp,  St.  Ignatius  intimates  how  men  and 
women  about  to  marry  should  enter  wedlock  with  the 
bishop's  consent,  so  that  their  marriage  may  be  in  the 
Lord  (Ante-Nicene  Fathers,  I,  100).  Tertullian 
writes  that  matrimonial  unions  contracted  without 
the  intervention  of  ecclesiastical  authority  are  liable 
to  be  judged  tantamount  to  fornication  and  adultery 
(De  pudicitid,  iv,  in  Migne,  P.  L.,  II,  987).  In  another 
passage  he  extols  the  happiness  of  that  union  which  is 
cemented  by  the  Church,  confirmed  by  oblation, 
sealed  with  blessing,  which  angels  proclaim,  and  which 
the  Father  in  heaven  ratifies  (Aa  uxorem,  in  Migne, 
P.  L.,  II,  9).  The  thirteenth  canon  of  the  so-cal  [led 
Fourth  Council  of  Carthage  requires  parties  contract- 
ing marriage  to  be  presented  to  a  priest  of  the  Church 
by  their  parents  or  bridal  attendants  in  order  to  re- 
ceive the  blessing  of  the  Church  (Hefele,  History  of 
the  Councils,  II,  412).  Whatever  may  be  the  age 
of  this  canon,  the  custom  therein  enjoined  had  pre- 
viously won  the  approval  of  St.  Ambrose,  who  earn- 
estly sought  to  have  all  marriages  sanctified  by  the 
priestly  pall  and  benediction  (Epistle  xix  to  Vigilius, 
in  Migne,  P.  L.,  XVI,  984).  The  Code  of  Justinian 
bears  evidence  to  the  influence  which  this  imperial 
legislator  wielded  to  secure  the  public  celebration  of 
marriage  according  to  some  legitimate  form  ("  Novel- 
Ue",  or  New  Constitutions,  mi,  briv,  cxvii). 

In  the  ninth  century  the  Emperor  Basil  gave  the 
force  of  written  law  to  a  widely  observed  custom  of 
having  a  priest  assist  at  marriages  to  bless  and  crown 
the  married  parties.  Not  long  after,  Leo  the  Philoso- 
pher declared  that  marriages  celebrated  without  a 
priest's  blessing  were  worthless.  The  replies  of  Pope 
Nicholas  I  (863)  to  the  Bulgarians,  the  Pseudo-Isidor- 
ian  Decretals,  as  well  as  the  "  Dec  return"  of  Burchard 
IV.— 1 


and  that  of  Gratian  embody  ample  evidence  to  prove 
that, during  the  ninth  century  and  thereafter,  the  public 
celebration  of  nuptials  was  prescribed  and  clandestine 
marriage  condemned.  Though  Gratian  alleges  forged 
decretals  to  show  the  prohibition  of  clandestine  mar- 
riages, it  must  be  granted  that  he  faithfully  records 
the  usage  of  his  age  concerning  the  validity  of  such 
marriages.  Though  Alexander  III  (1159-1181) 
maintained  the  validity  of  clandestine  marriage  when 
no  other  impediment  intervened,  he  obliged  parties 
contracting  such  marriages  to  undergo  penance,  and 
suspended  for  three  years  any  priest  assisting  thereat. 
(Wemz,  Jus  Decretalium,  IV,  title  III,  no.  516.) 
Another  step  in  advance  was  made  when  Innocent 
III,  in  the  Fourth  Lateran  Council  (1215),  inaugu- 
rated the  proclamation  of  the  banns. 

Finally,  a  turning-point  in  the  history  of  this  ques- 
tion was  reached  when  the  Council  of  Trent  enacted 
the  "Tametsi "  as  a  measure  destined  to  check  abuses 
and  to  safeguard  the  sacredness  of  the  marriage  con- 
tract. The  principal  elements  of  this  decree  pertained 
to  the  sentence  of  nullification  affecting  marriages  of 
Christians  failing  to  enter  wedlock  in  the  presence  of 
the  parish  priest  or  his  legitimate  representative  and 
in  that  of  two  or  more  witnesses;  to  the  ways  and 
means  of  publishing  the  decree;  and  to  the  penalty 
awaiting  transgressors  thereof.  A  succinct  comment 
concerning  these  points  will  elucidate  the  purport  of 
the  decree.  In  the  first  place,  to  attain  tne  desired 
end  more  effectually,  the  Council  of  Trent  decreed 
a  singular  method  of  promulgation.  It  ordered  that 
the  decree  should  be  published  in  every  parish,  and 
that  it  should  take  effect  only  after  thirty  days  from 
its  publication.  When  a  parish  comprised  many 
churches,  publication  in  the  parochial  church  was 
sufficient.  The  term  "parochial  church"  comprehends 
missions  attended  by  priests  on  whom  the  faithful  de- 

Cd  for  the  ministrations  of  religion  (Cong,  of  the 
.uisition,  14  November,  1883).  Publication  of  the 
decree  in  churches  situated  in  such  missions  had  the 
force  of  law.  A  new  publication  was  not  necessary 
when  a  newly-organized  parish  results  from  the  dis- 
memberment of  a  parish  wherein  the  law  already  ob- 
tained. On  the  contrary,  if  a  parish  subject  to  the 
law  should  be  united  to  one  hitherto  exempt,  the 
former  would  remain  bound  by  the  law  and  the  latter 
retain  its  immunity  (Cong,  of  Inquis.,  14  Dec.,  1859). 

For  obvious  reasons,  the  vernacular  should  be  used 
in  publishing  the  decree.  The  use  of  Latin  would, 
according  to  the  principles  of  canon  law,  render  the 
act  illicit  but  not  invalid  (Gasparri,  Tractatus  Canon- 
icus  de  Matriraonio,  II,  v,  119).  The  publication 
would  be  worthless  unless  the  decree  were  made 
known  to  the  faithful  as  a  Tridentine  law  or  as  an 
ordinance  emanating  from  the  Holy  See.  While  one 
publication  sufficed  to  induce  obligation,  the  council 
suggested  repeated  publication  durmg  the  first  year  of 
tenure.    This  publication  might  be  made  whenever 

1 


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•  :  :•:   :  '•  r. ,  } 

tt.'^»rjt(if8«ireo"  assenSled  'fit*  church.  The  decree 
Was* sometimes  published  in  a  parish  to  bind  parish- 
ioners speaking  one  language  to  the  exclusion  of  those 
using  a  different  tongue.  Sometimes  the  law  was 
intended  to  oblige  none  but  Catholics  residing  within 
the  parish  lines.  In  a  parish  entirely  Catholic, 
wherein  heretics  settled  after  the  law  was  duly  pro- 
mulgated, the  obligation  applied  to  all,  Catholics  and 
heretics.  In  such  cases  the  "Tametsi"  declared 
null  heretical  marriagesordandestine  mixed  marriages 
(Pius  VIII,  25  March,  1830).  In  a  non-Catholic 
district  containing  only  a  few  Catholic  parishes,  the 
marriage  of  a  Protestant  with  another  Protestant,  or 
the  clandestine  marriage  of  a  Protestant  with  a  Cath- 
olic, would  be  valid  although  the  number  of  Catholics 
in  the  neighbourhood  should  so  increase  as  to  warrant 
the  actuafpublication  of  the  decree  (Pius  VII  to  Na- 
poleon I,  27  June,  1805:  Cong,  of  Inquisition,  24  No- 
vember and  29  November,  1852).  Finally,  popula- 
tions once  largely  Catholic  in  whose  parishes  the  decree 
was  published  might  be  supplanted  by  non-Catholics. 
Though  canonists  are  not  unanimous  in  their  verdict 
regarding  the  application  of  the  law  in  such  conditions, 
Gasparri,  among  others,  holds  that  in  such  cases  the 
law  would  not  bind  non-Catholics.  For  this  was, 
says  he,  the  case  when  Benedict  XIV  issued  his  Dec- 
laration for  Holland  (Gasparri,  op.  cit.,  II,  v,  202). 

After  these  general  considerations  concerning  the 
promulgation  of  this  decree,  it  may  not  be  amiss  to 
note  where  the  decree  was  actually  published.  In  the 
United  States  this  law  was  published  in  the  province 
of  New  Orleans;  in  the  province  of  San  Francisco, 
together  with  Utah,  except  that  part  bordering  the 
Colorado  River;  in  the  province  of  Santa  F6,  except 
the  northern  part  of  Colorado;  in  the  Diocese  of  In- 
dianapolis; in  St.  Louis,  St.  Genevieve,  St.  Charles 
(Missouri),  St.  Ferdinand,  Kaskaskia,  French  Village, 
and  Prairie  du  Rocher.  In  Europe,  the  decree  was 
published  in  Italy  and  adjacent  islands;  in  the  eccle- 
siastical province  of  the  Upper  Rhine;  in  Ireland, 
France,  Spain,  Portugal,  Austria,  German  Empire 
(Pius  X,  18  January,  1906),  Poland,  Belgium,  Rotter- 
dam, Geneva  (Zitelli,  Apparatus  Juris  Eccles.,  I,  428), 
and  Malta  (Cong.  Inquis.,  18  March,  1884).  It  is 
no  easy  matter  to  give  accurate  specifications  for 
regions  outside  Europe  and  the  United  States  (Lehm- 
kuhl,  Theologia  Moralis,  II,  563).  The  decree  was 
not  publishedin  England,  Scotland,  Norway,  Sweden, 
Denmark  (Zitelli,  op.  cit.,  I,  430).  In  some  localities 
circumstances  paved  the  way  towards  a  partial  pro- 
mulgation of  the  decree  (Zitelli,  op.  cit.,  I,  437). 
Furthermore,  although  the  decree  might  have  been 
promulgated,  the  action  of  legitimate  authority  could 
limit  its  binding  force.  Thus  Benedict  XIV  termi- 
nated the  controversy  concerning  the  marriages  of  her- 
etics in  Holland.  The  fact  that  many  Dutch  Catholics 
had  abjured  their  faith  paved  the  way  for  questioning 
the  application  of  the  decree  already  promulgated 
in  that  country.  To  solve  this  difficulty  Benedict 
XIV  ruled  that  henceforth  heretical  or  mixed  mar- 
riages, clandestinely  contracted,  would  be  valid, 
provided  no  other  impediment  intervened.  This 
declaration  was  subsequently  extended  to  other 
localities  in  which  the  Tndentine  decree  was  not  pro- 
mulgated until  heretics  had  organized  their  own  con- 
gregations in  suchplaces.  In  this  way  the  declara- 
tion of  Benedict  XIV  found  application  in  Canada, 
Trinidad,  the  dioceses  of  the  United  States  with  the 
exception  of  the  San  Francisco  province,  the  German 
Empire,  Belgium,  Russian  Poland,  the  Malabar 
Coast,  the  Coromandel  Coast,  Constantinople  and 
suburbs,  Diocese  of  Warsaw,  Archdiocese  of  Bombay, 
Diocese  of  Culm,  Duchy  of  Cleves,  Pondichcrry, 
Maastricht,  and  the  suburb  of  St.  Peter  near  Maastricht. 

It  may  be  well  to  note  here  the  way  in  which  the 
terra  heretic  is  to  be  understood  in  this  declaration. 
It  comprehended  individuals  baptized  in  the  Catholic 


OLAHDESTIHITY 

Church,  but  who  subsequently  adopted  the  tenets  at 
somescct;  Catholics  who  had  reached  theyears  of  dis- 
cretion and  had  been  alienated  from  their  Faith  by  the 
influence  of  Protestants  whose  religion  they  thereafter 
professed ;  apostates  who  allied  themselves  with  some 
sect ;  heretics  professing  no  religion  whatever  (Gas- 
parri, op.  cit.,  II,  v,  208).  Whenever  the  requirements 
of  this  decree  were  reduced  to  practice  owing*to  legit- 
imate usage,  no  further  promulgation  was  necessary  to 
render  the  measure  effective  (Cong,  of  Holy  Office, 
1  May,  1887).  The  decree  once  published  in  any 
parish,  could  be  set  aside  by  revocation  on  the  part 
of  the  Holy  See.  It  could  also  be  abrogated  by  con- 
trary usage  or  desuetude.  Thus,  Pius  VII,  in  a  letter 
to  the  Archbishop  of  Mainz,  8  October,  1803,  decided 
that  marriages  contracted  before  a  Protestant  min- 
ister are  valid  where  the  Tridentine  decree  has  lapsed 
into  desuetude.  In  like  manner,  the  Congregation 
of  the  Holy  Office  decided  that  the  "Tametsi7'  had 
passed  into  desuetude  in  Japan  (11  March,  1806).  At 
the  same  time  the  Holy  See  repeatedly  declared  that 
the  "Tametsi"  did  not  lose  its  binding  force  in  a 
given  place  because  heretics  residing  there  declined 
to  observe  it,  no  matter  how  long  they  refused  to 
abide  by  its  requirements  (Cong,  of  Holy  Office, 
6  July,  1892). 

Regarding  the  subjects  of  this  law,  it  is  necessary 
to  note  that  the  decree  invalidating  clandestine  mar- 
riages was  both  local  and  personal  (Cong,  of  Holy 
Office,  14  December,  1859).  In  its  local  application 
the  law  comprehended  all  who  contracted  marriage 
in  any  place  where  the  decree  had  been  duly  promul- 
gated*, whether  they  were  residents,  aliens,  travellers, 
transients,  or  persons  having  no  fixed  abode,  because 
those  who  come  from  an  exempt  territory  are  obliged 
to  recognize  and  observe  universal  laws.  Moreover, 
since  jurists  claim  that  territory  governs  contracts, 
it  follows  that  residents,  aliens,  travellers,  transients, 
and  those  without  fixed  abode,  must  observe  laws 
circumscribing  contracts  in  the  place  where  such  con- 
tracts are  made.  A  decision  of  the  Holy  Office,  dated 
25  January,  1900,  gave  new  weight  to  this  accepted 
axiom  of  canonists.  On  account  of  the  personal  ele- 
ment embodied  in  this  decree,  the  obligation  of  ob- 
serving it  applied  to  those  thereunto  subjected  where- 
ever  they  might  chance  to  be.  For  this  reason  parties 
having  a  domicile  or  quasi-domicile  in  a  district 
where  the  law  held  remained  liable  to  its  obligation 
as  often  as  they  betook  themselves  to  an  exempt 
territory  to  evade  the  law.  Those  whose  sole  or 
whose  chief  object  in  such  case  was  to  enter  wedlock, 
were  considered  guilty  of  evading  the  law.  However, 
where  one  of  the  contracting  parties  had  acquired  a 
domicile  or  quasi-domicile  in  an  exempt  territory, 
their  marriage,  if  contracted  there,  would  be  valid 
because  the  privilege  enjoyed  by  one  was  here  com- 
municable to  the  other  (Benedict  XIV,  De  Synodo, 
VI,  vi). 

The  better  to  complete  this  explanation,  a  word 
concerning  the  terms  domicile  and  quasi-domicile  is 
necessary.  An  ecclesiastical  domicile  involves  two 
elements,  namely,  residence  in  a  particular  parish 
and  an  intention  of  abiding  there  for  the  greater  part 
of  a  year.  This  intention  is  gauged  by  external  acts 
whose  manifestation  marks  the  actual  acquisition  of 
a  domicile  which  is  retained  thereafter  notwithstand- 
ing protracted  absence,  provided  the  intention  of  re- 
turning perseveres.  In  like  manner  residence  in  a 
parish  and  an  intention  of  dwelling  there  during  a 
considerable  portion  of  the  year  denote  the  elements 
giving  consistency  to  a  quasi-domicile.  Hence,  an 
individual  may  be  domiciled  in  one  parish  and  acquire 
a  quasi-domicile  in  another.  Six  months'  sojourn 
in  the  same  parish  entitled  parties  to  invite  the  pastor 
of  that  parish  to  assist  at  their  nuptials.  Neverthe- 
less, in  answer  to  a  petition  made  by  the  Fathers  of 
the  Third  Plenary  Council  of  Baltimore,  the  Holy  See 


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0LANDE8TINITT 


OLANDESTINITY 


(22  May,  1886)  granted  for  the  United  States  to 
parties  moving  from  a  parish  where  the  "Tametsi" 
obtained  to  another  parish  and  residing  there  for  a 
full  month,  the  privilege  of  a  quasi-domicile  so  far  as 
the  matrimonial  contract  was  concerned.  Nor 
would  the  privilege  be  forfeited  in  case  the  contract- 
ing parties  should  pass  thirty  days  in  such  a  place  in 
order  to  enter  wedlock  there  (Putzer,  Commentarium 
in  Facultates  Apostolicas,  no.  49).  Although  the 
decree  involved  a  personal  element,  clandestine  mar- 
riages were  valid  as  often  as  the  observance  of  the 
law  was  physically  or  morally  impossible,  provided 
such  impossibility  was  general  and  continued  for  a 
month  (Cong,  of  Inquis.,  1  July,  1863;  14  November, 
1883).  Parties  whose  circumstances  led  them  to 
profit  by  this  interpretation  of  the  law  were  obliged 
to  seek  the  nuptial  blessing  at  their  earliest  conven- 
ience, and  to  see  that  their  marriage  was  entered  in 
tbe^nfoper  register  (Cong,  of  Inquis.,  14  November, 

To  the  pastor  of  either  contracting  party  belonged 
the  right  of  officiating  at  their  nuptials.  Vicars  ap- 
pointed to  exercise  the  functions  of  pastor  with  the 
fullness  of  the  pastoral  ministry  enjoyed  the  same 
right  so  long  as  they  held  office  (Cong,  of  Inquis.,  7 
Sept.,  1898).  The  Roman  pontiff  alone  could  counter- 
act the  exercise  of  this  pastoral  prerogative.  The 
presence  ef  the  pastor  in  the  capacity  of  witness  satis- 
fied the  requirements  of  the  Tridentine  decree  even 
though  he  was  not  formally  invited  for  that  purpose 
(Cong,  of  Inquis.,  17  Nov.,  1835).  _The_  consent  of 
those  about  to  marry  had  to  be  signified  in  the  pres- 
ence of  the  pastor  and  other  witnesses  required  by  the 
deoee.  Since  the  sovereign  pontiff  enjoys  universal 
jurisdiction  in  the  Church,  he  could  validly  assist  at 
any  msmage  whatever.  Cardinals  had  no  longer  t  he 
right  of  assisting  at  marriages  in  their  t  itular  churches. 
Legates  of  the  Holy  See  were  qualified  to  assist  at 
marriages  contracted  within  the  confines  of  their  lega- 
tion. Bishops  might  minister  at  marriages  in  any 
portion  of  their  respective  dioceses.  According  to 
Gasparri  (op.  cit.,  II,  v,  154),  an  archbishop  might  ex- 
ercise this  right  for  the  subjects  of  his  suffragans  pro- 
vided he  visited  their  dioceses  according  to  the  require- 
ments of  canon  law.  To  a  vicar-general  was  accorded 
the  right  of  officiating  at  any  marriage  in  the  diocese. 
Those  in  whom  this  right  was  vested  were  at  liberty 
to  delegate  another  pnest  to  act  in  their  stead.  Such 
delegation  might  be  special  or  general.  As  often  as  the 
delegation  was  special,  little  danger  of  invalidity  was 
feared.  On  the  contrary,  when  general  jurisdiction  is 
transmitted  to  delegates,  the  Holy  See  questions,  not 
so  much  validity,  as  legitimacy  of  action.  Hence, 
the  Congregation  of  the  Council  (20  July,  1889)  re- 
proved the  conduct  of  those  parish  priests  who  habit- 
ually interchanged  the  faculty  of  assisting  at  the 
marriages  of  their  respective  subjects,  because  such 
methods  tended  to  render  the  "Tametsi"  ineffectual 
so  far  as  the  presence  of  the  parish  priest  is  concerned. 
At  the  same  time  this  Congregation  (18  March,  1893) 
and  the  Congregation  of  the  Inquisition  (9  November, 
1898)  approved  general  delegation  within  judicious 
limits.  Notification  of  his  commission  to  assist  at 
nuptials  had  to  be  given  directly  t  o  the  delegate,  either 
by  the  individual  authorizing  him  to  act  or  by  a  mes- 
senger specially  chosen  for  this  purpose  (Sanchez, 
De  Matnmonio,  disp.  xxvi,  no.  8).  The  commission 
might  be  granted  orally  or  in  writing.  No  priest 
would  be  justified  in  presuming  permission  to  assist  at 
marriages.  So  strict  was  this  rule  t  hat  a  pastor  had  no 
power  to  ratify  marriages  whose  invalidity  was  super- 
induced in  this  way.  In  like  manner,  the  Congrega- 
tion of  the  Inquisition  (7  September,  1898)  decided 
that  the  ordinary  faculties  granted  by  bishops  to 
priests,  empowering  them  to  adminster  the  sacra- 
ments, did  not  qualify  them  to  assist  at  marriages. 
Sanchez  (op.  cit.,  disp.  xxxv,  no.  20)  claims  thnt  tacit 


notification  would  be  sufficient  to  justify  a  priest  to 
assist  at  nuptials. 

Besides  the  parish  priest,  at  least  two  witnesses 
were  required  for  the  validity  of  a  marriage  contract. 
The  use  of  reason  and  the  possibility  of  actually  testi- 
fying render  any  individual  capable  of  exercising  this 
particular  function  (Benedict  XIV,  De  Synodo,  xxiii, 
no.  6).  The  simultaneous  presence  of  the  pastor  and 
witnesses  was  necessary  to  comply  with  the  require- 
ments of  the  "Tametsi"  (Sanchez,  op.  cit.,  disp.  xli, 
no.  3).  Parish  priests  or  others  officiating  at  mar- 
riages without  the  necessary  number  of  witnesses,  or 
witnesses  assisting  without  the  pastor,  rendered  them- 
selves, together  with  the  contracting  parties,  liable 
to  severe  punishment  at  the  hands  of  the  bishop. 
Moreover,  a  parish  priest,  or  any  other  priest,  whether 
regular  or  secular,  assisting  without  the  pastor's  con- 
sent at  nuptials  of  parties  belonging  to  his  parish  was 
suspended  from  priestly  functions  until  absolved  by 
the  bishop  of  the  pastor  whose  rights  had  been  disre- 
garded. 

New  Legislation  on  Clandestine  Marriage. — 
Through  the  decree  "  Ne  Temere,"  issued  2  August, 
1907,  by  the  Congregation  of  the  Council,  in  conjunc- 
tion with  the  pontifical  commission  for  the  new  canoni- 
cal code,  important  modifications  have  been  made  re- 
garding the  form  of  betrothal  and  of  marriage.  This 
decree  was  issued  to  render  easier  for  the  universal 
Church  the  substantial  form  of  matrimony,  to  pre- 
vent more  efficiently  the  too  numerous,  hasty,  and 
clandestine  marriages,  and  to  make  it  easier  for 
ecclesiastical  courts  to  decide  as  to  the  existence  or 
non-existence  of  a  previous  engagement  to  marry 
(see  Espousals).  With  the  exception  in  regard  to 
Germany  noted  below,  this  legislation  went  into 
effect  at  Easter  (19  April),  1908,  and  is  thenceforth 
binding  on  all  Catholics  throughout  the  world,  any 
contrary  law  or  custom  being  totally  abolished 
According  to  this  decree,  marriages  of  Catholics  are 
henceforth  null  unless  celebrated  before  a  duly  quali- 
fied priest  (or  the  bishop  of  the  diocese)  and  at  least 
two  witnesses.  The  same  is  true  of  marriages  in  which 
either  of  the  parties  is  or  has  been  a  Catholic.  The  law, 
however,  does  not  bind  those  who  are  not  and  never 
have  been  Catholics.  Priests  charged  with  the  care  of 
souls  in  the  territory  where  a  marriage  is  contracted, 
or  any  approved  priest  whom  one  charged  with  the 
care  of  souls  or  whom  the  bishop  of  the  diocese  dele- 
gates, are  qualified  to  assist  at  nuptials.  Marriages 
contracted  in  a  parish,  district,  or  diocese,  other  than 
the  one  to  which  the  contracting  parties  belong,  are 
valid  so  long  as  the  pastor  of  the  place  or  his  delegate 
assists  at  such  marriages.  However,  priests  are  for- 
bidden to  assist  at  such  marriages  unless  one  of  two 
conditions  is  verified.  Eit  her,  one  of  the  parties  must 
have  resided  a  month  in  the  territory  where  the 
marriage  occurs,  or  else,  one  of  t  he  parties  must  have 
obtained  the  permission  of  the  priest  or  bishop 
under  whose  jurisdiction  such  a  party  resides.  In 
cases  of  serious  necessity  such  permission  is  not  re- 
quired. 

The  following  conditions  are  enjoined  by  the  decree 
"  Ne  Temere",  not  for  the  validity  of  the  marriages  of 
Catholics,  but  to  bring  them  into  complete  conformity 
with  the  demands  of  right  order.  Marriages  ought 
to  be  celebrated  in  the  parish  of  the  bride.  If  the  con- 
tracting parties  wish  to  marry  elsewhere,  they  must 
ask  the  pastor  of  the  place,  or  some  priest  authorized 
by  him  or  by  the  bisnop,  to  assist  at  the  marriage, 
and  one  of  the  parties  must  have  resided  there  for  a 
month.  When  parties  find  this  procedure  incon- 
venient, one  of  them  must  obtain  permission  from  his 
or  her  parish  priest  or  bishop  to  contract  marriage 
elsewhere.  In  such  cases  the  parties  will  be  obliged 
to  give  the  necessary  assurance  regarding  their  free- 
dom to  marry,  and  to  comply  with  the  usual  condi- 
tions for  rr»(ivH<»  i'.to  Sacrament  of  Matrimony. 


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When  parties  have  no  fixed  abode  and  are  travelling 
throughout  the  country,  they  can  enter  wedlock  only 
before  a  priest  authorized  by  the  bishop  to  assist  at 
their  marriage. 

The  Sacred  Congregation  of  the  Council  declared 
(11  February,  1908)  that  the  dispensations  granted 
in  th«  Bull  r'  Provida  "  of  18  January,  1906,  for  Ger- 
many will  still  remain  in  force.  According  to  this 
Bull,  while  Catholic  marriages  in  Germany  were 
made  subject  to  the  decree  "Tametsi",  mixed  mar- 
riages and  those  of  Protestants  among  themselves 
were  exempted.  (See  Marriage;  Parish  Priest; 
Domicile.) 

Canones  et  Decreta  Sacrosancti  (Ecumenici  ConcUii  Triden- 
tini  (Rome,  1893);  Decretum,  "  Ne  Temere"  (2  August,  1907); 
Gabparri,  Tractatus  Canonicus  de  Matrimonii)  (Paris,  1904); 
Wernz,  Jus  Decretalium  (Rome,  1904),  IV;  Ojstti,  Synopsis 
Rerum  Moralium  et  Juris  Pontificii  (Prato,  1904);  Znxm, 
Apparatus  Juris  Ecclesiastic*  (Rome,  1903);  Smith,  Elements 
of  Ecclesiastical  Lav  (New  York,  1887),  I;  Dcchbsnb,  Chris- 
tum Worship  (London,  1904);  Fkijk,  De  imped,  et  disp.  matrim. 
(4th  ed.,  Lou  vain,  1893);  Jodbr,  Formulaire  matrimonial 
(4th  ed.,  Paris,  1897);  Bassibet,  Do  la  clandestinitt  dans 
le  mariage  (Paris,  1903) ;  Laurentiub,  Inslitutiones  juris  eccl. 
(Freiburg,  1903)  443-51;  Tacnton,  The  Law  of  the  Church 
(London,  1906).  For  a  commentary  on  the  decree  "  Ne 
Temere,"  see  McNicholas  in  Amer.  Ecclesiastical  Review 
(Philadelphia,  February,  1908);  O'NciLL,  ibid.  (April,  1908), 
and  Cronin,  The  Ifew  Matrimonial  Legislation  (Rome,  1908). 

J.  D.  O'Neill. 

Clarendon,  Constitutions  of.  See  Thomas 
Becket,  Saint. 

Clare  of  Assisi,  Saint,  cofoundress  of  the  Order 
of  Poor  Ladies,  or  Clares,  and  first  Abbess  of  San 
Damiano;  b.  at  Assisi,  16  July,  1194;  d.  there  11 
August,  1253.  She  was  the  eldest  daughter  of  Fa- 
vonno  Scifi,  Count  of  Sasso-Rosso,  the  wealthy  rep- 
resentative of  an  ancient  Roman  family,  who  owned 
a  large  palace  in  Assisi  and  a  castle  on  the  slope  of 
Mount  Subasio.  Such  at  least  is  the  traditional  ac- 
count. Her  mother,  Bl.  Ortolans,  belonged  to  the 
noble  family  of  Fiumi  and  was  conspicuous  for  her 
zeal  and  piety.  From  her  earliest  years  Clare  seems 
to  have  been  endowed  with  the  rarest  virtues.  As 
a  child  she  was  most  devoted  to  prayer  and  to  prac- 
tices of  mortification,  and  as  she  passed  into  girl- 
hood her  distaste  for  the  world  and  her  yearning 
for  a  more  spiritual  life  increased.  She  was  eighteen 
years  of  age  when  St.  Francis  came  to  preach  the 
Lenten  course  in  the  church  of  San  Giorgio  at  Assisi. 
The  inspired  words  of  the  Poverello  kindled  a  flame 
in  the  heart  of  Clare;  she  sought  him  out  secretly 
and  begged  him  to  help  her  that  she  too  might 
live  "after  the  manner  of  the  holy  Gospel".  St. 
Francis,  who  at  once  recognized  in  Clare  one  of 
those  chosen  souls  destined  by  God  for  great  things, 
and  who  also,  doubtless,  foresaw  that  many  would 
follow  her  example,  promised  to  assist  her.  On 
Palm  Sunday  Clare,  arrayed  in  all  her  finery,  at- 
tended high  Mass  at  the  cathedral,  but  when  the 
others  pressed  forward  to  the  altar-rail  to  receive  a 
branch  of  palm,  she  remained  in  her  place  as  if  rapt 
in  a  dream.  All  eyes  were  upon  the  young  girl  as  the 
bishop  descended  from  the  sanctuary  and  placed  the 

Ealm  in  her  hand.  That  was  the  last  time  the  world 
eheld  Clare.  On  the  night  of  the  same  day  she 
Becretly  left  her  father's  house,  by  St.  Francis's  advice, 
and,  accompanied  by  her  aunt  Bianca  and  another 
companion,  proceeded  to  the  humble  chapel  of  the 
Porziuncula,  where  St.  Francis  and  his  disciples  met 
her  with  lights  in  their  hands.  Clare  then  laid  aside 
her  rich  dress,  and  St.  Francis,  having  cut  off  her 
hair,  clothed  her  in  a  rough  tunic  and  a  thick  veil,  and 
in  this  way  the  young  heroine  vowed  herself  to  the 
service  of  Jesus  Christ.   This  was  20  March,  1212. 

Clare  was  placed  by  St.  Francis  provisionally  with 
the  Benedictine  nuns  of  San  Paolo,  near  Bastia,  but 
her  father,  who  had  expected  her  to  make  a  splendid 
marriage,  and  who  was  furious  at  her  secret  flight,  on 
discovering  her  retreat,  did  his  utmost  to  dissuade 


Clare  from  her  heroic  proposals,  and  even  tried  to 
drag  her  home  by  force.  But  Clare  held  her  own  with 
a  firmness  above  her  years,  and  Count  Favorino  was 
finally  obliged  to  leave  her  in  peace.  A  few  days 
later  St.  Francis,  in  order  to  secure  Clare  the  greater 
solitude  she  desired,  transferred  her  to  Sant'  Angelo 
in  Panzo,  another  monastery  of  the  Benedictine  nuns, 
on  one  of  the  flanks  of  Subasio.  Here,  some  sixteen 
days  after  her  own  flight,  Clare  was  joined  by  her 
younger  sister  Agnes,  whom  she  was  instrumental  in 
delivering  from  the  persecution  of  their  infuriated 
relatives.  (See  Agnes,  Saint,  of  Assisi.)  Clare 
and  her  sister  remained  with  the  nuns  at  Sant'  Angelo 
until  they  and  the  other  fugitives  from  the  world  who 
had  followed  them  were  established  by  St.  Francis  in 
a  rude  dwelling 
adjoining  the  poor 
chapel  of  San  Da- 
miano, situated 
outside  the  town, 
which  he  had  to  a 
great  extent  re- 
built with  his  own 
hands,  and  which 
he  now  obtained 
from  the  Benedic- 
tines as  a  perman- 
ent abode  for  his 
spiritual  daugh- 
ters. Thus  was 
founded  the  first 
community  of  the 
Order  of  Poor 
Ladies,  or  of  Poor 
Clares,  as  this 
second  order  of 
St.  Francis  came 
to  be  called. 

The  history  of 
the  Poor  Clares 
will  be  dealt  with 
in  a  separate  ar- 
ticle. Here  it  suf- 
fices to  note  that  we  may  distinguish,  during  the  lifetime 
of  St.  Clare,  three  stages  in  the  complicated  early  his- 
tory of  the  new  order.  In  the  beginning  St.  Clare  and 
her  companions  had  no  written  rule  to  follow  beyond 
a  very  short  formula  vita  given  them  by  St.  Francis,  and 
which  maybe  found  among  his  works.  (See  "  Opus- 
cula  S.  P.  Francisci",  ed.  Quaracchi,  1904, 75,  and  "The 
Writings  of  St.  Francis",  ed.  Robinson,  Philadelphia, 
1906,  77.)  Some  years  later,  apparently  in  1219, 
during  St.  Francis  s  absence  in  the  East,  Cardinal 
Ugolino,  then  protector  of  the  order,  afterwards  Greg- 
ory IX,  drew  up  a  written  rule  for  the  Clares  at 
Monticelli,  taking  as  a  basis  the  Rule  of  St.  Benedict, 
retaining  the  fundamental  points  of  the  latter  and 
adding  some  special  constitutions.  This  new  rule, 
which,  in  effect  if  not  in  intention,  took  away  from 
the  Clares  the  Franciscan  character  of  absolute 
poverty  so  dear  to  the  heart  of  St.  Francis  and  made 
them  for  all  practical  purposes  a  congregation  of  Bene- 
dictines, was  approved  by  Honorius  III  (Bull,  "Sa- 
crosancta",  9  Dec,  1219).  When  Clare  found  that 
the  new  rule,  though  strict  enough  in  other  respects, 
allowed  the  holding  of  property  in  common,  she 
courageously  and  successfully  resisted  the  innova- 
tions of  Ugolino  as  being  entirely  opposed  to  the 
intentions  of  St.  Francis.  The  latter  nad  forbidden 
the  Poor  Ladies,  just  as  he  had  forbidden  his  friars, 
to  possess  any  worldly  goods  even  in  common.  Own- 
ing nothing,  they  were  to  depend  entirely  upon  what 
the  Friars  Minor  could  beg  for  them.  This  complete 
renunciation  of  all  property  was  however  regarded  by 
Ugolino  as  unpractical  for  cloistered  women.  When, 
therefore,  in  1228,  he  came  to  Assisi  for  the  canoniza- 
tion of  St.  Francis  (having  meanwhile  ascended  the 


Tomb  and  Rzucs  or  Sr.  Clarb 
at  Asaiai 


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pontifical  throne  as  Gregory  IX),  he  vdsited  St.  Clare 
at  San  Damiano  and  pressed  her  to  so  far  deviate 
from  the  practice  of  poverty,  which  had  up  to  this 
time  obtained  at  San  Damiano,  as  to  accept  some 
provision  for  the  unforeseen  wants  of  the  community. 
But  Clare  firmly  refused.  Gregory,  thinking  that  her 
refusal  might  be  due  to  fear  of  violating  the  vow  of 
strict  poverty  she  had  taken,  offered  to  absolve  her 
from  it.  "  Holy  Father,  I  crave  for  absolution  from 
my  sing",  replied  Clare,  "but  I  desire  not  to  be  ab- 
solved from  the  obligation  of  following  Jesus  Christ". 

The  heroic  unworldliness  of  Clare  filled  the  pope 
with  admiration,  as  his  letters  to  her,  still  extant, 
bear  eloquent  witness,  and  he  so  far  gave  way  to  her 
views  as  to  grant  her  on  17  September,  1228,  the 
celebrated  PnvUegium  Paupertatis  which  some  regard 
in  the  light  of  a  corrective  of  the  Rule  of  1219.  The 
original  autograph  copy  of  this  unique  "privilege" — 
the  first  one  of  its  kind  ever  sought  for,  or  ever  issued 
by  the  Holy  See — is  preserved  in  the  archive  at  Santa 
Cniara  in  Assisi.  The  text  is  as  follows:  "Gregory 
Bishop  Servant  of  the  Servants  of  God.  To  our  be- 
loved daughters  in  Christ  Clare  and  the  other  hand- 
maids of  Christ,  dwelling  together  at  the  Church  of 
San  Damiano  in  the  Diocese  of  Assisi.  Health 
and  Apostolic  benediction.  It  is  evident  that  the 
desire  of  consecrating  yourselves  to  God  alone  has 
led  you  to  abandon  every  wish  for  temporal  things. 
Wherefore,  after  having  sold  all  your  goods  and  hav- 
ing distributed  them  among  the  poor,  you  propose  to 
have  absolutely  no  possessions,  m  order  to  follow  in 


all  things  the  example  of  Him  Who  became  poor  and 
Who  is  the  way,  the  truth,  and  the  life.  Neither 
does  the  want  of  necessary  things  deter  you  from  such 
a  proposal,  for  the  left  arm  of  your  Celestial  Spouse  is 
beneath  your  head  to  sustain  the  infirmity  of  your 
body,  which,  according  to  the  order  of  charity,  you 
have  subjected  to  the  law  of  the  spirit.  Finally, 
He  who  feeds  the  birds  of  the  air.  and  who  gives  the 
lilies  of  the  field  their  raiment  ana  their  nourishment, 
will  not  leave  you  in  want  of  clothing  or  of  food  until 
He  shall  come  Himself  to  minister  to  you  in  eternity, 
when,  namely,  the  right  hand  of  His  consolations 
shall  embrace  you  in  the  plenitude  of  the  Beatific 
Vision.  Since,  therefore,  you  have  asked  for  it,  we 
confirm  by  Apostolic  favour  your  resolution  of  the 
loftiest  poverty  and  by  the  authority  of  these  present 
letters  grant  that  you  may  not  be  constrained  by  any- 
one to  receive  possessions.  To  no  one,  therefore,  be  it 
allowed  to  infringe  upon  this  page  of  our  concession 
or  to  oppose  it  with  rash  temerity.  But  if  anyone 
shall  presume  to  attempt  this,  be  it  known  to  him 
that  he  shall  incur  the  wrath  of  Almighty  God  and 
his  Blessed  Apostles,  Peter  and  Paul.  Given  at  Peru- 
gia on  the  fifteenth  of  the  Kalends  of  October  in  the 
second  year  of  our  Pontificate." 

That  St.  Clare  may  have  solicited  a  "privilege" 
similar  to  the  foregoing  at  an  earlier  date  and  ob- 
tained it  vivd  voce,  is  not  improbable.  Certain  it  is, 
that  after  the  death  of  Gregory  IX  Clare  had  once 
more  to  contend  for  the  principle  of  absolute  poverty 
prescribed  by  St.  Francis,  for  Innocent  IV  would  fain 
have  given  the  Clares  a  new  and  mitigated  rule,  and 
the  firmness  with  which  she  held  to  her  way  won  over 
the  pope.  Finally,  two  days  before  her  death,  Inno- 
cent, no  doubt  at  the  reiterated  request  of  the  dying 
abbess,  solemnly  confirmed  the  definitive  Rule  of  the 
Clares  (Bull,  "  Solet  Annuere  ",  9  August,  1253),  and 
thus  secured  to  them  the  precious  treasure  of  poverty 
which  Clare,  in  imitation  of  St.  Francis,  had  taken  for 
her  portion  from  the  beginning  of  her  conversion. 
The  author  of  this  latter  rule,  which  is  largely  an 
adaptation,  mutatis  mutandis,  of  the  rule  which  St. 
Francis  composed  for  the  Friars  Minor  in  1223,  seems 
to  have  been  Cardinal  Rainaldo,  Bishop  of  Ostia,  and 
protector  of  the  order,  afterwards  Alexander  IV, 
though  it  is  most  likely  that  St.  Clare  herself  had  a 


hand  in  its  compilation.  Be  this  as  it  may,  it  can 
no  longer  be  maintained  that  St.  Francis  was  in  any 
sense  the  author  of  this  formal  Rule  of  the  Clares;  he 
only  gave  to  St.  Clare  and  her  companions  at  the 
outset  of  their  religious  life  the  brief  formula  vivendi 
already  mentioned. 

St.  Clare,  who  in  1215  had,  much  against  her  will, 
been  made  superior  at  San  Damiano  by  St.  Francis, 
continued  to  rule  there  as  abbess  until  her  death,  in 
1253,  nearly  forty  years  later.  There  is  no  good 
reason  to  believe  that  she  ever  once  went  beyond  the 
boundaries  of  San  Damiano  during  all  that  time.  It 
need  not,  therefore,  be  wondered  at  if  so  compara- 
tively few  details  of  St.  Clare's  life  in  the  cloister, 
"  hidden  with  Christ  in  God",  have  come  down  to  us. 
We  know  that  she  became  a  living  copy  of  the  poverty, 
the  humility,  and  the  mortification  of  St.  Francis; 
that  she  had  a  special  devotion  to  the  Holy  Eucharist, 
and  that  in  order  to  increase  her  love  for  Christ  cruci- 
fied she  learned  by  heart  the  Office  of  the  Passion 
composed  by  St.  Francis,  and  that  during  the  time 
that  remained  to  her  after  her  devotional  exercises 
she  engaged  in  manual  labour.  Needless  to  add,  that 
under  St.  Clare's  guidance  the  community  of  San  Da- 
miano became  the  sanctuary  of  every  virtue,  a  very 
nursery  of  saints.  Clare  had  the  consolation  not  only 
of  seeing  her  younger  sister  Beatrix,  her  mother  Orto- 
lana,  and  her  faithful  aunt  Bianca  follow  Agnes  into 
the  order,  but  also  of  witnessing  the  foundation  of 
monasteries  of  Clares  far  and  wide  throughout  Europe. 
It  would  be  difficult,  moreover,  to  estimate  how  much 
the  silent  influence  of  the  gentle  abbess  did  towards 
guiding  the  women  of  medieval  Italy  to  higher  aims. 
In  particular,  Clare  threw  around  poverty  that  irre- 
sistible charm  which  only  women  can  communicate 
to  religious  or  civic  heroism,  and  she  became  a  most 
efficacious  coadjutrix  of  St.  Francis  in  promoting  that 
spirit  of  unworldliness  which  in  the  counsels  of  God, 

was  to  bring  about  a  restoration  of  discipline  in  the 
Church  and  of  morals  and  civilization  in  the  peoples 
of  Western  Europe".  Not  the  least  important  part 
of  Clare's  work  was  the  aid  and  encouragement  she 
gave  St.  Francis.  It  was  to  her  he  turned  when  in 
doubt,  and  it  was  she  who  urged  him  to  continue  his 
mission  to  the  people  at  a  time  when  he  thought  his 
vocation  lay  rather  in  a  life  of  contemplation.  When, 
in  an  attack  of  blindness  and  illness,  St.  Francis  came 
for  the  last  time  to  visit  San  Damiano,  Clare  erected 
a  little  wattle  hut  for  him  in  an  olive  grove  close  to  the 
monastery,  and  it  was  here  that  he  composed  his  glori- 
ous "Canticle  of  the  Sun  ".  After  St.  Francis's  death, 
the  procession  which  accompanied  his  remains  from 
the  Porziuncula  to  the  town  stopped  on  the  way  at 
San  Damiano  in  order  that  Clare  and  her  daughters 
might  venerate  the  pierced  hands  and  feet  of  him  who 
had  formed  them  to  the  love  of  Christ  crucified — a 
pathetic  scene  which  Giotto  has  commemorated  in 
one  of  his  loveliest  frescoes.  So  far,  however,  as  Clare 
was  concerned,  St.  Francis  was  always  living,  and 
nothing  is,  perhaps,  more  striking  in  her  after-life  than 
her  unswerving  loyalty  to  the  ideals  of  the  Poverello, 
and  the  jealous  care  with  which  she  clung  to  his  rule 
and  teaching. 

When,  in  1234,  the  army  of  Frederick  II  was  devas- 
tating the  valley  of  Spoleto,  the  soldiers,  preparatory 
to  an  assault  upon  Assisi,  scaled  the  walls  of  San 
Damiano  by  night,  spreading  terror  among  the  com- 
munity. Clare,  calmly  rising  from  her  sick  bed,  and 
taking  the  ciborium  from  the  little  chapel  adjoining 
her  cell,  proceeded  to  face  the  invaders  at  an  open 
window  against  which  they  had  already  placed  a  lad- 
der. It  is  related  that,  as  she  raised  the  Blessed  Sac- 
rament on  high,  the  soldiers  who  were  about  to  enter 
the  monastery  fell  backward  as  if  dazzled,  and  the 
others  who  were  ready  to  follow  them  took  flight.  It 
is  with  reference  to  this  incident  that  St.  Clare  is 
generally  represented  in  art  bearing  a  ciborium. 


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When,  some  time  later,  a  larger  force  returned  to 
storm  Assiei,  headed  by  the  General  Vitale  di  A  versa 
who  had  not  been  present  at  the  first  attack,  Clare, 
gathering  her  daughters  about  her,  knelt  with  them 
in  earnest  prayer  that  the  town  might  be  spared. 
Presently  a  furious  storm  arose,  scattering  the  tents 
of  the  soldiers  in  every  direction,  and  causing  such  a 
panic  that  they  again  took  refuge  in  flight.  The 
gratitude  of  the  Assisians,  who  with  one  accord  at- 
tributed their  deliverance  to  Clare's  intercession,  in- 
creased their  love  for  the  "Seraphic  Mother".  Clare 
had  long  been  enshrined  in  the  hearts  of  the  people, 
and  their  veneration  became  more  apparent  as, 
wasted  by  illness  and  austerities,  she  drew  towards 
her  end.  Brave  and  cheerful  to  the  last,  in  spite  of 
her  long  and  painful  infirmities,  Clare  caused  herself 
to  be  raised  in  bed  and,  thus  reclining,  says  her  con- 
temporary biographer,  "she  spun  the  finest  thread 
for  the  purpose  of  having  it  woven  into  the  most  deli- 
cate material  from  which  she  afterwards  made  more 
than  one  hundred  corporals,  and,  enclosing  them  in  a 
silken  burse,  ordered  them  to  be  given  to  the  churches 
in  the  plain  and  on  the  mountains  of  Assisi".  When 
at  length  she  felt  the  day  of  her  death  approaching, 
Clare,  calling  her  sorrowing  religious  around  her,  re- 
minded them  of  the  many  Denefits  they  had  received 
from  God  and  exhorted  them  to  persevere  faithfully 
in  the  observance  of  evangelical  poverty.  Pope  In- 
nocent IV  came  from  Perugia  to  visit  the  dying  saint, 
who  had  already  received  the  last  sacraments  from 
the  hands  of  Cardinal  Rainaldo.  Her  own  sister,  St. 
Agnes,  had  returned  from  Florence  to  console  Clare  in 
her  last  illness;  Leo,  Angelo,  and  Juniper,  three  of  the 
early  companions  of  St.  Francis,  were  also  present  at 
the  saint's  death-bed,  and  at  St.  Clare's  request  read 
aloud  the  Passion  of  Our  Lord  according  to  St.  John, 
even  as  they  had  done  twenty-seven  years  before, 
when  Francis  lay  dying  at  the  Porziuncula.  At 
length  before  dawn  on  11  August,  1253,  the  holy  foun- 
dress of  the  Poor  Ladies  passed  peacefully  away  amid 
scenes  which  her  contemporary  biographer  has  re- 
corded with  touching  simplicity.  The  i>ope,  with  his 
court,  came  to  San  Damiano  for  the  saint's  funeral, 
which  partook  rather  of  the  nature  of  a  triumphal 
procession. 

The  Clares  desired  to  retain  the  body  of  their  foun- 
dress among  them  at  San  Damiano,  but  the  magis- 
trates of  Assisi  interfered  and  took  measures  to  secure 
for  the  town  the  venerated  remains  of  her  whose 
prayers,  as  they  all  believed,  had  on  two  occasions 
saved  it  from  destruction.  Clare's  miracles  too  were 
talked  of  far  and  wide.  It  was  not  safe,  the  Assisians 
urged,  to  leave  Clare's  body  in  a  lonely  spot  without 
the  walls;  it  was  only  right,  too,  that  Clare,  "the 
chief  rival  of  the  Blessed  Francis  in  the  observance  of 
Gospel  perfection",  should  also  have  a  church  in  As- 
sisi built  in  her  honour.  Meanwhile,  Clare's  remains 
were  placed  in  the  chapel  of  San  Giorgio,  where  St. 
Francis's  preaching  had  first  touched  her  young 
heart,  and  where  his  own  body  had  likewise  been  in- 
terred pending  the  erection  of  the  Basilica  of  San 
Francesco.  Two  years  later,  26  September,  1255, 
Clare  was  solemnly  canonized  by  Alexander  IV,  and 
not  long  afterwards  the  building  of  the  church  of 
Santa  Chiara,  in  honour  of  Assisi's  second  great  saint, 
was  begun  under  the  direction  of  Filippo  Campello, 
one  of  the  foremost  architects  of  the  time.  On  3  Oc- 
tober, 1200,  Clare's  remains  were  transferred  from  the 
chapel  of  San  Giorgio  and  buried  deep  down  in  the 
earth,  under  the  high  altar  in  the  new  church,  far  out 
of  sight  and  reach.  After  having  remained  liidden 
for  six  centuries — like  the  remains  of  St.  Francis — 
and  after  much  search  had  been  made,  Clare's  tomb 
was  found  in  1850,  to  the  great  joy  of  the  Assisians. 
On  23  September  in  that  year  the  coffin  was  un- 
earthed and  opened;  the  flesh  and  clothing  of  the 
saint  had  been  reduced  to  dust,  but  the  skeleton  was 


in  a  perfect  state  of  preservation.  Finally,  on  the 
2!>lli  cf  ti?  vtember,  1872,  the  saint's  bones  were  trans- 
ferred, with  much  pomp,  by  Archbishop  Pecci,  after- 
wards Leo  XIII,  to  the  shrine,  in  the  crypt  at  Santa 
Chiara,  erected  to  receive  them,  and  where  they  may 
now  be  seen.  The  feast  of  St.  Clare  is  celebrated 
throughout  the  Church  on  12  August;  the  feast  of  her 
first  translation  is  kept  in  the  order  on  3  October,  and 
that  of  the  finding  of  her  body  on  23  September. 

The  sources  of  the  nistory  of  St.  Clare  at  our  disposal  are  few 
int  number.  They  include  (1)  a  Testament  attributed  to  the 
saint  and  some  charming  Letters  written  by  her  to  Blessed 
Agnes,  Princess  of  Bohemia;  (2)  the  Rule  of  the  Claret,  and 
a  certain  number  of  early  Pontifical  Bulls  relating  to  the  Order; 
(3)  a  contemporary  Biography,  written  in  1256  by  order  of 
Alexander  IV.  This  life,  which  is  now  generally  ascribed  to 
Thomas  of  Celano,  is  the  source  from  which  St.  Clare's  subse- 
quent biographers  have  derived  most  of  their  information.  It 
was  published  by  Sum  us  in  De  Probatis  Sanctorum  historiis  (Co- 
logne, 1573).  IV, 609-26;  by  SEDULiusin  his  Historia Seraphica 
(Antwerp,  1613),  526-44;  and  by  the  Bollandists  in  the  Acta 
PS..  Aug.,  II  (12  Aug.),  754-68,  with  a  Comment.  Pravius  by 
Ouper  (pp.  739-54).  A  new  critical  edition  of  this  early 
life,  according  to  the  Assisi  MS.  338,  is  in  course  of  prep- 
aration by  Prof.  Penacchi  (Assisi,  1908).  Many  early 
vernacular  versions  of  this  biography  were  made,  and  some  of 
these  have  recently  been  re-edited,  v.  g.  Cbistofani,  La  Leg- 
genda  di  S.  Chiara  (Assisi,  1872);  Schoutens,  Legende  der 
Glorioscr  Maghet  SinteC'lara  (Hoogstraeten,  1904);  Goffin,  La 
vieet  legendede  Madame SaincteClaire  (Paris,  1906).  An  English 
translation,  based  on  the  text  of  the  Bollandists,  is  given  by 
Fieoe  in  The  Princess  of  Poverty  (Evansville,  Indiana,  1900). 
The  Biography  of  St.  Clare,  by  Giuseppe,  da  Madrid,  which  ap- 

riied  in  1727,  was  published  in  Italian  at  Rome  in  1832,  and 
French  at  Paris  in  1880.  More  recent  lives  of  the  saint  are 
those  by  Vinc.  Locatelu,  Vita  di  S.  Chiara  a" Assisi  (Naples, 
1854);  Demobe,  Vie  de  Ste  Claire  (Paris,  1856),  new  German 
tr.  bvScuMiD  JRatisbon,  1906);  Tommaso  Locatelu.  Vita  di 
S.  Chiara  (Assisi,  1882);  Richard,  Ste  Claire  <T Assise  (Paris, 
1895),  Italian  version  by  Penacchi  (1900);  Cherance,  Ste 
Claire  d' Assise  (Paris,  1902).  The  Privilegium  Paupertatis, 
Testament  of  the  saint,  and  Rule  of  the  Clares  are  printed  in  the 
Seraphica?  Legislatumis  Tcxtus  Originates  (Quaracchi,  1897), 
and  the  Bulls  bearing  upon  the  beginnings  of  the  order  in  the 
Bullarium  Franciscanum,  ed.  Sbahalea-Eubel  (Rome,  1759- 
1898).  passim.  On  the  vexed  question  of  the  origin  and  evolu- 
tion of  the  Rule  of  the  Clares,  see  I.empp,  Anfange  des  Clarissen- 
ordens  in  Brieoep.,  Zeitschrift  1.  Kirchengeschichte  (Gotha. 
1892),  XIII.  181  sq.;  ibid.,  XXIII  (1903),  628-29,  and  XXIV 
(1904),  321-23;  Lemmenh,  Anfange,  etc.  in  Romische  Quartal- 
tchrifl  (1902).  XVI,  93  sq.,  and  Wauer,  Entstehung  und  Aus- 
breituna  des  Klarissenordens.  etc. (Leipzig,  1906),  533^t0  sq .  See 
also  Chron.  XXIV  generalium  in  Analecta  Franciscana  (Qua- 
racchi. 1S97),  III,  175,  182-84;  Barth.  Pis.,  Liber  Conformiia- 
tum  in  Annlecta  Francis.  (Quaracchi,  1906),  IV,  351-57;  Wad- 
ding, Annates  Minorum,  I,  ad  an.  1212,  and  III,  ad  an.  1253; 
Sbaralba,  Supplementum  (1806),  195;  Cristofani,  Storia  delta 
Chiesa  eCniostro  diSan  Damiano  (3d  ed.,  Assisi,  1882),  passim; 
Clart,  Lives  of  the  Saints  and  Blessed  of  the  Three  Orders  of  St. 
Francis  (Taunton,  1886),  II,  557-78;  Bonav.  di  Sorrento,  La 
(lloriosa  S.  Chiara  {2d  ed.,  Naples,  1895);  Clarisses-Coluc- 
tines,  llistoirc  de  I  ordre  de  Ste  Claire  (Lyons,  1906),  passim  ; 
Cozza-Luzi,  Chiara  di  Assisi  secundo  alcune  nuove  scoperte  e 
documenti  ( Home,  1895) ;  Robinson,  Inventarium  omnium  docu- 
mentorum  qui  m  monasterio  S.  Clara  Assisii  asservantur  in 
Archiv.  Francis.  Hist.  (1908),  II. 

Paschal  Robinson. 

Clare  of  Montefalco,  Saint,  b.  at  Montefalco 
about  1268 ;  d.  there,  18  August,  1308.  Much  dispute 
has  existed  as  to  whether  St.  Clare  of  Montefalco 
was  a  Franciscan  or  an  August inian;  and  while 
Wadding,  with  Franciscan  biographers  of  the  saint, 
contends  that  she  was  a  member  of  the  Third  Order 
of  St.  Francis,  Augustinian  writers,  whom  the  Bollan- 
dists seem  to  favour,  hold  that  she  belonged  to  their 
order.  It  seems,  however,  more  probable  to  say 
that  St.  Clare,  when  she  was  still  a  very  young  girl, 
embraced  the  rule  of  the  Third  Order  of  St.  Francis 
(secular),  together  with  her  older  sister  and  a  number 
of  other  pious  young  maidens,  who  wore  the  habit 
of  the  Third  Order  of  St.  Francis  and  followed  that 
particular  mode  of  life  in  community  which  their 
piety  and  fervour  suggested.  When  later,  however, 
they  became  desirous  of  entering  the  religious  state 
in  its  strict  sense,  and  of  professing  the  three  vows 
of  religion,  they  petitioned  the  Bishop  of  Spoleto 
for  an  approved  rule  of  life ;  and,  the  Third  Order  of  St. 
Francis  (regular)  not  being  then  in  existence  as  an 
approved  religious  institute,  the  bishop  imposed 
upon  them  in  1290  the  rule  of  the  Thirvl  Order 


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(regular)  of  St.  Augustine.  From  her  very  child- 
hood, St.  Clare  gave  evidence  of  the  exalted  sanctity 
to  which  she  was  one  day  to  attain,  and  which  made 
her  the  recipient  of  so  many  signal  favours  from  God. 
Upon  the  death  of  her  older  sister  in  1295,  Clare  was 
chosen  to  succeed  her  in  the  office  of  abbess  of  the 
community  at  Santa  Croee;  but  it  was  only  in  obedi- 
ence to  the  command  of  the  Bishop  of  Spoleto  that 
she  could  be  prevailed  upon  to  accept  this  new 
dignity.  Kind  and  indulgent  towards  others,  she 
treated  herself  with  the  most  unrelenting  severity, 
multiplying  her  fasts,  vigils,  and  other  austerities  to 
such  an  extent  that  at  one  time  her  life  was  even 
feared  for.  To  these  acts  of  penance  she  added  the 
practice  of  the  most  profound  humility  and  the  most 
perfect  charity,  while  the  suffering  of  her  Redeemer 
formed  the  continual  subject  of  her  meditation. 
Shortly  after  the  death  of  St.  Clare,  inquiry  into  her 
virtues  and  the  miracles  wrought  through  her  inter- 
cession was  instituted,  preparatory  to  her  canoniza- 
tion. It  was  not,  however,  until  several  centuries 
later  that  she  was  canonized  by  Pope  Leo  XIII  in 
1881. 

Waddino,  Annales  Minorum.  VI,  140:  XIV,  619,  and 
passim;  Acta  SS.,  August.  III.  664-88;  Leo,  Lives  of  the 
Saints  and  Blessed  of  the  Three  Orders  of  St.  Francis  (Taunton, 


1886),  III.  22-26. 


Stephen  M.  Donovan. 


Glare  of  Rimini,  Blessed  (Chiara  Aoolanti),  of 
the  order  of  Poor  Clares,  b.  at  Rimini  in  1282;  d. 
there  10  February,  1346.  Deprived  at  an  early  age 
of  the  support  and  guidance  of  her  parents  and  of  her 
pious  husband,  Clare  soon  fell  a  prey  to  the  dangers 
to  which  her  youth  and  beauty  exposed  her,  and  began 
to  lead  a  life  of  sinful  dissipation.  As  she  was  one  day 
assisting  at  Mass  in  the  church  of  the  Friars  Minor, 
she  seemed  to  hear  a  mysterious  voice  that  bade  her 
say  a  Pater  and  an  Ave  at  least  once  with  fervour  and 
attention.  Clare  obeyed  the  command,  not  knowing 
whence  it  came,  and  then  began  to  reflect  upon  her 
life.  Putting  on  the  habit  of  the  Third  Order  of  St. 
Francis,  she  resolved  to  expiate  her  sins  by  a  life  of 
penance,  and  she  soon  became  a  model  of  every  virtue, 
But  more  especially  of  charity  towards  the  destitute 
and  afflicted.  When  the  Poor  Clares  were  compelled 
to  leave  Regno  on  account  of  the  prevailing  wars,  it 
was  mainly  through  the  charitable  exertions  of  Clare 
that  they  were  able  to  obtain  a  convent  and  means  of 
sustenance  at  Rimini.  Later,  Clare  herself  entered 
the  order  of  Poor  Clares,  along  with  several  other 
pious  women,  and  became  superioress  of  the  convent 
of  Our  Lady  of  the  Angels  at  Rimini.  She  worked 
numerous  miracles  and  towards  the  close  of  her  life 
was  favoured  in  an  extraordinary  manner  with  the 
gift  of  contemplation.  Her  body  now  reposes  in  the 
cathedral  of  Rimini.  In  1784  the  cult  of  Blessed 
Clare  was  approved  by  Pius  VI,  who  permitted  her 
feast  to  be  celebrated  in  the  city  and  Diocese  of 
Rimini  on  the  tenth  of  February. 

Waijpino,  Annate*  Minorum  seu  historia  trium  ordinum  a 
9.  Francisco  institutorum  (Rome,  1731-36).  Leo,  Lives  of 
the  Saints  and  Blessed  of  the  Three  Orders  of  St.  Francis  (Taun- 
ton. 1885),  I,  235-238. 

Stephen  M.  Donovan. 
Clares,  Poor  (Clarissines).  See  Poor  Clares. 
Clark,  B.  T.   See  Aden,  Vicariate  Apostolic  or, 

Clark,  William,  English  priest,  date  of  birth  un- 
known, executed  at  Winchester,  29  Nov.,  1603.  He 
was  educated  at  Douai  College,  which  he  entered  6  Au- 
gust, 1587.  Passing  to  the  English  College  at  Rome 
in  1589,  he  was  ordained  priest  and  returned  to  Eng- 
land in  April,  1592.  Active  in  the  disputes  between 
the  seculars  and  the  Jesuits  on  the  appointment  of 
Blackwell  as  archpriest,  he  was  one  of  the  thirty- 
three  priests  who  signed  the  appeal  against  Black- 
well  dated  from  Wisb  ach  Castle,  1 7  November,  1600. 


Consequently  he  was  included  in  the  attack  which 
Father  Persons  made  against  the  characters  of  his  op- 
ponents. When  Clement  VIII  declared  in  favour  of 
the  appellant  clergy  (5  October,  1602)  and  restored  to 
them  their  faculties,  an  attempt  was  made,  but  in 
vain,  to  exclude  Clark  from  participation  in  the  privi- 
lege. At  this  time  he  was  in  the  Clink  prison.  On 
Low  Sunday  he  was  discovered  preparing  to  say  Mass 
in  the  prison  and  was  placed  in  still  closer  confine- 
ment. Shortly  after  this  he  became  connected  with 
the  mysterious  conspiracy  known  as  the  "Bye  Plot". 
He  was  committed  to  the  Gatehouse,  Westminster, 
thence  to  the  Tower,  and  finally  to  the  Castle  at  Win- 
chester. Nothing  was  proved  against  him  in  relation 
to  the  plot  save  various  practices  in  favour  of  Cath- 
olic interests;  nevertheless  he  was  condemned  to  death 
15  November,  and  executed  a  fortnight  later.  He 
protested  that  his  death  was  a  kind  of  martyrdom. 
He  is  the  author  of  "A  Replie  unto  a  certain  Libell 
latelie  set  foorth  by  Fa.  Parsons",  etc.  (1603,  s.  1.). 

Butler.  Memoirs  (London,  1822),  II,  81,  82;  Folev. 
Records  S.  J.  (London.  1877),  I,  28,  29,  35;  Douay  Diaries 
(London,  1878),  216,  225,  298;  Dodd,  Church  History  (Brus- 
sels, 1737),  II,  387;  Idem,  Church  History  (od.  Tierney,  1839), 
III,  cxliv,  clvii,  clxxxi;  IV,  xxxv  aqq.;  Gillow,  BM.  Diet.  Eng. 


Cath.  (London,  1885).  I. 


G.  E.  Hind. 


Classics.    See  Literature,  Classical. 

Claudia  (KXavSla),  a  Christian  woman  of  Rome, 
whose  greeting  to  Timothy  St.  Paul  conveys  with 
those  ofEubulus,  Pudens,  Linus,  "and  all  the  breth- 
ren" (II  Tim.,  iv,  21).  Evidently,  Claudia  was  quite 
prominent  in  the  Roman  community.  The  Linus 
mentioned  in  the  text  is  identified  by  St.  Irenaeus 
(Adv.hjer.,lII,iii,3)  with  the  successor  of  St.  Peter 
as  Bishop  of  Rome;  and  in  the  "  Apost.  Const. ",  VII, 
46,  he  is  called  the  son  of  Claudia,  Aim  &  KhaySUs, 
which  seems  to  imply  that  Claudia  was  at  least  as  well 
known  as  Linus.  It  has  been  attempted  to  prove 
that  she  was  the  wife  of  Pudens,  mentioned  by  St. 
Paul;  and,  further,  to  identify  her  with  Claudia 
Rufina,  the  wife  of  Aulus  Pudens  who  was  the  friend 
of  Martial  (Martial,  Epigr.,  IV,  13;  XI,  54).  Ac- 
cording to  this  theory  Claudia  would  be  a  lady 
of  British  birth,  probably  the  daughter  of  King 
Cogidubnus.  Unfortunately  there  is  not  sufficient 
evidence  to  make  this  identification  more  than  pos- 
sibly true. 

Acta  SS.,  May,  IV,  254;  Alford  in  Smith,  Did.  of  the  Bible 
8.  v.,  and  his  reference?;  Liohttoot,  Apost.  Fathers:  Clem., 
I.  29,  76-79. 

W.  S.  Reilly. 

Claudianus  Mamertua  (the  name  Ecdicius  is  un- 
authorized) aGallo-Roman  theologian  and  the  brother 
of  St.  Mamertus,  Bishop  of  Viennc,  d.  about  473. 
Descended  probably  from  one  of  the  leading  families 
of  the  country,  Claudianus  Mamertus  relinquished  his 
worldly  goods  and  embraced  the  monastic  life.  He 
assisted  his  brother  in  the  discharge  of  his  functions, 
and  Sidonius  Apollinaris  describes  him  as  directing 
the  psalm-singing  of  the  chanters,  who  were  formed 
into  groups  and  chanted  alternate  verses,  whilst  the 
bishop  was  at  the  altar  celebrating  the  sacred  myste- 
ries. "Psalmorum  hie  modulator  et  phonascus  ante 
altaria  fratre  gratulante  instructas  docuit  sonare 
classes"  (Epist.,  IV,  xi,  6 ;  V,  1.3-15).  This  passage 
is  of  importance  in  the  history  of  liturgical  chant.  In 
the  same  epigram,  which  constitutes  the  epitaph  of 
Claudianus  Mamertus,  Sidonius  also  informs  us  that 
this  distinguished  scholar  composed  a  lectionary,  that 
is,  a  collection  of  readings  from  Sacred  Scripture  to 
be  made  on  the  occasion  of  certain  celebrations 
during  the  year. 

According  to  the  same  writer,  Claudianus  "pierced 
the  sects  with  the  power  of  eloquence",  an  allusion  to 
a  prose  treatise  entitled  "On  the  State  of  the  Soul", 
or  "  On  the  Substance  of  the  Soul ' '.   Written  bet  ween. 


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CLAUDIOPOLIS 


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CLAVIGERO 


468  and  472,  this  work  was  destined  to  combat  the 
ideas  of  Faustus,  Bishop  of  Reii  (Riez,  in  the  depart- 
ment of  Basses- Alpes),  particularly  his  thesis  on  the 
corporeity  of  the  soul.  Plato,  whom  he  perhaps 
read  in  Greek,  Porphyry,  and  especially  Plotinus  and 
St.  Augustine  furnished  Claudianus  with  arguments. 
But  his  method  was  decidedly  peripatetic  and  fore- 
tokened Scholasticism.  Even  his  language  had  the 
same  characteristics  as  that  of  some  of  the  medieval 
philosophers:  hence  Claudianus  used  many  abstract 
adverbs  in  ter  (easentialiier,  acddenUr,  etc.:  forty 
according  to  La  Broise).  On  the  other  hand  he  re- 
vived obsolete  words  and,  in  a  letter  to  Sapaudus  of 
Vienne,  a  rhetorician,  sanctioned  the  imitation  of 
NtBvius,  Plautus,  Varro,  and  Gracchus.  Undoubtedly 
his  only  acquaintance  with  these  authors  was  through 
the  quotations  used  by  grammarians  and  the  adoption 
of  their  style  by  Apuleius,  whose  works  he  eagerly 
studied.  Of  course  this  tendency  to  copy  his  pre- 
decessors led  Claudianus  to  acquire  an  entirely  arti- 
ficial mode  of  expression  which  Sidonius,  in  wishing 
to  compliment,  called  a  modem  antique  (Epist.,  IV7 
iii,  3).  Besides  the  treatise  and  the  letter  to  Sa- 
paudus, both  of  which  are  of  value  in  the  study  of  the 
progress  of  culture  in  Gaul,  we  have  a  letter  from 
Claudianus  to  Sidonius  Apollinaria,  found  among  the 
letters  of  the  latter  (IV,  ii).  Some  poetry  has  also 
been  ascribed  to  him,  although  erroneously.  For  in- 
stance, he  has  been  credited  with  the  "  Pange,  lingua", 
which  is  by  Venantius  Fortunatus  (Carm.,  II,  ii); 
"Contra  vanos  poetas  ad  collegam",  a  poem  recom- 
mending the  choice  of  Christian  subjects  and  written 
by  Paulinus  of  Nola  (Carm.,  xxii);  two  short 
Latin  poems  in  honour  of  Christ,  one  by  Claudius 
Claudianus  (Birt  ed.,  p.  330;  Koch  ed.,  p.  248)  and 
the  other  by  Merobaudus  (Vollmer  ed.,  p.  19),  and  two 
other  Greek  poems  on  the  same  subject,  believed  to 
be  the  work  of  Claudius  Claudianus. 

Two  facts  assign  Claudianus  Mamertus  a  place  in 
the  history  of  thought:  he  took  part  in  the  reaction 
against  Semipelagianism,  which  took  place  in  Gaul 
towards  the  close  of  the  fifth  century  and  he  was  the 
precursor  of  Scholasticism,  forestalling  the  system  of 
Koscellinus  and  Abelard.  The  logical  method 
pursued  by  Claudianus  commanded  the  esteem  and 
investigation  of  Berengarius  of  Tours,  Nicholas  of 
Clairvaux,  secretary  to  St.  Bernard,  and  Richard  de 
Fournival. 

Sidonius  Apollinarib,  Epittula,  TV,  iii,  xi,  V,  ii;  Gen- 
nadius,  De  Virie  itttutribue,  83;  R.  de  la  Broise,  Matnerti 
Claudiani  vita  eiueque  doctrina  de  animd  kominie  (Paris,  1890); 
the  best  edition  is  by  Enqelbrecht  in  the  Corpue  ecriptorum 
eeciesiaeticorum  latinorum  of  the  Academy  of  Vienna  (Vienna, 
1887);  for  supplementary  information  of.  Chevalier,  Reper- 
toire da  tourcee  historiquee  du  mayen-Age,  Bio-bibliographie 
(Paris,  1905).  II,  2977. 

Paul  Lejat. 

Olaudiopolis,  a  titular  see  of  Asia  Minor.  It 
was  a  city  in  Cilicia  Tracheia  or  Byzantine  Isauria. 
The  old  name  is  perhaps  Kardabounda;  under 
Claudius  it  became  a  Roman  colony,  Colonia  Julia 
Augusta  Felix  Ninica  Claudiopolis.  None  of  its 
coins  are  known.  It  was  situated  at  the  lower  end 
of  the  central  Calycadnus  valley,  before  the  river 
enters  the  narrow  gorge  which  conducts  it  to  the 
coast  lands.  Leake  (Journal  of  a  Tour  in  Asia 
Minor,  107  sq.)  has  identified  it  with  Mut,  the  chief 
village  of  a  caza  in  the  vilayet  of  Adana,  a  view  which 
has  since  been  confirmed  by  epigraphical  evidence 
(Hogarth,  Supplem.  Papers,  Royal  Geogr.  Society, 
1893,  III,  651).  It  was  a  suffragan  of  Seleuceia. 
Only  six  bishops  are  mentioned  by  Lequien  (II;  1027); 
the  first,  /Edesius,  was  present  at  Nictea  in  325; 
the  last,  John,  was  present  at  Constantinople  in  533, 
and  is  probably  identical  with  the  prelate  who  was 
a  friend  of  Severus  in  508-11  (Brooks,  The  Sixth 
Book  of  the  Select  Letters  of  Severus,  II,  4,  7,  11). 
In  the  tenth  century  Claudiopolis  is  mentioned  by 


Constantino  Porphyrogenitus  (Them.,  xxxvi),  as 
one  of  the  ten  cities  of  Isaurian  Decapolis.  It  figures 
■till  in  the  "Notitis  episcopatuum"  in  the  twelfth 
or  thirteenth  century.  Mut  has  about  900  inhabi- 
tants, and  exhibits  vast  ruins. 

Rausat,  A$ia  Minor,  passim;  Ruob  in  Pault-Wisbowa, 
Reai-Eneyk.,  Ill,  2862;  Headlau,  Bed.  Silet  in  Itauria.  in 
Soc.  for  the  Promotion  or  Hellenic  Studies,  Supplem. 
Paper*,  I,  22  sq.;  Cuinet,  Turquie  a"Ane,  II,  78. 

S.  PfcTRIDES. 

Olaudiopolis,  a  titular  see  of  Bithynia,  in  Asia 
Minor.  Strabo  (XII,  4, 7)  mentions  a  town,  Bithynium 
(Claudiopolis),  celebrated  for  its  pastures  and  cheese. 
According  to  Pausanias  (VIII,  9)  it  was  founded  by 
Arcadians  from  Mantinea.  As  is  shown  by  its  coins, 
it  was  commonly  called  Claudiopolis  after  Claudius. 
It  was  the  birthplace  of  Antinous,  the  favourite  of 
Hadrian,  who  was  very  generous  to  the  city;  after- 
wards his  name  was  added  to  that  of  Claudius  on  the 
coins  of  the  city.  Theodoeius  II  (408-50)  made  it 
the  capital  of  a  new  province,  formed  at  the  expense 
of  Bithynia  and  Paphlagonia,  and  called  .  by  him 
Honorias  in  honour  of  the  Emperor  Honorius.  Claudi- 
opolis was  the  religious  metropolis  of  the  province 
(so  in  all  "  Notitis;  episcopatuum  ").  Lequien  (1, 567) 
mentions  twenty  titulars  of  the  see  to  the  thirteenth 
century;  the  first  is  St.  Autonomus,  said  to  have  suf- 
fered martyrdom  under  Diocletian;  we  may  add 
Ignatius,  a  friend  and  correspondent  of  Pnotius. 
The  Turkish  name  for  Claudiopolis  is  Bolou  or  Boli. 
It  is  now  the  chief  town  of  a  sanjak  in  the  vilayet  of 
Castamouni,  with  10,000  inhabitants  (700  Greeks, 
400  Armenians,  few  Catholics).  The  town  is  on  the 
Filias  Sou  (River  Bilkeus).  There  are  no  important 
ruins,  but  many  ancient  fragments  of  friezes,  cornices, 
funeral  cippi,  and  stele. 

Texier,  Asia  Mineure,  149:  Perrot,  Golatix  et  Bithunie,  42- 
45;  Cui-nit,  Turquie  eTAeie,  IV,  508  sq.;  Surra,  Diet,  of  Or.  and 
Rom.  Geogr.  (London,  1878),  s.  v.  Bithynium. 

S.  P&TRIDES. 

Claudius,  Apolltnaris.  See  Apollinarib  Clau- 
dius, Saint. 

Olavigero,  Francisco  Saverio,  b.  at  Vera  Cruz, 
Mexico,  9  September,  1731;  d.  at  Bologna,  Italy. 
2  April,  1787.  At  the  age  of  seventeen  he  entered 
the  Society  of  Jesus.  Father  Jose'  Rafael  Campoi, 
8.  J.,  at  the  College  of  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul  in 
Mexico,  directed  his  attention  to  the  valuable  collec- 
tion of  documents  on  Mexican  history  and  antiqui- 
ties deposited  there  by  Siguenza  y  Gongora,  and  he 
became  an  enthusiastic  investigator  in  these  fields. 
When  the  Jesuits  were  expelled  from  Mexico  in  1767, 
Father  Clavigero  went  to  Bologna,  where  he  founded 
a  literary  academy  and  pursued  diligently  his  docu- 
mentary studies  in  Mexican  aboriginal  history.  He 
compiled  there  his  "Historia  antica  del  Messico" 
(Cesena,  1780),  in  opposition  to  the  works  of  De 
Pauw,  Raynal,  and  Robertson.  While  the  "  Historia 
antica"  is  the  principal  work  of  Clavigero,  he  had 
already  published  in  Mexico  several  writings  of  minor 
importance.  After  his  death  there  appeared  "  Storia 
defia  California",  less  appreciated  but  still  not  to  be 
neglected  by  students. 

The  "Ancient  History  of  Mexico"  made  consider- 
able impression  and  met  with  great  favour.  Follow- 
ing the  book  of  the  Cavaliere  Boturini  he  included 
a  list  of  sources,  paying  particular  attention  to  the  In- 
dian pictographs,  on  tissue  and  other  substances,  form- 
ing part  of  the  Boturini  collection,  and  increasing  the 
list  by  specimens  then  extant  in  various  parts  of 
Europe.  The  catalogue  of  Indian  writers  is  also  taken 
from  Boturini,  as  Clavigero  is  careful  to  state.  While 
materially  enlarged  since  then  and  though  much  ad- 
ditional information  has  been  gained,  his  catalogue 
always  remains  of  value.  Finally  he  added  a  history 
of  the  conquest  of  Mexico.    While  other  Jesuit  wn- 


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tere  on  America,  who  wrote  after  the  expulsion  of  the 
order,  like  Molina  for  instance,  maintained  in  their 
books  an  attitude  of  dignified  impartiality,  Clavigero 
has  not  been  able  to  conceal  his  resentment  against 
the  Spaniards  for  that  measure.  He  does  not  allude 
to  it,  but  criticizes  the  conquerors  harshly,  extolling 
at  the  same  time,  beyond  measure,  the  character  ana 
culture  of  the  Indians.  The  writings  of  De  Fauw, 
Adair,  and  Robertson  are  severely  criticized.  The 
two  former  have,  in  their  hypercritical  tendencies, 

Sine  entirely  too  far  in  denying  to  the  Indians  of 
exico  a  certain  kind  and  degree  of  polity,  but  Rob- 
ertson was  much  more  moderate,  hence  nearer  the 
truth,  and  more  reliable  than  Clavigero  himself.  The 
latter  is  an  unsafe  guide  in  American  ethnology,  on  ac- 
count of  his  exaggeration  of  the  aboriginal  culture  of 
the  Mexican  sedentary  tribes.  But  the  systematic  ar- 
rangement of  his  work,  his  style,  and  the  sentimental 
interest  taken  in  the  conquered  peoples  ensured  to 
his  book  a  popular  sympathy  that  for  a  long  time  con- 
trolled the  opinions  of  students  as  well  as  of  general 
readers.  The  "  Storia  antica  del  Messico  "  was  trans- 
lated into  English  by  Cullen  (London,  1787);  there  is 
a  German  translation  of  the  English  version  (Leipzig, 
1789);  Spanish  editions  (London,  1826;  Mexico,  1844 
and  1853). 

Bekutain  db  8ouia,  BxbiioUca  Kiepone-americana  tpUntrio~ 
not  (Mexico,  1816  and  1883);  Dicdonario  universal  de  Hietoria 
I  Qeografia  (Mexico,  1853). 

An.  F.  Bandelier. 

Olavius,  Christopher  (Christoph  Clau),  mathe- 
matician and  astronomer,  whose  most  important 
achievement  related  to  the  reform  of  the  calendar 
under  Gregory  XIII;  b.  at  Bamberg,  Bavaria,  1538; 
d.  at  Rome,  12  February,  1612.  The  German  form 
of  his  name  was  latinized  into  "Clavius".  He 
entered  the  Society  of  Jesus  in  1555  and  his  especial 
talent  for  mathematical  research  showed  itself  even 
in  his  preliminary  studies  at  Coimbra.  Called  to 
Rome  by  his  superiors  as  teacher  of  this  branch  of 
science  at  the  well-known  Collegium  Romanian,  he 
was  engaged  uninterruptedly  there  until  his  death. 
The  greatest  scholars  of  his  time,  such  men  as  Tycho 
Brahe,  Johann  Kepler,  Galileo  Galilei,  and  Giovanni 
Antonio  Magini,  esteemed  him  highly.  He  was  called 
the  "Euclid  of  the  sixteenth  century";  and  even  his 
scientific  opponents,  like  Scaliger,  said  openly  that 
they  would  rather  be  censured  by  a  Clavius  than 
praised  by  another  man.  There  has,  however,  been 
no  lack  of  persistent  disparagement  of  Catholic 
scholars  even  down  to  our  own  times;  and  therefore 
much  that  is  inexact,  false,  and  mythical  has  been 
put  into  circulation  about  Clavius,  as  for  example 
that  he  was  originally  named  "Schliissel"  (davit, 
"  key  "),  that  he  was  appointed  a  cardinal,  that  he  met 
his  death  by  the  thrust  of  a  mad  bull,  etc.  His  rela- 
tions with  Galilei,  with  whom  he  remained  on  friendly 
terms  until  his  death,  have  also  been  often  misrepre- 
sented. The  best  evidence  of  the  actual  achieve- 
ments of  the  great  man  is  presented  by  his  numerous 
writings,  which  at  the  end  of  his  life  he  reissued  at 
Mainz  in  five  huge  folio  volumes  in  a  collective  edi- 
tion under  the  title,  "Christophori  Clavii  e  Societate 
Jesu  opera  mathematica,  quinque  tomis  distribute ". 
The  first  contains  the  Euclidean  geometry  and  the 
"Spheric"  of  Theodosius  (Sphtericorum  Libri  III); 
the  second,  the  practical  geometry  and  algebra;  the 
third  is  composed  of  a  complete  commentary  upon 
the  "Sphere"  of  Joannes  de  Sacro  Bosco  (John  Holy- 
wood),  and  a  dissertation  upon  the  astrolabe;  the 
fourth  contains  what  was  up  to  that  time  the  most 
detailed  and  copious  discussion  of  gnomonics,  i.  e.  the 
art  of  constructing  all  possible  sun-dials;  finally,  the 
fifth  contains  the  best  and  most  fundamental  exposi- 
tion of  the  reform  of  the  calendar  accomplished  under 
Gregory  XIII. 

Many  of  these  writings  had  already  appeared  in 


numerous  previous  editions,  especially  the  "Com- 
mentarius  in  Sphseram  Joannis  de  Sacro  Bosco" 
(Rome,  1570,  1575,  1581,  1585,  1606;  Venice,  1596, 
1601,  1602,  1603,  1607;  Lyons,  1600,  1608,  etc.); 
likewise  the  "Euclidis  Elementorum  Libri  XV" 
(Rome,  1574,  1589,  1591,  1603,  1605;  Frankfort. 
1612).  After  his  death  also  these  were  republished 
in  1617, 1627, 1654, 1663, 1717,  at  Cologne,  Frankfort, 
and  Amsterdam,  and  were  even  translated  into  Chi- 
nese. In  his  "Geometria  Practica"  (1604)  Clavius 
states  among  other  things  a  method  of  dividing  a 
measuring  scale  into  subdivisions  of  any  desired 
smallness,  which  is  far  more  complete  than  that  given 
by  Nonius  and  must  be  considered  as  the  precursor  of 
the  measuring  instrument  named  after  Vernier,  to 
which  perhaps  the  name  Clavius  ought  accordingly  to 
be  given.  The  chief  merit  of  Clavius,  however,  lies  in 
the  profound  exposition  and  masterly  defence  of  the 
Gregorian  calendar  reform,  the  execution  and  final 
victory  of  which  are  due  chiefly  to  him.  Cf.  "Romani 
calendarii  a  Gregorio  XIII  restituti  explicatio"  (Rome, 
1603);  "Novi  calendarii  Romani  apologia  (ad versus 
M.  Mtestlinum  in  Tubingensi  Academia  mathemati- 
cian)" (Rome,  1588).  Distinguished  pupils  of  Clavius 
were  Grienberger  and  Blancanus,  both  priests  of  the 
Society  of  Jesus. 

Sommbbvoobu  Bibl.  de  la  e.  de  J.  (Brussels,  1891),  II,  col. 
1212;  La landi,  Bibliog.  wstron.  (1803);  Dxlaubrx.  Hieloire 
de  I'antronomie  modern*  (Paris,  1821);  Wolf,  Oeeckichle  der 
Aetrtmomie  (Munich,  1877);  Bulletin  cuiron.  (Paris,  1905),  sqq.; 
Revue  dee  Quettione  Scimlifiquee  (Louvain,  1908),  series  III, 
XIII,  324-331. 

Adolf  MCller. 

Olavus,  Claudius  (or  Nicholas  Niger),  the  latin- 
ised form  of  the  name  of  the  old  Danish  cartographer 
Claudius  Clauss6n  Swart,  b.  in  the  village  of  Sailing, 
on  the  Island  of  Fttnen,  14  September,  1388;  date  of 
death  unknown.  He  was  the  first  man  to  make  a 
map  of  North-Westerm  Europe,  which,  moreover, 
included  the  first  map  of  Greenland.  He  was  appar- 
ently an  ecclesiastic.  In  the  course  of  his  frequent 
journeys  he  went  to  Italy,  where  in  1424  he  aroused 
much  interest  among  the  Humanists  of  Rome  by 
announcing  that  in  the  Cistercian  monastery  of  Soroe, 
near  Roeskilde,  he  had  seen  three  large  volumes  which 
contained  the  "Ten  Decades"  of  LiVy;  according  to 
his  own  statement  he  had  read  the  titles  of  the  chap- 
ters (decern  Livii  decades,  quorum  capita  ipse  legisset). 
Through  his  intercourse  with  the  Humanists  he 
became  acquainted  with  the  maps  and  descriptions  of 
Ptolemy,  and  was  thus  led  to  supplement  the  work  of 
Ptolemy  by  adding  to  it  a  chart  and  description  of  the 
North- West  country.  Clavus  first  turned  his  knowl- 
edge of  Scandinavia  and  Greenland  to  account  in  the 
geographical  drawing  and  description  which  has  been 

Preserved  in  the  Ptolemy  MS.  of  1427  of  Cardinal 
Waster.  The  manuscript  is  now  in  the  public  library 
of  Nancy.  Descriptions  of  it  have  been  repeatedly 
given  by  Waitz,  NordenskjOld,  Storm,  and  others. 
The  facsimile  of  Clavus's  map  and  his  description  of 
the  parts  contained,  which  were  published  by  Norden- 
skidld  and  Storm,  show  that  he  gave  Greenland  and 
Iceland  the  correct  geographical  position,  namely, 
west  of  the  Scandinavian  Peninsula. 

Far  more  important,  however,  for  the  history  of 
cartography  is  the  second  map  and  description  of 
North-western  Europe  and  Greenland  that  Clavus 
produced.  As  yet,  unfortunately,  the  original  of  this 
work  has  not  been  found,  nor  does  any  copy  contain 
both  the  map  and  the  description.  This  second  map 
has  been  preserved  in  the  works  of  the  German  car- 
tographers, Donnus  Nicholas  German  us  and  Henricus 
Martellus  Germanus,  who  lived  at  Florence  in  the 
second  half  of  the  fifteenth  century.  Until  recently, 
the  descriptive  text  belonging  to  the  map  has  only 
been  known  by  the  citations  of  Schoner  and  Friedlieb 
(Irenicus) ;  the  complete  text  was  not  known  until  it 
was  found  by  Bjdrnbo  in  two  codices  in  the  imperial 


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library  at  Vienna.  Bjornbo's  discovery  is  especially 
important  as  it  is  now  certain  that  Claudius  Clavus 
was  actually  in  Greenland  and  that  he  claims  to  have 
pushed  his  journey  along  the  west  coast  as  far  as 
70°  10'  N.  lat.  Another  fact  that  lends  importance 
to  this  discovery  is  that  an  explanation  has  at  last 
been  found  for  the  incomprehensible  names  on  the  old 
maps  of  Greenland.  Local  names  in  Greenland  and 
Iceland,  so  entirely  different  from  those  that  appear 
in  the  Icelandic  sagas,  for  a  long  time  served  the 
defenders  of  the  Zeni  as  an  argument  that  the  map  of 
Greenland  was  the  work  of  the  elder  Zeno.  It  is  now 
clear  from  the  list  of  names  given  by  Clavus  that  the 
Icelandic  names  on  the  map  are  not  the  real  designa- 
tions of  the  places,  but  merely  the  names  of  Runic 
characters.  In  the  same  manner,  when  he  came  to 
Greenland,  Claudius  Clavus  used  the  successive  words 
of  the  first  stanza  of  an  old  Danish  folk-song,  the 
scene  of  which  is  laid  in  Greenland,  to  designate  the 
headlands  and  rivers  that  seemed  to  him  most  worthy 
of  note  as  he  sailed  from  the  north-east  coast  of 
Greenland  around  the  southern  end,  and  up  the  west 
coast.  In  the  linguistic  form  of  the  words  the  dialect 
of  the  Island  of  FQnen  is  still  evident.  The  discovery 
also  makes  clear  how  the  younger  Zeno  was  able  to 
add  to  the  forged  story  of  a  journey  made  in  1558  a 
comparatively  correct  map  of  the  northern  countries, 
and  now  he  came  to  make  use  of  the  lines  beginning: — 
Thar  boer  eeynh  manh  ij  eyn  Groenenlandz  cm"  etc., 
which  run  in  English: — 

There  lives  a  man  on  Greenland's  stream, 

And  Spieldebodh  doth  he  be  named; 

More  has  he  of  white  herrings 

Than  he  has  pork  that  is  fat. 

From  the  north  drives  the  sand  anew. 

The  second  map  of  Clavus  exercised  a  great  in- 
fluence on  the  development  of  cartography.  As 
Clavus  in  drawing  his  map  of  North-Western  Europe 
arid  Greenland  made  use  of  all  the  authorities  to  be 
had  in  his  time,  e.  g.  Ptolemy's  portolanos  (marine 
maps)  and  itineraries,  so  the  map-makers  of  succeed- 
ing centuries  adopted  his  map,  either  directly  or 
indirectly:  thus,  m  the  fifteenth  century,  Donnus 
Nicholas  Germanus  and  Henricus  Martellus;  in  the 
sixteenth  century,  Waldseemuller,  Nicole  Zeno,  Rus- 
celli,  Moletius,  Ramusio,  Mercator,  Ortelius;  m  the 
seventeenth  century,  Hondius,  Blaeu,  and  others;  in 
the  eighteenth  century,  Homann  and  his  successors. 
It  is  evident  that  scarcely  any  other  map  has 
exerted  so  permanent  an  influence  as  the  map  of 
Greenland  by  Claudius  Clavus,  "  the  first  cartographer 
of  America  . 

Storm,  Den  dantke  Geograf  Claudius  Clavus  eller  Nicolaus 
Niger  (Stockholm,  1891);  Bjornbo  and  Petersen,  Fycnboen 
Claudius  Clausson  Swart  (Copenhagen,  1904);  Fischer.  Die 
kartographische  DarsteUung  der  Entdeckungen  der  Normaruun 
in  Amerika  in  Proceedings  of  the  Internal.  Amer.  Congress 
of  lSOU  (Stuttgart,  1906). 

Joseph  Fischer. 

Clayton,  Jambs,  priest,  confessor  of  the  faith,  b. 
at  Sheffield,  England,  date  of  birth  not  known;  d.  a 
prisoner  in  Derby  gaol,  22  July,  1588.  He  was  the 
son  of  a  shoemaker,  and,  being  apprenticed  to  a 
blacksmith  for  seven  years,  spent  his  leisure  hours  in 
educating  himself,  giving  special  attention  to  the 
study  of  Latin.  His  studies  led  him  to  embrace  the 
Catholic  religion,  and  he  was  sent  to  the  English  Col- 
lege at  Reims  (1582),  where  he  was  ordained  priest 
in  1585,  and  immediately  returned  to  England  to 
labour  in  his  native  county.  Four  years  later,  while 
visiting  the  Catholic  prisoners  in  Derby  gaol,  he  was 
apprehended  and  condemned  to  death  for  exercising 
his  priestly  office.  His  brothers  pleaded  for  his  par- 
don and  his  execution  was  delayed,  though  he  was 
still  kept  a  prisoner.  Prison  life  brought  on  a  sick- 
ness of  which  he  died. 


Four,  Records  S.  J.  (London,  Roehampton,  1875-1879), 

'  "*         ""*'  _Ditmes,_ed._KNOx  (London,  1878), 


III,  47,  330,  802; 
12,  29,  184,  186,  200,  . 
etc.  (Paris,  1603),  206. 


262,  296;  Elt,  Certain  Brief  Notes. 

G.  E.  Hind. 


Cluomena,  a  titular  see  of  Asia  Minor.  The  city 
had  been  first  founded  on  the  southern  shore  of  the 
Ionian  Sea  (now  Gulf  of  Smyrna),  about  15  miles 
from  Smyrna;  it  was  one  of  the  twelve  cities  of  the 
Ionian  Confederation,  and  reached  the  acme  of  its  im- 
portance under  the  Lydian  kings.  After  the  death  of 
Croesus  its  inhabitants,  through  fear  of  the  Persians, 
took  refuge  on  the  island  opposite  their  town  (to-day 
St.  John's  Isle),  which  was  joined  to  the  mainland  by 
Alexander  the  Great;  the  pier  has  been  restored  and  is 
yet  used  as  means  of  communication  between  the 
modern  Vourla  and  the  island,  on  which  there  is  now 
an  important  quarantine  hospital.  Clazomente  is  the 
birthplace  of  the  philosophers  Hermotimus  and  An- 
axagoras.  The  see  was  a  suffragan  of  Ephesus.  Le- 
quien  (I,  729)  mentions  two  bishops:  Eusebius,  pre- 
sent at  Ephesus  and  Chalcedon,  in  431  and  451;  and 
Maoarius,  at  the  Eighth  (Ecumenical  Council,  in  869. 
When  Smyrna  was  raised  to  the  rank  of  a  metropolis 
(perhaps  as  early  as  the  sixth  century)  Clazomenss 
was  attached  to  it,  as  is  shown  by  Parthey's  "  Noti- 
tia3 ",  3  and  10.  In  1387  it  was  given  again  to  Ephe- 
sus by  a  synodal  act  of  the  patriarch  Nilus  (Miklosich 
and  MOller,  "Acta  Patriarchatus  Constantinopol. ", 
II,  103).  After  this  date  there  is  no  apparent  trace 
of  its  history;  nothing  remains  of  the  city  except  the 
ancient  pier. 

Labahn,  De  rebus  Clazomeniorum  (1875);  Smith,  Diet,  of  Or. 
and  Rom.  Geogr.  (London,  1878),  I,  631-32. 

S.  PfcTRIDis. 

Clean  and  Unclean. — The  distinction  between 
legal  or  ceremonial,  as  opposed  to  moral,  cleanness 
and  uncleanness  which  stands  out  bo  prominently  in 
the  Mosaic  legislation  (q.  v.). 

Oleef ,  Jan  van,  a  Flemish  painter,  b.  in  Guelder- 
land  in  1646;  d.  at  Ghent,  18  December,  1716.  He 
was  a  pupil  of  Luigi  Primo  (Gentile)  and  Gaspard  de 
Craeyer.  When  Craeyer  died,  Cleef  was  commissioned 
to  complete  his  master's  work  in  the  churches  and 
to  finish  the  cartoons  for  the  tapestry  ordered  by 
Louis  XIV.  The  churches  and  convents  in  Flanders 
and  Brabant  are  rich  in  his  paintings. 

He  was  a  splendid  draughtsman,  a  good  colourist, 
celebrated  for  his  management  of  drapery  and  for  his 
charming  portrayal  of  children's  heads  and  the  at- 
tractive faces  of  his  women.  In  a  school  pre-eminent 
in  portraiture  Jan  held  a  high  place.  _  He  accom- 
plished a  vast  amount  of  work,  all  showing  the  influ- 
ence of  his  masters  and  tending  more  to  Italian  than 
Flemish  methods.  His  favourite  subjects  were  Scrip- 
tural and  religious,  and  his  treatment  of  them  was 
simple  and  broad.  His  masterpiece,  "Nuns  Giving 
Aid  during  the  Plague",  in  the  convent  of  the  Black 
Nuns,  at  Ghent,  rivals  the  work  of  Van  Dyck. 

For  bibliography,  see  Cleek,  Joost  van. 

Leioh  Hunt. 

Oleef,  Joost  van  (Josse  van  Cleve),  the  "Mad- 
man", a  Flemish  painter,  b.  in  Antwerp  c.  1520;  died 
c.  1556.  He  was  one  of  twenty  van  Cleefs  who 
painted  in  Antwerp,  but  whether  the  well-known 
Henry,  Martin,  and  William  (the  younger)  were  kin 
of  his  cannot  be  determined.  Of  his  father,  William 
(the  elder),  we  know  only  that  he  was  a  member  of 
the  Antwerp  Academy,  which  body  Joost  joined. 
Joost  was  a  brilliant  and  luminous  colourist, 
rivalling,  in  this  respect,  the  Italians,  whose  methods 
he  followed.  Severity  and  hardness  of  outline  some- 
what marred  his  otherwise  fine  draughtsmanship. 
Portraiture  in  the  sixteenth  century  was  represented 
by  Joost  van  Cleef;  and  Kugler  places  him,  artisti- 


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tally,  between  Holbein  and  Antonio  Moro,  his  "  Por- 
trait of  a  Man  "  in  Munich  (Pinakotbek)  being  long  at- 
tributed to  Holbein.  He  painted  in  France,  England, 
and  Germany.  The  celebrated  portrait  painter  of 
Cologne,  Bruyn,  was  his  pupil.  Imagining  himself 
inappreciated,  he  went  to  Spain  and  was  presented 
to  Philip  II  by  Moro,  the  court  painter. 

Because  Henry  VIII,  according  to  English  author- 
ities, chose  Titian's  pictures  in  preference  to-  his,  van 
Cleef  became  infuriated,  and  his  frenzy  later  devel- 
oped into  permanent  insanity.  The  French  contend 
that  it  was  Philip,  in  Spain,  who  gave  Titian  the 
preference.  The  most  distressing  feature  of  Joost's 
insanity  was  that  he  retouched  and  ruined  his  fin- 
ished pictures  whenever  he  could  gain  access  to  them, 
and  his  family  finally  had  to  place  him  under  restraint. 
Beautiful  altar-pieces  by  van  Cleef  are  found  in  many 
Flemish  churches,  notably  "The  Last  Judgment 
(Ghent).  Perhaps  the  most  celebrated  of  his  works 
is  the  "Bacchus  (Amsterdam),  whose  young  face  is 
crowned  with  prematurely  grey  hair.  "A  Virgin" 
(Middleburg)  is  noteworthy  as  having  a  charming 
landscape  for  the  background,  a  combination  rare  in 
those  days.  Other  works  are  "  Portrait  of  the  Painter 
and  his  Wife",  at  Windsor  Castle;  "Portrait  of  a 
Young  Man",  at  Berlin;  and  "  Portrait  of  a  Man",  at 
Munich. 

Blanc,  Hiat.  dea  peintrea  dc  toutea  lea  ecolea  (ecolc  FUsmande) 
(Pari*.  1877);  Wauteks,  Malory  of  Flemiah  Painting  (London, 
1SS3);  Deschaups,  Le  vie  dea  Peintrea  Flamanda,  Allemonds 
rt  Hoilandoia  (Paris,  1753);  BOroeh,  Triaora  d'art  en  Angle- 
Icrre  (Brussels,  I860);  Biographic  Nationale  de  Belgique  (Brus- 
sels, 1885);  Keinach.  Storgof  Art  throughout  the  Ages,  tr.  Sim- 
uo.nds  (New  York,  1904). 

Leigh  Hunt. 

Cleef,  Martin  van,  Flemish  painter,  b.  at  Ant- 
werp in  1520;  d.  in  1570;  was  the  son  of  the  painter 
William  (the  younger  William)  and  was  throughout 
his  life  closely  associated  with  his  brother  Henry,  who 
exerted  great  influence  over  his  artistic  career.  Des- 
champs asserts  that  Martin  and  Joost  were  brothers, 
but  the  majority  of  writers  on  Flemish  art  agree  tliat 
Joost  was  the  son  of  the  elder  William.  Martin  stud- 
ied under  Franz  Floris,  "the  incomparable  Floris", 
and  at  first  exhibited  a  strong  predilection  for  land- 
scape work.  Later  on,  however,  persuaded  by  Henry, 
he  devoted  himself  wholly  to  figure-painting.  His- 
torical subjects  were  liis  favourites,  but  lie  also  achieved 
great  success  in  genre  painting.  The  latter  lias  been 
stigmatized  as  vulgar  and  suggestive,  but  wliile  coarse, 
and  reflecting  the  peasant  life  of  the  Flemings,  it  dif- 
fered but  little  in  this  respect  from  the  canvases  of  the 
great  Dutchmen.  After  a  few  early  attempts  in  large 
compositions  after  the  Italian  manner  of  Floris,  he 
painted  small  pictures  only,  and  these  with  great 
spirit  and  thorough  technic.  His  work  is  delicate 
and  refined  in  treatment,  harmonious  in  colour,  and 
excellent  in  draughtsmanship. 

Martin  van  Cleef  painted  in  the  landscapes  the 
figures  of  many  eminent  contemporaries,  Gilles  and 
Franz  Floris  among  them,  and  he  cont  inually  collabor- 
ated with  his  brother  Henry  in  that  way.  Henry 
reciprocated  and  added  to  Martin's  figure-pieces  land- 
scape backgrounds  charming  in  colour  and  design,  and 
liannonizing  well  with  the  rest  of  the  picture.  On 
many  of  his  works  Martin  painted,  as  a  mark,  a  small 
ape  —playing  thus  on  his  name — and  in  consequence  is 
frequently  called  the  "Master  of  the  Ape".  He  was 
admitted  to  the  Antwerp  Academy,  and  in  1551 
became  a  member  of  the  St.  Luke's  Guild  of  Artists. 
He  never  travelled  from  his  native  Flanders,  and  died 
of  gout  at  the  age  of  fifty,  leaving  four  sons — all  of 
them  painters. 

For  bibliography,  see  Cleef,  Joost  van. 

Leioh  Hunt. 

Clemanges,  or  Clamanges,  Mathieu-Nicolas 
Poillevillain  de,  a  French  Humanist  and  theo- 


logian, b.  in  Cnampagne  about  1360;  d.  at  Paris 
between  14'i4  and  1440.  He  made  his  studies  in  the 
College  of  Navarre  at  Paris,  and  in  1380  received  the 
degree  of  Licentiate,  later  on  that  of  Master  of  Arts. 
He  studied  theology  unaer  Gerson  and  Pierre 
d'Ailly,  and  receivedthe  degree  of  Bachelor  of  The- 
ology in  1393.  He  had  begun  to  lecture  at  the  uni- 
versity in  1391  and  was  appointed  its  rector  in  1393, 
a  position  he  filled  until  1395.  The  Church  was  then 
agitated  by  the  Western  Schism,  and  three  methods 
w.  re  proposed  to  re-establish  peace:  compromise,  con- 
cession, and  a  general  council.  From  1380  to  1394 
the  University  of  Paris  advocated  a  general  council. 
In  1394  another  tendency  was  manifest;  i.  e.  both 
Boniface  IX  and  Clement  VII  were  held  responsible  for 
the  continuance  of  the  schism,  and  their  resignations 
decreed  to  be  the  means  of  obtaining  peace.  To 
this  end  a  letter  was  written  to  King  Charles  VI  by 
three  of  the  most  learned  masters  of  the  university, 
Pierre  d'Ailly,  Gilles  des  Champs,  and  Clemanges. 
The  two  first  prepared  the  content,  to  which  Cle- 
manges  gave  a  Ciceronian  elegance  of  form.  The  letter 
was  unsuccessful,  and  the  university  was  ordered  to 
abstain  from  further  discussion.  Clemanges,  forced 
to  resign  the  rectorship  of  the  university,  then  be- 
came canon  and  dean  of  Saint-CIodoald  (1395),  and 
later  on  canon  and  treasurer  of  Langres.  The  anti- 
pope  Benedict  XIII,  who  admired  his  Latin  style, 
took  him  for  his  secretary  in  1397,  and  he  remained  at 
Avignon  until  1408,  when  he  abandoned  Benedict 
because  of  the  latter's  conflict  with  Charles  VI. 
CMraanges  now  retired  to  the  Carthusian  monastery 
of  Valfonds  and  later  to  Fontaine-du-Bosc.  In  these 
two  retreats  he  wrote  his  best  treatises,  "De  Fructu 
cremi"  (dedicated  to  Pierre  d'Ailly);  "De  Fructu 
rerum  adversarum",  "De  novis  festivitatibus  non 
iustituendis",  and  "De  studio  theologico",  in  which 
latter  work  he  exhibits  his  dislike  for  the  Scholastic 
method  in  philosophy.  In  1412  he  returned  to 
Langres,  and  was  appointed  Archdeacon  of  Bayeux. 
His  voice  was  heard  successively  at  the  Council  of 
Constance  (1414),  and  at  Chartres  (1421),  where  he 
defended  the  "liberties"  of  the  Gallican  Church.  In 
1425  ho  was  teaching  rhetoric  and  theology  in  the 
College  of  Navarre,  where,  most  probably,  he  died. 
Clemanges  is  also  credited  with  the  authorship  of  the 
work  "De  corrupto  Ecclesia?  statu",  first  edited  by 
Cordatus  (possibly  Hutten)  in  1513,  a  violent  attack 
on  the  morality  and  discipline  of  the  contemporary 
Church;  hence  he  is  sometimes  considered  a  Reformer 
of  the  type  of  Wyclif  and  Hus.  Schubert,  however, 
in  his  book  "1st  Nicolaus  von  Clemanges  der  Ver- 
fasser  des  Buches  De  corrupto  Ecclesia?  statu?" 
(Grossenhain,  1882;  Leipzig,  1888)  has  shown  that, 
although  a  contemporary,  Clemanges  was  not  the 
author  of  the  book.  His  works  were  edited  in  two 
volumes  by  J.  Lydius,  a  Protestant  minister  of 
Frankfort  (Leyden,  1613).  His  letters  are  in 
d'Achery  (below)  I,  473  sqq. 

d'Ackery,  Spicilcgium  (Paris,  1686),  VII,  prsrf.  6-7; 
Dcpin.  .Voui>.  bibl.  dea  auteura  ecetia.,  XII,  78;  MOntz,  Nicoloa  de 
L'Umangts,  aa  vie  el  sea  ecrila  (Strasburg.  1846):  Dknifle  et 
Chatelun,  Chartularium  Univ.  Paris.  (1894)  III,  736;  Feket. 
La  fnctiltf  de  theotogie  de  Paria,  IV,  275-295;  Voigt,  Die 
Wiederhetebung  des  cloasisehen  AUertums,  II,  349-356; 
Okeichton,  A  History  of  the  Papacy  (London,  1882),  I; 
Pastor,  History  of  the  Popes,  I;Salkmbiek,  Le  grand  schisme 
d'Occident  (Pans.  1902). 

J.  B.  Delaunay. 

Olemencet,  Charles,  Benedictine  historian,  b.  at 
Painblanc,  in  the  department  of  Cdte-d'Or,  France. 
1703;  d.  at  Paris,  5  August,  1778.  Clemencet  en- 
tered the  Congregation  of  Saint-Maur  at  an  early  age ; 
for  a  short  time  he  was  lector  of  rhetoric  at  Pont-le- 
Voy,  but,  on  account  of  his  great  abilities,  was  soon 
called  to  Paris.  Here  he  took  part  in  almost  all  of  the 
important  literary  labours  of  his  congregation,  show- 
ing a  marked  preference  for  historical  research.  At 


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first  his  superiors  commissioned  him  to  edit  the 
"Bibliotheca"  (Myriobiblion)  of  Photius.  Cl&nen- 
cot  soon  retired  from  this  task  and  devoted  all  his 
powers  to  a  chronological  work  for  which  Dantine, 
another  member  of  the  congregation,  had  made  the 
preparatory  studies.  This  chronology,  Clemencet's 
principal  work,  had  the  very  prolix  title:  "L'art  de 
verifier  les  dates  ou  faits  historiques  des  chartes,  des 
chroniques,  et  anciens  monuments  depuis  la  nais- 
sance  de  Jesus-Christ,  par  le  moyen  d'une  table 
chronologique,  ou  l'on  trouve  les  annees  de  Jesus- 
Christ  et  de  l'Ere  d'Elspagne,  les  Indictions,  le  Cycle 
pascal,  les  Pdques  de  chaque  annee,  les  Cycles  solaires 
et  lunaires.  Avec  un  Calendrier  perp6tuel,  l'Histoire 
abregee  des  conciles,  des  papes,  des  empereurs  re- 
mains, grecs,  francais,  allemands  et  turcs;  des  Rois 
de  France,  d'Espagne  et  d'Angleterre,  d'Ecosse,  de 
Lombardie,  de  Sicile,  de  Jerusalem,  etc.,  des  Dues  de 
Bourgogne,  de  Normandie,  de  Bretagne;  des  Comtes 
de  Toulouse,  de  Champagne  et  de  Blois  par  des  re- 
ligieux  beneclictins  de  fa  congregation  de  Saint- 
Maur"  (Paris,  1750).  The  work  was  compiled  with 
extraordinary  industry,  and  contains,  as  the  title 
shows,  a  large  amount  of  historical  material.  In  its 
judgment  of  persons  and  facts,  however,  it  betrayed 
a  strong  bias  to  Jansenism  and  Gallicanism,  and  was, 
consequently,  frequently  attacked,  one  opponent 
in  particular  being  the  Jesuit  Patouillet.  Hie  asser- 
tion was  made,  and  not  without  reason,  that  the  title 
ought  to  read:  "L'art  de  verifier  les  dates  et  falsifier 
les  faits". 

Clemencet  also  wrote  volumes  X  and  XI,  issued  at 
Paris,  1756  and  1759,  of  the  monumental  work  "His- 
toire  litt£raire  de  la  France".  The  volumes  prepared 
by  Clemencet  are  a  rich  collection  of  authorities,  and 
are  of  importance  not  only  for  the  literary  history  of 
France  but  also  for  the  history  of  the  development 
of  all  the  nations  of  the  Middle  Ages.  It  was  intended 
that  he  should  edit  volume  XII  of  the  "Histoire  Iit- 
ieraire",  preparing  for  it  the  life  of  St.  Bernard  of 
Clairvaux,  but  he  gave  up  the  undertaking  and  wrote 
instead  an  independent  work  entitled:  ^Histoire  des 
vies  et  ecrite  de  Saint-Bernard  et  de  Pierre  le  Vener- 
able" (Paris,  1773).  His  strong  predilection  for 
Jansenism  is  shown  in  two  of  his  writings,  namely: 
"Histoire  generate  de  Port-Royal  depuis  la  relorme 
de  cctte  abbaye  jusqu'i  son  entiere  destruction 
(10  vols.,  Amsterdam,  1755-1757),  and  "Conferences 
de  la  Mere  Angelique  de  Saint-Jean,  Abbesse  de  Port- 
Royal"  (3  vols.,  Utrecht,  1760).  Of  the  former  of 
these  two  works  only  the  first  half  could  be  published, 
as  the  second  part  contained  too  strong  a  defence  of 
Jansenism.  On  account  of  his  leaning  to  Jansenism, 
Clemencet  was  a  bitter  opponent  of  the  Jesuits.  He 
attacked  them  in  several  exceedingly  sharp  pamph- 
lets and  worked  for  the  suppression  of  the  Society. 
Among  his  literary  labours  should  also  be  mentioned 
his  share  in  an  excellent  edition  of  the  works  of  St. 
Gregory  of  Nazianzus.  Prudentius  Maranus,  an- 
other member  of  the  Congregation  of  Saint-Maur,  had 
begun  the  task.  Clemencet  issued  the  first  volume 
under  the  title:  "Gregorii  Theologi  opera  quae  extant 
omnia"  (Paris,  1778).  This  edition  is  still  valuable 
and  far  surpasses  all  the  earlier  editions. 
rT''!^?s"'•  HUtovre  litteraire  de  la  Congregation  de  Saint-Maur, 
II,  3<4-83;  de  Lama,  Bibliothcque  da  (crivaim  de  la  Conort- 
gatum  de  Saint-Maur,  599-610. 

Patricius  Schlaqer. 

Clemens,  Franz  Jacob,  a  German  Catholic  phil- 
osopher, b.  4  October,  1815,  at  Coblenz;  d.  24  Febru- 
ary, 1862,  at  Rome.  After  spending  some  time  in  an 
educational  institution  at  Metz,  he  entered,  at  the  age 
of  sixteen,  the  Jesuit  College  of  Fribourg,  Switzer- 
land, attended  the  Gymnasium  at  Coblenz,  and  thence 
passed  to  the  University  of  Bonn.  In  1835  he  ma- 
triculated at  the  University  of  Berlin,  where  he  de- 


voted special  attention  to  the  study  of  philosophy 
and  received  the  doctorate  in  philosophy  (1839).  At 
the  end  of  a  literary  journey  through  Germany  and 
Italy,  he  became,  in  1843,  instructor  in  philosophy 
at  the  University  of  Bonn,  and  taught  there  with 
great  success  until  1856.  In  1848  he  was  elected  a 
member  of  the  Frankfort  Parliament,  and  attended, 
at  Mainz,  the  first  General  Congress  of  German  Catho- 
lics, at  which  he  suggested  the  foundation  of  the 
St.  Vincent  de  Paul  Society  in  Germany.  In  1856 
he  was  appointed  professor  of  philosophy  in  the 
Academy  of  Minister.  So  great  was  his  popularity 
as  a  teacher  at  Bonn  that,  when  he  removed  to  Mon- 
ster, he  was  followed  by  some  seventy  students.  The 
attendance  at  his  lectures  in  the  Westphalian  capital 
was  an  extraordinarily  large  one;  but  his  health  failed 
after  a  few  years.  In  1861,  upon  the  advice  of  his 
physicians,  he  sought  relief  in  a  southern  climate;  he 
died  at  Rome  in  the  beginning  of  the  following  year 
and  was  buried  at  the  Gesu. 

Clemens  was  a  layman  of  sound  Catholic  principles, 
who  ably  defended  the  Church  even  on  theological 

rations.  He  published  his  first  great  work, ' '  Gior- 
o  Bruno  und  Nikolaus  von  Cusa",  in  1847,  at 
Bonn.  He  also  wrote  in  defence  of  the  Holy  Coat 
of  Trier, "  Der  heilige  Rock  zu  Trier  und  die  protest- 
antische  Kritik  "  (1845),  against  Gildemeister  and  von 
Sybel.  His  other  principal  writings  were  connected 
with  two  controversies  in  which  he  became  involved. 
His  book,  "Die  speculative  Theologie  A.  Gun  there" 
(Cologne,  1853),  a  clear  demonstration  of  the  contra- 
diction between  Catholic  doctrine  and  the  views  of 
Gilnther,  elicited  answers  from  Professors  Baltzer 
and  Knoodt,  to  which  Clemens  replied.  His  "De 
Scholasticorum  sententia,  philosophiam  esse  theo- 
logize ancillam,  commentatio "  (Monster,  1856) 
treated  of  the  subordinate  position  which  philosophy 
should  occupy  in  regard  to  theology.  It  brought  nim 
into  conflict  with  Professor  Kuhn  of  TQbingen,  against 
whom  he  published,  in  defence  of  his  position:  "Die 
Wahrheit  etc."  (MUnster,  1860)  and  "Uber  das 
Verhaltniss  etc."  (Mainz,  1860). 

Der  Katholik  (1862),  I,  257-80:  Lit.  Handtoeiter  (1862), 
88-89;  StAckx  in  Alio.  deut.  Biog.  (Leiiwig,  1876).  IV,  315-17; 
Dublin  Rev.  (1862-63).  LII,  417-18. 

N.  A.  Weber. 

Clemens  non  Papa  (Jacques  Clement),  repre- 
sentative of  the  Flemish  or  Netherland  School  of  music 
of  the  sixteenth  century;  d.  1558.  All  that  is  known 
with  reasonable  certainty  of  his  life  is  that  he  pre- 
ceded Nicolas  Gombert  (1495-1570)  as  choirmaster 
at  the  court  of  Charles  V.  An  indication  of  his  fame 
is  his  nickname  non  Papa,  given  to  distinguish  him 
from  the  contemporaneous  Pope  Clement  VII  (1523- 
34).  While  his  style  is  always  noble  and  fluent,  he 
shows  the  fault  of  "his  time  and  school  of  elaborating 
contrapuntal  forms  at  the  expense  of  a  clear  and  dis- 
tinct declamation  of  the  text.  Clemens  was,  never- 
theless, one  of  the  chief  forerunners  of  Palestrina  and 
Orlandus  Lassus,  who  alone  were  able  to  overshadow 
him.  Some  of  his  more  important  works  are:  ten 
masses,  one  for  six,  five  for  five,  and  four  for  four 
voices,  published  by  Petrus  Phalesius  at  Lou  vain 
(1555-80),  a  large  number  of  motets,  and  four  vol- 
umes of  "Souter  Liedekens",  that  is  psalms  set  to 
familiar  Netherland  melodies,  published  by  Tylmann 
Susato  at  Antwerp  (1556-57). 

Ambros.  Oesch.  der  Mutik  (Leipzig,  1881);  Ribuann,  Hand- 
buck  der  Mutiktmchichle  (Leipzig,  1907). 

Joseph  Otten. 


Clemens  Prudentius. 

Aurelius  Clemens. 


See  Prudentius,  Marcus 


Clement  I,  Saint,  Pope  (called  Clemens  Romantts 
to  distinguish  him  from  the  Alexandrian),  is  the  first 
of  the  successors  of  St.  Peter  of.  whom  anything 
definite  is  known,  and  he  is  the  first  of  the  "Apostolic 


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Fathers".  His  feast  is  celebrated  23  November. 
He  has  left  one  genuine  writing,  a  letter  to  the 
Church  of  Corinth,  and  many  others  have  been  at- 
tributed to  him. 

I.  The  Fourth  Popb. — According  to  Tertullian, 
writing  c.  199,  the  Roman  Church  claimed  that 
Clement  was  ordained  by  St.  Peter  (De  Prsescript., 
xxxii),  and  St.  Jerome  tells  us  that  in  his  time  "most 
of  the  Latins"  held  that  Clement  was  the  immediate 
successor  of  the  Apostle  (De  viris  illustr.,  xv).  St. 
Jerome  himself  in  several  other  places  follows  this 
opinion,  but  here  he  correctly  states  that  Clement 
was  the  fourth  pope.  The  early  evidence  shows 
great  variety.  The  most  ancient  list  of  popes  is  one 
made  by  Hegesippus  in  the  time  of  Pope  Anicetus, 
c  160  (Harnack  ascribes  it  to  an  unknown  author 
under  Soter,  c.  170),  cited  by  St.  Epiphanius  (Hajr., 
xxvii,  6).  It  seems  to  have  been  used  by  St.  Irenreus 
(Hter.,  Ill,  iii),  by  Julius  Africanus,  who  composed  a 

 chronography  in 

222,  by  the  tWd- 
or  fourth-century 
author  of  a  Latin 
poem  againstMar- 
cion,  and  by  Hip- 
polytus, whose 
chronology  ex- 
tends to  234  and 
is  probably  found 
in  the  "Liberian 
Catalogue"  of 
354.  That  cata- 
logue was  itself 
adopted  in  the 
"Liber  Pontific- 
alis".  Eusebiusin 
his  chronicle  and 
history  used  Afri- 
canus ;  inthe  latter 
he  slightly  cor- 
rected the  dates. 
St.  Jerome's 
chronicle  is  a 
translation  of  Eusebius's,  and  is  our  principal  means 
for  restoring  the  lost  Greek  of  the  latter;  the  Armenian 
version  and  Coptic  epitomes  of  it  are  not  to  be  de- 
pended on.    The  varieties  of  order  are  as  follows: 

(1)  Linus,  Cletus,  Clemens  (Hegesippus,  ap.  Epipha- 

nium,  Canon  of  Mass). 
Linus,  Anencletus,  Clemens  (Ireneus,  Africanus 

ap.  Eusebium). 
Linus,  Anacletus,  Clemens  (Jerome). 

(2)  Linus,  Cletus,  Anacletus,  Clemens  (Poem  against 

Marcion). 

(3)  Linus,  Clemens,  Cletus,  Anacletus  [Hippolytus 

(?),  "Liberian  Catal.";  "Liber.  Pont.'']. 

(4)  Linus,  Clemens,  Anacletus  (Optatus,  Augustine). 
At  the  present  time  no  critic  doubts  that  Cletus, 

Anacletus,  Anencletus,  are  the  same  person.  Ana- 
cletus is  a  Latin  error;  Cletus  is  a  shortened  (and 
more  Christian)  form  of  Anencletus.  Lightfoot 
thought  that  the  transposition  of  Clement  in  the 
"Liberian  Catalogue"  was  a  mere  accident,  like  the 
similar  error  "Anicetus,  Pius"  for  "Pius,  Anicetus", 
further  on  in  the  same  list.  But  it  may  have  been  a 
deliberate  alteration  by  Hippolytus,  on  the  ground  of 
the  tradition  mentioned  by  Tertullian.  St.  Irena?us 
(III,  iii)  tells  us  that  Clement  "saw  the  blessed 
Apostles  and  conversed  with  them,  and  had  yet 
ringing  in  his  ears  the  preaching  of  the  Apostles  and 
had  their  tradition  before  his  eyes,  and  not  he  only, 
for  many  were  then  surviving  who  had  been  taught 
by  the  Apostles".  Similarly  Epiphanius  tells  us 
(from  Hegesippus)  that  Clement  was  a  contemporary 
of  Peter  and  Paul.  Now  Linus  and  Cletus  had  each 
twelve  vears  attributed  to  them  in  the  list.  If  Hip- 
polytus* found  Cletus  doubled  by  an  error  (Cletus 


Clement  I,  Sistine  Chapel,  Roue 
Tuscan  School  (Ideal) 


XII,  Anacletus  XII),  the  accession  of  Clement  would 
appear  to  be  thirty-six  years  after  the  death  of  the 
Apostles.  As  this  would  make  it  almost  impossible 
for  Clement  to  have  been  their  contemporary,  it  may 
have  caused  Hippolytus  to  shift  him  to  an  earlier 
position.  Further,  St.  Epiphanius  sayB  (loc.  cit.): 
"Whether  he  received  episcopal  ordination  from 
Peter  in  the  life-time  of  the  Apostles,  and  declined 
the  office,  for  he  says  in  one  of  his  epistles  '  I  retire, 
I  depart,  let  the  people  of  God  be  in  peace',  (for  we 
have  found  this  set  down  in  certain  Memoirs),  or 
whether  he  was  appointed  by  the  Bishop  Cletus  after 
he  had  succeeded  the  Apostles,  we  do  not  clearly 
know."  The  "Memoirs  were  certainly  those  of 
Hegesippus.  It  seems  unlikely  that  he  is  appealed 
to  only  for  the  quotation  from  the  Epistle,  c.  liv: 
probably  Epiphanius  means  that  Hegesippus  stated 
that  Clement  had  been  ordained  by  Peter  and  de- 
clined to  be  bishop,  but  twenty-four  years  later 
really  exercised  the  office  for  nine  years.  Epiphanius 
could  not  reconcile  these  two  facts;  Hippolytus  seems 
to  have  rejected  the  latter. 

Chronology. — The  date  intended  by  Hegesippus 
is  not  hard  to  restore.  Epiphanius  implies  that  he 
placed  the  martyrdom  of  the  Apostles  in  the  twelfth 
year  of  Nero.  Africanus  calculated  the  fourteenth 
year  (for  he  had  attributed  one  year  too  little  to  the 
reigns  of  Caligula  and  Claudius),  and  added  the  im- 
perial date  for  the  accession  of  each  pope;  but  hav- 
ing two  years  too  few  up  to  Anicetus  he  could  not 
get  the  intervals  to  tally  with  the  years  of  episcopate 
given  by  Hegesippus.  He  had  a  parallel  difficulty 
m  his  list  of  the  Alexandrian  bishops. 


Begeatppum 

(from  Interr&t 
Bawblai) 

Real  dates  A.  D. 

Nero  14  12 

Cletus  12 

Titus  2  12 

Vesp.  10  78 

Sixtus  10 

Telesphorus  ...  .11 

Pius  15 

Dom.  12.  (7) 
Trajan  2  ....  (10) 
Trajan  12  ,10 
Hadrian  3.  .  . .  (9) 
Hadrian  12.  .  (10) 

Dom.  10  90 

Trajan  2  99 

Trajan  10.  . .  .  107 
Hadrian  1  ...  1 17 
Hadrian  11.  .  .127 
Anton.  1  138 

Anton.  20  157 

If  we  start,  as  Hegesippus  intended,  with  Nero  12 
(see  last  column),  the  sum  of  his  years  brings  us  right 
for  the  last  three  popes.  But  Africanus  has  started 
two  years  wrong,  ana  in  order  to  get  right  at  Hyginus 
he  has  to  allow  one  year  too  little  to  each  of  the  pre- 
ceding popes,  Sixtus  and  Telesphorus.  But  there  is 
one  inharmonious  date,  Trajan  2,  which  gives  seven 
and  ten  years  to  Clement  and  Euaristus  instead  of 
nine  and  eight.  Evidently  he  felt  bound  to  insert  a 
traditional  date;  and  in  fact  we  see  that  Trajan  2 
was  the  date  intended  by  Hegesippus.  Now  we 
know  that  Hegesippus  spoke  about  Clement's  ac- 
quaintance with  the  Apostles,  and  said  nothing  about 
any  other  pope  until  Telesphorus,  "who  was  a  glo- 
rious martyr  .  It  is  not  surprising,  then,  to  find 
that  Africanus  had,  besides  the  lengths  of  episcopate, 
two  fixed  dates  from  Hegesippus,  those  of  the  death 
of  Clement  in  the  second  year  of  Trajan,  and  of  the 
martyrdom  of  Telesphorus  in  the  first  year  of  An- 
toninus Pius.  We  may  take  it,  therefore,  that  about 
160  the  death  of  St.  Clement  was  believed  to  have 
been  in  99. 

Identity. — Origen  identifies  Pope  Clement  with 
St.  Paul  s  fellow-labourer,  Phil.,  iv,  3,  and  so  do 
Eusebius,  Epiphanius,  and  Jerome;  but  this  Clement 
was  probably  a  Philippian.  In  the  middle  of  the 
nineteenth  century  it  was  the  custom  to  identify  the 
pope  with  the  consul  of  95,  T.  Flavius  Clemens,  whc 
was  martyred  by  his  first  cousin,  the  Emperor  Domit- 
ian,  at  the  end  of  his  consulship.  But  the  ancients 
never  suggest  this,  and  the  pope  is  said  to  hav* 


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lived  on  till  the  reign  of  Trajan.  It  is  unlikely  that 
he  was  a  member  of  the  imperial  family.  The  con- 
tinual use  of  the  Old  Testament  in  his  Epistle  has 
suggested  to  Lightfoot,  Funk,  Nestle,  and  others  that 
he  was  of  Jewish  origin.  Probably  he  was  a  freed- 
man  or  son  of  a  freedman  of  the  emperor's  household, 
which  included  thousands  or  tens  of  thousands.  We 
know  that  there  were  Christians  in  the  household  of 
Nero  (Phil.,  iv,  22).  It  is  highly  probable  that  the 
bearers  of  Clement's  letter,  Claudius  Ephebus  and 
Valerius  Vito,  were  of  this  number,  for  the  names 
Claudius  and  Valerius  occur  with  great  frequency  in 
inscriptions  among  the  freedmen  of  the  Emperor 
Claudius  (and  his  two  predecessors  of  the  same  gens) 
and  his  wife  Valeria  Messalina.  The  two  messengers 
are  described  as  "faithful  and  prudent  men,  who 
have  walked  among  us  from  youth  unto  old  age 
unblameably";  thus  they  were  probably  already 
Christians  and  living  in  Rome  before  the  death  of 
the  Apostles  about  thirty  years  earlier.  The  Prefect 
of  Rome  during  Nero's  persecution  was  Titus  Flavius 
Sabinus,  elder  "brother  of  the  Emperor  Vespasian, 
and  father  of  the  martyred  Clemens.  Flavia  Domi- 
tUla,  wife  of  the  Martyr,  was  a  granddaughter  of 
Vespasian,  and  niece  of  Titus  and  Domitian;  she 
may  have  died  a  martyr  to  the  rigours  of  her  banish- 
ment. The  catacomb  of  Domitilla  is  shown  by 
existing  inscriptions  to  have  been  founded  by  her. 
Whether  she  is  distinct  from  another  Flavia  Domi- 
tilla, who  is  styled  "Virgin  and  Martyr",  is  uncer- 
tain. (See  Flavia  Domitilla  and  Nereus  and 
Achilleus.)  The  consul  and  his  wife  had  two  sons, 
Vespasian  and  Domitian,  who  had  Quintilian  for 
their  tutor.  Of  their  life  nothing  is  known.  The 
elder  brother  of  the  martyr  Clemens  was  T.  Flavius 
Sabinus,  consul  in  82,  put  to  death  by  Domitian, 
whose  sister  he  had  married.  Pope  Clement  is. rep- 
resented as  his  son  in  the  Acts  of  Ste.  Nereus  and 
Achilleus,  but  this  would  make  him  too  young  to 
have  known  the  Apostles. 

Martyrdom.— Of  the  life  and  death  of  St.  Clement 
nothing  is  known.  The  apocryphal  Greek  Acts  of 
his  martyrdom  were  printed  by  Cotelier  in  his 
"Patres  Apost."  (1724,  I,  808;  reprinted  in  Migne, 
P.  G.,  II,  617;  best  edition  by  Funk,  "Patr.  Apost.", 
II,  28).  They  relate  how  he  converted  Theodora, 
wife  of  Sisinnius,  a  courtier  of  Nerva,  and  (after 
miracles)  Sisinnius  himself  and  four  hundred  and 
twenty-three  other  persons  of  rank.  Trajan  ban- 
ishes the  pope  to  the  Crimea,  where  he  slakes  the 
thirst  of  two  thousand  Christian  confessors  by  a 
miracle.  The  people  of  the  country  are  converted, 
seventy-five  churches  are  built.  Trajan,  in  conse- 
quence, orders  Clement  to  be  thrown  into  the  sea 
with  an  iron  anchor.  But  the  tide  every  year  recedes 
two  miles,  revealing  a  Divinely  built  shrine  which  con- 
tains the  martyr's  bones.  This  story  is  not  older 
than  the  fourth  century.  It  is  known  to  Gregory 
of  Tours  in  the  sixth.  About  868  St.  Cyril,  when  in 
the  Crimea  on  the  way  to  evangelize  the  Chazars, 
dug  up  some  bones  in  a  mound  (not  in  a  tomb  under 
the  sea),  and  also  an  anchor.  These  were  believed 
to  be  the  relics  of  St.  Clement.  They  were  carried 
by  St.  Cyril  to  Rome,  and  deposited  by  Adrian  II 
with  those  of  St.  Ignatius  of  Antioch  in  the  high 
altar  of  the  basilica  of  St.  Clement  in  Rome.  The 
history  of  this  translation  is  evidently  quite  truthful, 
but  there  seems  to  have  been  no  tradition  with  regard 
to  the  mound,  which  simply  looked  a  likely  place  to 
be  a  tomb.  The  anchor  appears  to  be  the  only  evi- 
dence of  identity,  but  we  cannot  gather  from  the 
account  that  it  belonged  to  the  scattered  bones. 
(See  Acta  SS.,  9  March,  II,  20.)  St.  Clement  is 
first  mentioned  as  a  martyr  by  Rufinus  (c.  400). 
Pope  Zozimus  in  a  letter  to  Africa  in  417  relates  the 
trial  and  partial  acquittal  of  the  heretic  Cslestius  in 
the  basilica  of  St.  Clement;  the  pope  had  chosen  this 


church  because  Clement  had  learned  the  Faith  from 
St.  Peter,  and  had  given  his  life  for  it  (Ep.  ii).  He 
is  also  called  a  martyr  by  the  writer  known  as  Prav 
destinatus  (c.  430)  and  by  the  Synod  of  Vaison  in 
442.  Modern  critics  think  it  possible  that  his  martyr- 
dom was  suggested  by  a  confusion  with  his  namesake, 
the  martyred  consul.  But  the  lack  of  tradition  that 
he  was  buried  in  Rome  is  in  favour  of  his  having 
died  in  exile. 

The  Basilica. — The  church  of  St.  Clement  at  Rome 
lies  in  the  valley  between  the  Esquiline  and  Coelian 
hills,  on  the  direct  road  from  the  Coliseum  to  the 
Lateran.  It  is  now  in  the  hands  of  the  Irish  Province 
of  Dominicans.  With  its  atrium,  its  choir  enclosed 
by  a  wall,  its  ambos,  it  is  the  most  perfect  model  of 
an  early  basilica  in  Rome,  though  it  was  built  as  late 
as  the  first  years  of  the  twelfth  century  by  Paschal 
II,  after  the  destruction  of  this  portion  of  the  city  by 
the  Normans  under  Robert  Guiscard.    Paschal  II 


followed  the  lines  of  an  earlier  church,  on  a  rather 
smaller  scale,  and  employed  some  of  its  materials 
and  fittings.  The  marble  wall  of  the  present  choir 
is  of  the  date  of  John  II  (533-5).  In  1858  the  older 
church  was  unearthed,  below  the  present  building, 
by  the  Prior,  Father  Mulooly,  O.  P.  Still  lower  were 
found  chambers  of  imperial  date  and  walls  of  the 
Republican  period.  The  lower  church  was  built 
under  Constantino  (d.  337)  or  not  much  later.  St. 
Jerome  implies  that  it  was  not  new  in  his  time: 
"nominis  eius  [dementis]  memoriam  usque  hodie 
Romse  exstructa  ecclesia  custodit"  (De  vins  illustr., 
xv).  It  is  mentioned  in  inscriptions  of  Damasus 
(d.  383)  and  Siricius  (d.  398).  De  Rossi  thought  the 
lowest  chambers  belonged  to  the  house  of  Clement, 
and  that  the  room  immediately  under  the  altar  was 
probably  the  original  memoria  of  the  saint.  These 
chambers  communicate  with  a  shrine  of  Mithras, 
which  lies  beyond  the  apse  of  the  church,  on  the 
lowest  level.  De  Rossi  supposed  this  to  be  a  Chris- 
tian chapel  purposely  polluted  by  the  authorities 
during  the  last  persecution.  Lightfoot  has  suggested 
that  the  rooms  may  have  belonged  to  the  house  of 
T.  Flavius  Clemens  the  consul,  being  later  mistaken 
for  the  dwelling  of  the  pope;  but  this  seems  quite 
gratuitous.  In  the  sanctuary  of  Mithras  a  statue  of 
the  Good  Shepherd  was  found. 

II.  Pseudo-Clementine  Writings. — Many  writ- 
ings have  been  falsely  attributed  to  Pope  St.  Clem- 
ent I:  (1)  The  "Second  Clementine  Epistle  to  the 
Corinthians",  discussed  under  III.  (2)  Two  "Epis- 
tles to  Virgins",  extant  in  Syriac  in  an  Amster- 
dam MS.  of  1470.  The  Greek  originals  are  lost. 
Many  critics  have  believed  them  genuine,  for 
they  were  known  in  the  fourth  century  to  St. 
Epiphanius  (who  speaks  of  their  being  read  in  the 
Churches)  and  to  St.  Jerome.  But  it  is  now  ad- 
mitted on  all  hands  that  they  cannot  be  by  the  same 
author  as  the  genuine  Epistle  to  the  Corinthians. 
Some  writers,  as  Hefele  ana  Westcott,  have  attributed 
them  to  the  second  half  of  the  second  century,  but 
the  third  is  more  probable  (Harnack,  Lightfoot). 
Harnack  thinks  the  two  letters  were  originally  one. 
They  were  first  edited  by  Wetstein,  1470,  with  Latin 
translation;    reprinted  by  Gallandi,  "Bibl.  vett. 


Rome"  (London,  1890),  I;  Bardenhewer,  "Gesch. 
der  altkirchl.  Litt."  (Freiburg  im  Br.,  1902),  I; 
Harnack  in  "  Sitzungsber.  der  k.  preuss.  Akad.  der 
Wiss."  (Berlin,  1891),  361  and  "Chronol."  (1904), 
II,  133.  (3)  At  the  head  of  the  Pseudo-Isidorian 
decretals  stand  five  letters  attributed  to  St.  Clement. 
The  first  is  the  letter  of  Clement  to  James  translated 
by  Rufinus  (see  III);  the  second  is  another  letter  to 
James,  found  in  many  MSS.  of  the  "Recognitions". 
The  other  three  are  the  work  of  Pseudo-Isidore. 


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(See  False  Decretals.)  (4)  Ascril*ad  to  Clement 
are  the  "Apostolical  Constitutions ",  "Apostolic 
Canons",  and  the  "Testament  of  Our  Lord",  also  a 
Jacobite  Anaphora  (Renaudot,  Liturg.  Oriental. 
Coll.,  Paris,  1716,  II;  Migne,  P.  G.,  II).  For  other 
attributions  see  Harnack,  "Gesch.  der  altchr.  Lit.", 
I,  777-80.  (5)  The  "Clementines"  or  Pseudo-Clem- 
entines, (q.  v.) 

III.  The  Epistle  to  the  Corinthians. — The 
Church  of  Corinth  had  been  led  by  a  few  violent 
spirits  into  a  sedition  against  its  rulers.  No  appeal 
seems  to  have  been  made  to  Rome,  but  a  letter 
was  sent  in  the  name  of  the  Church  of  Rome  by  St. 
Clement  to  restore  peace  and  unity.  He  begins 
by  explaining  that  his  delay  in  writing  has  been 
caused  by  the  sudden  calamities  which,  one  after 
another,  had  just  been  falling  upon  the  Roman 
Church.  The  reference  is  clearly  to  the  persecution 
of  Domitian.  The  former  high  reputation  of  the 
Corinthian  Church  is  recalled,  its  piety  and  hospi- 
tality, its  obedience  and  discipline.  Jealousy  had 
caused  the  divisions;  it  was  jealousy  that  led  Cain, 
Esau,  etc.,  into  sin,  it  was  jealousy  to  which  Peter 
and  Paul  and  multitudes  with  them  fell  victims.  The 
Corinthians  are  urged  to  repent  after  the  example  of 
the  Patriarchs,  and  to  be  humble  like  Christ  himself. 
Let  them  observe  order,  as  all  creation  does.  A 
curious  passage  on  the  Resurrection  is  somewhat  of 
an  interruption  in  the  sequence:  ail  creation  proves 
the  Resurrection,  and  so  does  the  phoenix,  which 
every  five  hundred  years  consumes  itself,  that  its 
offspring  may  arise  out  of  its  ashes  (23-6).  Let  us, 
Clement  continues,  forsake  evil  and  approach  God 
with  purity,  clinging  to  His  blessing,  which  the 
Patriarchs  so  richly  obtained,  for  the  Lord  will 
quickly  come  with  His  rewards;  let  us  look  to  Jesus 
Christ,  our  High-Priest,  above  the  angels  at  the  right 
hand  of  the  Father  (36).  Discipline  and  subordina- 
tion are  necessary  as  in  an  army  and  in  the  human 
body,  while  arrogance  is  absurd,  for  man  is  nothing. 
The  Apostles  foresaw  feuds,  and  provided  for  a  suc- 
cession of  bishops  and  deacons:  such,  therefore,  can- 
not be  removed  at  pleasure.  The  just  have  always 
been  persecuted.  Read  St.  Paul's  first  epistle  to 
you,  how  he  condemns  party  spirit.  It  is  shocking 
that  a  few  should  disgrace  the  Church  of  Corinth. 
Let  us  beg  for  pardon;  nothing  is  more  beautiful 
than  charity;  it  was  shown  by  Christ  when  He  gave 
His  Flesh  for  our  flesh,  His  Soul  for  our  souls;  by 
living  in  this  love,  we  shall  be  in  the  number  of  the 
saved  through  Jesus  Christ,  by  Whom  is  glory  to 
God  for  ever  and  ever,  Amen  (58).  But  if  any 
disobey,  he  is  in  great  danger;  but  we  will  pray  that 
the  Creator  may  preserve  the  number  of  His  elect 
in  the  whole  world. — Here  follows  a  beautiful  Euchar- 
istic  prayer  (59-^61).  The  conclusion  follows:  "We 
have  said  enough,  on  the  necessity  of  repentance, 
unity,  peace;  for  we  have  been  speaking  to  the  faith- 
ful, who  have  deeply  studied  the  Scriptures,  and  will 
understand  the  examples  pointed  out,  and  will  follow 
them.  We  shall  indeed  be  happy  if  you  obey.  We 
have  sent  two  venerable  messengers,  to  show  how 
great  is  our  anxiety  for  peace  among  you"  (62-4). 
"Finally  may  the  all-seeing  God  and  Master  of 
Spirits  and  Lord  of  all  flesh,  who  chose  the  Lord 
Jesus  Christ  and  us  through  Him  for  a  peculiar  peo- 
ple, grant  unto  every  soul  that  is  called  after  His 
excellent  and  holy  Name  faith,  fear,  peace,  patience, 
long-suffering,  temperance,*  chastity,  and  soberness, 
that  they  may  be  well-pleasing  unto  His  Name 
through  our  High  Priest  and  Guardian  Jesus  Christ, 
through  whom  unto  Him  be  glc  y  and  majesty, 
might  and  honour,  both  now  and  for  ever  and  ever, 
Amen.  Now  send  ye  back  speedily  unto  us  our 
messengers  Claudius  Ephebus  and  Valerius  Bito, 
together  with  Fortunatus  also,  in  peace  and  with 
joy,  to  the  end  that  they  may  the  more  quickly 


report  the  peace  and  concord  which  is  prayed  for 
and  earnestly  desired  by  us,  that  we  also  may  the 
more  speedily  rejoice  over  your  good  order.  The 
grace  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  be  with  you  and  with 
all  men  in  all  places  who  have  been  called  by  God 
and  through  Him,  through  whom  is  glory  and  honour, 
power  and  greatness  and  eternal  dominion,  unto  Him, 
from  the  ages  past  and  for  ever  and  ever.  Amen." 
(64-5.) 

The  style  of  the  Epistle  is  earnest  and  simple, 
restrained  and  dignified,  and  sometimes  eloquent. 
The  Greek  is  correct,  though  not  classical.  The  quo- 
tations from  the  Old  Testament  are  long  and  numer- 
ous. The  version  of  the  Septuagint  used  by  Clement 
inclines  in  places  towards  that  which  appears  in  the 
New  Testament,  yet  presents  sufficient  evidence  of 
independence;  his  readings  are  often  with  A,  but 
are  less  often  opposed  to  B  than  are  those  in  the 
New  Testament;  occasionally  he  is  found  against 
the  Septuagint  with  Theodotion  or  even  Aquila  (see 
H.  B.  Swete,  Introd.  to  the  O.  T.  in  Greek,  Cam- 
bridge, 1900).  The  New  Testament  he  never  quotes 
verbally.  Sayings  of  Christ  are  now  and  then  given, 
but  not  in  the  words  of  the  Gospels.  It  cannot  be 
proved,  therefore,  that  he  used  any  one  of  the  Synop- 
tic Gospels.  He  mentions  St.  Paul's  First  Epistle  to 
the  Corinthians,  and  appears  to  imply  a  second.  He 
knows  Romans  and  Titus,  and  apparently  cites  sev- 
eral other  of  St.  Paul's  Epistles.  But  Hebrews  is 
most  often  employed  of  all  New  Testament  books. 
James,  probably,  and  I  Peter,  perhaps,  are  referred  to. 
(See  the  lists  of  citations  in  Funk  and  Lightfoot, 
Westcott  and  Zahn  on  the  Canon;  Introductions  to 
Holy  Scripture,  such  as  those  of  Comely,  Zahn,  etc., 
and  "The  New  Test,  in  the  A  post.  Fathers",  by  a 
Committee  of  the  Oxford  Society  of  Hist.  Theology, 
Oxford,  1906.)  The  tone  of  authority  with  which  the 
letter  speaks  is  noteworthy,  especially  in  the  later 
part  (56,  58,  etc.):  "But  if  certain  persons  should  be 
disobedient  unto  the  words  spoken  by  Him  through 
us,  let  them  understand  that  they  will  entangle  them- 
selves in  no  slight  transgression  and  danger;  but  we 
shall  be  guiltless  of  this  sin"  (59).  "It  may,  per- 
haps, seem  strange",  writes  Bishop  Lightfoot,  "to 
describe  this  noble  remonstrance  as  the  first  step 
towards  papal  domination.  And  yet  undoubtedly 
this  is  the  case."  (I,  70.) 

Doctrine.— There  is  little  intentional  dogmatic 
teaching  in  the  Epistle,  for  it  is  almost  wholly 
hortatory.  A  passage  on  the  Holy  Trinity  is  im- 
portant. Clement  uses  the  Old  Testament  affirma- 
tion "The  Lord  Jiveth",  substituting  the  Trinity 
thus:  "As  God  liveth,  and  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ 
liveth  and  the  Holy  Spirit, — the  faith  and  hope  of 
the  elect,  so  surely  he  that  performeth",  etc.  (58). 
Christ  is  frequently  represented  as  the  High-Priest, 
and  redemption  is  often  referred  to.  Clement  speaks 
strongly  of  justification  by  works.  His  words  on 
the  Christian  ministry  have  given  rise  to  much  dis- 
cussion (42  and  44):  "The  Apostles  received  the 
Gospel  for  us  from  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ;  Jesus 
Christ  was  sent  from  God.  So  then  Christ  is  from 
God,  and  the  Apostles  from  Christ.    Both  [missions] 

therefore  came  in  due  order  by  the  will  of  God  

So  preaching  everywhere  in  country  and  town,  they 
appointed  t£eir  first-fruits,  having  proved  them  by 
the  Spirit,  to  be  bishops  and  deacons  for  those  who 
should  believe.  And  this  in  no  new  fashion,  for  it 
had  indeed  been  written  from  very  ancient  times 
about  bishops  and  deacons;  for  thus  saith  the  Scrip- 
ture: 'I  will  appoint  their  bishops  in  justice  and  their 
deacons  in  faith'"  (a  strange  citation  of  Is.,  Ix,  17). 

 "  And  our  Apostles  knew  through  our  Lord  Jesus 

Christ  that  there  would  be  strife  over  the  name  of 
the  office  of  bishop.  For  this  cause  therefore,  having 
received  complete  foreknowledge,  they  appointed  the 
aforesaid  persons,  and  afterwards  they  have  given  a 


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law,  so  that,  if  these  should  fall  asleep,  other  approved 
men  should  succeed  to  their  ministration."  Rothe, 
Michiels  (Origines  de  l'episcopat,  Louvain,  1900, 197), 
and  others  awkwardly  understand  "if  they,  the 
Apostles,  should  fall  asleep".  For  triroiiiir  Stiiiiccuriv, 
which  the  Latin  renders  legem  dederunt,  Lightfoot 
reads  f»«MoH>»  dtSiiicatir,  "they  have  provided  a  con- 
tinuance". In  any  case  the  general  meaning  is  clear, 
that  the  Apostles  provided  for  a  lawful  succession 
of  ministers.  Presbyters  are  mentioned  several 
times,  but  are  not  distinguished  from  bishops. 
There  is  absolutely  no  mention  of  a  bishop  at  Cor- 
inth, and  the  ecclesiastical  authorities  there  are 
always  spoken  of  in  the  plural.  R.  Sohm  thinks 
there  was  as  yet  no  bishop  at  Corinth  when  Clement 
wrote  (so  Michiels  and  many  other  Catholic  writers; 
Lightfoot  leaves  the  question  open),  but  that  a 
bishop  must  have  been  appointed  in  consequence  of 
the  letter;  he  thinks  that  Rome  was  the  origin  of 
all  ecclesiastical  institutions  and  laws  (Kirchenrecht, 
189).  Harnack  in  1897  (Chronol.,  I)  upheld  the 
paradox  that  the  Church  of  Rome  was  so  conserva- 
tive as  to  be  governed  by  presbyters  until  Anicetus; 
and  that  when  the  list  of  popes  was  composed,  c.  170, 
there  had  been  a  bishop  for  less  than  twenty  years; 
Clement  and  others  in  the  list  were  only  presbyters 
of  special  influence. 

The  liturgical  character  of  parts  of  the  Epistle  is 
elaborately  discussed  by  Lightfoot.  The  prayer  (59- 
61)  already  mentioned,  which  reminds  us  of  the 
Anaphora  of  early  liturgies,  cannot  be  regarded,  says 
Duchesne,  "as  a  reproduction  of  a  sacred  formulary, 
but  it  is  an  excellent  example  of  the  style  of  solemn 
prayer  in  which  the  ecclesiastical  leaders  of  that  time 
were  accustomed  to  express  themselves  at  meetings 
for  worship"  (Origines  du  culte  chr6t.,  3rd  ed.,  50; 
tr.,  50).  The  fine  passage  about  Creation,  32-3,  is 
almost  in  the  style  of  a  Preface,  and  concludes  by 
introducing  the  Sanctus  by  the  usual  mention  of  the 
angelic  powers:  "Let  us  mark  the  whole  host  of  the 
angels,  how  they  stand  by  and  minister  unto  His 
Will.  For  the  Scripture  saith:  Ten  thousand  times 
ten  thousand  stood  by  Him,  and  thousands  of 
thousands  ministered  unto  Him;  and  they  cried  aloud: 
Holy,  holy,  holy  is  the  Lord  of  Sabaoth;  all  creation 
is  full  of  His  glory.  Yea,  and  let  us  ourselves  then, 
being  gathered  together  in  concord  with  intentness  of 
heart,  cry  unto  Him.  .  ."  The  combination  of 
Daniel,  vii,  10,  with  Is.,  vi,  3,  may  be  from  a  liturgical 
formula.  It  is  interesting  to  note  that  the  contem- 
porary Apocalypse  of  St.  John  (iv,  8)  shows  the  four 
living  creatures,  representing  all  creation,  singing  the 
Sanctus  at  the  heavenly  Mass. 

The  historical  references  in  the  letter  are  deeply 
interesting:  "To  pass  from  the  examples  of  ancient 
days,  let  us  come  to  those  champions  who  lived  very 
near  to  our  time.  Let  us  set  Defore  us  the  noble 
examples  which  belong  to  our  generation.  By  reason 
of  jealousy  and  envy  the  greatest  and  most  righteous 
pillars  of  the  Church  were  persecuted,  and  contended 
even  until  death.  Let  us  set  before  our  eyes  the 
good  Apostles.  There  was  Peter,  who  by  reason  of 
unrighteous  jealousy  endured  not  one  or  two,  but 
many  labours,  and  thus  having  borne  his  testimony 
went  to  his  appointed  place  of  glory.  By  reason  of 
jealousy  and  strife  Paul  by  his  example  pointed  out 
the  prize  of  patient  endurance.  After  that  he  had 
been  seven  times  in  bonds,  had  been  driven  into 
exile,  had  been  stoned,  had  preached  in  the  East 
and  in  the  West,  he  won  the  noble  renown  which 
was  the  reward  of  his  faith,  having  taught  righteous- 
ness unto  the  whole  world  and  having  reached  the 
farthest  bounds  of  the  West;  and  when  he  had  borne 
his  testimony  before  the  rulers,  so  he  departed  from 
the  world  and  went  unto  the  holy  place,  having  been 
found  a  notable  pattern  of  patient  endurance"'  (5). 
It  is  obvious  that  these  two  Apostles  are  mentioned 


because  they  suffered  at  Rome.  It  seems  that  St. 
Paul  went  to  Spain  as  he  intended  (Rom.,  xv,  28) 
and  as  is  declared  by  the  spurious  Acts  of  Peter  and 
by  the  Muratorian  fragment.  "Unto  these  men  of 
holy  lives  was  gathered  a  vast  multitude  of  the  elect, 
who  through  many  indignities  and  tortures,  being  the 
victims  of  jealousy,  set  a  brave  example  among  our- 
selves. By  reason  of  jealousy  women  being  perse- 
cuted, after  that  they  had  suffered  cruel  and  unholy 
insults  as  Danaids  and  Dircse,  safely  reached  the 
goal  in-the  race  of  faith,  and  received  a  noble  reward, 
feeble  though  they  were  in  body"  (6).  The  "vast 
multitude"  both  of  men  and  women  "among  our- 
selves" at  Rome  refers  to  the  horrible  persecution  of 
Nero,  described  by  Tacitus,  "Ann.",  XV,  xliv.  It 
is  in  the  recent  past,  and  the  writer  continues:  "We 
are  in  the  same  lists,  and  the  same  contest  awaits 
us"  (7);  he  is  under  another  persecution,  that  of 
Domitian,  covertly  referred  to  as  a  series  of  "sudden 
and  repeated  calamities  and  reverses",  which  have 
prevented  the  letter  from  being  written  sooner.  The 
martyrdom  of  the  Consul  Clement  (probably  patron 
of  the  pope's  own  family)  and  the  exile  of  his  wife 
will  be  among  these  disasters. 

Date  and  Authenticity. — The  date  of  the  letter  is 
determined  by  these  notices  of  persecution.  It  is 
strange  that  even  a  few  good  scholars  (such  as 
Grotius,  Grabe,  Orsi,  Uhlhorn,  Hefele,  Wieseler) 
should  have  dated  it  soon  after  Nero.  It  is  now 
universally  acknowledged,  after  Lightfoot,  that  it  was 
written  about  the  last  year  of  Domitian  (Harnack) 
or  immediately  after  his  death  in  96  (Funk).  The 
Roman  Church  had  existed  several  decades,  for  the 
.two  envoys  to  Corinth  had  lived  in  it  from  youth  to 
age.  The  Church  of  Corinth  is  called  dpxala  (47). 
Bishops  and  deacons  have  succeeded  to  bishops  and 
deacons  appointed  by  the  Apostles  (44).  Yet  the 
time  of  the  Apostles  is  "quite  lately"  and  "our  own 
generation"  (5).  The  external  evidence  is  in  accord. 
The  dates  given  for  Clement's  episcopate  by  Hegesip- 
pus are  apparently  90-99,  and  that  early  writer 
states  that  the  schism  at  Corinth  took  place  un- 
der Domitian  (Eusebius,  Hist.  Eccl.,  Ill,  xvi,  for 
«or4  rir  SrfKoiiumr  is  meaningless  if  it  is  taken  to 
refer  to  Clement  and  not  to  Domitian;  besides,  the 
whole  of  Eusebius 's  account  of  that  emperor's  per- 
secution, III,  xvii-xx,  is  founded  on  Hegesippus). 
St.  Irenteus  says  that  Clement  still  remembered  the 
Apostles,  and  so  did  many  others,  implying  an  inter- 
val of  many  years  after  their  death.  Volkmar  placed 
the  date  in  the  reign  of  Hadrian,  because  the  Book 
of  Judith  is  quoted,  which  he  declared  to  have  been 
written  in  that  reign.  He  was  followed  by  Baur, 
but  not  by  Hilgenfeld.  Such  a  date  is  manifestly 
impossible,  if  only  because  the  Epistle  of  Polycarp 
is  entirely  modelled  on  that  of  Clement  and  borrows 
from  it  freely.  It  is  possibly  employed  by  St.  Igna- 
tius, c.  107,  and  certainly  in  the  letter  of  the  Smyr- 
nceans  on  the  martyrdom  of  St.  Polycarp,  c.  156. 

The  Epistle  is  in  the  name  of  the  Church  of  Rome, 
but  the  early  authorities  always  ascribe  it  to  Clement. 
Dionysius,  Bishop  of  Corinth,  wrote  c.  170  to  the 
Romans  in  Pope  Soter's  time:  "To-day  we  kept  the 
holy  day,  the  Lord's  day,  and  on  it  we  read  your 
letter;  and  we  shall  ever  have  it  to  give  us  instruc- 
tion, even  as  the  former  one  written  through  Clement" 
(Eusebius,  Hist.  Eccl.,  IV,  xxx).  Hegesippus  at- 
tributed the  letter  to  Clement.  Irenteus,  c.  180-5, 
perhaps  using  Hegesippus,  says:  "  Under  this  Clement 
no  small  sedition  took  place  among  the  brethren  at 
Corinth,  and  the  Church  of  Rome  sent  a  most  suffi- 
cient letter  to  the  Corinthians,  establishing  them  in 
peace,  and  renewing  their  faith,  and  announcing  the 
tradition  it  had  recently  received  from  the  Apostles" 
(III,  iii).  Clement  of  Alexandria,  c.  200,  frequently 
quotes  the  Epistle  as  Clement's,  and  so  do  Origen 
and  Eusebius.    Lightfoot  and  Harnack  are  fond  of 


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pointing  out  that  we  hear  earlier  of  the  importance 
of  the  Roman  Church  than  of  the  authority  of  the 
Roman  bishop.  If  Clement  had  spoken  in  his  own 
name,  they  would  surely  have  noted  expressly  that 
he  wrote  not  as  Bishop  of  Rome,  but  as  an  aged 
" presbyter"  who  had  known  the  Apostles.  St.  John 
indeed  was  still  alive,  and  Corinth  was  rather  nearer 
to  Ephesus  than  to  Rome.  Clement  evidently  writes  of- 
ficially, with  all  that  authority  of  the  Roman  Church 
of  which  Ignatius  and  Irenseus  have  so  much  to  say. 

The  Second  Letter  to  the  Corinthians. — An  ancient 
homily  by  an  anonymous  author  has  come  down  to 
us  in  the  same  two  Greek  MSS.  as  the  Epistle  of 
Clement,  and  is  called  the  Second  Epistle  of  Clement 
to  the  Corinthians.  It  is  first  mentioned  by  Eusebius 
(Hist.  Eccl.,  Ill,  xxxvii),  who  considered  it  spurious, 
as  being  unknown  to  the  ancients;  he  is  followed 
(perhaps  not  independently)  by  Rufinus  and  Jerome. 
Its  inclusion  as  a  letter  of  Clement  in  tho  Codex 
Alexandrinus  of  the  whole  Bible  in  the  fifth  century 
is  the  earliest  testimony  to  a  belief  in  its  authenticity; 
in  the  sixth  century  it  is  quoted  by  the  Monophysite 
leaders  Timothy  of  Alexandria  and  Severus  of  Anti- 
och,  and  it  was  later  known  to  many  Greek  writers. 
This  witness  is  a  great  contrast  to  the  very  early 
veneration  paid  to  the  genuine  letter.  Hilgenfeld  s 
theory  that  it  is  the  letter  of  Pope  Soter  to  the  Corin- 
thians, mentioned  by  Dionysius  in  the  fragment 
quoted  above,  -was  accepted  by  many  critics,  until 
the  discovery  of  the  end  of  the  work  by  Brvennios 
showed  that  it  was  not  a  letter  at  all,  but  a  homily. 
Still  Harnack  has  again  and  again  defended  this  view. 
An  apparent  reference  to  the  Isthmian  Games  in 
§7  suggests  that  the  homily  was  delivered  at  Corinth; 
but  this  would  be  in  character  if  it  was  a  letter  ad- 
dressed to  Corinth.  Lightfoot  and  others  think  it 
earlier  than  Mansion,  c.  140,  but  its  reference  to 
Gnostic  views  does  not  allow  us  to  place  it  much 
earlier.  The  matter  of  the  sermon  is  a  very  general 
exhortation,  and  there  is  no  definite  plan  or  sequence. 
Some  citations  from  unknown  Scriptures  are  inter- 
esting. 

The  editio  princeps  of  the  two  "Epistles  to  the 
Corinthians"  is  that  of  Patrick  Young,  1633  (2d  ed., 
1637),  from  the  famous  Codex  Alexandrinus  (A)  of 
the  whole  Bible  in  Greek.  A  number  of  editions 
followed  in  the  seventeenth  and  eighteenth  centuries 
(enumerated  by  Funk,  Gebhardt,  and  Lightfoot). 
In  the  nineteenth  we  may  notice  those  of  C.  J.  Hefele 
(Tubingen,  1st  ed.,  1839),  Jacobson  (Oxford,  1st  ed., 
1840,  etc.),  Dressel  (Leipzig,  1867),  in  the  editions  of 
the  Apostolic  Fathers  by  these  writers.  An  edition 
by  Bishop  J.  B.  Lightfoot  appeared  in  1869  (London 
and  Cambridge),  one  by  J.  C.  M.  Laurent  in  1870 
(Leipzig),  and  one  by  O.  von  Gebhardt  and  A.  Har- 
nack in  1875  (Leipzig).  All  these  editions  are  founded 
on  the  one  MS.,  which  gives  both  letters  incom- 
pletely, and  not  always  legibly.  On  its  doubtful 
readings  Tischendorf  wrote  in  1873  (Clemen tis  Rom. 
Epistulte,  Leipzig),  and  he  gave  a  so-called  facsimile 
in  1867  (Appendix  codicum  celeberrimorum  Sinaitici 
et  Vaticani,  Leipzig).  A  photographic  reproduction 
of  the  whole  codex  was  published  at  the  British 
Museum  in  1879.  In  1875  the  complete  text  of  both 
Epistles  was  published  by  Bryennios  at  Constanti- 
nople, from  a  MS.  in  the  Patriarchal  library  of  that 
city.  It  was  used  in  Hilgenf  eld's  "  Clement  is  Romani 
Epistulas"  (2d  ed.,  Leipzig,  1876),  in  the  second 
edition  of  Gebhardt  and  Harnack  (1876).  In  Light- 
foot's  edition  of  1877  (London)  a  Syriac  version  was 
also  used  for  the  first  time.  The  MS.  was  written  in 
1170,  and  is  in  the  Cambridge  University  Library. 
It  has  been  published  in  full  by  R  L.  Bensley  and 
R.  H.  Kennett,  "The  Epistles  of  St.  Clement  to  the 
Corinthians  in  Syriac"  (London,  1899).  Dr.  Funk's 
"Opera  Patrum  Apostolicorum"  first  appeared  in 
1878-81  (Tubingen).  The  great  and  comprehensive 
IV  2 


posthumous  edition  of  Lightfoot 's  "Clement  of  Rome  " 
(which  .contains  a  photographic  facsimile  of  the 
Constantinople  MS.)  was  published  in  1890  (2  vols., 
London).  The  Greek  text  and  English  translation 
are  reprinted  by  Lightfoot,  "The  Apostolic  Fathera" 
(1  vol.,  London,  1891).  In  1878  Dom  Germain 
Morin  discovered  a  Latin  translation  of  the  genuine 
Epistle  in  an  eleventh-century  MS.  in  the  library  of 
the  Seminary  of  Namur  (Anecdota  Maredsolana,  2 
vols.,  "S.  Clementis  ad  Corinthios  Epistuhe  versio 
antiquissima",  Maredsous,  1894).  The  version  is 
attributed  to  the  second  century  by  Harnack  and 
others.  It  has  been  employed  to  correct  the  text 
in  Funk's  latest  edition  (1901),  and  by  R  Knopf, 
"Dererste  Clemensbrief"  (in  "Text*  und  Untere.", 
New  Series,  Leipzig,  1899).  Besides  Lightfoot 's  excel- 
lent English  rendering,  there  is  a  translation  of  the 
two  Epistles  in  "  Ante-Nicene  Chr.  Lit."  (Edinburgh, 
1873,  I). 

On  the  Epistle  in  general  the  completest  commentary  is  that 
of  Light-foot,  1800;  Dr.  Fcnx'b,  in  Latin,  will  be  found  most 
'  serviceable.  See  also  Freppkl.  Let  Pent  Apottoliqute  (Paris, 
1869;  4th  ed.,  1886);  Habnack,  Oetek.  der  allchritt.  Lit.  (Vol. 
I.  Leipzig,  1803),  (Vol.  II,  Ckronologie,  I,  1807);  Wrede, 
Untertuchunoen  turn  ersten  Clemerubriefe  (1891);  BrOll,  Der 
eriite  Brief  dee  Clement  von  Rom  (Freiburg  im  Br.,  1883). 
Detailed  references  to  other  writers  and  to  periodicals  will  be 
found  in  Bardenhewer,  Pairologie  (1894);  Idem,  Getch.  der 
allkirchl.  Lilt.;  Chevalier,  Rep.  dee  tourcet  hiet.  Bio-Bibl.- 
Ehrhard,  Die  ailchritt.  Lxtt.;  Richardson,  Bibliographical 
Synopeit  (Buffalo,  1887). 

On  the  order  and  chronology  of  the  first  popes,  the  earlier 
investigations  are  fruitless;  Bee  P.  L.,  CXXVI-VlI.  Modem 
research  begins  with  Mommsen,  Ueber  den  Chronoaraphen  vom 
John  SSk,  In  Abhandlungen  k.  Sack*.  Oct.  der  Witt.  (1860), 
I,  540,  and  the  unsatisfactory  works  of  Liparos,  Die  Papstver- 
teiehnitte  da  Exaebiot  (Kiel,  1868),  Chronol.  der  rom.  Biechufe 
(Kiel,  I860).  The  next  most  important  work  is  Liber  Pontifi- 
eaiit,  ed.  Duchesne  (1st  part,  1884).  Liqhteoot'b  long  ex- 
cursus in  Clement  of  Rome,  I,  was  epoch-making.  Since  then 
Harnack,  Chronol.,  I,  70-230:  Turner,  in  Journal  of  Th. 
Stud.,  Jan.,  1900;  Flamion,  m  Revue  d'hiel.  ecclit.  (Dec., 
1000);  Chapman,  in  Revue  Benedictine  (Oct.,  1901,  Jan.  and 
April.  1902). 

On  the  Church  of  St.  Clement  see  Mulooly,  Saint  Clement 
and  hit  Basilica  at  Rome  (1st  ed.,  Rome,  1869;  2d,  1873): 
Db  Roast,  Bull,  di  archeol.  crist.  (1863,  1864,  1865,  1867,  and 
1870);  Roller,  Saint  Clement  de  Rome  (Paris,  1873).  8horter 
accounts  in  Gribar,  Getch.  Rome  und  der  Papete  (Freiburg  im 
Br.,  1901):  Liohttoot  and  the  various  Roman  guide-books, 
Murray,  Baedeker,  Chandlery,  etc. 

John  Chapman. 

Clement  IT,  Pope  (Suidobr),  date  of  birth  unknown; 
enthroned  25  December,  1046;  d.  9  October,  1047. 
In  the  autumn  of  1046  the  King  of  Germany,  Henry 
III,  crossed  the  Alps  at  the  head  of  a  large  army  and 
accompanied  by  a  brilliant  retinue  of  the  secular  and 
ecclesiastical  princes  of  the  empire,  for  the  twofold 
purpose  of  receiving  the  imperial  crown  and  of  re- 
storing order  in  the  Italian  peninsula.  The  condi- 
tion of  Rome  in  particular  was  deplorable.  In  St. 
Peter's,  the  Lateran,  and  St.  Mary  Major's,  sat  three 
rival  claimants  to  the  papacy.  (See  Benedict  IX.) 
Two  of  them,  Benedict  IX  and  Sylvester  III,  repre- 
sented rival  factions  of  the  Roman  nobility.  The 
position  of  the  third,  Gregory  VI,  was  peculiar.  The 
reform  party,  in  order  to  free  the  city  from  the  in- 
tolerable yoke  of  the  House  of  Tusculum,  and  the 
Church  from  the  stigma  of  Benedict's  dissolute  life, 
had  stipulated  with  that  stripling  that  he  should  re- 
sign the  tiara  upon  receipt  of  a  certain  amount  of 
money.  That  this  heroic  measure  for  delivering  the 
Holy  See  from  destruction  was  simooiacal,  has  oeen 
doubted  by  many;  but  that  it  bore  the  outward 
aspect  of  simony  and  would  be  considered  a  flaw  to 
Gregory's  title,  consequently  in  the  imperial  title 
Henry  was  seeking,  was  the  opinion  of  that  age. 

Strong  in  the  consciousness  of  his  good  intentions, 
Gregory  met  King  Henry  at  Piacenza,  and  was  re- 
ceived with  all  possible  honours.  It  was  decided 
that  he  should  summon  a  synod  to  meet  at  Sutri  near 
Rome,  at  which  the  entire  question  should  be  venti- 
lated. The  proceedings  of  the  Synod  of  Sutri,  20 
December,  are  well  summarized  by  Cardinal  Newman 


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in  his  "Essays  Critical  and  Historical"  (II,  262  sqq.). 
Of  the  three  papal  claimants,  Benedict  refused  to 
appear;  he  was  again  summoned  and  afterwards  pro- 
nounced deposed  at  Rome.  Sylvester  was  "  stripped 
of  his  sacerdotal  rank  and  shut  up  in  a  monastery". 
Gregory  showed  himself  to  be,  if  not  an  idiota,  at  least 
a  man  mirce  simplicitatis,  by  explaining  in  straight- 
forward speech  his  compact  with  Benedict,  and  he 
made  no  other  defence  than  his  good  intentions,  and 
deposed  himself  (Watterich,  Vitte  Rom.  Pont.,  1, 76); 
an  act  by  some  interpreted  as  a  voluntary  resignation, 
by  others  (Hefele),  in  keeping  with  the  contemporary 
annals,  as  a  deposition  by  the  synod.  The  Synod  of 
Sutri  adjourned  to  meet  again  in  Rome  23  and  24 
December.  Benedict,  failing  to  appear,  was  con- 
demned and  deposed  in  contumaciam,  and  the  papal 
chair  was  declared  vacant.  As  King  Henry  was  not 
yet  crowned  emperor,  he  had  no  canonical  right  to 
take  part  in  the  new  election;  but  the  Romans  had  no 
candidate  to  propose  and  begged  the  monarch  to  sug- 
gest a  worthy  subject. 

Henry's  first  choice,  the  powerful  Adalbert,  Arch- 
bishop of  Bremen,  positively  refused  to  accept  the 
burden  and  suggested  his  friend  Suidger,  Bishop  of 
Bamberg.  In  spite  of  the  hitter's  protests,  the  king 
took  him  by  the  hand  and  presented  him  to  the  ac- 
claiming clergy 
and  people  as 
their  spiritual 
chief.  Slud- 
ger's reluc- 
tance was  final- 
ly overcome, 
though  he  in- 
sisted upon  re- 
taining the 
bishopric  of 
his  beloved  see. 
He  might  be 
pardoned  for 
fearing  that 
the  turbulent  Romans  would  ere  long  send  him  back  to 
Bamberg.  Moreover,  since  the  king  refused  to  give 
back  to  the  Roman  See  its  possessions  usurped  by  the 
nobles  and  the  Normans,  the  pope  was  forced  to  look 
to  his  German  bishopric  for  financial  support.  He 
was  enthroned  in  St.  Peter's  on  Christmas  Day  and 
took  the  name  of  Clement  II.  He  was  bom  in  Saxony 
of  noble  parentage,  was  first  a  canon  in  Halberstadt, 
then  chaplain  at  the  court  of  King  Henry,  who  on  the 
death  of  Eberhard,  the  first  Bishop  of  Bamberg,  ap- 
pointed him  to  that  important  see.  He  was  a  man  of 
strictest  integrity  and  severe  morality.  His  first  pon- 
tifical act  was  to  place  the  imperial  crown  upon  his 
benefactor  and  the  queen-consort,  Agnes  of  Aqui- 
taine.  The  new  emperor  received  from  the  Romans 
and  the  pope  the  title  and  diadem  of  a  Roman 
Patricius,  a  dignity  which,  since  the  tenth  century, 
owing  to  the  uncanonical  pretensions  of  the  Roman 
aristocracy,  was  commonly  supposed  to  give  the 
bearer  the  right  of  appointing  the  pope,  or,  more  ex- 
actly speaking,  of  indicating  the  person  to  be  chosen 
(Hefele).  Had  not  God  given  His  Church  the  in- 
alienable right  of  freedom  and  independence,  and 
sent  her  champions  determined  to  enforce  this  right, 
she  would  now  have  simply  exchanged  the  tyranny 
of  Roman  factions  for  the  more  serious  thraldom  to  a 
foreign  power,  The  fact  that  Henry  had  protected 
the  Roman  Church  and  rescued  her  from  her  enemies 

fave  him  no  just  claim  to  become  her  lord  and  master, 
hort-sighted  reformers,  even  men  like  St.  Peter 
Damiani  (Opusc.,  VI,  36)  who  saw  in  this  surrender 
of  the  freedom  of  papal  elections  to  the  arbitrary  will 
of  the  emperor  the  opening  of  a  new  era,  lived  long 
enough  to  regret  the  mistake  that  was  made.  With 
due  recognition  of  the  prominent  part  taken  by  the 
Germans  in  the  reformation  of  the  eleventh  century, 


Sarcophagus  op  Clement  II 
(Cathedral  of  Bamberg) 


we  cannot  forget  that  neither  Henry  III  nor  his 
bishops  understood  the  importance  of  absolute  inde- 
pendence in  the  election  of  the  officers  of  the  Church. 
This  lesson  was  taught  them  by  Hildebrand,  the 
young  chaplain  of  Gregory  VI,  whom  they  took  to 
Germany  with  his  master,  only  to  return  with  St. 
Leo  IX  to  begin  his  immortal  career.  Henry  III, 
the  sworn  enemy  of  simony,  never  took  a  penny  from 
any  of  his  appointees,  but  he  claimed  a  right  of  ap- 
pointment which  virtually  made  him  head  of  the 
Church  and  paved  the  way  for  intolerable  abuses 
under  his  unworthy  successors. 

Clement  lost  no  time  in  beginning  the  work  of  re- 
form. At  a  great  synod  in  Rome,  January,  1047,  the 
buying  and  selling  of  things  spiritual  was  punished 
with  excommunication;  anyone  who  should  know- 
ingly accept  ordination  at  the  hands  of  a  prelate 
guilty  of  simony  was  ordered  to  do  canonical  penance 
for  forty  days.  A  dispute  for  precedence  between  the 
Sees  of  Ravenna,  Milan,  and  Aquileia  was  settled  in 
favour  of  Ravenna,  the  bishop  of  which  was,  in  the 
absence  of  the  emperor,  to  take  his  station  at  the 
pope's  right.  Clement  accompanied  the  emperor  in 
a  triumphal  progress  through  Southern  Italy  and 
placed  Benevento  under  an  interdict  for  refusing  to 
open  its  gates  to  them.  Proceeding  with  Henry  to 
Germany,  he  canonized  Wiborada,  a  nun  of  St.  Gall, 
martyred  by  the  Huns  in  925.  On  his  way  back  to 
Rome  he  died  near  Pesaro.  That  he  was  poisoned  by 
the  partisans  of  Benedict  IX  is  a  mere  suspicion  with- 
out proof.  He  bequeathed  his  mortal  remains  to 
Bamberg,  in  the  great  cathedral  of  which  his  marble 
sarcophagus  is  to  be  seen  at  the  present  day.  He  is 
the  only  pope  buried  in  Germany.  Many  zealous  ec- 
clesiastics, notably  the  Bishop  of  Li£ge,  now  exerted 
themselves  to  reseat  in  the  papal  chair  Gregory  VI, 
whom,  together  with  his  chaplain,  Henry  held  in 
honourable  custody;  but  the  emperor  unceremoni- 
ously appointed  Poppo,  Bishop  of  Brixen,  who  took 
the  name  of  Damasus  II.  (See  Gregory  VI;  Bene- 
dict IX.) 

Baroniub,  Annates  Bed.,  ad  ann.  1046,  1047;  Lapiteac,  La 
vie  de  Clement  11  (Padua,  1752);  Will,  Die  Anfange  der  Res- 
tauration  der  Kirch*  im  XI.  Jahrhvndert  (Marburg,  1859); 
Wittmann,  Clement  II.  in  Archiv  f.  kathol.  Kxrchenreeht  (1884), 
LI,  238;  Von  Reuiiont,  QeMh.  d.  Stadt  Rom  (Berlin,  1867),  II, 
339-44;  Abtaod  de  Montor,  History  of  the  Roman  Pontiffs 
(New  York.  1867);  Heineuann,  Der  Patriziat  d.  deutschen 
Kimige  (Halle,  1887);  Hepble,  Conciliengach.,  IV,  706-14. 

James  F.  Louqhun. 

Clement  HI,  Pope  (Paolo  Scolari),  date  of  birth 
unknown;  elected  19  December,  1187;  d.  27  March, 
1191.  During  the  short  space  (1181-1198)  which 
separated  the  glorious  pontificates  of  Alexander  III 
and  Innocent  III,  no  less  than  five  pontiffs  occupied 
in  rapid  succession  the  papal  chair.  They  were  all 
veterans  trained  in  the  school  of  Alexander,  and 
needed  only  their  earlier  youthful  vigour  and  length 
of  reign  to  gain  lasting  renown  in  an  age  of  great 
events.  Gregory  VIII,  after  a  pontificate  of  two 
months,  died  on  17  December,  1187,  at  Pisa,  whither 
he  had  gone  to  expedite  the  preparations  for  the 
recovery  of  Jerusalem;  he  was  succeeded  two  days 
later  by  the  Cardinal-Bishop  of  Palestrina,  Paolo 
Scolari,  a  Roman  by  birth.  The  choice  was  partic- 
ularly acceptable  to  the  Romans;  for  he  was  the 
first  native  of  their  city  who  was  elevated  to  the 
papacy  since  their  rebellion  in  the  days  of  Arnold 
of  Brescia,  and  his  well-known  mildness  and  love 
of  peace  turned  their  thoughts  towards  a  recon- 
ciliation, more  necessary  to  them  than  to  the 
pope.  Overtures  led  to  the  conclusion  of  a  formal 
treaty,  by  which  the  papal  sovereignty  and  the  mu- 
nicipal liberties  were  equally  secured;  and  in  the 
following  February  Clement  made  his  entry  into  the 
city  amid  the  boundless  enthusiasm  of  a  population 
which  never  seemed  to  have  learned  the  art  of  living 
either  with  or  without  the  pope. 


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OLXMEMT 


Seated  in  the  Lateran,  Pope  Clement  turned  his 
attention  to  the  gigantic  task  of  massing  the  forces 
of  Christendom  against  the  Saracens.  He  was  the 
organizer  of  the  Third  Crusade;  and  if  that  imposing 
expedition  produced  insignificant  results,  the  blame 
nowise  attaches  to  him.  He  dispatched  legates  to 
the  different  courts,  who  laboured  to  restore  harmony 
among  the  belligerent  monarch*)  and  princes,  and  to 
divert  their  energy  towards  the  reconquest  of  the 
Holy  Sepulchre.  Fired  by  the  example  of  the  Em- 
peror Barbarossa  and  of  the  Kings  of  France  and 
England,  a  countless  host  of  Christian  warriors  took 
the  road  which  led  them  to  Palestine  and  death.  At 
the  time  of  Clement's  death,  just  before  the  capture 
of  Acre,  the  prospects,  notwithstanding  the  drowning 
of  Barbarossa  and  the  return  of  Philip  Augustus,  still 
seemed  bright  enough. 

The  death  of  the  pope's  chief  vassal,  William  II  of 
Sicily,  precipitated  another  unfortunate  quarrel  be- 
tween the  Holy  See  and  the  Hohenstaufen.  Henry 
VI,  the  son  and  successor  of  Barbarossa,  claimed  the 
kingdom  by  right  of  his  wife  Costanza,  the  only  le- 
gitimate survivor  of  the  House  of  Roger.  The  pope, 
whose  independence  was  at  an  end,  if  the  empire 
and  the  Two  Sicilies  were  held  by  the  same  monarch, 
as  well  as  the  Italians  who  detested  the  rule  of  a  for- 
eigner, determined  upon  resistance,  and  when  the 
Sicilians  proclaimed  Tancred  of  Lecce,  a  brave  but 
illegitimate  scion  of  the  family  of  Roger,  as  king,  the 
pope  gave  him  the  investiture.  Henry  advanced  into 
Italy  with  a  strong  army  to  enforce  his  claim ;  an  op- 
portune death  reserved  the  continuation  of  the  con- 
test to  Clement's  successor,  Celestine  III.  By  a  wise 
moderation  Clement  succeeded  in  quieting  the  dis- 
turbances caused  by  contested  elections  in  the  Dio- 
ceses of  Trier  in  Germany  and  St.  Andrews  in  Scot- 
land. He  also  delivered  the  Scottish  Church  from  the 
jurisdiction  of  the  Metropolitan  of  York  and  declared 
it  directly  subject  to  the  Holy  See.  Clement  canon- 
ized Otto  of  Bamberg,  the  Apostle  of  Pomerania  (d. 
1139),  and  Stephen  of  Thiers  in  Auvergne,  founder 
of  the  Hermits  of  Grammont  (d.  1124). 

Baroniub,  Ann.  Eccl.,  ad  ana.  1188;  Life  and  Letters  in 
Mans:,  XXII,  543,  P.  L.,  CCIV,  5:  Michaud,  Hist,  dee  Croi- 
eades  (Brussels,  1841);  Conder,  The  Latin  Kingdom  of  Jeru- 
ealem  (London,  1897);  Artacd  db  Montob,  History  of  the 
Soman  Fontifft  (New  York,  1867). 

James  F.  Louohlin. 

Clement  IV,  Pope  (Guido  Le  Gros),  b.  at  Saint- 
Gilles  on  the  Rhone,  23  November,  year  unknown; 
elected  at  Perugia  5  February,  1265;  d.  at  Viterbo, 
29  November,  1268.  After  the  death  of  Urban  IV 
(2  October,  1264),  the  cardinals,  assembled  in  conclave 
at  Perugia,  discussed  for  four  months  the  momentous 
question  whether  the  Church  should 
continue  the  war  to  the  end  against 
the  House  of  Hohenstaufen  by  calling 
in  Charles  of  Anjou,  the  youngest 
brother  of  St.  Louis  of  France,  or  find 
some  other  means  of  securing  the  in- 
dependence of  the  papacy.  No  other 
solution  offering  itself,  the  only  pos- 
sible course  was  to  unite  upon  the 
Cardinal-Bishop  of  Sabina,  by  birth  a 
Frenchman  and  a  subject  of  Charles. 
Guido  Le  Gros  was  of  noble  extraction.  When  his 
mother  died,  his  father,  the  knight  Foulquois,  entered 
a  Carthusian  monastery  where  he  ended  a  saintly 
life.  Guido  married,  and  for  a  short  time  wielded 
the  spear  and  the  sword.  Then  devoting  himself 
to  the  study  of  law  under  the  able  direction  of  the 
famous  Durandus,  he  gained  a  national  reputation  as 
an  advocate.  St.  Lotus,  who  entertained  a  great  re- 
spect and  affection  for  him,  took  him  into  his  cabinet 
and  made  him  one  of  his  trusted  councillors.  His 
wife  died,  leaving  him  two  daughters,  where- 
upon he  imitated  his  father  to  the  extent  that 


Arm  ft  of 

Clement  IV 


he  gave  up  worldly  concerns  and  took  Holy  or- 
ders. 

His  rise  in  the  Church  was  rapid;  1256,  he  was 
Bishop  of  Puy;  1259,  Archbishop  of  Narbonne;  De- 
cember, 1261,  Cardinal-Bishop  of  Sabina.  He  was 
the  first  cardinal  created  by  Urban  IV  (Eubel,  Hier- 
archia  Catholica,  7).  He  was  in  France,  returning 
from  an  important  legation  to  England,  when  he  re- 
ceived an  urgent  message  from  the  cardinals  demand- 
ing his  immediate  presence  in  Perugia.  Not  until  he 
entered  the  conclave,  was  he  informed  that  the  unani- 
mous vote  of  the  Sacred  College  had  confided  into  his 
hands  the  destinies  of  the  Catholic  Church.  He  was 
astonished;  for  only  a  man  of  his  large  experience 
could  fully  realize  the  responsibility  of  him  whose 
judgment,  at  this  critical  juncture,  must  irrevocably 
shape  the  course  of  Italian  and  ecclesiastical  history 
for  centuries  to  come.  His  prayers  and  tears  failing 
to  move  the  cardinals,  he  reluctantly  accepted  the 
heavy  burden,  was  crowned  at  Viterbo,  22  February, 
and,  to  honour  the  saint  of  his  birthday,  assumed  the 
name  of  Clement  IV.  His  contemporaries  are  unani- 
mous and  enthusiastic  in  extolling  his  exemplary  piety 
and  rigorously  ascetic  life.  He  had  a  remarkable 
aversion  to  nepotism.  His  first  act  was  to  forbid  any 
of  his  relatives  to  come  to  the  Curia,  or  to  attempt 
to  derive  any  sort  of  temporal  advantage  from  his 
elevation.  Suitors  for  the  hands  of  his  daughters 
were  admonished  that  their  prospective  brides  were 
"  children  not  of  the  pope,  but  of  Guido  Grossus",  and 
that  their  dowers  should  be  extremely  modest.  The 
two  ladies  preferred  the  seclusion  of  the  convent. 

The  Neapolitan  question  occupied,  almost  exclu- 
sively, the  thoughts  of  Clement  IV  during  his  short 
pontificate  of  3  years,  9  months,  and  25  days,  which, 
however,  witnessed  the  two  decisive  battles  of  Bene- 
vento  and  Tagliacozzo  (1268),  and  the  execution  of 
Conradin.  The  negotiations  with  Charles  of  Anjou 
had  progressed  so  far  under  the  reign  of  Urban  IV 
that  it  is  difficult  to  see  how  the  pope  could  now  well 
draw  back,  even  were  he  so  inclined.  But  Clement 
had  no  intention  of  doing  so.  The  power  of  Man- 
fred and  the  insecurity  of  the  Holy  See  were  increas- 
ing daily.  Clement  had  already,  as  cardinal,  taken 
an  active  part  in  the  negotiations  with  Charles  and 
now  exerted  himself  to  the  utmost  in  order  to  supply 
the  ambitious  but  needy  adventurer  with  troops  and 
money.  Papal  legates  and  mendicant  friars  appeared 
upon  the  scene,  preaching  a  formal  crusade,  with  the 
amplest  indulgences  and  most  lavish  promises.  Sol- 
diers were  obtained  in  abundance  among  the  warlike 
chivalry  of  France;  the  great  difficulty  was  to  find 
money  with  which  to  equip  and  maintain  the  army. 
The  clergy  and  people  failed  to  detect  a  crusade  in 
what  they  deemed  a  personal  quarrel  of  the  pope,  a 
"war  hard  by  the  Lateran,  and  not  with  Saracens  nor 
with  Jews"  (Dante,  Inf.,  canto  xxviii);  though,  in 
reality,  Saracens,  implanted  in  Italy  by  Frederick  II, 
made  up  the  main  strength  of  Manfred's  army.  Al- 
though reduced  at  times  to  utter  destitution,  and 
forced  to  pledge  everything  of  value  and  to  borrow  at 
exorbitant  rates,  the  pope  did  not  despair;  the  expe- 
dition arrived,  and  from  the  military  point  of  view 
achieved  a  brilliant  success. 

Charles,  preceding  his  army,  came  to  Rome  by  sea, 
and  upon  the  conclusion  of  a  treaty,  by  which  the 
liberties  of  the  Church  and  the  overlordship  of  the 
Holy  See  seemed  to  be  most  firmly  secured,  he  re- 
ceived the  investiture  of  his  new  kingdom.  On  6  Jan- 
uary, 1266,  he  was  solemnly  crowned  in  St.  Peter's; 
not,  as  he  had  wished,  by.  the  pope,  who  took  up  his 
residence  in  Viterbo  and  never  saw  Rome,  but  by 
cardinals  designated  for  the  purpose.  On  22  Febru- 
ary was  fought  the  battle  of  Benevento,  in  which 
Charles  was  completely  victorious;  Manfred  was 
found  among  the  slain.  Naples  opened  her  gates  and 
the  Angevin  dynasty  was  established.    Though  a 


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good  general,  Charles  had  many  weaknesses  of  char- 
acter that  made  him  a  very  different  ruler  from  his 
saintly  brother.  He  was  harsh,  cruel,  grasping,  and 
tyrannical.  Clement  was  kept  busy  reminding  him 
of  the  terms  of  his  treaty,  reproving  his  excesses  and 
those  of  his  officials,  and  warning  Turn  that  he  was 
gaining  the  enmity  of  his  subjects.  Nevertheless, 
when,  a  little  later,  young  Conradin,  disregarding 
papal  censures  and  anathemas,  advanced  to  the  con- 
quest of  what  he  deemed  his  birthright,  Clement  re- 
mained faithful  to  Charles  and  prophesied  that  the 
gallant  youth,  received  by  the  Ghibelline  party  every- 
where, even  in  Rome,  with  unbounded  enthusiasm, 
"was  being  led  like  a  lamb  to  the  slaughter",  and 
that  "his  glory  would  vanish  like  smoke",  a  prophecy 
only  too  literally  fulfilled  when,  after  the  fatal  day  of 
Tagliacozzo  (23  August,  1268),  Conradin  fell  into 
Charles'  merciless  hands  and  was  beheaded  (29  Octo- 
ber) on  the  market-place  of  Naples.  The  fable  that 
Pope  Clement  advised  the  execution  of  the  unfortu- 
nate prince  by  saying,  "The  death  or  life  of  Conradin 
means  the  life  or  death  of  Charles",  is  of  a  later  date, 
and  opposed  to  the  truth.  Even  the  statement  of 
Gregorovius  that  Clement  became  an  accomplice  by 
refusing  to  intercede  for  Conradin,  is  equally  ground- 
less ;  for  it  has  been  shown  conclusively,  not  only  that 
he  pleaded  for  his  life  and  besought  St.  Louis  to  add 
the  weight  of  his  influence  with  his  brother,  but, 
moreover,  that  he  sternly  reproved  Charles  for  his 
cruel  deed  when  it  was  perpetrated.  Clement  fol- 
lowed "the  last  of  the  Hohenstaufen"  to  the  grave 
just  one  month  later,  leaving  the  papacy  in  a  much 
better  condition  than  when  he  received  the  keys  of 
St.  Peter.  He  was  buried  in  the  church  of  the  Domin- 
icans at  Viterbo.  Owing  to  divergent  views  among 
the  cardinals,  the  papal  throne  remained  vacant  for 
nearly  three  years.  In  1268,  Clement  canonized  St. 
Hedwig  of  Poland  (d.  1243). 

Jordan,  Lea  regialrea  de  Clement  IV  (Paris,  1893,  sqq.);  Life 
and  Letters  in  Manhi,  XIV,  325;  Hbidbhamn,  Paptt  Klement 


Charlee  d'Anjou  (Paris,  1841);  Brayda,  La  ruponeabilita  di 
Clemente  IV  e  di  Carlo  X  d'Anjou  nella  morte  di  Corradino  di 
Soevia  (Naples,  1900). 

James  F.  Loughltn. 

Olement  V,  Pope  (Bertrand  de  Got),  b.  at  Vil- 
landraut  in  Gascony,  France,  1264;  d.  at  Roquemaure, 
20  April,  1314.  He  was  elected,  5  June,  1305,  at  Peru- 
gia as  successor  to  Benedict  XI,  after  a  conclave  of 
eleven  months,  the  great  length  of  which  was  owing 
to  the  French  and  Italian  factions  among  the  cardi- 
nals. Ten  of  the  fifteen  (mostly 
Italian)  cardinals  voting  elected  him. 
Giovanni  Villani's  story  (Hist.  Flor- 
ent.,  VIII,  80,  in  Muratori,  SS.  RR. 
Ital.,  XIII,  417;  cf.  Raynald,  Ann. 
Eccl.,  1305,  2-4)  of  a  decisive  influ- 
ence of  Philip  the  Fair,  and  the  new 
pope's  secret  conference  with  and 
abject  concessions  to  that  king  in 
Arms  of  Clem-  the  forest  of  Saint-Jean-d'Angely,  is 
ENT  quite  unhistorical;  on  the  other  hand, 

the  cardinals  were  willing  to  please  the  powerful 
French  king  whom  the  late  Benedict  XI  had  been 
obliged  to  placate  by  notable  concessions,  and  it  is 
not  improbable  that  some  kind  of  a  mutual  under- 
standing was  reached  by  the  king  and  the  future 
pope.  As  Archbishop  of  Bordeaux,  Bertrand  de 
Got  was  actually  a  subject  of  the  King  of  England, 
but  from  early  youth  he  had  been  a  personal  friend 
of  Philip  the  Fair.  Nevertheless,  he  had  remained 
faithful  to  Boniface  VIII.  The  new  pope  came 
from  a  distinguished  family.  An  elder  brother 
had  been  Archbishop  of  Lyons,  and  died  (1297)  as 
Cardinal-Bishop  of  Albano  and  papal  legate  in 
France.    Bertrand  studied  the  arts  at  Toulouse  and 


canon  and  civil  law  at  Orleans  and  Bologna.  He  had 
been  successively  canon  at  Bordeaux,  vicar-general 
•of  the  Archbishop  of  Lyons  (his  aforesaid  brother), 
papal  chaplain,  Bishop  of  Comminges  under  Boniface 
VIII,  and  eventually  Archbishop  of  Bordeaux,  then 
a  difficult  office  because  of  the  persistent  conflict 
between  England  and  France  for  the  possession  of 
Normandy.  The  cardinals  besought  him  to  come  to 
Perugia  and  go  thence  to  Rome  for  his  coronation, 
but  he  ordered  them  to  repair  to  Lyons,  where  he  was 
crowned  (14  November,  1305)  in  presence  of  Philip 
the  Fair  and  with  great  pomp.    During  the  usual 

Sublic  procession  the  pope  was  thrown  from  his  horse 
y  a  falling  wall;  one  of  his  brothers  was  killed  on 
that  occasion,  also  the  aged  Cardinal  Matteo  Orsini 
who  had  taken  part  in  twelve  conclaves  and  seen 
thirteen  popes.  The  most  precious  jewel  in  the  papal 
tiara  (a  carbuncle)  was  lost  that  day,  an  incident 
prophetically  interpreted  by  German  and  Italian 
historians,  and  the  next  day  another  brother  was 
slain  in  a  quarrel  between  servants  of  the  new  pope 
and  retainers  of  the  cardinals.  For  some  time  (1305- 
1309),  Pope  Clement  resided  at  different  places  in 
France  (Bordeaux,  Poitiers,  Toulouse),  but  finally 
took  up  his  residence  at  Avignon,  then  a  fief  of  Naples, 
though  within  the  County  of  Venaissin  that  since  1228 
acknowledged  the  pope  as  overlord  (in  1348  Clement 
VI  purchased  Avignon  for  80,000  gold  gulden  from 
Joanna  of  Naples).  Strong  affection  for  his  native 
France  and  an  equally  influential  fear  of  the  quasi- 
anarchical  conditions  of  Italy,  and  in  particular  of  the 
States  of  the  Church  and  the  city  of  Rome,  led  him  to 
this  fateful  decision ,  whereby  he  exposed  himself  to  the 
domination  of  a  civil  ruler  (Philip  the  Fair),  whose  im- 
mediate aims  were  a  universal  French  monarchy  and  a 
solemn  humiliation  of  Pope  Boniface  VIII  in  return 
for  the  hitter's  courageous  resistance  to  Philip's  cun- 
ning, violence,  and  usurpations  (Hergenrfither). 

States  of  the  Church. — The  government  of  the 
States  of  the  Church  was  committed  by  Clement  to  a 
commission  of  three  cardinals,  while  at  Spoleto  his 
own  brother,  Amaud  Garsias  de  Got,  held  the  office 
of  papal  vicar.  Giacomo  degli  Stefaneschi,  a  senator 
and  popular  chief,  governed  within  the  city  in  a  loose 
and  personal  way.  Confusion  and  anarchy  were 
prevalent,  owing  to  the  implacable  mutual  hatred  of 
the  Colonna  and  Orsini,  the  traditional  turbulence  of 
the  Romans,  and  the  frequent  angry  conflicts  be- 
tween the  people  and  the  nobles,  conditions  which 
had  been  growing  worse  all  through  the  thirteenth 
century  and  bad  eventually  driven  even  the  Italian 
popes  to  such  outside  strongholds  as  Viterbo,  Anagni, 
Orvieto,  and  Perugia.  No  more  graphic  illustration 
of  the  local  conditions  at  Rome  and  in  the  Patrimony 
of  Peter  could  be  asked  than  the  description  of 
Nicholas  of  Butrinto,  the  historiographer  of  Emperor 
Henry  VII,  on  his  fateful  Roman  expedition  of  1312 
fsee  Von  Reumont,  Geschichte  der  Stadt  Rom,  Ber- 
lin, 1867,  II  (1),  743-65].  Among  the  untoward 
Roman  events  of  Pope  Clement's  reign  was  the  con- 
flagration 6  May,  1308,  that  destroyed  the  church  of 
St.  John  Lateran,  soon  rebuilt,  however,  by  the  Ro- 
mans with  the  aid  of  the  pope.  Clement  did  not 
hesitate  to  try  the  conclusions  of  war  with  the  Italian 
state  of  Venice  that  had  unjustly  seized  on  Ferrara, 
a  fief  of  the  Patrimony  of  Peter.  When  excommuni- 
cation, interdict,  and  a  general  prohibition  of  all 
commercial  intercourse  failed,  he  outlawed  the  Vene- 
tians, and  caused  a  crusade  to  be  preached  against 
them;  finally  his  legate,  Cardinal  P61agrue,  over- 
threw in  a  terrific  battle  the  haughty  aggressors  (28 
August,  1309).  The  papal  vicariate  of  Ferrara  was 
then  conferred  on  Robert  of  Naples,  whose  Catalon- 
ian  mercenaries,  however,  were  more  odious  to  the 
people  than  the  Venetian  usurpers.  In  any  case,  the 
smaller  powers  of  Italy  had  learned  that  they  could 
not  yet  strip  with  impunity  the  inheritance  of  the 


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Apostolic  See,  and  an  example  was  furnished  which 
the  greatest  soldier  of  the  papacy,  Gil  d'Albornos 
(q.  v.)i  would  better  before  the  century  was  over. 

Process  of  Boniface  VIII. — Almost  at  once  King 
Philip  demanded  from  the  new  pope  a  formal  con- 
demnation of  the  memory  of  Boniface  VIII;  only 
thus  could  the  royal  hate  be  placated.  The  kins 
wished  the  name  of  Boniface  stricken  from  the  list  of 
popes  as  a  heretic,  his  bones  disinterred,  burned,  and 
the  ashes  scattered  to  the  winds.  This  odious  and 
disgraceful  step  Clement  sought  to  avert,  partly  by 
delay,  partly  by  new  favours  to  the  king;  he  renewed 
the  absolution  granted  the  king  by  Benedict  XI, 
created  nine  French  cardinals  out  of  a  group  of  ten, 
restored  to  the  Colonna  cardinals  their  places  in  the 
Sacred  College,  and  accorded  the  king  t  ithes  of  church 
property  for  five  years.  Finally,  he  withdrew  the 
Bull  "Clericis  Laicos",  though  not  the  earlier  legisla- 
tion on  which  it  was  based,  and  declared  that  the 
doctrinal  Bull  "Unam  Sanctam"  affected  in  no  dis- 
advantageous manner  the  meritorious  French  king, 
and  implied  for  him  and  his  kingdom  no  greater 
degree  of  subjection  to  the  papal  see  than  formerly 
existed.  The  pope  was  also  helpful  to  Charles  of 
Valois,  the  king's  brother,  and  pretender  to  the  im- 
perial throne  of  Constantinople,  by  granting  him  a 
two  years'  tithe  of  church  revenues;  Clement  hoped 
that  a  crusade  operating  from  a  reconquered  Con- 
stantinople would  be  successful.  In  May,  1307,  at 
Poitiers,  where  peace  was  made  between  England  and 
France,  Philip  again  insisted  on  a  canonical  process 
for  condemnation  of  the  memory  of  Boniface  VIII, 
as  a  heretic,  a  blasphemer,  an  unmoral  priest,  etc. 
Eventually,  the  pope  made  answer  that  so  grave  a 
matter  could  not  De  settled  outside  of  a  general 
council,  and  the  king  for  a  while  seemed  satisfied  with 
this  solution.  Nevertheless,  he  returned  frequently 
and  urgently  to  his  proposition.  It  was  in  vain  that 
the  pope  exhibited  a  willingness  to  sacrifice  the  Tem- 
plars (see  below);  the  merciless  king,  sure  of  his 
power,  pressed  for  the  opening  of  this  unique  trial, 
unheard  of  since  the  time  of  Pope  Formosus.  Clem- 
ent had  to  yield,  and  designated  2  February,  1309, 
as  the  date,  and  Avignon  as  the  place  for  the  trial  of 
his  dead  predecessor  on  the  shameful  charges  so  long 
colported  about  Europe  by  the  Colonna  cardinals 
ana  their  faction.  In  the  document  (citation)  that 
called  (13  September,  1309)  for  the  witnesses,  Clement 
expressed  his  personal  conviction  of  the  innocence 
of  Boniface,  at  the  same  time  his  resolution  to  satisfy 
the  king.   Though  the  pope  had  soon  (2  February, 

1310)  to  protest  against  a  false  interpretation  of  his 
own  words,  the  process  was  really  begun  in  a  con- 
sistory of  16  March,  1310,  at  Avignon.  Much  delay 
followed,  on  one  side  and  the  other,  apropos  chiefly 
of  methods  of  procedure.  Early  in  1311,  witnesses 
were  examined  outside  of  Avignon,  in  France,  and  in 
Italy,  but  by  French  commissaries  and  mostly  on  the 
above-mentioned  charges  of  the  Colonna  (see  Boni- 
face VIII).  Finally,  in  February,  1311,  the  king 
wrote  to  Clement  abandoning  the  process  to  the 
future  council  (of  Vienne)  or  to  the  pope's  own  action, 
and  promising  to  cause  the  withdrawal  of  the  charges: 
at  the  same  time  he  protested  that  his  intentions  had 
been  pure.  One  price  of  these  welcome  concessions 
was  a  formal  declaration  by  Pope  Clement  (27  April, 

1311)  of  the  king's  innocence  and  that  of  his  friends; 
these  representatives  of  France,  the  "Israel  of  the 
New  Alliance  ",  had  acted,  said  the  pope,  in  good  faith 
and  with  a  pure  zeal,  nor  should  they  fear  in  the 
future  any  canonical  detriment  from  the  events  of 
Anagni.  William  Nogaret  was  excepted,  but  on  his 
protestation  of  innocence,  and  at  the  intercession  of 
Philip,  a  penance  was  imposed  on  him  and  he  too 
received  absolution.  Only  those  who  detained  ec- 
clesiastical property  were  finally  excluded  from  par- 
don.   The  religious  zeal  of  Philip  was  again  acknowl- 


edged; all  papal  acts  detrimental  to  him  and  his 
kingdom  since  November,  1302,  were  rescinded;  the 
erasures  are  yet  visible  in  the  "Regesta"  of  Boniface 
VIII,  in  the  Vatican  Archives  (see  Tosti,  "Storia  di 
Bonifazio  VIII",  Rome,  1886,  II,  343-44).  This 
painful  situation  was  closed  for  Clement  V  by  the 
Council  of  Vienne  (16  October,  1311),  most  of  whose 
members  were  personally  favourable  to  Boniface. 
It  is  not  certain  that  the  council  took  up  formally 
the  question  of  the  guilt  or  innocence  of  Boniface.  In 
their  present  shape  the  official  Acts  of  the  council  are 
silent,  nor  do  all  contemporary  writers  mention  it  as  a 
fact.  It  is  true  that  Giovanni  Villani  describes  Pliilip 
and  his  counsellors  as  urgent  for  the  condemnation  of 
Boniface  by  the  council,  but,  he  says,  the  memory 
of  the  pope  was  formally  purged  from  all  adverse 
charges  by  three  cardinals  and  several  jurists;  more- 
over, three  Catalonian  knights  offered  to  defend  with 
their  swords  the  good  name  of  the  Gaetani  pope 
against  all  comers,  whereupon  the  king  yielded,  and 
demanded  only  that  he  be  declared  guiltless  of  any 
responsibility  for  the  turn  affairs  had  taken.  With 
the  death  of  his  personal  enemies,  opposition  to  Boni- 
face diminished,  and  his  legitimacy  was  no  longer 
denied  even  in  France  (Balan,  "II  processo  di  Boni- 
fazio VIII",  Rome,  1881). 

Clement  V  and  the  Templars. — Since  the  final 
expulsion  (1291)  of  the  crusading  forces  from  the 
Holy  Land,  the  ecclesiastioo-military  orders  in  Europe 
had  ajroused  much  adverse  criticism,  partly  because 
to  their  jealousies  (Templars,  Hospitallers  or  Knights 
of  St.  John,  Teutonic  Order)  was  attributed  the  humil- 
iating defeat,  partly  because  of  the  vast  wealth  they 
had  acquired  in  their  short  existence.  The  Templars 
(so-called  from  the  Temple  of  Jerusalem,  pauperea 
commiliiones  Christi  Templique  Solomonui,  l.  e.  poor 
fellow-soldiers  of  Christ  and  of  the  Temple  of  Solo- 
mon) were  the  richest.  Their  fortress-like  monas- 
teries, known  as  Temples,  arose  in  every  European 
land,  and  by  the  end  of  the  thirteenth  century 
sheltered  the  chief  banking-system  of  Europe;  the 
knights  were  trusted  by  popes  and  kings  and  by  per- 
sons of  wealth  because  of  their  uprightness,  the  good 
management  of  their  affairs,  and  their  solid  credit 
based  on  the  countless  estates  of  the  order  and  its 
widespread  financial  relations.  Already,  before  the 
accession  of  Pope  Clement,  their  status  was  growing 
perilous;  apart  from  the  envy  arouW  by  their  riches, 
accusations  of  pride,  exclusiveness,  usurpation  of 
episcopal  rights,  etc.  were  raised  against  them.  They 
had  resisted  several  attempts  to  unite  their  order 
with  the  Hospitallers,  and  while  it  is  no  longer  easy 
to  fix  the  degree  of  their  popularity  with  the  common 
people,  it  is  certain  that  in  many  quarters  of  Europe 
they  had  aroused  the  cupidity  of  princes  and  the 
jealousy  of  many  higher  ecclesiastics,  especially  in 
France;  without  the  co-operation  of  the  latter  they 
could  never  have  fallen  in  so  tragic  a  manner.  Their 
story  is  told  in  full  in  the  article  Templars;  hence,  to 
avoid  repetition,  it  will  suffice  to  mention  here  the 
principal  facts.  In  the  first  year  of  the  pontificate 
of  Clement  V  the  French  king  began  to  demand  from 
the  pope  the  suppression  of  this  ecclesiastical  order 
and  to  set  afoot  a  campaign  of  violence  and  calumny 
such  as  had  so  far  succeeded  in  the  case  of  Boniface 
VIII.  If  the  pope,  as  was  naturally  to  be  feared, 
refused  finally  to  yield  in  the  matter  of  the  process 
against  his  predecessor's  memory,  he  would  surely 
be  glad  to  buy  relief  with  the  sacrifice  of  the  Tem- 

flars.  Owing  to  the  weakness  and  irresolution  of 
'ope  Clement,  the  royal  plan  succeeded.  After  an 
unsuccessful  attempt  of  the  pope  (in  August,  1307)  to 
unite  the  Templars  and  the  Hospitallers,  he  yielded 
to  the  demands  of  King  Philip  and  ordered  an  inves- 
tigation of  the  order,  against  which  the  king  brought 
charges  of  heresy  (renunciation  of  Christ,  immorality, 
idolatry,  contempt  of  the  Mass,  denial  of  the  sacra- 


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merits,  etc.).  Philip,  however,  did  not  wait  for  the 
ordinary  operation  of  the  Inquisition,  but,  with  the 
aid  of  his  confessor,  Guillaume  de  Paris  (the  inquisitor 
of  France),  and  his  clever,  unscrupulous  jurists 
(Nogaret,  de  Plaisians,  Enguerrand  de  Marigny) 
struck  suddenly  at  the  whole  order,  12  October,  1307, 
by  the  arrest  at  Paris  of  Jacques  de  Molay,  the  Grand 
Commander,  and  one  hundred  and  forty  knights,  fol- 
lowed by  the  inquisitor's  mandate  to  arrest  all  other 
members  throughout  France,  and  by  royal  sequestra- 
tion of  the  property  of  the  order.  Public  opinion 
was  cunningly  and  successfully  forestalled  by  the 
aforesaid  jurists.  It  was  also  falsely  made  to  appear 
that  the  pope  approved,  or  was  consentingly  aware,  of 
the  royal  action,  while  the  co-operation  of  French 
inquisitors  and  bishops  put  the  seal  of  ecclesiastical 
approval  on  an  act  tnat  was  certainly  so  far  one  of 
gross  injustice. 

While  Philip  invited  the  other  princes  of  Europe 
to  follow  his  example,  Clement  V  protested  (27  Octo- 
ber) against  the  royal  usurpation  of  the  papal  au- 
thority, demanded  thp  transfer  to  his  own  custody 
of  the  prisoners  and  their  property,  and  suspended 
the  inquisitional  authority  of  the  king's  ecclesiastic 
and  the  French  bishops.  Philip  made  an  apparent 
submission,  but  in  the  meantime  Clement  had  issued 
another  Bull  (22  November)  commanding  an  investi- 
gation of  the  anti-Templar  charges  in  all  European 
countries.  (It  may  be  said  at  once  that  the  results 
were  generally  favourable  to  the  order;  nowhere, 
given  the  lack  of  torture,  were  confessions  obtained 
like  those  secured  in  France.)  The  feeble  efforts  of 
Clement  to  obtain  for  the  order  strict  canonical 
justice  (he  was  himself  an  excellent  canonist)  were 
counteracted  by  the  new  Bull  that  dignified  and 
seemed  to  confirm  the  charges  of  the  French  king, 
neither  then  nor  later  supported  by  any  material 
evidence  or  documents  outside  of  his  own  suborned 
witnesses  and  the  confessions  of  the  prisoners,  ob- 
tained by  torture  or  by  other  dubious  methods  of 
their  jailers,  none  of  whom  dared  resist  the  well- 
known  will  of  Philip.  The  alleged  secret  Rule  of  the 
Templars,  authorizing  the  aforesaid  charges,  was 
never  produced.  In  the  meantime  William  Nogaret 
had  been  busy  defaming  Pope  Clement,  threatening 
him  with  charges  not  unlike  those  pending  against 
Boniface  VIII,  and  working  up  successfully  an  anti- 
Templar  public  opinion  against  the  next  meeting 
(May,  1308)  of  the  States-General.  In  July  of  that 
year  it  was  agreed  between  the  pope  and  the  king  that 
the  guilt  or  innocence  of  the  order  itself  should  be 
separated  from  that  of  its  individual  (French)  mem- 
bers. The  former  was  reserved  to  a  general  council, 
soon  to  be  convoked  at  Vienne  in  Southern  France, 
and  to  prepare  evidence  for  which,  apart  from  the 
examinations  now  going  on  through  Europe,  and  a 
hearing  before  the  pope  of  seventy-two  members  of  the 
order  brought  from  the  prisons  of  Philip  (all  of  whom 
confessed  themselves  guilty  of  heresy  and  prayed  for 
absolution),  there  were  appointed  various  special 
commissions,  the  most  important  of  which  began  its 
sessions  at  Paris  in  August,  1309.  Its  members,  act- 
ing in  the  name  and  with  the  authority  of  the  pope, 
were  opposed  to  the  use  of  torture,  hence  before  them 
hundreds  of  knights  maintained  freely  the  innocence 
of  the  order,  while  many  of  those  who  had  formerly 
yielded  to  the  diocesan  inquisitors  now  retracted  their 
avowals  as  contrary  to  truth.  When  Nogaret  and  de 
Plaisians  saw  the  probable  outcome  of  the  hearings 
before  the  papal  commissions,  they  precipitated 
matters,  caused  the  Archbishop  of  Sens  (brother  of 
Enguerrand  de  Marigny)  to  call  a  provincial  council 
(Sens  was  then  metropolitan  of  Paris  and  seat  of  the 
local  inquisition  tribunal),  at  which  were  condemned, 
as  relapsed  heretics,  fifty-four  knights  who  had  re- 
cently withdrawn  before  the  papal  commissioners 
their  former  confessions  on  the  plea  that  they  had 


been  given  under  torture  and  were  quite  false.  That 
same  day  (12  May,  1310),  all  these  knights  were  pub- 
licly burned  at  Paris  outside  the  Porte  St-Antoine. 
To  the  end  all  protested  their  innocence. 

There  could  no  longer  be  any  question  of  liberty  of 
defence;  the  papal  commission  at  Paris  suspended 
its  sessions  for.  six  months,  and  when  it  met  again 
found  before  it  only  knights  who  had  confessed  the 
crimes  they  were  charged  with  and  had  been  recon- 
ciled by  the  local  inquisitors.  The  fate  of  the  Templars 
was  finally  sealed  at  the  Council  of  Vienne  (opened  16 
October,  1311).  The  majority  of  its  three  hundred 
members  were  opposed  to  the  abolition  of  the  order, 
believingthe  alleged  crimes unproven,  but  the  king  was 
urgent,  appeared  in  person  at  the  council,  and  finally 
obtained  from  Clement  V  the  practical  execution  of  his 
will.  At  the  second  session  of  the  council,  in  presence 
of  the  king  and  his  three  sons,  was  read  the  Bull  "  Vox 
in  excelsis",  dated  22  March,  1312,  in  which  the  pope 
said  that  though  he  had  no  sufficient  reasons  for  a 
formal  condemnation  of  the  order,  nevertheless, 
because  of  the  common  weal,  the  hatred  borne  them 
by  the  King  of  France,  the  scandalous  nature  of  their 
trial,  and  the  probable  dilapidation  of  the  order's 
property  in  every  Christian  land,  he  suppressed  it  by 
virtue  of  his  sovereign  power,  and  not  by  any  definitive 
sentence.  By  another  Bull  of  2  May  he  vested  in  the 
Hospitallers  the  title  to  the  property  of  the  sup- 
pressed order.  In  one  way  or  another,  however, 
Philip  managed  to  become  the  chief  legatee  of  its 
great  wealth  in  France.  As  to  the  Templars  them- 
selves, those  who  continued  to  maintain  their  con- 
fessions were  set  free;  those  who  withdrew  them 
were  considered  relapsed  heretics  and  were  dealt  with 
as  such  by  the  tribunals  of  the  Inquisition.  It  was 
only  in  1314  that  the  Grand  Master,  Jacques  de  Molay 
and  Geoffroy  de  Charnay,  Grand  Preceptor  of  Nor- 
mandy, reserved  to  the  judgment  of  the  pope,  were 
condemned  to  perpetual  imprisonment.  Thereupon 
they  proclaimed  the  falsity  of  their  confessions,  and 
accused  themselves  of  cowardice  in  betraying  their 
order  to  save  their  lives.  They  were  at  once  declared 
relapsed  heretics,  turned  over  to  the  secular  arm  by 
the  ecclesiastical  authority,  and  were  burned  that 
same  day  (18  March,  1314).  Of  Pope  Clement  it  may 
be  said  that  the  few  measures  of  equity  that  appear 
in  the  course  of  this  great  crime  were  owing  to  him ; 
unfortunately  his  sense  of  justice  and  his  respect  for 
the  law  were  counterbalanced  by  a  weak  and  vacil- 
lating character,  to  which  perhaps  his  feeble  and  un- 
certain health  contributed.  Some  think  he  was  con- 
vinced of  the  Templars'  guilt,  especially  after  so 
many  of  the  chief  members  had  admitted  it  to  him- 
self; they  explain  thus  his  recommendation  of  the 
use  of  torture,  also  his  toleration  of  the  king's  sup- 
pression of  all  proper  liberty  of  defence  on  the  part 
of  the  accused.  Others  believe  that  he  feared  for 
himself  the  fate  of  Boniface  VIII,  whose  cruel  enemy, 
William  Nogaret,  still  lived,  attorney-general  of 
Philip,  skilled  in  legal  violence,  and  emboldened  by  a 
long  career  of  successful  infamy.  His  strongest 
motive  was,  in  all  probability,  anxiety  to  save  the 
memory  of  Boniface  VIII  from  the  injustice  of  a 
formal  condemnation  which  the  malice  of  Nogaret 
and  the  cold  vindictiveness  of  Philip  would  have  in- 
sisted on,  had  not  the  rich  prey  of  the  Temple  been 
thrown  to  them;  to  stand  for  both  with  Apostolic 
courage  might  have  meant  intolerable  consequences, 
not  only  personal  indignities,  but  in  the  end  the 
graver  evil  of  schism  under  conditions  peculiarly  un- 
favourable for  the  papacy.  (See  Philip  the  Fair; 
Vienne,  Council  of;  Templars.) 

Clement  V  and  Emperor  Henry  VU. — In  pur- 
suance of  the  vast  ambitions  of  the  French  monarchy 
(Pierre  Dubois,  "De  recuperatione  terra  sanctas",  ed. 
Langlois,  Paris,  1891),  King  Philip  was  anxious  to  see 
his  brother  Charles  of  Valois  chosen  King  of  Germany 


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in  succession  to  the  murdered  Adolph  of  Nassau, 
of  course  with  a  view  of  obtaining  later  the  imperial 
crown.  Pope  Clement  was  apparently  active  in 
favour  of  Philip's  plan;  at  the  same  time  he  made  it 
known  to  the  ecclesiastical  electors  that  the  selection 
of  Count  Henry  of  Liltzelburg,  brother  of  the  Arch- 
bishop of  Trier,  would  be  pleasing  to  him.  The  pope 
was  well  aware  that  further  extension  of  French  au- 
thority could  only  reduce  still  more  his  own  small 
measure  of  independence.  Though  elected,  6  Janu- 
ary, 1309,  as  Henry  VII,  and  scon  assured  of  the 
papal  agreement  to  his  imperial  consecration,  it  was 
only  in  1312  that  the  new  king  reached  Rome  and 
was  consecrated  emperor  in  the  church  of  St.  John 
Late  ran  by  cardinals  specially  delegated  by  the  pope. 
Circumstances  forced  Henry  VII  to  side  with  the 
Italian  Ghibellines,  with  the  result  that  in  Rome 
itself  he  found  a  powerful  Guelph  party  in  possession 
of  St.  Peter's  and  the  greater  part  of  the  city,  actively 
supported  also  by  King  Robert  of  Naples.  The 
new  emperor,  after  the  humiliating  failure  of  his 
Italian  expedition,  undertook  to  compel  the  Angevin 
king  to  recognize  the  imperial  authority,  but  was 
crossed  by  the  papal  action  in  defence  of  King  Robert 
as  a  vassal  of  the  Roman  Church,  overlord  of  the  Two 
Sicilies.  On  the  eve  of  a  new  Italian  campaign  in 
support  of  the  imperial  honour  and  rights  Henry  VII 
died  suddenly  near  Siena,  24  August,  1313.  He  was 
the  last  hope  of  Dante  and  his  fellow-Ghibellines, 
for  whom  at  this  time  the  great  poet  drew  up  in  the 
"De  Monarchia"  his  ideal  of  good  government  in 
Italy  through  the  restoration  of  the  earlier  strong 
empire  of  German  rulers,  in  whom  he  saw  the  ideal 
overlords  of  the  European  world,  and  even  of  the 
pope  as  a  temporal  prince. 

Clement  V  and  England. — Ambassadors  of  Ed- 
ward I  assisted  at  the  coronation  of  Clement  V.  At 
the  request  of  King  Edward,  the  pope  freed  him  from 
the  obligation  of  keeping  the  promises  added  to  the 
Charter  in  1297  and  1300,  though  the  king  afterwards 
took  little  or  no  advantage  of  the  papal  absolution. 
Moreover,  to  satisfy  the  king,  he  suspended  and 
called  to  the  papal  court  (1305)  the  Archbishop  of 
Canterbury,  Robert  of  Winchelsea,  who  had  pre- 
viously suffered  much  for  adhering  to  the  side  of  Boni- 
face VIII,  and  whom  Edward  I  was  now  pursuing 
with  unproved  charges  of  treason.  (See  Clericis 
Laicos.)  It  was  only  in  1307,  after  the  accession  of 
Edward  II,  that  this  great  churchman,  at  the  royal 
request,  was  permitted  by  Clement  to  return  from 
Bordeaux  to  his  See  of  Canterbury,  whose  ancient 
right  to  crown  the  kings  of  England  he  successfully 
maintained.  Clement  excommunicated  (1306)  Rob- 
ert Bruce  of  Scotland  for  his  share  in  the  murder  of 
the  Red  Comyn,  and  he  deprived  of  their  sees  Bishops 
Lambarton  and  Wishart  for  their  part  in  the  subse- 
quent national  rising  of  the  Scots.  The  Lords  and 
Commons  at  the  Parliament  of  Carlisle  ( 1 307)  exhibited 
a  strong  anti-papal  temper,  apropos,  among  other 
complaints,  of  the  granting  of  rich  English  benefices 
to  foreigners,  and  though  no  positive  action  followed, 
the  later  Statutes  of  Pro  visors  and  Praemunire  look 
back  to  this  event  as  indicative  of  English  temper. 
(See  Gasquet,  "The  Eve  of  the  Reformation",  essay 
on  "Mixed  Jurisdiction",  and  for  other  items  of 
English  interest  the  "  Regesta  "  of  Clement  V,  and 
Bliss,  "Calendar  of  Ecclesiastical  Documents  relating 
to  England",  London,  1893  sqq.,  Rolls  series.) 

Clement  V  and  the  Canon  Law. — He  completed 
the  medieval  "Corpus  Juris  Canonici"  by  the  publica- 
tion of  a  collection  of  papal  decretals  known  as  "  Clem- 
entine", or  "Liber  Clementinarum",  sometimes 
"  Liber  Septimus  "  in  reference  to  the  "  Liber  Sextus  " 
of  Boniface  VHI.  It  contains  decretals  of  the  latter 
pope,  of  Benedict  XI,  and  of  Clement  himself.  To- 
gether with  the  decrees  of  the  Council  of  Vienne  it 
was  promulgated  (21  March,  1314)  at  the  papal  resi- 


dence of  Monteaux  near  Carpentras.  It  follows  the 
method  of  the  "Decretals"  of  Gregory  IX  and  the 
"Liber  Sextus"  of  Boniface  VIII,  i.  e.  five  books, 
with  subdivision  into  titles  and  chapters.  As  the  pope 
died  (20  April)  before  this  collection  had  been  gener- 
ally published,  its  authenticity  was  doubted  by  some, 
wherefore  John  XXII  promulgated  it  anew,  25  Octo- 
ber, 1317,  and  sent  it  to  the  University  of  Bologna  as  a 
genuine  collection  of  papal  decretals  to  be  used  in  the 
courts  and  the  schools.  (Laurin,  "Introd.  in  corpus 
juris  canonici",  Freiburg,  1889:  cf.  Ehrle,  "Arcliiv  f. 


Litteratur  und  Kirchengesch.  t  IV,  36  sqq. 

Clement's  official  correspondence  is  found  in  the 
volumes  of  the  Regesta  Clementis  V  (Benedictine  ed.,  Rome, 


nine  folio 


1885-92);  Baluzx,  Vitcepaparum  Avenionensium  (Paris,  

I;  Ratnald,  Ann.Eccl.,  ad  ann.  1303-13;  Hefblb,  Concilien- 
vmch.Cld  ed.), VI, 393 sqq. : Ehrle,  A rchiv  f.  Lilt.u.  Kirchengesch. 
(1887-891;  CnmaTOPHE,  llist.  de  la  papaute  pendant  le  guator- 
zieme  siicle  'Paris.  1853).  I ;  Souchon,  PapslwafUen  von  Bonifaz 
VIII.  bit  Urban  VI.  (1888);  Rabanis,  CUment  V  et  Philippe  le 
Bet  (Paris.  1858);  Boutaiuc.  La  France  sous  Philippe  le  Bel 
(Pans,  1861);  Renan,  Etude*  sur  la  politique  de  Philippe  le  Bel 
(Paris,  1899);  Wencx.  Clement  V.und  flcinrich  VII.  (1882); 
Lacostx,  Nouvelles  eludes  but  CUment  V  (Paris,  1890);  Ber- 
chon.  Hist,  du  Pape  Clement  V  (Bordeaux,  1898),  and  the  ex- 
haustive bibliography  in  Chevalier,  Bio-Bibl.  For  the  litera- 
ture of  the  Templars,  see  Templars.  It  will  suffice  to  men- 
tion here;  Lavocat,  Le  proccs  des  frkrea  de  V  ordre  du  Temple 
(Paris,  1888);  SchottmiJllkr,  Der  Unlergang  des  Templer-Or- 
dens  (1887);  Gmelin,  Schtdd  oder  Vnschuid  des  Templerordens 
(1893);  Cii.Langlois,  Ilisloire  de  France,  ed.  Lavibbi  (Paris, 
1901),  III  (ii),  174-200;  Lea,  History  of  the  Inquisition  (New 
York.  1S87),  III,  238-334;  Delavillb  Lb  Roulx.  La  suppres- 
sion dee  Temptiers  in  Revue  des  Questions  historiques  (1890), 
XLVII,  29;  and  Grange,  The  Fall  of  the  Knights  of  The 
Temple  in  Dublin  Review  (1895),  329-46. 

Thomas  J.  Shahan. 

Clement  VI,  Pope  (Pierre  Roger),  b.  1291  in  the 
castle  of  Maumont,  department  of  Correze,  France, 
elected  pope,  7  May,  1342,  at  Avignon,  where  he  died 
6  December,  1352.  At  the  age  of  ten  he  entered  the 
Benedictine  monastery  of  La  Chaise-Dieu  (Haute- 
Loire),  where  he  made  his  religious 
profession.  After  devoting  some 
time  to  study  at  Paris,  he  gradu- 
ated as  doctor  and  became  professor 
in  that  city.  Subsequent  to  his  in- 
troduction to  Pope  John  XXII  by 
Cardinal  Pierre  Grouin  de  Mortemart, 
he  rapidly  rose  from  one  ecclesiasti- 
cal dignity  to  another.  At  first  prior  of 
Saint-Baudile  at  Nlmes,  then  Abbot  of 
Fecampin  Normandy,  he  became  Bish- 
op of  Arras  and  Chancellor  of  France  in  1328,  was  pro- 
moted to  the  Archbishopric  of  Sens  in  1329,  and  to  that 
of  Rouen  the  following  year.  In  the  latter  city  a  pro- 
vincial council,  which  promulgated  several  disciplinary 
decrees,  was  held  under  his  presidency  in  1335.  He 
was  created  cardinal  (1338)  by  Benedict  XII,  whom 
he  succeeded  as  pontiff.  One  of  the  characteristic 
traits  of  his  policy  as  head  of  the  Universal  Church 
was  his  excessive  devotion  to  the  interests  of  France 
and  those  of  his  relatives.  His  French  sympathies 
impeded  his  efforts  to  restore  and  maintain  peace  be- 
tween England  and  France,  although  his  mediation 
led  to  the  conclusion  of  a  short  general  truce  (Males- 
troit,  1343).  Most  of  the  twenty-five  cardinals  whom 
he  created  were  French,  and  twelve  of  them  were 
related  to  him.  The  King  of  France  was  given  per- 
mission (1344)  to  Communicate  under  both  kinds. 
Clement  accepted  the  senatorial  dignity  offered  him 
as  "Knight  Roger"  by  a  Roman  delegation,  which 
numbered  Petrarch  as  one  of  its  members.  He  also 
granted  their  request  for  the  celebration  of  a  jubilee 
every  fifty,  instead  of  every  hundred,  years  (Bull 
"Unigenitus",  1343),  but  declined  their  invitation  to 
return  to  Rome.  Greater  permanency  seemed  to  be 
assured  to  the  papal  residence  abroad  by  his  purchase 
of  the  sovereignty  of  Avignon  for  80,000  florins  from 
Joanna  of  Naples  and  Provence  (9  June,  1 348).  About 
the  same  time  he  also  declared  this  princess  innocent 
of  complicity  in  the  murder  of  her  husband.  The 


Arms  of  Clem- 
ent VI 


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pope's  success  in  Roman  affairs  is  evidenced  by  his 
confirmation  of  the  ephemeral  but  then  unavoidable 
rule  of  Cola  di  Rienzi  (20  May  to  15  Dec,  1347).  His 
later  condemnation  of  this  arrogant  tribune  was  large- 
ly instrumental  in  bringing  about  his  fall  from  power. 
Shortly  after  these  events  the  jubilee  year  of  1350 
brought  an  extraordinarily  large  number  of  pilgrims 
to  the  Eternal  City.  In  his  attempt  to  strengthen 
the  Guelph  party  in  Italy  the  pope  met  with  failure, 
and  was  constrained  to  cede  the  city  of  Bologna  to 
the  Archbishop  of  Milan  for  a  period  of  twelve  years. 

Clement  took  up  with  ardour  the  long-standing 
conflict  between  the  Emperor  Louis  the  Bavarian  and 
the  papacy.  The  former  had  offended  the  religious 
feelings  of  many  of  his  adherents  by  arbitrarily 
annulling  the  marriage  of  Marguerite  Maultasch, 
heiress  of  Tyrol,  and  John  Henry,  Prince  of  Bohemia. 
The  popular  discontent  was  still  further  intensified 
when  the  emperor  authorized  his  own  son  to 
marry  the  same  princess.  Louis  consequently  was 
ready  to  make  the  greatest  concessions  to  the  pope. 
In  a  writing  of  September,  1343,  he  acknowledged  his 
unlawful  assumption  of  the  imperial  title,  declared  his 
willingness  to  annul  all  his  imperial  acts  and  to  sub- 
mit to  any  papal  penalty,  but  at  the  same  time  wished 
to  be  recognized  as  King  of  the  Romans.  Clement  de- 
manded as  further  conditions  that  no  law  should  be  en- 
acted in  the  empire  without  papal  sanction,  that  the 
binding-force  oi  Louis's  promulgated  royal  decrees 
should  be  suspended  until  confirmation  by  the  Holy 
See,  that  he  should  depose  all  bishops  and  abbots 
named  by  himself,  and  waive  all  claim  to  the  sov- 
ereignty of  the  Papal  States,  Sicily,  Sardinia,  and 
Corsica.  Louis  submitted  the  pope's  demands  to  the 
consideration  of  the  German  princes,  at  a  time  when 
anti-papal  feeling  ran  very  high  in  Germany,  as  a 
result  of  the  separation  of  the  Archbishopric  of  Prague 
from  the  ecclesiastical  province  of  Mainz  (30  April, 
1344).  The  princes  declared  them  unacceptable,  Dut 
also  spoke  of  the  necessity  of  electing  a  new  king  in 
place  of  Louis,  whose  rule  had  been  so  disastrous  to 
the  empire.  The  pope  on  7  April,  1346,  deposed 
Henry  of  Virneburg,  Archbishop  of  Mainz  and  an 
ardent  partisan  of  the  reigning  emperor,  and  named 
the  twenty-year-old  Gerlach  of  Nassau  to  the  see. 
On  13  April  of  the  same  year  he  launched  a  severe 
Bull  against  the  emperor,  in  which  he  requested  the 
electors  to  give  him  a  successor.  Charles  of  Luxem- 
burg, the  pope's  candidate  and  former  pupil,  was 
elected  King  of  Germany  (11  July,  1346),  by  bis 
father,  John  of  Bohemia,  by  Rudolf  of  Saxony,  and 
the  t  hree  ecclesiastical  electors.  Charles  IV  (1346-78) 
substantially  accepted  the  papal  demands,  but  his 
authority  was  not  immediately  recognized  through- 
out Germany.  The  country  was  on  the  verge  of  civil 
war,  when  Louis  the  Bavarian  suddenly  died  while 
engaged  in  a  boar-hunt  near  Munich  (11  October, 
1347).  The  opposition  of  Giinther  of  Schwarzburg 
(d.  14  June,  1349)  to  Charles  was  but  of  short  dura- 
tion. Left  without  a  protector,  through  the  death 
of  Louis,  William  of  Occam  and  the  schismatics!  Friars 
Minor  now  made  their  submission  to  the  pope.  About 
1344  Clement  VI  granted  the  sovereignty  of  the 
Canary  Islands  to  the  Castilian  Prince  Louis  de  la 
Cerda,  on  condition  that  no  other  Christian  ruler  had 
acquired  any  right  to  their  possession.  The  new 
sovereign,  who  was  accorded  the  title  of  Prince  of 
Fortunia,  agreed  to  introduce  Christianity  into  the 
islands  and  to  pay  tribute  to  the  Holy  See.  He  could 
not,  however,  take  effective  possession  of  the  terri- 
tory, which  was  not  permanently  converted  at  this 
time,  even  though  a  special  bishop  (the  Carmelite 
Bernard)  was  named  for  the  islands  in  1351.  The 
pope's  attempts  to  reunite  the  Greeks  and  Armenians 
with  the  Roman  Church  led  to  no  definite  results. 
The  East  desired  not  so  much  a  return  to  doctrinal 
unitv  as  assistance  against  the  Turks.    A  crusade 


against  the  latter,  which  was  undertaken  in  1341, 
ended  in  a  barren  truce. 

More  of  a  temporal  prince  than  an  ecclesiastical 
ruler,  Clement  was  munificent  to  profusion,  a  patrou 
of  arts  and  letters,  a  lover  of  good  cheer,  well-ap- 
pointed banquets,  and  brilliant  receptions,  to  which 
ladies  were  freely  admitted.  The  heavy  expenses 
necessitated  by  such  pomp  soon  exhausted  the  funds 
which  the  economy  of  Benedict  XII  had  provided  for 
his  successor.  To  open  up  new  sources  of  revenue, 
in  the  absence  of  the  ordinary  income  from  the  States 
of  the  Church,  fresh  taxes  were  imposed  and  an  ever- 
increasing  number  of  appointments  to  bishoprics  and 
benefices  was  reserved  to  the  pope.  Such  arbitrary 
proceedings  led  to  resistance  in  several  countries.  In 
1343  the  agents  of  two  cardinals,  whom  Clement  had 
appointed  to  offices  in  England,  were  driven  from  that 
country.  Edward  III  vehemently  complained  of  the 
exactions  of  the  Avignon  Court,  and  in  1351  was  passed 
the  Statute  of  Pro  visors,  according  to  which  the  kins 
reserved  the  right  of  presentation  in  all  cases  of  papal 
appointments  to  benefices.  The  memory  of  this  pope 
is  clouded  by  his  open  French  partisanship  and  by  the 
gross  nepotism  of  his  reign.  Clement  VI  was  never- 
theless a  protector  of  the  oppressed  and  a  helper  of 
the  needy.  His  courage  ana  charity  strikingly  ap- 
peared at  the  time  of  the  Great  Pestilence,  or  Black 
Death,  at  Avignon  (1348-49).  While  in  many  places, 
numerous  Jews  were  massacred  by  the  populace  as 
being  the  cause  of  the  pestilence,  Clement  issued 
Bulls  for  their  protection  and  afforded  them  a  refuge 
in  his  little  State.  He  canonized  St.  Ivo  of  Treguier, 
Brittany  (d.  1303),  the  advocate  of  orphans  (June, 
1347),  condemned  the  Flagellants,  and  in  1351  cour- 
ageously defended  the  Mendicant  friars  against  he 
accusations  of  some  secular  prelates.  Several  sermons 
have  been  preserved  of  this  admittedly  learned  pope 
and  eloquent  speaker.  He  died  after  a  short  illness, 
and,  according  to  his  desire,  was  interred  at  La  Chaise- 
Dieu.  In  1562  his  grave  was  desecrated  and  his  re- 
mains burned  by  some  Huguenots. 

Baluze,  Vita  Paparum  Avenion.  (Paris,  1693),  I,  243-322, 
829-925;  Chribtophe,  Hitt.de  lapapauU  pendant  le  XIV  eiecle 
(Paris,  1853) ;  Hiircjcn,  Die  avignoneneiechen  Papete  (Vienna. 
1871);  MOntz,  L' argent  et  le  luxe  a  la  c&urpontif.  in  Rev.  dee 
quest,  hist. (Paris,  1879) ,  v,  378 ;  Werunbky,  Excerpla  ex  registris 
Clementie  VI  et  Innocentii  VI  (Innsbruck,  1885);  Idem.  Gesch. 
Karle  IV.  (Innsbruck,  1880-92);  Debprez,  Lettret  dotes  patentee 
et  curialee  deepapes  d1 Avignon  ee  rapportant  a  la  France,  Clement 
VI  (Paris,  1901):  Bohmer,  Pontes  Terum  germanicarum  (Stutt- 
gart, 1843,  1868),  I,  IV;  Kucman,  Monumcnla  Vaticana  ree 
gestae  Bohemicae  Ulustrantia,  I.Acta  Clementie  VI;  Gay,  Le 
Papc  CUment  VI  et  lee  affaires  ({Orient  (Paris,  1904);  Kirhch, 
Die  Verwaltung  der  Annaten  unter  Klemens  VI.  in  Romische 
Quartaltchrih  (1902),  125-51;  Hefele-Knopfuir,  Concilien- 
gesch.  (Freiburg,  1890),  VI,  663-75,  passim;  Pastor,  Geech. 
der  P&pste  (Freiburg,  1901),  I,  89-95,  passim,  tr.  Antrobub 
(London,  1891),  I,  85-92;  Creiohton,  Hist,  of  the  Papacy 
(London,  1892),  I,  44-48;  Beruf.he,  Suppliquee  de  CUment 
VI  (Paris,  1906) ;  Chevalier,  Bio-Bibl.  (Pans.  1905),  I,  954-55. 
Heroenrothir-Kirscb,  Kirchengesch.  (4th  ed.,  1904).  II, 
735-37. 

N.  A.  Weber. 

Clement  VH,  Pope  (Gitjlio  de'  Medici),  b.  1478; 
d.  25  September,  1534.  Giulio  de'  Medici  was  born 
a  few  months  after  the  death  of  his  father,  Giuliano, 
who  was  slain  at  Florence  in  the  dis- 
turbances which  followed  the  Pazzi 
conspiracy.  Although  his  parents  had 
not  been  properly  married,  they  had, 
it  was  alleged,  been  betrothed  per 
sponsalia  de  prceaenti,  and  Giulio,  in 
virtue  of  a  well-known  principle  of 
canon  law,  was  subsequently  de- 
clared legitimate.  The  youth  was 
educated  by  his  uncle,  Lorenzo  the  Arms  or  Clem- 

-*      —  -         —    -   -  ■  ENT  VII 


He  was  made  a  Knight 


of  Rhodes  and  Grand  Prior  of  Capua,  and,  upon 
the  election  of  his  cousin  Giovanni  de'  Medici  to 
the  papacy  as  Leo  X,  he  at  once  became  a  person 
of  great  consequence.    On  23  September,  1513, 


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he  was  made  cardinal,  and  he  had  the  credit  of 
being  the  prime  mover  of  the  papal  policy  during  the 
whole  of  Leo's  pontificate.  He  was  one  of  the  most 
favoured  candidates  in  the  protracted  conclave  which 
resulted  in  the  election  of  Adrian  VI;  neither  did  the 
Cardinal  de'  Medici,  in  spite  of  his  close  connexion 
with  the  luxurious  regime  of  Leo  X,  altogether  lose 
influence  under  his  austere  successor.  Giulio,  in  the 
words  of  a  modem  historian,  was  "learned,  clever, 
respectable  and  industrious,  though  he  had  little  en- 
terprise and  less  decision'*  (Armstrong,  Charles  V., 
I,  166).  After  Adrian's  death  (14  September,  1523) 
the  Cardinal  de'  Medici  was  eventually  chosen  pope, 
18  November,  1523,  and  his  election  was  hailed  at 
Rome  with  enthusiastic  rejoicing.  But  the  temper  of 
the  Roman  people  was  only  one  element  in  the  com- 
plex problem  which  Clement  VII  had  to  face.  The 
whole  political  and  religious  situation  was  one  of  ex- 
treme delicacy,  and  it  may  be  doubted  if  there  was 
one  man  in  ten  thousand  who  would  have  succeeded 
by  natural  tact  and  human  prudence  in  guiding  the 
Bark  of  Peter  through  such  tempestuous  waters. 
Clement  was  certainly  not  such  a  man.  He  had  un- 
fortunately been  brought  up  in  all  the  bad  traditions  of 
Italian  diplomacy,  and  over  and  above  this  a  certain 
fatal  irresolution  of  character  seemed  to  impel  him, 
when  any  decision  had  been  arrived  at,  to  hark  back 
upon  the  course  agreed  on  and  to  try  to  make  terms 
with  the  other  side. 

The  early  years  of  his  pontificate  were  occupied 
with  the  negotiations  which  culminated  in  the  League 
of  Cognac.  When  Clement  was  crowned,  Francis  I 
and  the  Emperor  Charles  V  were  at  war.  Charles 
had  supported  Clement's  candidature  and  hoped 
much  from  his  friendship  with  the  Medici,  but  barely 
a  year  had  elapsed  after  his  election  before  the  new 
pope  concluded  a  secret  treaty  with  France.  The 
pitched  battle  which  was  fought  between  Francis  and 
the  imperial  commanders  at  Pa  via  in  February,  1525, 
ending  in  the  defeat  and  captivity  of  the  French  king, 
put  into  Charles'  hands  the  means  of  avenging  him- 
self. Still  he  used  his  victory  with  moderation.  The 
terms  of  the  Treaty  of  Madrid  (14  January,  1526)  were 
not  really  extravagant,  but  Francis  seems  to  have 
signed  with  the  deliberate  intention  of  breaking  his 
promises,  though  confirmed  by  the  most  solemn  of 
oaihs.  That  Clement,  instead  of  accepting  Charles' 
overtures,  should  have  made  himself  a  party  to  the 
French  king's  perfidy  and  should  have  organized  a 
league  with  France,  Venice,  and  Florence,  signed  at 
Cognac,  22  May,  1526,  must  certainly  have  been  re- 
garded by  the  emperor  as  almost  unpardonable  prov- 
ocation. No  doubt  Clement  was  moved  by  genuine 
patriotism  in  his  distrust  of  imperial  influence  m  Italy 
and  especially  by  anxiety  for  his  native  Florence. 
Moreover,  he  chafed  under  dictation  which  seemed  to 
him  to  threaten  the  freedom  of  the  Church.  But 
though  he  probably  feared  that  the  bonds  might  be 
drawn  tighter,  it  is  hard  to  see  that  he  had  at  that 
time  any  serious  ground  of  complaint.  We  cannot 
be  much  surprised  sMwhat  followed.  Charles'  en- 
voys, obtaining  no  satisfaction  from  the  pope,  allied 
themselves  with  the  disaffected  Colonna  who  had  been 
raiding  the  papal  territory.  These  last  pretended 
reconciliation  until  the  papal  commanders  were  lulled 
into  a  sense  of  security.  Then  the  Colonna  made  a 
sudden  attack  upon  Rome  and  shut  up  Clement  in  the 
Castle  of  Sant'  Angelo  while  their  followers  plundered 
the  Vatican  (20  September,  1526).  Charles  dis- 
avowed the  action  of  the  Colonna  but  took  advantage 
of  the  situation  created  by  their  success.  A  period  of 
vacillation  followed.  At  one  time  Clement  concluded 
a  truce  with  the  emperor,  at  another  he  turned  again 
despairingly  to  the  League,  at  another,  under  the  en- 
couragement of  a  slight  success,  he  broke  off  negotia- 
tions with  the  imperial  representatives  and  resumed 
active  hostilities,  and  then  again,  still  later,  he  signed 


a  truce  with  Charles  for  eight  months,  promising  the 
immediate  payment  of  an  indemnity  of  60,000  ducats. 

In  the  mean  time  the  German  mercenaries  in  the 
north  of  Italy  were  fast  being  reduced  to  the  last  ex- 
tremities for  lack  of  provisions  and  pay.  On  hearing 
of  the  indemnity  of  60,000  ducats  they  threatened 
mutiny,  and  the  imperial  commissioners  extracted 
from  the  pope  the  payment  of  100,000  ducats  instead 
of  the  sum  first  agreed  upon.  But  the  sacrifice  was 
ineffectual.  It  seems  probable  that  the  Lands- 
knechte,  a  very  large  proportion  of  whom  were  Luth- 
erans, had  really  got  completely  out  of  hand,  and  that 
they  practically  forced  the  Constable  Bourbon,  now 
in  supreme  command,  to  lead  them  against  Rome. 
On  the  5th  of  May  they  reached  the  walls,  which, 
owing  to  the  pope's  confidence  in  the  truce  ho  had  con- 
cluded, were  almost  undefended.  Clement  had  barely 
time  to  take  refuge  in  the  Castle  of  Sant'  Angelo,  and 
for  eight  days  the  "Sack  of  Rome"  continued  amid 
horrors  almost  unexampled  in  the  history  of  war. 
"TheLutherans", 
says  an  impartial 
authority,  "re- 
joiced to  burn  and 
to  defile  what  all 
the  world  had 
adored.  Churches 
were  desecrated, 
women,  even  the 
religious,  violated , 
ambassadors  pi 
laged,  cardinal 
put  to  ransom, 
ecclesiastical  dig- 
nitaries and  cere- 
monies made  a 
mockery,  and  the 
soldiers  fought 
among  themselves 
for  the  spoil" 
(Leathes  in 
"Camb.  Mod. 
History",  II,  65).  It  seems  probable  that  Charles  V 
was  really  not  implicated  in  the  horrors  which  then 
took  place.  Still  he  had  no  objection  against  the 
pope  bearing  the  full  consequences  of  his  shifty  diplo- 
macy, and  he  allowed  him  to  remain  a  virtual  prisoner 
in  the  Castle  of  Sant'  Angelo  for  more  than  seven 
months.  Clement's  pliability  had  already  given 
offence  to  the  other  members  of  the  League,  and  his 
appeals  were  not  responded  to  very  warmly.  Be- 
sides this,  he  wa.  sorely  in  need  of  the  imperial  sup- 
port both  to  make  head  against  the  Lutherans  in  Ger- 
many and  to  reinstate  the  Medici  in  the  government 
of  Florence  from  which  they  had  been  driven  out. 
The  combined  effect  of  these  various  considerations 
and  of  the  failure  of  the  French  attempts  upon  Naples 
was  to  throw  Clement  into  the  emperor's  arms.  After 
a  sojourn  in  Orvieto  and  Viterbo,  Clement  returned  to 
Rome,  and  there,  before  the  end  of  July,  1529,  terms 
favourable  to  the  Holy  See  were  definitely  arranged 
with  Charles.  The  seal  was  set  upon  the  compact  by 
the  meeting  of  the  emperor  and  the  pope  at  Bologna, 
where,  on  24  February,  1530,  Charles  was  solemnly 
crowned.  By  whatever  motives  the  pontiff  was 
swayed,  this  settlement  certainly  had  the  effect  of 
restoring  to  Italy  a  much-needed  peace. 

Meanwhile  events,  the  momentous  consequence  of 
which  were  not  then  fully  foreseen,  had  been  taking 
place  in  England.  Henry  VIII,  tired  of  Queen  ( lath- 
erine,  by  whom  lie  had  no  heir  to  the  throne,  but  only 
one  surviving  daughter,  Mary,  and  passionately 
enamoured  of  Anne  Boleyn,  had  made  known  to 
Wolsey  in  May,  1527,  that  he  wished  to  be  divorced. 
He  pretended  that  his  conscience  was  uneasy  at  the 
marriage  contracted  under  papal  dispensation  with 
his  brother's  widow.    As  his  first  act  was  to  solicit 


Clement  VII — Sebabtiano  del  Pi.  .mho 
(Pinacoteca,  Parma) 


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from  the  Holy  See,  contingently  upon  the  granting  of 
the  divorce,  a  dispensation  from  the  impediment  of 
affinity  in  the  first  degree  (an  impediment  which 
stood  between  him  and  any  legal  marriage  with  Anne 
on  account  of  his  previous  carnal  intercourse  with 
Anne's  sister  Mary),  the  scruple  of  conscience  cannot 
have  been  very  sincere.  Moreover,  as  Queen  Cath- 
erine solemnly  swore  that  the  marriage  between  her- 
self and  Henry's  elder  brother  Arthurnad  never  been 
consummated,  there  had  consequently  never  been  any 
real  affinity  between  her  and  Henry  but  only  the  im- 
pedimentum  publico;  honestatis.  The  king's  impa- 
tience, however,  was  such  that,  without  giving  his  full 
confidence  to  Wolsey,  he  sent  his  envoy,  Knight,  at 
once  to  Rome  to  treat  with  the  pope  about  getting  the 
marriage  annulled.  Knight  found  the  pope  a  pris- 
oner in  Sant '  Angelo  and  could  do  little  until  he  visited 
Clement,  after  his  escape,  at  Orvieto.  Clement  was 
anxious  to  gratify  Henry,  and  he  did  not  make  much 
difficulty  about  the  contingent  dispensation  from 
affinity,  judging,  no  doubt,  that,  as  it  would  only  take 
effect  when  the  marriage  with  Catherine  was  can- 
celled, it  was  of  no  practical  consequence.  On  being 
pressed,  however,  to  issue  a  commission  to  Wolsey  to 
try  the  divorce  case,  he  made  a  more  determined 
stand,  and  Cardinal  Pucci,  to  whom  was  submitted 
a  draft  instrument  for  the  purpose,  declared  that 
such  a  document  would  reflect  discredit  upon  all 
concerned.  A  second  mission  to  Rome  organised  by 
Wolsey,  and  consisting  of  Gardiner  and  Foxe,  was  at 
first  not  much  more  successful.  A  commission  was 
indeed  granted  and  taken  back  to  England  by  Foxe, 
but  it  was  safeguarded  in  ways  which  rendered  it  prac- 
tically innocuous.  The  bullying  attitude  which  Gar- 
diner adopted  towards  the  pope  seems  to  have  passed 
all  limits  of  decency,  but  Wolsey,  fearful  of  losing  the 
royal  favour,  egged  him  on  to  new  exertions  and  im- 
plored him  to  obtain  at  any  cost  a  "decretal  commis- 
sion". This  was  an  instrument  which  decided  the  points 
oflaw  beforehand,  secure  from  appeal,  and  left  onlythe 
issue  of  fact  to  be  determined  in  England.  Against  this 
Clement  seems  honestly  to  have  striven,  but  he  at  last 
yielded  so  far  as  to  issue  a  secret  commission  to  Car- 
dinal Wolsey  and  Cardinal  Campeggio  jointly  to  try 
the  case  in  England.  The  commission  was  to  be 
shown  to  no  one,  and  was  never  to  leave  Campeggio's 
hands.  We  do  not  know  its  exact  terms ;  but  if  it  fol- 
lowed the  drafts  prepared  in  England  for  the  purpose, 
it  pronounced  that  the  Bull  of  dispensation  granted 
by  Julius  for  the  marriage  of  Henry  with  his  deceased 
brother's  wife  must  be  declared  obreptitious  and  con- 
sequently void,  if  the  commissioners  found  that  the 
motives  alleged  by  Julius  were  insufficient  and  con- 
trary to  the  facts.  For  example,  it  had  been  pre- 
tended that  the  dispensation  was  necessary  to  cement 
the  friendship  between  England  and  Spain,  also  that 
the  young  Henry  himself  desired  the  marriage,  etc. 

Campeggio  reached  England  by  the  end  of  Septem- 
ber, 1528Tbut  the  proceedings  of  the  legatine  court 
were  at  once  brought  to  a  standstill  by  the  production 
of  a  second  dispensation  granted  by  Pope  Julius  in  the 
form  of  a  Brief.  This  had  a  double  importance.  Clem- 
ent's commission  empowered  Wolsey  and  Campeg- 
gio to  pronounce  upon  the  sufficiency  of  the  motives 
alleged  in  a  certain  specified  document,  viz.  the  Bull; 
but  the  Brief  was  not  contemplated  by,  and  lay  out- 
side, their  commission.  Moreover,  the  Brief  did  not 
limit  the  motives  for  granting  the  dispensation  to  cer- 
tain specified  allegations,  but  spoke  of  "aliis  causis 
animam  nostram  moventibus".  The  production  of 
the  Brief,  now  commonly  admitted  to  be  quite  authen- 
tic, though  the  king's  party  declared  it  a  forgery,  ar- 
rested the  proceedings  of  the  commission  for  eight 
months,  and  in  the  end,  under  pressure  from  Charles 
V,  to  whom  his  Aunt  Catherine  had  vehemently  ap- 
pealed for  support  as  well  as  to  the  pope,  the  cause 
was  revoked  to  Rome.    There  can  be  no  doubt  that 


Clement  showed  much  weakness  in  the  concessions  he 
had  made  to  the  English  demands;  but  it  must  also 
be  remembered,  first,  that  in  the  decision  of  this  point 
of  law,  the  technical  grounds  for  treating  the  dispen- 
sation as  obreptitious  were  in  themselves  serious  and, 
secondly,  that  in  committing  the  honour  of  the  Holy 
See  to  Campeggio's  keeping,  Clement  had  known  that 
he  had  to  do  with  a  man  of  exceptionally  high  prin- 
ciple. 

How  far  the  pope  was  influenced  by  Charles  V  in  his 
resistance,  it  is  difficult  to  say;  but  it  is  clear  that  his 
own  sense  of  justice  disposed  nim  entirely  in  favour  of 
Queen  Catherine.  Henry  in  consequence  shifted  his 
ground,  and  showed  how  deep  was  the  rift  which 
separated  him  from  the  Holy  See,  by  now  urging  that 
a  marriage  with  a  deceased  husband's  brother  lay 
beyond  the  papal  powers  of  dispensation.  Clement 
retaliated  by  pronouncing  censure  against  those  who 
threatened  to  have  the  king's  divorce  suit  decided  by 
an  English  tribunal,  and  forbade  Henry  to  proceed  to 
a  new  marriage  before  a  decision  was  given  in  Rome. 
The  king  on  his  side  (1531)  extorted  a  vast  sum  of 
money  from  the  English  clergy  upon  the  pretext  that 
the  penalties  of  praemunire  had  been  incurred  by  them 
through  their  recognition  of  the  papal  legate,  and  soon 
afterwards  he  prevailed  upon  Parliament  to  prohibit 
under  certain  conditions  the  payment  of  annates 
(q.  v.)  to  Rome.  Other  developments  followed.  Tie 
death  of  Archbishop  Warham  (22  August,  1532) 
allowed  Henry  to  press  for  the  institution  of  Cranmer 
as  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  and  through  the  inter- 
vention of  the  King  of  France  this  was  conceded,  the 
pallium  being  granted  to  him  by  Clement.  Almost 
immediately  after  his  consecration  Cranmer  proceeded 
to  pronounce  judgment  upon  the  divorce,  while  Henry 
had  previously  contracted  a  secret  marriage  with 
Anne  Boleyn,  which  marriage  Cranmer,  in  May,  1533, 
declared  to  be  valid.  Anne  Boleyn  was  consequently 
crowned  on  June  the  1st.  Meanwhile  the  Commons 
had  forbidden  all  appeals  to  Rome  and  enacted  the 
penalties  of  praemunire  against  all  who  introduced 
papal  Bulls  into  England.  It  was  only  then  that 
Clement  at  last  took  the  step  of  launching  a  sentence 
of  excommunication  against  the  king,  declaring  at  the 
same  time  Cranmer's  pretended  decree  of  divorce  to 
be  invalid  and  the  marriage  with  Anne  Boleyn  null 
and  void.  The  papal  nuncio  was  withdrawn  from 
England  and  diplomatic  relations  with  Rome  broken 
off.  Henry  appealed  from  the  pope  to  a  general  coun- 
cil, and  in  January,  1534,  the  Parliament  pressed  on 
further  legislation  abolishing  all  ecclesiastical  depend- 
ence on  Rome.  But  it  was  only  in  March,  1534,  that 
the  papal  tribunal  finally  pronounced  its  verdict  upon 
the  original  issue  raised  by  the  king  and  declared  the 
marriage  between  Henry  and  Catherine  to  be  unques- 
tionably valid.  Clement  has  been  much  blamed  for 
this  delay  and  for  his  various  concessions  in  the  mat- 
ter of  the  divorce;  indeed  he  has  been  accused  of  losing 
England  to  the  Catholic  Faith  on  account  of  the  en- 
couragement thus  given  to  Hejirv,  but  it  is  extremely 
doubtful  whether  a  firmer  at^pfde  would  have  had  a 
more  beneficial  result.  The  king  was  determined  to 
effect  his  purpose,  and  Clement  had  sufficient  princi- 
ple not  to  yield  the  one  vital  point  upon  which  all 
turned. 

With  regard  to  Germany,  though  Clement  never 
broke  away  from  his  friendship  with  Charles  V, 
which  was  cemented  by  the  coronation  at  Bologna 
in  1530,  he  never  lent  to  the  emperor  that  cordial 
co-operation  which  could  alone  have  coped  with 
a  situation  the  extreme  difficulty  and  danger  of 
which  Clement  probably  never  understood.  In  par- 
ticular, the  pope  seems  to  have  had  a  horror  of  the 
idea  of  convoking  a  general  council,  foreseeing,  no 
doubt,  grave  difficulties  with  France  in  any  such  at- 
tempt. Things  were  not  improved  when  Henry, 
through  his  envoy  Bonner,  who  found  Clement  visit- 


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ing  the  French  king  at  Marseilles,  lodged  his  appeal  to 
a  future  general  council  on  the  divorce  question. 

In  the  more  ecclesiastical  aspects  of  his  pontificate 
Clement  was  free  from  reproach.  Two  Franciscan 
reforms,  that  of  the  Capuchins  and  that  of  the  Recol- 
lects, found  in  him  a  sufficiently  sympathetic  patron. 
He  was  genuinely  in  earnest  over  the  crusade  against 
the  Turks,  and  he  gave  much  encouragement  to  foreign 
missions.  As  a  patron  of  art,  he  was  much  hampered 
by  the  sack  of  Rome  and  the  other  disastrous  events 
of  his  pontificate.  But  he  was  keenly  interested  in 
such  matters,  and  according  to  Benvenuto  Cellini  he 
had  excellent  taste.  By  the  commission  given  to  the 
last-named  artist  for  the  famous  cope-clasp  of  which 
we  hear  so  much  in  the  autobiography,  he  became  the 
founder  of  Benvenuto's  fortunes.  (See  Cellini, 
Benvenuto.)  Clement  also  continued  to  be  the 
patron  of  Raphael  and  of  Michelangelo,  whose  great 
fresco  of  the  Last  Judgment  in  the  Sustine  Chapel  was 
undertaken  by  his  orders. 

In  their  verdict  upon  the  character  of  Pope  Clement 
VII  almost  all  historians  are  agreed.  He  was  an 
Italian  prince,  a  de'  Medici,  and  a  diplomat  first,  and 
a  spiritual  ruler  afterwards.  His  intelligence  was  of  a 
high  order,  though  his  diplomacy  was  feeble  and  irres- 
olute. On  the  other  hand,  his  private  life  was  free 
from  reproach,  and  he  had  many  excellent  impulses, 
but  despite  good  intention,  all  qualities  of  heroism 
and  greatness  must  emphatically  be  denied  him. 

Pastor,  OeechichU  der  Papule  (Freiburg.  1907).  IV  pt.  II; 
Fraikkn,  NoncioLuree  dcClement  VII  (Pans,  1906 — );  Idem  in 
Melanges  de  V6caU  francaisc  de  Rome  (1906):  Gairdner,  The 
English  Church  in  the.  Sixteenth  Century  (London,  1902);  Idem, 
Sew  Light  on  the  Divorce  of  Henry  VIII  in  English  Hixtor. 
Rev.  (1896-1897);  Ehses,  Romische  Dokumcnte  sur  Geschichle 
der  Ehescheidung Heinrichs  F//7.(Paderbom,  1893):  Thurston, 
The  Canon  Law  of  the  Divorce  in  Eng.  Hietor.  Rev.  (Oct.,  1904); 
Am.  Calk.  Quart.  (April,  1906);  Hemmer  in  Diet,  de  thiol,  oath., 
in  which  and  in  Pastor  a  fuller  bibliography  will  be  found. 

Herbert  Thurston. 

Clement  vm.,  Pope  (Ippolito  Aldobrandini),  b. 
at  Fano,  March,  1536.  of  a  distinguished  Florentine 
family;  d.  at  Rome,  5  March,  1605.  He  was  elected 
pope  30  January,  1592,  after  a  stormy  conclave 
graphically  described  by  Ranke  (Gescnichte  der 
romischen  Papste,  9th  ed.,  II,  150 
sqq.).  In  his  youth  he  made  excel- 
lent progress  in  jurisprudence  under 
the  direction  of  his  father,  an  able 
jurist.  Through  the  stages  of  con- 
sistorial  advocate,  auditor  of  the 
Rota  and  the  Datary,  he  was  ad- 
vanced in  1585  to  the  dignity  of 
Cardinal-Priest  of  the  Title  of  St. 
Pancratius  and  was  made  grand  peni- 
tentiary. He  won  the  friendship  of 
the  Hapsburgs  by  his  successful 
efforts,  during  a  legation  to  Poland,  to  obtain  the 
release  of  the  imprisoned  Archduke  Maximilian,  the 
defeated  claimant  to  the  Polish  throne.  During  the 
conclave  of  1592  he  was  the  unwilling  candidate  of  the 
compact  minority  of  cardinals  who  were  determined 
to  deliver  the  Holy  See  from  the  prepotency  of 
Philip  II  of  Spain.  His  election  was  greeted  with 
boundless  enthusiasm  by  the  Italians  and  by  all 
who  knew  his  character.  He  possessed  all  the  quali- 
fications needed  in  the  Vicar  of  Christ.  Blameless  in 
morals  from  childhood,  he  had  at  an  early  period 
placed  himself  under  the  direction  of  St.  Philip  Neri, 
who  for  thirty  years  was  his  confessor.  Upon 
Clement's  elevation  to  the  papacy,  the  aged  saint 
gave  over  this  important  office  to  Baronius,  whom 
the  pope,  notwithstanding  his  reluctance,  created  a 
cardinal,'  and  to  whom  he  made  his  confession  every 
evening.  The  fervour  with  which  he  said  his  daily 
Mass  filled  all  present  with  devotion.  His  long  asso- 
ciation with  the  Apostle  of  Rome  caused  him  to 
imbibe  the  saint's  spirit  so  thoroughly,  that  in  him 


Arms  of  Clem- 
ent VIII 


Pope  Clkmiont  VIII 


St.  Philip  himself  might  be  said  to  have  ascended  the 
papal  chair.  Though  vast  political  problems  clam- 
oured for  solution,  the  pope  first  turned  his  attention 
to  the  more  important  spiritual  interests  of  the  Church. 
He  made  a  personal  visitation  of  all  the  churches 
and  educational  and  charitable  institutions  of  Rome, 
everywhere  eliminating  abuses  and  enforcing  dis- 
cipline. To  him  we  owe  the  institution  of  the  Forty 
Hours'  Devotion  (q.  v.).  He  founded  at  Rome  the 
Collegio  Clementino  for  the  education  of  the  sons  of 
the  richer  classes,  and  augmented  the  number  of 
national  colleges 
in  Rome  by  open- 
ing the  Collegio 
Scozzese  for  the 
training  of  mis- 
sionaries to 
Scotland.  The 
"Bullarium  Ro- 
manum  "  contains 
many  important 
constitutions  of 
Clement,  notably 
one  denouncing 
duelling  and  one 
providing  for  the 
inviolability  of 
the  States  of  the 
Church.  He  is- 
sued revised  edi- 
tions of  the  Vul- 

fate  (1598),  the 
(reviary,  the  Mis- 
sal ,  also  t  he '  'Cae  re- 
moniale",  and  the 
*' Pontificate". 

The  complicated  situation  in  France  presented  no 
insuperable  difficulties  to  two  consummate  statesmen 
like  Henry  of  Navarre  and  Clement  VIII.  It  was 
clear  to  Henry  that,  notwithstanding  his  victories,  he 
could  not  peacefully  retain  the  French  Crown  without 
adopting  the  Catholic  Faith.  He  abjured  Calvinism 
25  July,  1593.  It  was  equally  clear  to  Pope  Clement 
that  it  was  his  duty  to  brave  the  selfish  hostility  of 
Spain  by  acknowledging  the  legitimate  claims  of 
Henry,  as  soon  as  he  had  convinced  himself  that  the 
latter' s  conversion  was  something  more  than  a  polit- 
ical manoeuvre.  In  the  autumn  of  1595  he  solemnly 
absolved  Henry  IV,  thus  putting  an  end  to  the  thirty 
years'  religious  war  in  France  and  winning  a  powerful 
ally  in  his  struggle  to  achieve  the  independence  of 
Italy  and  of  the  Holy  See.  Henry's  iriendship  was  of 
essential  importance  to  the  pope  two  years  later,  when 
Alfonso  II,  Duke  of  Ferrara,  died  childless  (27  Oct., 
1597),  and  Pope  Clement  resolved  to  bring  the 
stronghold  of  the  Este  dynasty  under  the  immediate 
jurisdiction  of  the  Church.  Though  Spain  and  the 
empire  encouraged  Alfonso's  illegitimate  cousin, 
Cesare  d'Este,  to  withstand  the  pope,  they -were 
deterred  from  giving  him  aid  by  Henry's  threats,  and 
the  papal  army  entered  Ferrara  almost  unopposed. 
In  1598  Pope  Clement  won  still  more  credit  for  the 
papacy  by  bringing  about  a  definite  treaty  of  peace 
between  Spain  and  France  in  the  Treaty  of  Vervins 
and  between  France  and  Savoy.  He  also  lent  valu- 
able assistance  in  men  and  money  to  the  emperor  in 
his  contest  with  the  Turks  in  Hungary.  He  was  as 
merciless  as  Sixtus  V  in  crushing  out  brigandage  and 
in  punishing  the  lawlessness  of  the  Roman  nobility. 
He  did  not  even  spare  the  youthful  patricide  Beatrice 
Cenci,  over  whom  so  many  tears  have  been  shed. 
(Bertolotti,  Francesco  Cenci  e  la  sua  famiglia,  Flor- 
ence, 1879.)  On  17  Feb.,  1600,  the  apostate  Gior- 
dano Bruno  (q.  v.)  was  burned  at  the  stake  on  the 
Piazza  dei  Fiori.  The  jubilee  of  1600  was  a  brilliant 
witness  to  the  glories  of  the  renovated  papacy,  three 
million  pilgrims  visiting  the  holy  places.    In  159C 


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was  held  the  Synod  of  Brest,  in  Lithuania,  by  which  a 
great  part  of  the  Ruthenian  clergy  and  people  were 
reunited  to  Rome  (Likowski,  Union  zu  Brest,  1904). 
Although  Clement,  in  spite  of  constant  fasting,  was 
tortured  with  gout  in  feet  and  hands,  his  capacity 
for  work  was  unlimited,  and  his  powerful  intellect 
grasped  all  the  needs  of  the  Church  throughout  the 
world.  He  entered  personally  into  the  minutest 
detail  of  every  subject  which  came  before  him,  e.  g., 
in  the  divorce  between  Henry  IV  and  Margaret  of 
Valois,  yet  more  in  the  great  controversy  on  grace 
between  the  Jesuits  and  the  Dominicans  (see  BaSez, 
Molina).  He  was  present  at  all  the  sessions  of  the 
Congregatio  de  auxuiis  (q.  v.),  but  wisely  refrained 
from  issuing  a  final  decree  on  the  question.  Clement 
VIII  died  in  his  seventieth  year  after  a  pontificate  of 
thirteen  years.  His  remains  repose  in  Santa  Maria 
Maggiore,  where  the  Borghesi,  who  succeed  the 
Aldobrandini  in  the  female  line,  erected  a  gorgeous 
monument  to  his  memory. 

Vita  Clem.  VIII  in  Labbe  and  Cossabt,  Coll.  Cone.,  XXI, 
1323:  Wadding,  Vita  Clem.  VIII  (Rome,  1723);  Von  Rankb, 
The  Roman  Pope*  in  the  Last  Four  Centuries  (1834-37):  Pelbbz, 
Gesch.  der  Union  tier  ruthenischen  Kirehe  mil  Rom  (WOraburg, 
1881);  Rossi,  Di  una  controversia  tra  la  republica  di  Venetia  e 
Clem.  VIII  in  Archivio  Veneto  (1889),  faac.  74;  Sebry,  Hist, 
controv.  de  auxiliis  (Antwerp.  1709):  Regnon,  BaHez  el  Molina 
(Paris,  1883);  de  Montor,  Lives  of  the  Roman  Pontiffs  (New 
York,  1857). 

Jambs  F.  Louohlin. 

Clement  IX,  Pope  (Giulio  Rospioliosi),  b.  28 
January,  1600,  at  Pistoja,  of  an  ancient  family 
originally  from  Lombardy;  elected  20  June,  1667; 
d.  at  Rome,  9  December,  1669.  He  made  a  brilliant 
course  of  studies  at  the  Roman  Seminary,  and  the 
University  of  Pisa,  where  he  received 
the  doctorate  in  his  twenty-third  year 
and  was  made  professor  of  philosophy. 
His  talents  and  virtuous  life  brought 
him  rapid  promotion  in  the  Roman 
Court  at  a  period  when  Tuscan  influ- 
ence under  Tuscan  pontiffs  was  every- 
where predominant.  He  enjoyed  the 
special  favour  of  Urban  VIII,  like 
himself  fond  of  literature  and  poetry, 
and  was  made  titular  Archbishop  of 
Tarsus  and  sent  as  nuncio  to  the  Spanish  Court.  He 
lived  in  retirement  during  the  pontificate  of  Innocent 
X,  who  disliked  the  Barberim  and  their  adherents, 
but  was  recalled  to  office  by  Alexander  VII  and  by 
him  appointed  secretary  of  state  and  Cardinal-Priest 
of  the  Title  of  San  Sisto  (1657).  Ten  years  later,  one 
month  after  the  death  of  Alexander,  Cardinal  Ros- 
pigliosi  was  elected  to  the  papacy  by  the  unanimous 
vote  of  the  Sacred  College.  He  was  the  idol  of  the 
Romans,  not  so  much  for  his  erudition  and  applica- 
tion to  business,  as  for  his  extreme  charity  and  his 
affability  towards  great  and  small.  He  increased 
the  goodwill  of  his  subjects  by  buying  off  the  mon- 
opolist who  had  secured  the  macinato,  or  privilege  of 
selling  grain,  and  as  his  predecessor  had  collected 
the  money_  for  the  purpose,  Clement  had  the  decree 
published  in  the  name  of  Alexander  VII.  Two  days 
each  week  he  occupied  a  confessional  in  St.  Peter's 
church  and  heard  any  one  who  wished  to  confess  to 
him.  He  frequently  visited  the  hospitals,  and  was 
lavish  in  his  alms  to  the  poor.  In  an  age  of  nepotism, 
he  did  little  or  nothing  to  advance  or  enrich  his  fam- 
ily. In  his  aversion  to  notoriety,  he  refused  to  permit 
his  name  to  be  placed  on  the  buildings  erected  during 
his  reign.  On  15  April,  1668,  he  declared  blessed^ 
Rose  of  Lima,  the  first  American  saint.  On  28  April, 
1669,  he  solemnly  canonized  S.  Maria  Maddalena  dei 
Pazzi  and  St.  Peter  of  Alcantara.  He  reorganized 
the  Church  in  Portugal,  after  that  nation  had  achieved 
its  independence  from  Spain.  By  a  mild  compromise 
in  the  affair  of  French  Jansenism,  known  as  the  Clem- 
entine Peace  (Pax  Clementina),  he  procured  a  lull  in 


Arms  or 
Clement  IX 


r, " 


Clement  IX — Gavulli  (Baccicoo) 
(Academy  of  San  Luca.  Rome) 


the  storm,  which,  unfortunately,  owing  to  the  in- 
sincerity of  the  sectaries,  was  but  temporary.  He 
brought  about,  as  arbiter,  the  Peace  of  Aix-la- 
Chapelle  between  France  and  Spain,  and  gravely 
admonished  Louis  XIV  against  the  aggressive  career 
upon  which  he 
was  setting  forth. 
By  strict  economy 
he  brought  the 
papal  finances  in- 
to good  order,  and 
was  able  to  fur- 
nish material  aid 
to  Venice  for  the 
defence  of  Crete, 
then  besieged  by 
the  Turks.  Had 
the  European 
powers  listened  to 
his  exhortations, 
that  important 
island  would  not 
have  been  lost  to 
Christendom.  The 
news  of  its  fall, 
after  a  gallant  re- 
sistance of  twenty 
years,  hastened 
the  pope's  death. 
He  died  after  a  pontificate  of  two  years,  five  months, 
and  nineteen  days.  He  ordered  his  remains  to  be 
buried  under  the  pavement  of  Santa  Maria  Maggiore, 
with  the  simple  inscription  Clementis  IX,  Cineres,  but 
his  successor,  Clement  X,  erected  in  his  honour  the 
sumptuous  monument  which  stands  at  the  right- 
hand  side  of  the  nave  near  the  door.  The  death  of  the 
beloved  pontiff  was  long  lamented  by  the  Romans, 
who  considered  him,  if  not  the  greatest,  at  least  the 
most  amiable  of  the  po[>cs. 

Fabroni,  Vita  Clem.  X,  in  Vila  Italorum  doclrinA  exeeltentiumj 
II,  1;  de  Montor,  Lives  of  the  Roman  Pontiffs  (New  York, 
1867),  II;  Gebin,  Louis  XI V  el  Clement  IX  dans  Vaffaire  da 
deux  manages  de  Marie  de  Savoie  (1666-68)  in  Rev.  aes  quest, 
hist.  (1880). 

James  F.  Louohlin-. 

Clement  X,  Pope  (Emilio  Altieri),  b.  at  Rome, 
13  July,  1590;  elected  29  April,  1670,  and  d.  at  Rome, 
22  July,  1676.  Unable  to  secure  the  election  of  any 
of  the  prominent  candidates,  the  cardinals  finally, 
after  a  conclave  of  four  months  and  twenty  days, 
resorted  to  the  old  expedient  of  elect- 
ing a  cardinal  of  advanced  years;  they 
united  upon  Cardinal  Altieri,  an  octo- 
genarian, whose  long  life  had  been 
spent  in  the  service  of  the  Church,  and 
whom  Clement  IX,  on  the  eve  of  his 
death,  had  raised  to  the  dignity  of  the 
purple.  The  reason  a  prelate  of  such 
transcendent  merits  received  the  cardi- 
nalate  so  late  in  life  seems  to  have  been 
that  he  had  waived  his  claims  to  the 
elevation  in  favour  of  an  older  brother. 


\& 

Arms  op 
Clement  X 

He  protested 

vigorously  against  this  use  of  the  papal  robes  as  a 
funeral  shroud,  but  at  length  was  persuaded  to  accept, 
and  out  of  gratitude  to  his  benefactor,  by  ten  years 
his  junior,  assumed  the  name  of  Clement  X.  The 
Altieri  belonged  to  the  ancient  Roman  nobility,  and 
since  all  but  one  of  the  male  scions  had  chosen  the 
ecclesiastical  career,  the  pope,  in  order  to  save  the 
name  from  extinction,  adopted  the  Paoluzzi,  one  of 
whom  was  married  to  Laura  Caterina  Altieri,  the  sole 
heiress  of  the  family. 

During  previous  pontificates  the  new  pope  had  held 
important  offices  and  had  been  entrusted  with  deli- 
cate missions.  Urban  VIII  gave  him  charge  of  the 
works  designed  to  protect  the  territory  of  Ravenna 
from  the  unruly  Po.    Innocent  X  appointed  him 


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to  Naples;  and  he  is  credited  with  no  slight 
share  in  the  re-establishment  of  peace  after  the  stormy 
days  of  Masaniello.  Under  Alexander  VII  he  was 
made  secretary  of  the  Congregation  of  Bishops  and 
Regulars.  Clement  IX  named  him  superintendent  of 
the  papal  exchequer.  On  his  accession  to  the  pa- 
pacy, he  gave  to  his  new  kinsman,  Cardinal  Paoluzzi- 
Altieri,  the  uncle  of  Laura's  husband,  the  office  of 
cardinal  nephew,  and  with  advancing  years  gradually 
entrusted  to  him  the  management  of  affairs,  to  such 

an  extent  that  the 
biting  Romans 
said  he  had  re- 
served to  himself 
only  the  episcopal 
functions  of  6ene- 
dicere  et  sancti- 
ficare,  resigning  in 
favour  of  the  car- 
dinal the  admini- 
strative duties  of 
regere  et  guber- 
nare.  Neverthe- 
less, the  "Uullar- 
ium  Romanum" 
contains  many 
evidences  of  his 
religious  activity, 
among  which  may 
be  mentioned  the 
canonization  of 
Sts.  C  a  j  e  t  a  n , 
Philip  Benitius, 


Pope  Clement  X 


Francis  Borgia,  Louis  Bertrand,  and  Hose  of  .Lima; 
also  the  beatification  of  Pope  Pius  V,  John  of  the 
Cross,  and  the  Martyrs  of  Gorcum  in  Holland. 
Ke  laboured  to  preserve  t  he  peace  of  Europe,  menaced 
by  the  ambition  of  Louis  XIV,  and  began  with  that 
imperious  monarch  the  long  struggle  concerning  the 
rigale,  or  revenues  of  vacant  dioceses  and  abbeys. 
He  supported  the  Poles  with  strong  financial  aid 
in  their  hard  struggle  with  their  Turkish  invaders. 
He  decorated  the  bridge  of  Sant'  Angelo  with  the  ten 
statues  of  angels  in  Carrara  marble  still  to  be  seen 
there.  To  Clement  we  owe  the  two  beautiful  foun- 
tains which  adorn  the  Piazza  of  St.  Peter's.  At  a 
cost  of  300,000  scudi  (dollars)  he  erected  the  exten- 
sive Palazzo  Altieri.  His  remains  lie  in  St.  Peter's 
church  near  the  tribune,  where  a  monument  has  been 
erected  to  his  memory. 

Arisio,  Memorie  Bulla  vita  di  Clemmte  X  (Rome,  1863); 
Von  Rxumokt,  Geseh.  d.  Stadl  Rom  (Berlin,  1867),  III,  ii, 
636-36;  Cehboti,  BMioorafia  fiomana  (Rome,  1893),  226,  663; 
Novaks.  Elemmti  della  storia  de'  romani  poniefici  da  S.  Pictro' 
£no  a  Pio  VI  (Rome,  1821-25);  de  Montob,  Hit  lory  of  the 
Soman  Pontiff*  (New  York,  1867),  II. 

James  F.  Louohljn. 

Clement  XI,  Pope  (Giovanni  Francesco  Al- 
banj);  b.  at  Urbino,  23  July,  1649;  elected  23  Novem- 
ber, 1700;  d.  at  Rome  19  March,  1721.  The  Albani 
(q.  v.)  were  a  noble  Umbrian  family.  Under  Urban 
VIII  the  grandfather  of  the  future  pope  had  held  for 
thirteen  years  the  honourable  office 
of  Senator  of  Rome.  An  uncle,  Anni- 
bale  Albani,  was  a  distinguished  scholar 
and  was  Prefect  of  the  Vatican  Li- 
brary. Giovanni  Francesco  was  sent 
to  Rome  in  his  eleventh  year  to  prose- 
cute his  studies  at  the  Roman  College. 
He  made  rapid  progress  and  was  known 
as  an  author  at  the  age  of  eighteen, 
translating  from  the  Greek  into  elegant 
Latin.  He  attracted  the  notice  of 
the  patroness  of  Roman  literati,  Queen  Christina  of 
Sweden,  whe  before  he  became  of  age  enrolled  him  in 
her  exclusive  Accademia.  With  equal  ardour  and  suc- 
cess he  applied  himself  to  the  profounder  branches, 


Arms  or 

Clement  XI 


theology  and  law,  and  was  created  doctor  of  canon 
and  civil  law.  So  brilliant  an  intellect,  joined  with 
stainless  morals  and  piety,  secured  for  him  a  rapid 
advancement  at  the  papal  court.  At  the  age  of 
twenty-eight  he  was  made  a  prelate,  and  governed 
successively  Rieti,  Sabina,  and  Orvieto,  everywhere 
acceptable  on  account  of  his  reputation  for  justice  and 
prudence.  Recalled  to  Rome,  he  was  appointed 
Vicar  of  St.  Peter's,  and  on  the  death  of  Cardinal 
Slusio  succeeded  to  the  important  position  of  Secre- 
tary of  Papal  Briefs,  which  ne  held  tor  thirteen  years, 
and  for  which  his  command  of  classical  latinity  singu- 
larly fitted  him.  On  13  February,  1690,  he  was  cre- 
ated cardinal-deacon  and  later  Cardinal-Priest  of 
the  Title  of  San  Silvestro,  and  was  ordained  to  the 
priesthood. 

The  conclave  of  1700  would  have  terminated  speed- 
ily with  the  election  of  Cardinal  Mariscotti,  had  not 
the  veto  of  France  rendered  the  choice  of  that  able 
cardinal  impossible.  After  deliberating  for  forty-six 
days,  the  Sacred  College  united  in  selecting  Cardinal 
Albani,  whose  virtues  and  ability  overbalanced  the 
objection  that  he  was  only  fifty-one  years  old.  Three 
days  were  spent  in  the  effort  to  overcome  his  reluc- 
tance to  accept  a  dignity  the  heavy  burden  of  which 
none  knew  better  than  the  experienced  curialist  (Gal- 
land  in  Hist.  Jahrbuch,  1882,  III,  208  sqq.).  The 
period  was  critical  for  Europe  and  the  papacy.  Dur- 
ing the  conclave  Charles  II,  the  last  of  the  Spanish 
Hapsburgs,  had  died  childless,  leaving  his  vast  domin- 
ions a  prey  to  French  and  Austrian  ambition.  His 
will,  making  Philip  of  Aniou,  grandson  of  Louis  XIV, 
sole  heir  to  the  Spanish  Empire,  was  contested  by  the 
Emperor  Leopold,  who  claimed  Spain  for  his  second 
son  Charles.  The  late  king,  before  making  this  will, 
had  consulted  Pope  Innocent  XII,  and  Cardinal  Al- 
bani had  been  one  of  the  three  cardinals  to  whom  the 
pontiff  had  entrusted  the  case  and  who  advised  him  to 
pronounce  secretly  in  its  favour.  This  was  at  the 
time  unknown  to  the  emperor,  else  Austria  would 
have  vetoed  the  election  of  Albani.  The  latter  was 
finally  persuaded  that  it  was  his  duty  to  obey  the  call 
from  Heaven;  on  30  November  he  was  consecrated 
bishop,  and  on  8  December  solemnly  enthroned  in  the 
Vatican.  The  enthusiasm  with  which  his  elevation 
was  greeted  throughout  the  world  is  the  best  evidence 
of  his  worth.  Even  Protestants  received  the  intelli- 
gence with  joy  and  the  city  of  Nuremberg  struck  a 
medal  in  his  honour.  The  sincere  Catholic  reformers 
greeted  his  accession  as  the  death-knell  of  nepotism ; 
tor,  though  he  had  many  relatives,  it  was  known  that 
he  had  instigated  and  written  the  severe  condemna- 
tion of  that  abuse  issued  by  his  predecessor.  As  pon- 
tiff, he  did  not  belie  his  principles.  He  bestowed  the 
offices  of  his  court  upon  the  most  worthy  subjects  and 
ordered  his  brother  to  keep  at  a  distance  and  refrain 
from  adopting  any  new  title  or  interfering  in  matters 
of  state.  In  the  government  of  the  States  of  the 
Church,  Clement  was  a  capable  administrator.  He 
provided  diligently  for  the  needs  of  his  subjects,  was 
extremely  charitable  to  the  poor,  bettered  the  condi- 
tion of  the  prisons,  and  secured  food  for  the  populace 
in  time  of  scarcity.  He  won  the  good  will  of  artists 
by  prohibiting  the  exportation  of  ancient  master- 
pieces, and  of  scientists  by  commissioning  Bianchini 
to  lay  down  on  the  pavement  of  Sta  Maria  degli  An- 
gioli  the  meridian  of  Rome,  known  as  the  Clementina. 

His  capacity  for  work  was  prodigious.  He  slept 
but  little  and  ate  so  sparingly  that  a  few  pence  per  day 
sufficed  for  his  table.  Every  day  he  confessed  and 
celebrated  Mass.  He  entered  minutely  into  the  de- 
tails of  every  measure  which  came  before  him,  and 
with  his  own  hand  prepared  the  numerous  allocutions, 
Briefs,  and  constitutions  afterwards  collected  and  pub- 
lished. He  also  found  time  to  preach  his  beautiful 
homilies  and  was  frequently  to  be  seen  in  the  confes- 
sional.  Though  his  powerful  frame  more  than  once 


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CLEMENT 


sank  under  the  weight  of  his  labours  and  cares,  he  con- 
tinued to  keep  rigorously  the  fasts  of  the  Church,  and 
generally  allowed  himself  but  the  shortest  possible 
respite  from  his  labours. 

In  his  efforts  to  establish  peace  among  the  Powers  of 
Europe  and  to  uphold  the  rights  of  the  Church,  he  met 
with  scant  success;  for  the  eighteenth  century  was 
eminently  the  age  of  selfishness  and  infidelity.  One 
of  his  first  public  acts  was  to  protest  against  the  as- 
sumption (1701)  by  the  Elector  of  Brandenburg  of  the 
title  of  King  of  Prussia.  The  pope's  action,  though 
often  derided  and  misinterpreted,  was  natural  enough, 
not  only  because  the  bestowal  of  royal  titles  had  al- 
ways been  regarded  as  the  privilege  of  the  Holy  See, 
but  also  because  Prussia  belonged  t>y  ancient  right  to 
the  ecclesiasticc-military  institute  known  as  the  Teu- 
tonic Order.  In  the  troubles  excited  by  the  rivalry  of 
France  and  the  Empire  for  the  Spanish  succession, 
Pope  Clement  resolved  to  maintain  a  neutral  attitude; 
but  this  was  found  to  be  impossible.  When,  there- 
fore, the  Bourbon  was  crowned  in  Madrid  as  Philip  V, 
amid  the  universal  acclamations  of  the  Spaniards,  the 
pope  acquiesced  and  acknowledged  the  validity  of  his 
title.  This  embittered  the  morose  Emperor  Leopold, 
and  the  relations  between  Austria  and  the  Holy  See 
became  so  strained  that  the  pope  did  not  conceal  his 
satisfaction  when  the  French  and  Bavarian  troops  be- 
gan that  march  on  Vienna  which  ended  so  disas- 
trously on  the  field  of  Blenheim.  Marlborough's  vic- 
tory, followed  by  Prince  Eugene's  successful  cam- 
paign in  Piedmont,  placed  Italy  at  the  mercy  of  the 
Austrians.  Leopold  died  in  1705  and  was  succeeded 
by  his  oldest  son  Joseph  I,  a  worthy  precursor  of 
Joseph  II.  A  contest  immediately  began  on  the  ques- 
tion known  as  Jus  primarum  precum,  involving  the 
right  of  the  crown  to  appoint  to  vacant  benefices. 
The  victorious  Austrians,  now  masters  of  Northern 
Italy,  invaded  the  Papal  States,  took  possession  of 
Piacenza  and  Parma,  annexed  Comaccnio  and  be- 
sieged Ferrara.  Clement  at  first  offered  a  spirited 
resistance,  but,  abandoned  by  all,  could  not  hope  for 
success,  and  when  a  strong  detachment  of  Protestant 
troops  under  the  command  of  the  Prince  of  Hesse- 
Cassel  reached  Bologna,  fearing  a  repetition  of  the 
fearful  scenes  of  1527,  he  finally  gave  way  (15  Jan., 
1709),  acknowledged  the  Archduke  Charles  as  King  of 
Spain  "without  detriment  to  the  rights  of  another", 
and  promised  him  the  investiture  of  Naples.  Though 
the  Bourbon  monarchs  had  done  nothing  to  aid  the 
pope  in  his  unequal  struggle,  both  Louis  and  Philip 
became  very  indignant  and  retaliated  by  every  means 
in  their  power  (see  Louis  XIV).  In  the  negotiations 
preceding  the  Peace  of  Utrecht  (1713)  the  righto  of  the 
pope  were  studiously  neglected;  his  nuncio  was  not 
accorded  a  hearing ;  his  dominions  were  parcelled  out 
to  suit  the  convenience  of  either  party:  Sicily  was 
given  to  Victor  Amadeus  II  of  Savoy,  with  whom 
from  the  first  days  of  his  pontificate  Clement  was  i  l- 
volved  in  quarrels  on  the  subjects  of  ecclesiastical  im- 
munities and  appointments  to  vacant  benefices.  The 
new  king  now  undertook  to  revive  the  so-called  Mon- 
orchia Sicula,  an  ancient  but  much-disputed  and 
abused  privilege  of  pontifical  origin  which  practically 
excluded  the  pope  from  any  authority  over  the  Church 
in  Sicily.  When  Clement  answered  with  bann  and 
interdict,  all  the  clergy,  about  3000  in  number,  who 
remained  loyal  to  the  Holy  See  were  banished  the 
island,  and  the  pope  was  forced  to  give  them  food  and 
shelter.  The  interdict  was  not  raised  till  1718,  when 
Spain  regained  possession,  but  the  old  controversy 
was  repeatedly  resumed  under  the  Bourbons.  Through 
the  machinations  of  Cardinal  Alberoni,  Parma  and 
Piacenza  were  granted  to  a  Spanish  Infante  without 
regard  to  the  papal  overlordship.  It  was  some  con- 
solation to  the  much-tried  pope  that  Augustus  of  Sax- 
onv.  Kins  <>f  Poland,  returned  to  the  Church.  Clem- 
ent laboured  hard  to  restore  harmony  in  Poland,  but 


without  success.  The  Turks  had  taken  advantage  of 
the  dissensions  among  the  Christians  to  invade  Eu- 
rope by  land  and  sea.  Clement  proclaimed  a  jubilee, 
sent  money  and  ships  to  the  assistance  of  the  Vene- 
tians, and  granted  a  tithe  on  all  benefices  to  the  Em- 
peror Charles  VI.  When  Prince  Eugene  won  the 
great  battle  of  Temesvar,  which  put  an  end  to  the 
Turkish  danger,  no  slight  share  of  the  credit  was  given 
by  the  Christian  world  to  the  pope  and  the  Holy  Ros- 
ary. Clement  sent  the  great  commander  a  blessed 
hat  and  sword.  The  fleet  which  Philip  V  of  Spain  had 
raised  at  the  instigation  of  the  pope,  and  with  sub- 
sidies levied  on  church  revenues,  was  diverted  by 
Alberoni  to  the  conquest  of  Sardinia;  and  though 
Clement  showed  his  indignation  by  demanding  the 
dismissal  of  the  minister,  and  beginning  a  process 
against  him,  he  had  much  to  do  to  convince  tne  em- 
peror that  he  was  not  privy  to  the  treacherous  trans- 
action. He  gave  a  generous  hospitality  to  the  exiled 
son  of  James  II  of  England,  James  Edward  Stuart, 
and  helped  him  to  obtain  the  hand  of  Clementina, 
John  SoDieski's  accomplished  granddaughter,  mother 
of  Charles  Edward. 

Clement's  pastoral  vigilance  was  felt  in  every  corner 
of  the  earth.  He  organized  the  Church  in  the  Philip- 
pine Islands  and  sent  missionaries  to  every  distant 
spot.  He  erected  Lisbon  into  a  patriarchate,  7  De- 
cember, 1716.  He  enriched  the  Vatican  Library  with 
the  manuscript  treasures  gathered  at  the  expense  of 
the  pope  by  Joseph  Simeon  Assemani  in  his  researches 
throughout  Egypt  and  Syria.  In  the  unfortunate 
controversy  between  the  Dominican  and  the  Jesuit 
missionaries  in  China  concerning  the  permissibility  of 
certain  rites  and  customs,  Clement  decided  in  favour 
of  the  former.  When  the  Janeenists  provoked  a  new 
collision  with  the  Church  under  the  leadership  of 
Quesnel,  Pope  Clement  issued  his  two  memorable 
Constitutions,  "  Vineam  Domini",  16  July,  1705,  and 
•'  Unigenitus  ",  10  September,  1713  (see  Unioenitds; 
Vineam  Domini;  Jansenism).  Clement  XI  made 
the  feast  of  the  Conception  of  the  B.V.M.  a  Holy  Day 
of  obligation,  and  canonized  Pius  V,  Andrew  of  Avel- 
lino,  Felix  of  Cantalice,  and  Catherine  of  Bologna. 

This  great  and  saintly  pontiff  died  appropriately  on 
the  feast  of  St.  Joseph,  for  whom  he  entertained  a 
particular  devotion,  and  in  whose  honour  he  com- 
posed the  special  Office  found  in  the  Breviary.  His 
remains  rest  in  St.  Peter's.  His  official  acts,  letters, 
and  Briefs,  also  his  homilies,  were  collected  and  pub- 
lished by  his  nephew,  Cardinal  Annibale  Albani  (2 
vols.,  Rome,  1722-24). 

Polidohi,  De  vita  el  rebus  oestis  dementis  XI  libri  sex 
(Brbino,  1724),  also  in  Fabsini,  Supplemento  to  Natalm  Alex- 
ander. Historia  Ecclesiastica  (Bassano,  1778);  Reboclet, 
Histoire  de  dement  XI  (Avignon,  1752;)  Lafiteao.  Vie  de 
Cement  XI  (Padua,  1752);  Hiidfr  (non-Catholic),  Leben  und 
Thatin  des  klugen  und  beruhmlrn  Papstes  dementis  X I.  (Frank- 
fort, 1721);  Novaes,  Elementi  delta  sloria  de'  sommi  pontefici 
da  S.  Pietro  fino  a  Pio  VI  (Rome,  1821-25);  Landau, 
Horn,  Wien,  Neapel  wllhrend  des  spanischen  Erbfolaekrieaet 
(I^eipzig.  1885);  Hergenrother-Kirbch,  Kirchengeschichte 
(4th  edT,  Freiburg,  1907),  III.  See  also,  on  the  Albani,  Vis- 
conti  in  Famiglte  di  Roma  (I),  and  Von  Reduont  in  Beitrage 
tur  Hal.  Geschichte,  V,  323  sciq..  and  Gesch.  d.  Stadt  Rom  (Berlin, 
1867),  III,  u,  642  aqq.  Cf.  Artaob  de  Montor,  History  of  the 
Roman  Pontiffs  (New  York.  1867),  II. 

James  F.  Loughlin. 

Clement  XII,  Pope  (Lorenzo  Corsini),  b.  at  Flor- 
ence, 7  April,  1652;  elected  12  July,  1730;  d.  at  Rome 
6  February,  1740.  The  pontificate  of  the  saintly 
Orsini  pope,  Benedict  XIII,  from  the  standpoint  of 
the  spiritual  interests  of  the  Church,  had  left  nothing 
to  be  desired.  He  had,  however,  given  over  tem- 
poral concerns  into  the  hands  of  rapacious  ministers; 
hence  the  finances  of  the  Holy  See  were  in  bad  condi- 
tion; there  was  an  increasing  deficit,  and  the  papal 
subjects  were  in  a  state  of  exasperation.  It  was  no 
easy  task  to  select  a  man  who  possessed  all  the  quali- 
ties demanded  by  the  emergency.  After  deliberating 
for  four  months,  the  Sacred  College  united  on  Cardinal 


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OUMKNT 


Arms  or 
Clement  XII 


Corsini.  the  best  possible  choice,  were  it  not  for  his 
seventy-eight  years  and  his  failing  eyesight. 

A  Corsini  by  the  father's  side  and  by  the  mother's 
a  Strozzi,  the  best  blood  of  Florence  coursed  through 
his  veins.  Innumerable  were  the  members  of  his 
house  who  had  risen  to  high  positions 
in  Church  and  State,  but  its  chief 
ornament  was  St.  Andrew  Corsini,  the 
canonized  Bishop  of  Fiesole.  Lorenzo 
made  a  brilliant  course  of  studies,  first 
in  the  Roman  College,  then  at  the 
University  of  Pisa,  where,  after  five 
years,  he  received  the  degree  of  Doctor 
of  Laws.  Returning  to  Rome,  he  ap- 
plied himself  to  the  practice  of  law 
under  the  able  direction  of  his  uncle, 
Cardinal  Neri  Corsini,  a  man  of  the  highest  culture. 
After  the  death  of  his  uncle  and  his  father,  in  1685,  Lor- 
enzo, now  thirty-three  years  old,  resigned  his  right  of 

frimogeniture  and  entered  the  ecclesiastical  state, 
'rom  Innocent  XI  he  purchased,  according  to  the  cus- 
tom of  the  time,  for  30,000  acudi  (dollars)  a  position  of 
prelatial  rank,  and  devoted  his  wealth  and  leisure  to 
the  enlargement  of  the  library  bequeathed  to  him  by 
his  uncle.  In  1691  he  was  made  titular  Archbishop 
of  Nicomedia  and  chosen  nuncio  to  Vienna.  He  did 
not  proceed  to  the  imperial  court,  because  Leopold 
advanced  the  novel  claim,  which  Pope  Alexander 
VIII  refused  to  admit,  of  selecting  a  nuncio  from  a 
list  of  three  names  to  be  furnished  by  the  pope.  In 
1696  Corsini  was  appointed  to  the  arduous  office  of 
treasurer-general  and  governor  of  Castle  Sant'  Angelo. 
His  good  fortune  increased  during  the  pontificate  of 
Clement  XI,  who  employed  his  talents  in  affairs  de- 
manding tact  and  prudence.  On  17  May,  1706,  he 
was  created  Cardinal-Deacon  of  the  Title  of  Santa 
Susanna,  retaining  the  office  of  papal  treasurer.  He 
was  attached  to  several  of  the  most  important  con- 
gregations and  was  made  protector  of  a  score  of  re- 
ligious institutions.  He  advanced  still  further  under 
Benedict  XIII,  who  assigned  him  to  the  Congregation 
of  the  Holy  Office  and  made  him  prefect  of  the  judicial 
tribunal  known  as  the  Segnatura  di  Giustizia.  He 
was  successively  Cardinal-Priest  of  S.  Pietro  in  Vin- 
coli  and  Cardinal-Bishop  of  Frascati. 

He  had  thus  held  with  universal  applause  all  the 
important  offices  of  the  Roman  Court,  and  it  is  not 
surprising  that  his  elevation  to  the  papacy  filled  the 
Romans  with  joy.  In  token  of  gratitude  to  his  bene- 
factor, Clement  XI,  and  as  a  pledge  that  he  would 
make  that  great  pontiff  his  model,  he  assumed  the 
title  of  Clement  XII.  Unfortunately  he  lacked  the 
important  qualities  of  youth  and  physical  strength. 
The  infirmities  of  old  age  bore  heavily  upon  him.  In 
the  second  year  of  his  pontificate  he  became  totally 
blind ;  in  his  later  years  he  was  compelled  to  keep  his 
bed,  from  which  he  gave  audiences  and  transacted 
affairs  of  state.  Notwithstanding  his  physical  de- 
crepitude, he  displayed  a  wonderful  activity.  He 
demanded  restitution  of  ill-gotten  goods  from  the 
ministers  who  had  abused  the  confidence  of  his  pred- 
ecessor. The  chief  culprit,  Cardinal  Coscia,  was 
mulcted  in  a  heavy  sum  and  sentenced  to  ten  years' 
imprisonment.  Clement  surrounded  himself  with 
capable  officials,  and  won  the  affection  of  his  subjects 
by  lightening  their  burdens,  encouraging  manufacture 
and  the  arts,  and  inf  usinga  modern  spirit  into  the  laws 
relating  to  commerce.  The  public  lottery,  which  had 
been  suppressed  by  the  severe  morality  of  Benedict 
XIII,  was  revived  by  Clement,  and  poured  into  his 
treasury  an  annual  sum  amounting  to  nearly  a  half 
million  of  scudi  (dollars),  enabling  nim  to  undertake 
the  extensive  buildings  which  distinguish  his  reign. 
He  began  the  majestic  facade  of  St.  John  Lateran  and 
built  m  that  basilica  the  magnificent  chapel  of  St. 
Andrew  Corsini.  He  restored  the  Arch  of  Constantine 
and  built  the  governmental  palace  of  the  Consults  on 


the  quirinal.  He  purchased  from  Cardinal  Albani  fot 
60,000  scudi  the  fine  collection  of  statues,  inscriptions, 
etc.  with  which  he  adorned  the  gallery  of  the  Capitol. 
He  paved  the  streets  of  Rome  and  the  roads  leading 
from  the  city,  and  widened  the  Corso.  He  began  the 
great  Fontana  di  Trevi,  one  of  the  noted  ornaments 
of  Rome. 

In  order  to  facilitate  the  reunion  of  the  Greeks, 
Clement  XII  founded  at  Ullano,  in  Calabria,  the 
Coreini  College  for  Greek  students.  With  a  similar 
intent  he  called  to  Rome  Greek-Melchite  monks  of 
Mt.  Lebanon,  and  assigned  to  them  the  ancient  church 
of  Santa  Maria  in  Domnica.  He  dispatched  Joseph 
Simeon  Assemani  to  the  East  for  the  twofold  purpose 
of  continuing  his  search  for  manuscripts  and  presiding 
as  legate  over  a  national  council  of  the  Maronites. 
We  make  no  attempt  to  enumerate  all  the  operations 
which  this  wonderful  blind-stricken  old  man  directed 

from  his  bed  of   

sickness.  His 
name  is  associated 
in  Rome  with  the 
foundation  and 
embellishment  of 
institutions  of  all 
sorts.  The  people 
of  Ancona  hold 
him  in  well-de- 
served veneration 
and  have  erected 
on  the  public 
square  a  statue  in 
his  honour.  He 
gave  them  a  port 
which  excited  the 
envy  of  Venice, 
and  built  a  high- 
way that  gave 
them  easy  access 
to  the  interior. 
He  drained  the 
marshes  of  the 
Chiana  near  Lake 
Trasimeno  by 
leading  the  waters  through  a  ditch  fourteen  miles 
long  into  the  Tiber.  He  disavowed  the  arbitrary 
action  of  his  legate,  Cardinal  Alberoni,  in  seizing 
San  Marino,  and  restored  the  independence  of  that 
miniature  republic.  His  activity  in  the  spiritual 
concerns  of  the  Church  was  equally  pronounced.  His 
efforts  were  directed  towards  raising  the  prevalent 
low  tone  of  morality  and  securing  discipline,  espe- 
cially in  the  cloisters.  He  issued  the  first  papal  decree 
against  the  Freemasons  (1738).  He  fostered  the  new 
Congregation  of  the  Passionists  and  gave  to  his  fellow- 
Tuscan,  St.  Paul  of  the  Cross,  the  church  and  monas- 
tery of  Sts.  John  and  Paul,  with  the  beautiful  garden 
overlooking  the  Colosseum.  He  canonized  Sts.  Vin- 
cent de  Paul,  John  Francis  Regis,  Catherine  Fieschi 
Adorni,  Juliana  Falconieri,  and  approved  the  cult  of 
St.  Gertrude.  He  proceeded  with  vigour  against  the 
French  Jansenists  and  had  the  happiness  to  receive 
the  submission  of  the  Mauris ts  to  the  Constitution 
"  Unigenitus".  Through  the  ctTorts  of  his  mission- 
aries in  Egypt  10,000  Copts,  with  their  patriarch,  re- 
turned to  the  unity  of  the  Church.  Clement  per- 
suaded the  Armenian  patriarch  to  remove  from  the 
diptychs  the  anathema  against  the  Council  of  Chalce- 
don  and  St.  Leo  I.  In  his  dealings  with  the  powers 
of  Europe,  he  managed  by  a  union  of  firmness  and 
moderation  to  preserve  or  restore  harmony;  but  he 
was  unable  to  maintain  the  rights  of  the  Holy  Sec 
over  the  Duchies  of  Parma  and  Piacenza.  It  was  a 
consequence  of  his  blindness  that  he  should  surround 
himself  with  trusted  relatives;  but  he  advanced  them 
only  as  they  proved  their  worth,  and  did  little  for  his 
family  except  to  purchase  and  enlarge  the  palace  built 


Monument  op  Clement  XII 
(St.  John  Lateran,  Rome) 


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in  Trastevere  for  the  Riarii,  and  now  known  as  the 
Palazzo  Corsini  (purchased  in  1884  by  the  Italian 
Government,  and  now  the  seat  of  the  Regia  Accademia 
dei  Lincei).  In  1754,  his  nephew,  Cardinal  Neri  Cor- 
sini, founded  there  the  famous  Corsini  Library,  which 
in  1905  included  about  70,000  books  and  pamphlets, 
2288  incunabula  or  works  printed  in  the  first  fifty 
or  sixty  years  after  the  discovery  of  printing,  2511 
manuscripts,  and  600  autographs.  Retaining  his  ex- 
traordinary faculties  and  his  cheerful  resignation  to 
the  end,  he  died  in  the  Quirinal  in  his  eighty-eighth 
year.  His  remains  were  transferred  to  his  magnifi- 
cent tomb  in  the  Lateran,  20  July,  1742. 

Fabbonics,  De  vitd  el  rebut  geetie  Clemmtie  XII  (Rome, 
1760),  also  in  Fasbini,  Supplemenio  to  the  Miliaria  Eccleeiaetiea 
of  Natalie  Alexander  (Baasano,  1778);  Pasberini,  Oenealo- 
gia  e  StoHi  della  famiglia  Corsini  (Florence,  1858) ;  Von  Rbu- 
hont,  Qetch.  d.  Sladt  Rom  (Berlin,  1867),  III,  iii,  653-55; 
Novaks-  kUmmti  delta  eloria  de'  eommi  pontefici  (Rome,  1821- 
26) ;  HeauEnbothzk-Kibsch,  Kirchengeechichte  (4th  ed.,  Frie- 
burg,  1907),  III  (bibliography);  Abtaud  de  Hontok,  Hittory 
of  the  Roman  Pontiffs  (New  York,  1867),  II. 

James  F.  Loughtjn. 

Olement  XJ.11,  Pope  (Carlo  della  Torre  Rez- 
zonico),  b.  at  Venice,  7  March,  1693;  d.  at  Rome,  2 
February,  1769.  He  was  educated  by  the  Jesuits  at 
Bologna,  took  his  degrees  in  law  at  Padua,  and  in  1716 
was  appointed  at  Rome  referendary  of  the  two  depart- 
ments known  as  the  "  Signature  Jus- 
titite"  and  the  "Signature  Gratis". 
He  was  made  governor  of  Rieti  in 
1716,  of  Fano  in  1721,  and  Auditor 
of  the  Rota  for  Venice  in  1725.  In 
1737  he  was  made  cardinal-deacon, 
and  in  1743  Bishop  of  Padua,  where 
he  distinguished  himself  by  his  zeal  for 
the  formation  and  sanctification  of  his 
Arms  or  clergy,  to  promote  which  he  held  a 
Clement  XIII  8ynod  fa  m6  an(J  published  a  very 

markable  pastoral  on  the  priestty  state.  His  personal 
life  was  in  keeping  with  his  teaching,  and  the  Jansenist 
Abb6  Clement ,  a  grudging  witness ,  tells  us  that "  he  was 
called  the  saint  (by  his  people),  and  was  an  exem- 
plary man  who,  notwithstanding  the  immense  reve- 
nues of  his  diocese  and  his  private  estate,  was  always 
without  money  owing  to  the  lavishness  of  his  alms- 
deeds,  and  would  give  away  even  his  linen".  In 
1747  he  became  cardinal-priest,  and  on  6  July,  1758, 
he  was  elected  pope  to  succeed  Benedict  XIV.  It 
was  with  tears  that  he  submitted  to  the  will  of  the 
electors,  for  he  gauged  well  the  force  and  direction 
of  the  storm  which  was  gathering  on  the  political 
horizon. 

Regalism  and  Jansenism  were  the  traditional  ene- 
mies of  the  Holy  See  in  its  government  of  the  Church, 
but  a  still  more  formidable  foe  was  rising  into  power 
and  using  the  other  two  as  its  instruments.  This 
was  the  party  of  Voltaire  and  the  Encyclopedists,  the 
"Philosophers"  as  they  liked  to  call  themselves. 
They  were  men  of  talent  and  highly  educated,  and  by 
means  of  these  gifts  had  drawn  over  to  themselves 
many  admirers  and  adherents  from  among  the  ruling 
classes,  with  the  result  that  by  the  time  of  Clement 
XIII,  they  had  their  representatives  in  power  in  the 
Portuguese  and  in  all  the  five  Bourbon  Courts.  Their 
enmity  was  radically  against  the  Christian  religion  it- 
self ,  as  putting  a  restraint  on  their  licence  of  thought  and 
action.  In  their  private  correspondence  they  called 
it  the  In  fame  (the  infamous  one),  and  looked  forward 
to  its  speedy  extinction  through  the  success  of  their 
policy ;  but  they  felt  that  in  their  relations  with  the  pub- 
lic, and  especially  with  the  sovereigns,  it  was  necessary 
to  feign  some  kind  of  Catholic  belief .  In  planning  this 
war  against  the  Church,  they  were  agreed  that  the 
first  step  must  be  the  destruction  of  the  Jesuits. 
"When  we  have  destroyed  the  Jesuits",  wrote  Vol- 
taire to  Helv&ius,  in  1761,  "we  shall  have  easy  work 
with  the  Inf&me."   And  their  method  was  to  per- 


suade the  sovereigns  that  the  Jesuits  were  the  chief 
obstacle  to  their  Regalist  pretensions,  and  thereby 
a  danger  to  the  peace  of  their  realms;  and  to  support 
this  view  by  the  diffusion  of  defamatory  literature, 
likewise  by  inviting  the  co-operation  of  those  who, 
whilst  blind  to  the  character  of  their  ulterior  ends, 
stood  with  them  for  doctrinal  or  other  reasons  in  their 
antipathy  to  the  Society  of  Jesus.  Such  was  the 
political  situation  with  which  Clement  XIII  saw  him- 
self confronted  when  he  began  his  pontificate. 

Portugal. — His  attention  was  called  in  the  first 
instance  to  Portugal,  where  the  attack  on  the  Society 
had  already  commenced.  Joseph  I,  a  weak  ana 
voluptuous  prince,  was  a  mere  puppet  in  the  hands 
of  his  minister,  SebastiSo  Carvalho,  afterwards  Mar- 
quis de  Pombal,  a  secret  adherent  of  the  Voltairian 
opinions,  and  bent  on  the  destruction  of  .the  Society. 
A  rebellion  of  the  Indians  in  the  Uruguay  Reductions 
gave  him  his  first  opportunity.  The  cause  of  the  re- 
bellion was  obvious,  for  the  natives  had  been  ordered 
to  abandon  forthwith  their  cultivated  lands  and 
migrate  into  the  virgin  forest.  But,  as  they  were 
under  the  care  of  the  Jesuit  missionaries,  Carvalho 
declared  that  these  must  have  instigated  the  natives. 
Moreover,  on  3  September,  1758,  Joseph  I  was  shot 
at,  apparently  by  the  injured  husband  of  a  lady  he 
had  seduced.  Pombal  held  a  secret  trial  in  which  he 
pronounced  the  whole  Tavora  family  guilty,  and 
with  them  three  Jesuit  Fathers,  against  whom  the  sole 
evidence  was  that  they  had  been  friends  of  the 
Tavoras.  Then,  on  the  pretext  that  all  Jesuits 
thought  alike,  he  imprisoned  their  superiors,  some 
hundred  in  number,  m  his  subterranean  dungeons, 
and  wrote  in  the  king's  name  to  Rome  for  permission 
from  the  Holy  See  to  punish  the  guilty  clerics. 
Clement  did  not  see  his  way  to  refuse  a  request  backed 
by  the  king's  assurances  that  he  had  good  grounds  for 
his  charges,  but  he  begged  that  the  accused  might 
have  a  careful  trial,  andthat  the  innocent  might  not 
be  included  in  a  punishment  they  had  not  deserved. 
The  pope's  letter  was  written  with  exquisite  courtesy 
and  consideration,  but  Pombal  pronounced  it  in- 
sulting to  his  master  and  returned  it  to  the  sender. 
Then  he  shipped  off  all  the  Jesuits  from  Portugal  and 
its  colonies,  save  the  superiors  who  were  still  detained 
in  their  prisons,  and  sent  them  to  Civitavecchia,  "as 
a  present  to  the  pope",  without  a  penny  from  their 
confiscated  funds  left  to  them  for  their  maintenance. 
Clement,  however,  received  them  kindly,  and  pro- 
vided for  their  needs.  It  was  to  be  expected  that 
diplomatic  relations  would  not  long  continue  after 
these  events;  they  were  severed  in  1760  by  Pombal, 
who  sent  back  the  nuncio,  Acciajuoli,  and  recalled  his 
own  ambassador;  nor  were  these  relations  restored 
till  the  next  pontificate.  Pombal  had  seen  the  neces- 
sity of  supporting  his  administrative  measures  by  an 
endeavour  to  destroy  the  good  name  of  his  victims 
with  the  public.  For  this  purpose  he  caused  various 
defamatory  publications  to  be  written,  chief  among 
which  was  the  "Brief  Relation",  in  which  the  Ameri- 
can Jesuits  were  represented  as  having  set  up  an  inde- 
pendent kingdom  in  South  America  under  their  own 
sovereignty,  and  of  tyrannizing  over  the  Indians,  all  in 
the  interest  of  an  insatiable  ambition  and  avarice. 
These  libels  were  spread  broadcast,  especially  through 
Portugal  and  Spam,  and  many  bishops  from  Spain 
and  elsewhere  wrote  to  the  pope  protesting  against 
charges  so  improbable  in  themselves,  and  so  incom- 
patible with  their  experience  of  the  order  in  their  own 
jurisdictions.  The  text  of  many  of  their  letters  and 
of  Clement  XIII's  approving  replies  may  be  seen  in 
the  "Appendices"  to  Pere  de  Ravignan's  "Clement 
XIII  et  Clement  XIV". 

France. — It  was  to  be  expected  that  the  Society's 
many  enemies  in  France  would  be  stimulated  to  follow 
in  the  footsteps  of  Pombal.  The  attack  was  opened 
by  the  Parlement,  which  was  predominantly  Jansen- 


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tot  in  its  aompomtibn,  in  the  i 
advantage  of  toe  financial  " 
ranch  Jes 


coflTCl.  Taking 
BmrfUea  into  which  the 
French  Jesuits  had  been  driven  over  the  affair  of 
Father  Lavalette,  they  proceeded  to  examine  the 
constitutions  of  the  Society  in  which  they  professed 
to  find  grave  improprieties,  and  to  demand  that,  if 
the  Jesuita  were  to  remain  in  the  country,  these  con- 
stitutions should  be  remodelled  on  the  principle  of 
reducing  the  power  of  the  general  and  practically 
substituting  for  him  a  commissioner  appointed  by  the 
Ckpwn.  They  also  drew  up  a  famous  document, 
named  the  "Extents  des  assertions",  made  up  en- 
tirely of  garbled  extracts  from  Jesuit  writers,  and 
tynjting  to  show  that  their  method  was  to  establish 
their  own  domination  by  justifying  almost  every 
form  of  crime  and  licentiousness,  particularly  tyran- 
nicide. Louis  XY,  like  Joseph  I,  had  a  will  enervated 
by  lust,  but  unlike  him,  was  by  no  means  a  fooLand 
had  besides  an  underlying  respect  for  religion.  Thus 
he  sought,  in  the  first  Distance,  to  save  a  body  of  men 
whom  he  judged  to  be  innocent,  and  for  that  purpose 
he  referred  their  constitutions  to  the  French  bishops 
assembled  at  Paris  in  December,  1761.  Forty-five  of 
these  bishops  reported  in  favour  of  the  constitutions, 
and  of  the  Jesuits  being  left  as  they  were,  twenty-seven 
or  more,  not  then  in  Paris,  sending  in  their  adhesion ; 
but  the  king  was  being  drawn  the  other  way  by  his 
Voltairian  statesmen  and  Madame  de  Pompadour, 
and  accordingly  preferred  the  advice  of  the  one 
bishop  who  sided  with  the  Pariement,  Bishop  Fits- 
James  of  Soissons.  He  therefore  issued  an  edict  in 
March,  1762,  which  allowed  the  Society  to  remain  in 
the  kingdom,  but  prescribed  some  essential  changes 
in  their  institute  with  the  view  of  satisfying  the  Par- 
iement. 

Clement  XIII  intervened  in  various  ways  in  this 
crisis  of  the  French  Jesuits.  He  wrote  to  tile  king 
in  June,  1761,  and  again  in  January,  1762,  on  the 
former  occasion  to  implore  him  to  stay  the  proceed- 
ings of  hie  Pariement,  on  the  latter  to  protest  against 
the  scheme  of  setting  a  French  vicar-general,  inde- 
pendent of  the  general  in  Rome,  over  the  French 
provinces;  it  was  likewise  on  this  latter  oecnsion 
that,  whilst  blaming  their  general  for  the  compliance 
of  some  of  his  French  subjects,  he  used  the  famous 
words  "Sint  ut  sunt  aut  non  sint".  To  the  French 
bishops  who  wrote  to  him  protesting  against  the  doings 
of  the  Pariement,  he  replied  in  words  of  thankfulness 
and  approval,  e.g.  to  the  Bishop  of  Grenoble  on  4  April, 
1762,  and  to  the  Bishop  of  Sarlat  (with  special  refer- 
ence to  the  "Extraite  des  assertions")  on  14  Novem- 
ber, 1764;  and  to  the  biBhops  collectively  in  June, 
1762,  exhorting  them  to  use  all  their  influence  with 
the  king  to  induce  him  to  resist  his  evil  counsellors. 
To  the  arrtt  of  2  August;  1762,  by  which  the  Parie- 
ment suppressed  the  Society  in  France,  and  imposed 
impossible  conditions  on  any  of  its  members  wishing 
to  remain  in  the  country,  Clement  replied  by  an  Allo- 
cution of  3  September,  in  which  he  protested  against 
the  invasion  of  the  Church's  rights,  and  annulled  the 
arrtis  of  the  Pariement  against  the  Society.  Finally, 
when  the  king,  weakly  yielding  to  the  pressure  of  his 
entourage,  suppressed  the  French  provinces  by  his 
edict  of  November,  1764,  the  Holy  Father  felt  it  his 
duty,  besought  as  he  was  by  so  many  bishops  from 
all  parts,  to  publish  the  Bull  "  Apostolicum  ",  of  9  Jan- 
uary, 1766.  Its  object  was  to  oppose  to  the  current 
misrepresentations  of  the  Society's  institute,  spiritual 
exercises,  preaching,  missions,  and  theology,  a  solemn 
and  formal  approbation,  and  to  declare  that  the 
Church  herself  was  assailed  in  these  condemnations 
of  what  she  sanctioned  in  so  many  ways. 

Spain. — The  statesmen  who  had  the  ear  of  Charles 
III  were  in  regular  correspondence  with  the  French 
Encyclopedists,  and  had  for  some  years  previously 
been  projecting  a  proscription  of  the  Society  on  the 
'  les  as  in  Portugal  and  France.  But  this  was 
IV.—  8 


not  known  to  the  public,  or  to  the  Jesuits,  who  be- 
lieved themselves  to  have  a  warm  .friend  in  their 
sovereign.  It  came  then  as  a  surprise  to  all  when, 
on  the  night  of  2-3  April,  1767,  all  the  Jesuit  houses 
were  suddenly  surrounded,  the  inmates  arrested  and 
transferred  to  vehicles  ordered  to  take  them  to  the 
coast,  thence  to  be  shipped  off  for  some  unknown 
destination — forbidden  to  take  anything  with  them 
beyond  the  clothes  which  they  wore.  Nor  was  any 
other  explanation  vouchsafed  to  the  outer  world 
save  that  contained  in  the  king's  letter  to  Clement 
XIII,  dated  31  March.  There  it  was  stated  that  the 
king  had  found  it  necessary  to  expel  all  his  Jesuit 
subjects  for  reasons  which  he  intended  to  reserve  for 
ever  in  his  roval  breast,  but  that  he  was  sending  them 


Tomb  of  Clement  XIII — Canova  (St.  Peter's,  Rome) 

all  to  Civitavecchia  that  they  might  be  under  the 
pope's  care,  and  he  would  allow  them  a  maintenance 
of  100  piastres  (i.  e.  Spanish  dollars)  a  year — a  main' 
tenance,  however,  which  would  be  withdrawn  for  the 
whole  body,  should  any  one  of  them  venture  at  any 
time  to  write  anything  in  self-defence  or  in  criticism  of 
the  motives  for  the  expulsion. '  The  pope  wrote  back 
on  16  April  a  very  touching  letter  in  which  he  declared 
that  tins  was  the  cruellest  blow  of  all  to  his  paternal 
heart,  beseeching  the  king  to  see  that  if  any  were 
accused  they  should  not  be  condemned  without 
proper  trial,  and  assuring  him  that  the  charges  cur- 
rent against  the  institute  and  the  whole  body  of  its 
members  were  misrepresentations  due  to  the  malice 
of  the  Church's  enemies.  But  nothing  could  be  ex- 
tracted from  the  king,  and  it  is  now  known  that 
this  idea  of  a  royal  secret  was  merely  a  pretext  de- 
vised in  order  to  prevent  the  Holy  See  from  having 
any  say  in  the  matter. 

Foreseeing  the  difficulty  of  so  large  an  influx  of 
expelled  religious  into  his  states,  Clement  felt  com- 
pelled to  refuse  them  permission  to  land,  and  after 
various  wanderings  they  had  to  settle  down  in  Cor- 
sica, where  they  were  joined  by  their  brethren  who 
bad  been  similarly  sent  away  from  Spanish  America. 
When,  a  year  and  a  half  later,  they  were  forced  to 
move  again,  the  pope's  compassion  overcame  his 
administrative  prudence,  and  he  permitted  them  to 


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take  refuge  in  his  territory.  On  the  throne  of  Naples 
was  seated  a  son  of  Charles  III,  and  on  that  of  Parma 
his  nephew.  Both  were  minors,  and  both  had  Vol- 
tairian ministers  through  whose  instrumentality  their 
policy  was  directed  from  Madrid.  Accordingly  the 
Jesuits  in  their  dominions  were  similarly  banished, 
and  their  banishment  drew  similar  remonstrances 
from  the  pope.  But  in  the  case  of  Parma  there  was  a 
complication,  for  this  state  having  been  for  centuries 
regarded  as  a  fief  of  the  Holy  See,  the  pope  had  felt  him- 
self bound  to  condemn  by  his  M onitorium  of  30  Janu- 
ary, 1768.  some  laws  passed  by  the  duke  to  the  detri- 
ment of  the  Church's  lilx>rties.  The  Bourbon  Courts 
thereupon  united  in  demanding  the  withdrawal  of  the 
Moniiorium,  threatening,  if  refused,  to  deprive  the 
pope  by  armed  force  of  his  territories  of  Avignon  and 
the  Venaissin  in  Prance,  and  of  Benevento  and  Mon- 
tecorvo  in  Italy.  Finally,  on  18,  20,  22  January, 
1769,  the  ambassadors  of  Prance,  Spain,  and  Naples 
presented  to  him  identical  notes  demandi  ng  the  total 
and  entire  suppression  of  the  Society  of  Jesus  through- 
out the  world.  It  was  this  that  killed  him.  He  ex- 
pired under  the  shock  on  the  night  of  2-3  February. 
In  one  sense,  no  doubt,  his  pontificate  was  a  failure, 
and  he  has  been  blamed  for  a  lack  of  foresight  which 
should  have  made  him  yield  to  the  exigencies  of  the 
times.  But  in  a  higher  sense  it  was  a  splendid  suc- 
cess. For  he  had  the  insight  to  see  through  the 
plausible  pretences  of  the  Church's  enemies,  and  to 
discern  the  ultimate  ends  which  they  were  pursuing. 
He  viewed  the  course  of  events  ever  in  the  light  of  faith, 
and  was  ever  faithful  to  his  trust.  He  always  took 
up  sound  positions,  and  knew  how  to  defend  them 
with  language  conspicuous  for  its  truth  and  justice,  as 
well  as  for  its  moderation  and  Christian  tenderness. 
His  pontificate,  in  short,  afforded  the  spectacle  of  a 
saint  clad  in  moral  strength  contending  aloneagainst 
the  powers  of  the  world  and  their  physical  might; 
and  such  a  spectacle  is  an  acquisition  forever. 

There  were  other  aspects  under  which  Clement 
XIII  had  to  contend  with  the  prevailing  errors  of 
Regalism  and  Jansenism  in  Prance,  Germany,  Hol- 
land, Poland,  and  Venice,  but  these  by  comparison 
were  of  minor  moment.  Among  the  pernicious  books 
condemned  by  him  were  the  "Histoire  du  peuple  de 
Dieu"  of  the  Jesuit  Berruyer,  the  "Esprit"  of  Helv6- 
tius,  the  "Exposition  de  la  doctrine  chretienne"  of 
Mescnguy,  the  "Encyclopetlie"  of  D'Alembert  and 
Diderot,  and  the  "De  Statu  Ecclesia;"  of  Febronius. 
He  greatly  encouraged  devotion  to  the  Sacred  Heart, 
and  ordered  the  Preface  of  the  Blessed  Trinity  to  be 
recited  on  SundayB. 

Barberi  and  Spetia,  Bullarii  Komani  Continuatio  (Home, 
1835);  Cordara,  Commentarii  in  Dolunoer,  Beitrage  tur 
politiaehen,  kirchlichen  und  Kutturgesehiehte  (1882),  111; 
Procee-vcrbaux  du  clergt  francaia  (1882),  VIII;  Novaks.  Ele- 
menti  delta  atoria  de*  eommi  pontefici  (Rome,  1822),  XV;  de 
Montor,  Histoire  dee  aouveraina  pontijea  romaina  (Paris,  1851); 
ton  Ranke,  Die romiachen  Pupate,  III;  Crrtinbau-Jolt,  CU- 
ment  XIV  at  lea  Jf.auile*  (Paris,  1847);  Idem,  Hialoire  de  la  com- 
pagnie  deJtsus  (Paris,  1851),V:  Tiieiner.  llialoire  du  Pontifical 
de  CUment  XIV  (Paris,  1852);  Raviunan,  Clhnent  XIII  H 
Clement  XIV  (Paris,  1854);  Fbriier  del  Kfo,  Historia  del 
Reinado  de  Carloa  III  (Madrid,  1837);  Dim  i  v  Collado, 
Reinado  de  Carloa  III  id  Canovab  de  Castillo,  Historia 
General  de  EapatXa  (Madrid,  1893);  Smith.  The  Suppreaaion  of 
the  Society  of  Jeeue  articles  in  the  Month  (1902,  1903);  Rocs- 
sbau,  Expulaion  dea  Jeauitea  en  Eapoone  in  the  Revue  dea  quea- 
tiona  hiatoriquea  (Jan.,  1904). 

OTUNET  SuiiH. 

Clement  XXV,  Pons  (Lorenzo — or  Giovanni 
Vincenzo  Antonio — Ganganeixi)  ;  b.  at  Sant'  Aro- 
angelo,  near  Rimini,  31  October,  1705;  d.  at  Rome,  22 
September,  1774.— At  the  death  of  Clement  XIII  the 
Church  was  in  dire  distress.  GaUicanism  and  Jansen- 
ism, Febronianism  and  Rationalism  were  up  in  rebel- 
lion against  the  authority  of  the  Roman  pontiff;  the 
rulers  of  France,  Spain,  Naples,  Portugal,  Parma 
were  on  the  side  of  the  sectarians  who  nattered  their 
dynastic  prejudices  and,  at  least  m  appearance, 
worked  for  the  strengthening  of  the  temporal  power 


Arms  or 
Clement  XIV 


against  the  spiritual.  The  new  pope  would  have  to 
face  a  coalition  of  moral  and  political  forces  which 
Clement  XIII  had  indeed  manfully  resisted,  but  failed 
to  put  down,  or  even  materially  to  check.  The  great 
question  between  Rome  and  the  Bour- 
bon princes  was  the  suppression  of  the 
Society  of  Jesus.  In  France,  Spain, 
and  Portugal  the  suppression  had 
taken  place  de  facto;  the  accession  of  a 
new  pope  was  made  the  occasion  for 
insisting  on  the  abolition  of  the  order 
root  and  branch,  de  facto  and  de  jure, 
in  Europe  and  all  over  the  world. 

The  conclave  assembled  15  February, 
1769.  Rarely,  if  ever,  has  a  conclave 
been  the  victim  of  such  overweening  interference,  base 
intrigues,  and  unwarranted  pressure.  The  ambassadors 
of  France  (d'Aubeterre)  and  Spain  (Aspuru)  and  the 
Cardinals  de  Bernis  (France)  and  Orsini  (Naples)  led 
the  campaign.  The  Sacred  College,  consisting  of  forty- 
seven  cardinals,  was  divided  into  Court  cardinals  and 
Zelanti.  The  latter,  favourable  to  the  Jesuits  and  op- 
posed to  the  encroaching  secular  powers,  were  in  a  ma- 
jority. "  It  is  easy  to  foresee  the  difficulties  of  our  ne- 
gotiations on  a  stage  where  more  than  three-fourths  of 
the  actors  are  against  us."  Thus  wrote  Bernis  to  Choi- 
seul,  the  minister  of  Louis  XV.  The  immediate  ob- 
ject of  the  intriguers  was  to  gain  over  a  sufficient  num- 
ber of  Zelanti.  D'Aubeterre,  inspired  by  Aspuru, 
urged  Bernis  to  insist  that  the  election  of  the  future 
pope  be  made  to  depend  on  his  written  engagement 
to  suppress  the  Jesuits.  The  cardinal,  however,  re- 
fused. Inamemorandum  to  Choiseul,  dated  12  April, 
1769,  he  says:  "To  require  from  the  future  pope  a 
promise  made  in  writing  or  before  witnesses,  to  de- 
stroy the  Jesuits,  would  be  a  flagrant  violation  of  the- 
canon  law  and  therefore  a  blot  on  the  honour  of  the 
crowns."  The  King  of  Spain  (Charles  III)  was  will- 
ing to  bear  the  responsibility.  D'Aubeterre  opined 
that  simony  and  canon  law  had  no  standing  against 
reason,  which  claimed  the  abolition  of  the  Society  for 
the  peace  of  the  world.  Threats  were  now  resorted 
to;  Bernis  hinted  at  a  blockade  of  Rome  and  popular 
insurrections  to  overcome  the  resistance  of  the  Ze- 
lanti. France  and  Spain,  in  virtue  of  their  right  of 
veto,  excluded  twenty-three  of  the  forty-seven  car- 
dinals ;  nine  or  ten  more,  on  account  of  their  age  or  for 
some  other  reason,  were  not  papabili;  only  four  or 
five  remained  eligible.  Well  might  the  Sacred  Col- 
lege, as  Bernis  feared  it  would,  protest  against  vio- 
lence and  separate  on  the  plea  of  not  being  free  to  elect 
a  suitable  candidate.  But  d'Aubeterre  was  relent- 
less. He  wishedto  intimidate  the  cardinals.  "A 
pope  elected  against  the  wishes  of  the  Courts",  he 
wrote,  "will  not  be  acknowledged";  and  again,  "I 
think  that  a  pope  of  that  [philosophical]  temper,  that 
is  without  scruples,  holding  fast  to  no  opinion  and 
consulting  only  nis  own  interests,  might  be  acceptable 
to  the  Courts'.  The  ambassadors  threatened  to  leave 
Rome  unless  the  conclave  surrendered  to  their  dicta- 
tion. The  arrival  of  the  two  Spanish  cardinals,  Solis 
and  La  Cerda,  added  new  strength  to  the  Court  party. 
Solis  insisted  on  a  written  promise  to  suppress  the 
Jesuits  being  given  by  the  future  pope,  but  Bernis  was 
not  to  be  gained  over  to  such  a  breach  of  the  law. 
Solis,  therefore,  supported  in  the  conclave  by  Cardinal 
Malveszi  and  outside  by  the  ambassadors  of  France 
and  Spain,  took  the  matter  into  his  own  hands.  He 
began  by  sounding  Cardinal  Ganganell'  as  to  his  will- 
ingness to  give  the  promise  required  bv  he  Bourbon 
princes  as  an  indispensable  condition  tor  election. — 
Why  Ganganelli?  This  cardinal  was  the  only  friar 
in  the  Sacred  College.  Of  humble  birth  (his  father 
had  been  a  surgeon  at  Sant'  Arcangelo),  he  had  re- 
ceived his  education  from  the  Jesuits  of  Rimini  and 
the  Piarists  of  Urbino,  and,  in  1724,  at  the  age  of  nine: 
teen,  had  entered  the  Order  of  Friars  Minor  of  St. 


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Francis  and  changed  his  baptismal  name  (Giovanni 
Vinoenso  Antonio)  for  that  of  Lorenzo.  His  talents 
and  his  virtues  had  raised  him  to  the  dignity  of  defini- 
te* generaUs  of  his  order  (1741);  Benedict  XIV  made 
him  Consul  tor  of  the  Holy  Office,  and  Clement  XIII 
gave  him  the  cardinal's  hat  (1769),  at  the  instance,  it 
is  said,  of  Father  Ricci,  the  General  of  the  Jesuits. 
During  the  conclave  he  endeavoured  to  please  both 
the  Zeianti  and  the  Court  party  without  committing 
himself  to  either.  At  any  rate  he  signed  a  paper 
which  satisfied  Solis.  Cretineau-Joly,  the  historian 
of  the  Jesuits,  gives  its  text;  the  future  pope  declared 
"  that  he  recognized  in  the  sovereign  pontiff  the  right 
to  extinguish,  with  good  conscience,  the  Company  of 
Jesus,  provided  he  observed  the  canon  law;  and  that 
it  was  desirable  that  the  pope  should  do  everything 
in  his  power  to  satisfy  the  wishes  of  the  Crowns''. 
The  original  paper  is,  however,  nowhere  to  be  found, 
but  its  existence  seems  established  by  subsequent 
events,  and  also  by  the  testimony  of  Bernis  in  letters 
to  Choiseul  (28  July,  and  20  November,  1769).  Gan- 
ganelli  had  thus  secured  the  votes  of  the  Court  cardi- 
nals; the  Zeianti  looked  upon  him  as  indifferent  or 
even  favourable  to  the  Jesuits;  d'Aubeterre  had  al- 
ways been  in  his  favour  as  being  "  a  wise  and  moderate 
theologian",  and  Choiseul  had  marked  him  as  "very 
good  "  on  the  list  of  papabUi.  Bernis,  anxious  to  have 
his  share  in  the  victory  of  the  sovereigns,  urged  the 
election.  On  18  May,  1769,  GanganeUi  was  elected 
by  forty-six  votes  out  of  forty-seven,  the  forty- 
seventh  being  his  own  which  he  had  given  to  Cardinal 
Rezzonico,  a  nephew  of  dement  XIII.  He  took  the 
name  of  Clement  XIV. 

The  new  pope's  first  Encyclical  clearly  defined  his 
policy:  to  keep  the  peace  with  Catholic  princes  ia 
order  to  secure  their  support  in  the  war  against  irre- 
ligion.  His  predecessor  had  left  him  a  legacy  of 
broils  with  nearly  every  Catholic  power  in  Europe. 
Clement  hastened  to  settle  as  many  as  he  could  by 
concessions  and  conciliatory  measures.  Without  re- 
voking the  constitution  of  Clement  XIII  against  the 
young  Duke  of  Parma's  inroads  on  the  rights  of  the 
Church,  he  refrained  from  urging  its  execution,  and 
graciously  granted  him  a  dispensation  to  marry  his 
cousin,  the  Archduchess  Amelia,  daughter  of  Maria 
Theresa  of  Austria.  The  King  of  Spain,  soothed  by 
these  concessions,  withdrew  the  un canonical  edict 
which,  a  year  before,  he  had  issued  as  a  counterblast 
to  the  pope's  proceedings  against  the  infant  Duke  of 
Parma,  the  king's  nephew;  he  also  re-established  the 
nuncio's  tribunal  and  condemned  some  writings 
against  Rome.  Portugal  had  been  severed  from 
Rome  since  1760;  Clement  XIV  began  his  attempt 
at  reconciliation  by  elevating  to  the  Sacred  College 
Paulo  de  Carvalho,  brother  of  the  famous  minister 
Pombal;  active  negotiations  terminated  in  the  re- 
vocation, by  King  Joseph  I,  of  the  ordinances  of  1760, 
tiie  origin  and  cause  of  the  rupture  between  Portugal 
and  the  Holy  See.  A  grievance  common  to  Catholic 
princes  was  the  yearly  publication,  on  Holy  Thursday, 
of  the  censures  reserved  to  the  pope-  Clement  abol- 
ished this  custom  in  the  first  Lent  of  his  pontificate. 
But  there  remained  the  ominous  question  of  tile 
Jesuits.  The  Bourbon  princes,  though  thankful  for 
smaller  concessions,  would  not  rest  till  they  had  ob- 
tained the  great  object  of  their  machinations,  the 
total  suppression  of  the  Society.  Although  perse- 
cuted in  France,  Spain,  Sicily,  and  Portugal,  the 
Jesuits  had  still  many  powerful  protectors:  the 
rulers,  as  well  as  the  public  conscience,  protected 
them  and  their  numerous  establishments  in  the  ec- 
clesiastical electorates  of  Germany,  in  the  Palatinate, 
Bavaria,  Silesia,  Poland,  Switzerland,  and  the  many 
countries  subject  to  the  sceptre  of  Maria  Theresa,  not 
to  mention  the  States  of  the  Church  and  the  foreign 
missions.  The  Bourbon  princes  were  moved  in  their 
persecution  by  the  spirit  of  the  times,  represented  in 





Latin  countries  by  French  irreligious  philosophism,  by 

Jansenism,  Gallicanism,  and  Erastianism;  probably 
also  by  the  natural  desire  to  receive  the  papal  sanction 
for  their  unjust  proceedings  against  the  order,  for 
which  they  stood  accused  at  the  bar  of  the  Catholic 
conscience.  The  victim  of  a  man's  injustice  often 
becomes  the  object  of  his  hatred;  thus  only  the  con- 
duct of  Charles  III,  of  Pombal,  Tanucci,  Aranda, 
Monifio  can  be  accounted  for. 

An  ever-recurring  and  almost  solitary  grievance 
against  the  Society  was  that  the  Fathers  disturbed  the 
peace  wherever  they  were  firmly  established.  The 
accusation  is  not  unfounded:  the  Jesuits  did  indeed 
disturb  the  peace  of  the  enemies  of  the  Church,  for,  in 

the  words  of  d'A-   

lembert  to  Fred- 
erick II,  they  were 
"the  grenadiers  of 
the  pope'sguard  ". 
Cardinal  de  Bernis, 
now  French  am- 
bassador in  Rome, 
was  instructed  by 
Choiseul  to  follow 
the  lead  of  Spain 
in  the  renewed 
campaign  against 
the  Jesuits.  On 
the  22nd  of  July, 
1769,  hepresented 
to  the  pope  a 
memorandum  in 
the  name  of  the 
three  ministers  of 
the  Bourbon 

kings.  "  The  three  p      _  YIV 

moSarchs",itran,  form  Glkmeut  XIV 

"  still  believe  the  destruction  of  the  Jesuits  to  be  useful 
and  necessary ;  they  have  already  made  their  request  to 
Your  Holiness,  and  they  renew  it  this  day. ' '  Clement 
answered  that  "  he  hod  his  conscience  and  honour  to 
consult";  he  asked  for  a  delay.  On  30  September 
he  made  some  vague  promises  to  Louis  XV,  who  was 
less  eager  in  the  fray  than  Charles  III.  This  latter, 
bent  on  the  immediate  suppression  of  the  order,  ob- 
tained from  Clement  XIV,  under  the  strong  pressure 
of  Azpuru,  the  written  promise  "to  submit  to  His 
Majesty  a  scheme  for  the  absolute  extinction  of  the 
Society"  (30  November,  1769).  To  prove  his  sin- 
cerity the  pope  now  commenced  open  hostilities 
against  the  Jesuits.  He  refused  to  see  their  general, 
Father  Ricci,  and  gradually  removed  from  his  en- 
tourage their  best  friends;  his  only  confidants  were 
two  friars  of  his  own  order,  Buontempo  and  Francesco ; 
no  princes  or  cardinals  surrounded  his  throne.  The 
Roman  people,  dissatisfied  with  this  state  of  things 
and  reduced  to  starvation  by  maladministration, 
openly  showed  their  discontent,  but  Clement,  bound 
by  his  promises  and  caught  in  the  meshes  of  Bourbon 
diplomacy,  was  unable  to  retrace  his  steps.  The  col- 
lege and  seminary  of  Frascati  were  taken  from  the 
Jesuits  and  handed  over  to  the  bishop  of  the  town,  the 
Cardinal  of  York.    Their  Lenten  catechisms  were 

Erohibited  for  1770.  A  congregation  of  cardinals 
ostile  to  the  order  visited  the  Roman  College  and  had 
the  Fathers  expelled;  the  novitiate  and  the  German 
College  were  also  attacked.  The  German  College  won 
its  cause,  but  the  sentence  was  never  executed.  The 
novices  and  students  were  sent  back  to  their  families. 
A  similar  system  of  persecution  was  extended  to 
Bologna,  Ravenna,  Ferrara,  Modena,  Macerata.  No- 
where did  the  Jesuits  offer  any  resistance ;  they  knew 
that  their  efforts  were  futile.  Father  Gamier  wrote: 
"  You  ask  me  why  the  Jesuits  offer  no  defence :  they 
can  do  nothing  here.  All  approaches,  direct  and  in- 
direct, are  completely  closed,  walled  up  with  double 
walls.    Not  the  most  insignificant  memorandum  can 


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find  its  way  m.  There  is  no  one  who  would  undertake 
to  hand  it  in"  (19th  Jan.,  1773). 

On  4  July,  1772,  appeared  on  the  scene  a  new  Span- 
ish ambassador,  Joseph  Monifio,  Count  of  Florida 
Blanca.  At  once  he  made  an  onslaught  on  the  per- 
plexed pope.  He  openly  threatened  him  with  a 
schism  in  Spain  and  probably  in  the  other  Bourbon 
states,  such  as  had  existed  in  Portugal  from  1760  to 
1770.  On  the  other  hand,  be  promised  the  restitution 
of  Avignon  and  Benevento,  still  held  by  France  and 
Naples.  Whilst  Clement's  anger  was  roused  by  this 
latter  simoniacal  proposal,  his  good,  but  feeble,  heart 
could  not  overcome  the  fear  of  a  widespread  schism. 
Monifio  had  conquered.  He  now  ransacked  the 
archives  of  Rome  and  Spain  to  supply  Clement  with 
facts  justifying  the  promised  suppression.  Monifio 
must  be  held  responsible  for  the  matter  of  the  Brief 
"Dominus  ac  Redemptor",  i.  e.  for  its  facts  and  pro- 
visions; the  pope  contributed  little  more  to  it  than 
the-form  of  his  supreme  authority.  Meanwhile  Clem- 
ent continued  to  harass  the  Jesuits  of  his  own  do- 
minions, perhaps  with  a  view  to  preparing  the  Cath- 
olic world  for  the  Brief  of  suppression,  or  perhaps  hop- 
ing by  his  severity  to  soothe  the  anger  of  Charles  III 
and  to  stave  off  the  abolition  of  the  whole  order.  Un- 
til the  end  of  1772  he  still  found  some  support  against 
the  Bourbons  in  King  Charles  Emmanuel  of  Sardinia 
and  in  the  Empress  Maria  Theresa  of  Austria.  But 
Charles  Emmanuel  died,  and  Maria  Theresa,  giving 
way  to  the  importunate  prayers  of  her  son  Joseph  II 
and  her  daughter  the  Queen  of  Naples,  ceased  to 
plead  for  the  maintenance  of  the  Society.  Thus  left 
to  himself,  or  rather  to  the  will  of  Charles  III  and  the 
wiles  of  Monifio,  Clement  began,  in  November,  1772, 
the  composition  of  the  Brief  of  abolition,  which  took 
him  seven  months  to  finish.  It  was  signed  8  June, 
1773;  at  the  same  time  a  congregation  of  cardinals 
was  appointed  to  administer  the  property  of  the  sup- 
pressed order.  On  21  July  the  bells  of  the  Gesu  rang 
the  opening  of  the  annual  novena  preceding  the  feast 
of  St.  Ignatius;  the  pope,  hearing  them,  remarked: 
"  They  are  not  ringing  for  the  saints  but  for  the  dead  ". 
The  Brief  of  suppression,  signed  on  8  June,  bears  the 
date  21  July,  1773.  It  was  made  known  at  the  Qesil 
to  the  general  (Father  Ricci)  and  his  assistants  on  the 
evening  of  16  August ;  the  following  day  they  were 
taken  first  to  the  English  College,  then  to  Castel  Sant' 
Angelo,  where  their  long  trial  was  commenced.  Ricci 
never  saw  the  end  of  it.  He  died  in  prison,  to  his  last 
moment  protesting  his  innocence  and  that  of  his  order. 
His  companions  were  set  free  under  Pius  VI,  their 
judges  having  found  them  "not  guilty". 

The  Brief  "Dominus  ac  Redemptor"  opens  with 
the  statement  that  it  is  the  pope's  office  to  secure  in 
the  world  the  unity  of  mind  in  the  bonds  of  peace. 
He  muBt  therefore  be  prepared,  for  the  sake  of  charity, 
to  uproot  and  destroy  the  things  most  dear  to  him, 
whatever  pains  and  bitterness  their  loss  may  entail. 
Often  the  popes,  his  predecessors,  have  made  use  of 
their  supreme  authority  for  reforming,  and  even  dis- 
solving, religious  orders  which  had  become  harmful 
and  disturbed  the  peace  of  the  nations  rather  than 
promoted  it.  Numerous  examples  are  quoted,  then 
the  Brief  continues:  "Our  predecessors,  in  virtue  of 
the  plenitude  of  power  which  is  theirs  as  Vicars  of 
Christ,  have  suppressed  such  orders  without  allowing 
them  to  state  their  claims  or  to  refute  the  grave  accu- 
sations brought  against  them,  or  to  impugn  the  mo- 
tives of  the  pope."  Clement  has  now  to  deal  with  a 
similar  case,  that  of  the  Society  of  Jesus.  Having 
enumerated  the  principal  favours  granted  it  by 
former  popes,  he  remarks  that  "the  very  tenor  ana 
terms  or  the  said  Apostolic  constitutions  show  that 
the  Society  from  its  earliest  days  bore  the  germs  of 
dissensions  and  jealousies  which  tore  its  own  members 
asunder,  led  them  to  rise  against  other  religious  orders, 
against  the  secular  clergy  and  the  universities,  nay 


even  against  the  sovereigns  who  had  received  them  In 
their  states".  Then  follows  a  list  of  the  quarrels  in 
which  the  Jesuits  had  been  engaged,  from  Sixtus  V  to 
Benedict  XIV.  Clement  XIII  hod  hoped  to  silence 
their  enemies  by  renewing  the  approbation  of  their 
Institute,  "  but  the  Holy  See  derived  no  consolation, 
the  Society  no  help,  Christianity  no  advantage  from 
the  Apostolic  letters  of  Clement  XIII,  of  blessed  mem- 
ory, letters  which  were  wrung  from  him  rather  than 
freely  given".  At  the  end  of  this  pope's  reign  "the 
outcry  and  the  complaints  against  the  Society  increas- 
ing day  by  day,  the  very  princes  whose  piety  and  hered- 
itary benevolence  towards  H  are  favourably  known  of 
all  nations — our  beloved  Sons  in  Jesus  Christ  the 
Kings  of  France,  Spain,  Portugal,  and  the  two  Sicilies 
— were  forced  to  expel  from  their  kingdoms,  states  and 
provinces,  all  the  religious  of  this  Order,  well  knowing 
that  this  extreme  measure  was  the  only  remedy  to 
such  great  evils."  Now  the  complete  abolition  of  the 
order  is  demanded  by  the  same  princes.  After  long 
and  mature  consideration  the  pope,  "  compelled  by 
his  office,  which  imposes  on  him  the  obligation  to  pro- 
cure, maintain,  and  consolidate  with  all  his  power  the 
peace  and  tranquillity  of  the  Christian  people — per- 
suaded, moreover,  that  the  Society  of  Jesus  is  no 
longer  able  to  produce  the  abundant  fruit  and  the 
great  good  for  which  it  was  instituted — and  consider- 
ing that,  as  long  as  this  order  subsists,  it  is  impossible 
for  the  Church  to  enjoy  free  and  solid  peace",  resolves 
to  "  suppress  and  abolish ' '  the  Society,  "  to  annul  and 
abrogate  all  and  each  of  its  offices,  functions,  and  ad- 
ministrations". The  authority  of  the  superiors  was 
transferred  to  the  bishops;  minute  provisions  were 
made  for  the  maintenance  and  the  employment  of  the 
members  ot  the  order.  The  Brief  concludes  with  a 
prohibition  to  suspend  or  impede  its  execution,  to 
make  it  the  occasion  of  insulting  or  attacking  anyone, 
least  of  all  the  former  Jesuits:  finally  it  exhorts  the 
faithful  to  live  in  peace  with  all  men  and  to  love  one 
another. 

The  one  and  only  motive  for  the  suppression  of  the 
Society  set  forth  in  this  Brief  is  to  restore  the  peace  of 
the  Church  by  removing  one  of  the  contending  parties 
from  the  battlefield.  No  blame  is  laid  by  the  pope  on 
the  rules  of  the  order,  or  the  personal  conduct  of  its 
members,  or  the  orthodoxy  of  their  teaching.  More- 
over, Father  Sydney  Smith,  S.  J.  (in  "The  Month", 
CII,  62,  July,  1903),  observes:  "The  fact  remains 
that  the  condemnation  is  not  pronounced  in  the 
straightforward  language  of  direct  statement,  but  is 
merely  insinuated  with  the  aid  of  dexterous  phras- 
ing";  and  he  contrasts  this  method  of  stating  pounds 
for  the  suppression  of  the  Society  with  the  vigoroas 
and  direct  language  used  by  former  popes  in  sup- 
pressing the  Humifiati  and  other  orders.  If  Clement 
XIV  hoped  to  stop  the  storm  of  unbelief  raging  against 
the  Bark  of  Peter  by  throwing  its  best  oarsmen  over- 
board, he  was -sorely  mistaken.  But  it  is  unlikely 
that  he  entertained  such  a  fallacy.  He  loved  the 
Jesuits,  who  had  been  his  first  teachers,  his  trusty  ad- 
visers, the  best  defenders  of  the  Church  over  which  he 
ruled.  No  personal  animosity  guided  his. action;  the 
Jesuits  themselves,  in  agreement  with  all  serious  his- 
torians, attribute  their  suppression  to  Clemen  t 'a  weak- 
ness of  character,  unskilled  diplomacy,  and  that  kind 
of  goodness  of  heart  which  is  more  bent  on  doing  what 
is  pleasing  than  what  is  right.  He  was  not  built  to 
hold  his  bead  above  the  tempest;  his  hesitations  and 
his  struggles  were  of  no  avail  against  the  enemies  of 
the  order,  and  his  friends  found  no  better  excuse  for 
him  than  that  of  St.  Alphonsus:  What  could  the 
poor  pope  do  when  all  the  Courts  insisted  on  the  sup- 
pression? The  Jesuit  Cordara  expresses  the  same 
mind:  "I  think  we  should  not  condemn  the  pontiff 
who,  after  so  many  hesitations,  has  judged  it  his  duty 
to  suppress  the  Society  of  Jesus.  I  love  my  order  as 
much  as  any  man,  yet,  had  I  been  in  the  pope's  plase 


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I  should  probably  have  acted  as  he  did.  The  Com- 
pany, founded  and  maintained  for  the  good  of  the 
Church,  perished  for  the  same  good:  it  could  not  have 
ended  more  gloriously." 

It  should  be  noted  that  the  Brief  was  not  promul- 
gated in  the  form  customary  for  papal  Constitutions 
intended  as  laws  of  the  Church.  It  was  not  a  Bull, 
but  a  Brief,  i.  e.  a  decree  of  less  binding  force  ana 
easier  of  revocation ;  it  was  not  affixed  to  the  gates  of 
St.  Peter's  or  in  the  Campo  di  Fiore •  it  was  not  even 
communicated  in  legal  form  to  the  Jesuits  in  Home; 
the  general  and  his  assistants  alone  received  the  noti- 
fication of  their  suppression.  In  France  it  was  not 
published,  the  Gallican  Church,  and  especially  Beau- 
mont, Archbishop  of  Paris,  resolutely  opposing  it  as 
being  the  pope's  personal  deed,  not  supported  by  the 
whole  Church  and  therefore  nut  binding  on  the  Church 
of  France.  The  King  of  spain  thought  the  Brief  too 
lenient,  for  it  condemned  neither  the  doctrine,  nor  the 
morals,  nor  the  discipline  of  his  victims.  The  Court 
of  Naples  forbade  its  publication  under  pain  of  death. 
Maria.  Theresa  allowed  her  son  Joseph  II  to  seize  the 
property  of  the  Jesuits  (some  $10,000,000)  and  then, 
"reserving  her  rights",  acquiesced  in  the  suppression 
"for  the  peace  of  the  Church".  Poland  resisted  a 
while;  the  Swiss  cantons  of  Lucerne,  Fribourg,  and 
Solothurn  never  allowed  the  Fathers  to  give  up  their 
colleges.  Two  non-Catholic  sovereigns,  Frederick  of 
Prussia  and  Catherine  of  Russia,  took  the  Jesuits 
under  their  protection.  Whatever  may  have  been 
their  motives,  whether  it  was  to  spite  the  pope  and 
the  Bourbon  Courts  or  to  please  their  Catholic  sub- 
jects and  preserve  for  them  the  services  of  the  best 
educators,  their  intervention  kept  the  order  alive  until 
its  complete  restoration  in  1804.  Frederick  per- 
severed in  his  opposition  only  for  a  few  years ;  in  1780 
the  Brief  was  promulgated  in  his  dominions.  The 
Jesuits  retained  possession  of  all  their  colleges  and  of 
the  University  of  Breslau  until  1806  and  1811,  but 
they  ranked  as  secular  priests  and  admitted  no  more 
novices.  But  Catherine  II  resisted  to  the  end.  By 
her  order  the  bishops  of  White  Russia  ignored  the 
Brief  of  suppression  and  commanded  the  Jesuits  to 
continue  to  live  in  communities  and  to  go  on  with 
their  usual  work.  Clement  XIV  seems  to  have  ap- 
proved of  their  conduct.  The  empress,  in  order  to 
set  at  rest  the  scruples  of  the  Fathers,  engaged  in  sev- 
eral negotiations  with  the  pope  and  had  her  will.  In 
France,  too,  the  persecuted  Jesuits  were  not  alto- 
aether  without  friends.  Madame  Louise  de  France, 
daughter  of  Louis  XV,  who  had  entered  the  Carmelite 
Order  and  was,  with  her  sisters,  the  leader  of  a  band  of 
pious  women  at  the  court  of  her  royal  father,  had 
worked  out  a  scheme  for  re-establishing  the  Jesuits  in 
six  provinces  under  the  authority  of  the  bishops. 
Bern  is,  however,  defeated  their  good  intentions.  He 
obtained  from  the  pope  a  new  Brief,  addressed  to  him- 
self and  requesting  him  to  see  that  the  French  bishops 
conformed,  each  in  his  diocese,  to  the  Brief  "  Dominus 
ac  Redemptor". 

After  the  death  of  Clement  XIV  it  was  rumoured 
that  he  had  retracted  the  Brief  of  abolition  by  a  letter 
of  29  June,  1774.  That  letter,  it  was  said,  had  been 
entrusted  to  his  confessor  to  be  given  to  the  next  pope. 
It  was  published  for  the  first  tune  in  1780,  at  Zurich, 
in  P.  Ph.  Wolf's  "Allgeme  ine  Geschkhte  der  Jesui- 
ten ' '.  Although  Pius  VI  never  protested  against  this 
statement,  the  authenticity  of  the  document  in  ques- 
tion is  not  sufficiently  established  (De  la  Serviere). 

The  first  and  almost  the  only  advantage  the  pope 
reaped  from  his  policy  of  concessions  was  the  restora- 
tion to  the  Holy  See  of  Avignon  and  Benevento. 
These  provinces  had  been  seized  by  the  Kings  of 
France  and  Naples  when  Clement  XIII  had  excom- 
municated their  kinsman  the  young  Duke  of  Parma 
(1768).  The  restitution,  following  so  elosely  on  the 
  -  of  the  Jesuits,  seemed  the  pnee  paid 


for  it,  although,  to  save  appearances,  the  duke  inter- 
ceded with  the  two  kings  in  favour  of  the  pope,  and 
Clement,  in  the  consistory  of  17  January,  1774,  took 
occasion  from  it  to  load  the  Bourbon  princes  with 
praises  they  little  deserved.  The  hostile  and  schis- 
matics! manoeuvres  against  the  Church  continued  un- 
abated in  many  Catholic  countries.  In  France  a 
royal  commission  for  the  reformation  of  the  religious 
orders  had  been  at  work  for  several  years,  notwith- 
standing the  energetic  protests  of  Clement  XIII; 
without  the  pope's  consent  it  had  abolished  in  1770 
the  congregations  of  Grandmont  and  of  the  exempt 
Benedictines;  it  had  threatened  the  Premonstraten- 
sians,  the  Trinitarians,  and  the  Minims  with  the  same 
fate.  The  pope  protested,  through  his  nuncio  in 
Paris,  against 
such  abuses  of  the 
secular  power, 
but  in  vain.  The 
Celestines  and  the 
Camaldolese  were 
secularized  that 
same  year,  1770. 
The  only  conces- 
sions Louis  XV 
deigned  to  make 
was  to  submit  to 
Clement  the  gen- 
eral edict  for  the 
reformation  of  the 
French  religious 
before  its  publi- 
cation. This  was 
in  1773.  Thepope 
succeeded  in  ob- 
taining its  modi- 
fication in  several 
points. 

In  1768  Genoa 
had  ceded  the  Is- 
land of  Corsica  Monoment  op  Clement  XIV-Oanova 
to  France  At  (Church  of  the  Apostles,  Rome) 
once  a  conflict  arose  as  to  the  introduction  of 
"Gallican  usages".  The  pope  sent  a  visitor  Apos- 
tolic to  the  island  and  had  the  gratification  of  pre- 
venting the  adoption  of  usages  in  opposition  to  the 
Roman  practice.  Louis  XV,  however,  revenged  him- 
self by  absolutely  refusing  to  acknowledge  the  pope's 
suzerainty  over  Corsica.  Louis  XV  died  in  1774,  and 
one  is  rather  surprised  at  the  eulogy  which  Clement 
XIV  pronounced  in  a  consistory  on  "the  king's  deep 
love  for  the  Church,  and  his  admirable  zeal  for  the 
defence  of  the  Catholic  religion ' '.  He  also  hoped  that 
the  penitent  death  of  the  prince  had  secured  his  sal- 
vation. It  may  be  surmised  that  he  was  prompted  by 
a  desire  to  please  the  king's  youngest  daughter, 
Madame  Louise  de  France,  Prioress  of  the  Carmelites 
of  Saint- Denis,  for  whom  he  had  always  shownagreat 
affection,  attested  by  numerous  favours  granted  to 
herself  and  to  her  convent. 

During  Clement  XIV's  pontificate  the  chief  rulers 
in  German  lands  were  Maria  Theresa,  of  Austria,  and 
Frederick  the  Great,  of  Prussia.  Frederick,  by  pre- 
serving the  Jesuits  in  his  dominions,  rendered  the 
Church  a  good,  though  perhaps  unintended,  service. 
He  also  authorized  the  erection  of  a  Catholic  church 
in  Berlin;  the  pope  sent  a  generous  contribution  and 
ordered  collections  for  the  same  purpose  to  be  made 
in  Belgium,  the  Rhineland,  and  Austria.  Maria 
Theresa  lived  up  to  the  title  of  Reginn  Avostolica  be- 
stowed on  her  by  Clement  XIII.  But  the  doctrines 
of  Febronius  were  prevalent  at  her  court,  and  more 
than  once  she  came  into  conflict  with  the  pope.  She 
refused  to  suppress  a  new  edition  of  Febronius,  as 
dement  XIV  requested;  she  lent  a  willing  ear  to  the 
"Grievances  of  the  German  nation",  a  scheme  of  re- 
forms in  the  Church  making  it.  more  dependent  on 


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the  prince*  than  on  the  pope;  she  legislated  for  the 
religious  orders  of  her  dominions  without  consulting 
Rome.  She  maintained  her  edict  on  the  religious 
against  all  the  pope's  remonstrances,  but  withdrew 
her  protection  from  the  authors  of  the  "Grievances", 
the  Electors  of  Cologne,  Mainz,  and  Trier.  She  also 
obtained  from  Clement  (in  1770)  the  institution  of  a 
Ruthenian  bishop  for  the  Ruthenian  Catholics  of 
Hungary.  In  other  parts  of  Germany  the  pope  had 
to  face  similar  difficulties.  The  number  and  wealth 
of  the  religious  houses,  in  some  instances  their  useless- 
ness,  and  occasionally  their  disorders,  tempted  the 
princes  to  lay  violent  and  rapacious  hands  on  them. 
Numerous  houses  were  to  be  suppressed  in  Bavaria 
for  the  endowment  of  the  new  University  of  Ebersberg, 
in  the  Palatinate  the  reception  of  new  religious  was  to 
be  stopped'  Clement  opposed  both  measures  with 
success.  Westphalia  is  indebted  to  him  for  the  Uni- 
versity of  Monster,  erected  27  May,  1773. 

In  Spain  Clement  approved  the  Order  of  the 
Knights  of  the  Immaculate  Conception,  instituted  by 
Charles  III.  The  king  also  desired  him  to  define  the 
dogma  of  the  Immaculate  Conception,  but  France 
blocked  the  way.  Portugal,  whilst  it  made  a  certain 
outtcard  show  of  goodwill  towards  Rome,  continued 
to  interfere  in  ecclesiastical  affairs  and  to  impose  on 
colleges  and  seminaries  an  education  more  in  accord 
with  French  philosophism  than  with  the  spirit  of  the 
Church.  At  Naples  the  minister  Tanucci  hindered 
the  recruitment  of  religious  orders ;  episcopal  acts  re- 
quired the  royal  vlacet;  the  anti-religious  press  en- 
joyed high  protection.  Poland  and  Russia  were  an- 
other source  of  deep  grief  for  Clement  XIV.  Whilst, 
politically,  IMand  was  preparing  its  own  ruin,  the 
Piarists  openly  Tanpht  the  worst  philosophism  in 
their  schools  and  refused  to  have  their  houses  visited 

E\e  papal  nuncio  at  Warsaw.  King  Stanislaus 
ed  the  extinction  uf  the  religious  orders  and 
red  the  Freemasons.  The  pope  was  powerless; 
the  few  concessions  he  obtained  from  Catherine  II  for 
the  Catholics  of  her  new  province  were  set  at  naught 
by  that  headstrong  woman  as  Boon  as  it  suited  her 
politics.  Of  her  own  authority  she  created  for  the 
annexed  Catholic  Ruthenians  a  new  diocese  (Mohileff ) 
administered  by  a  bishop  (Siestrencewicz)  of  schis- 
matic temper.  Clement  XIV  had  the  satisfaction  of 
seeing  his  nuncio,  Caprara,  favourably  received  at  the 
Court  of  England,  and  of  initiating  measures  for  the 
emancipation  of  English  Catholics.  This  turn  in  the 
relations  between  Rome  and  England  was  due  to  the 
granting  of  royal  honours  to  the  king's  brother  when 
he  visited  Rome  in  1772;  the  same  honours  being 
refused  to  the  Pretender.  In  the  East,  the  Nestorian 
Patriarch,  Mar  Simeon,  and  six  of  his  suffragans,  were 
reunited  to  Rome.  In  Rome  the  pope  found  little 
favour  with  either  the  Roman  patriciate  or  the  Sacred 
College;  none  of  the  many  measures  he  took  for  the 
betterment  of  his  people  could  atone,  in  their  eyes, 
for  his  subserviency  to  the  Bourbon  Courts  and  for  the 
suppression  of  the  Jesuits.  The  last  months  of  his  life 
were  embittered  by  the  consciousness  of  his  failures; 
at  times  he  seemed  crushed  under  the  weight  of  sor- 
row. On  the  10th  of  September,  1774,  he  took  to  his 
bed,  received  Extreme  Unction  on  the  21st,  and  died 
piously  on  the  22nd  of  the  same  month.  Many  wit- 
nesses in  the  process  of  canonization  of  St.  Alphonsus 
of  Liguori  attested  that  the  saint  had  been  miracu- 
lously present  at  the  death-bed  of  Clement  XIV  to 
console  and  fortify  him  in  his  last  hour.  The  doctors, 
who  opened  the  dead  body  in  presence  of  many  spec- 
tators, ascribed  death  to  scorbutic  and  hosmorrhoidal 
dispositions  of  long  standing,  aggravated  by  excessive 
labour  and  by  the  habit  of  provoking  artificial  per- 
spiration even  during  the  greatest  heat.  Notwith- 
standing the  doctors'  certificate,  the  "Spanish  party" 
and  historical  romancers  attributed  death  to  poison 
administered  by  the  Jesuits.   The  mortal  remains  of 


Clement  XIV  rest  in  the  church  of  the  Twelve  Apos- 
tles. (See  also  Society  or  Jbsus.) 

BuUarum  Romanum;  ClemenUt  XIV  epistola  tt  brevia,  ed. 
Theiner  (Paris,  1852);  Cohdara,  Mrmoirg  on  the  suppression 
of  the  Jesuit*,  published  by  D6  lunger  in  Beitriot  zur  poltli- 
schen,  kirchlichen  u.  Culturgeschiehte  (Vienna.  1882). — As  to 
the  Ultra  intertstantet  de  CUment  XIV,  published  by  the  Mar- 
chess Caracciolo  in  1776,  Father  Sydney  Smith,  8.  J.,  says, 
in  a  note  to  one  of  the  articles  in  The  Month  (CI,  180,  Feb.,  1903) 
referred  to  below:  "There  has  been  much  discussion  about 
these  letters.  The  Marches*  Caracciolo  in  his  Preface  is  sus- 
piciously reticent  as  to  the  channels  through  which  he  obtained 
them,  and  gives  them  in  a  French  translation  instead  of  in  the 
original  Italian.  On  this  account,  and  because  it  is  difficult  to 
believe  that  some  of  the  contents  come  from  Fra  Lorenzo  |as 
Clement  XIV  was  called  in  religion],  many  critics  have  rejected 
the  entire  collection  as  spurious.  But  von  Recmont  thinks 
(Ganganelli — Papst  Clement — seine  Brieft  und  trine  Zeit,  1847. 
Preface  40-42)  that  it  is  in  substance  a  genuine  collection,  though 
some  of  the  letters  are  spurious  and  interpolated.  Von  Reu- 
raont  argues  very  justly  that  it  would  hardly  be  possible  to 
fabricate  so  many  letters,  addressed  to  correspondents  most  of 
whom  were  alive  at  the  time  of  the  publication,  and  yet  impart 
to  them  the  unity,  distinctness,  and  spontaneity  of  a  living 
character." — Cretineau-Joly,  Clement  XIV  tt  let  Jisuites 
(Paris,  1847):  he  Pope  CUment  XIV,  Lettret  ou  P.  Theiner; 
Masson,  he  Cardinal  at  Bemit  (Paris,  1884);  Rousseau,  Er- 
puition  det  JtsuUet  en  Espagne  (Paris,  1907);  De  la  SehviIhe 
in  Vacant,  Diet,  de  thiol,  calk.  (Paris,  1907),  s.  v.  Clement  XIV; 
The  Dublin  Review  (1855),  XXXIX,  107:  Smith.  The  Sup- 
pression of  the  Society  of  Jesus,  articles  in  The  Month  (London, 
1902-3).  XCIX,  C,  CI,  CII;  Raviqnan,  Clement  X III  tt  CU- 
ment XIV  (Paris,  1854). 

J.  WlLHELM. 

Clement,  C*sar,  date  of  birth  uncertain;  d.  at 
Brussels  28  Aug.,  1626,  great-nephew  of  Sir  Thomas 
More's  friend,  Dr.  John  Clement.  He  was  a  student 
at  Douai  when  in  1578  the  college  was  removed  to' 
Reims,  but  was  shortly  sent  to  the  English  College, 
Rome,  being  admitted  5th  September,  1579.  He  was 
ordained  priest  in  1585,  but  remained  in  Rome  till 
Oct.,  1587.  He  took  the  degree  of  Doctor  of  Theology 
in  Italy,  probably  in  Rome  itself.  Though  originally 
destined  for  the  English  mission,  he  never  went  to 
England,  but  held  the  important  positions  of  Dean  of 
St.  Gudule's,  Brussels,  and  vicar-general  of  the  King 
of  Spain's  army  in  Flanders.  He  was  a  great  bene- 
factor to  all  English  exiles,  especially  the  Augustinian 
Canonesses  of  Lou  vain.  In  1612  he.  with  the  Rev. 
Robert  Chambers,  was  commissioned  from  Rome  to 
make  a  visitation  of  Douai  College  so  as  to  put  an  end 
to  the  dissatisfaction  with  the  administration  there. 
(See  Dodd,  "Church  Hist,  of  Eng.",  Tierney  ed.,  V, 
3sqq.) 

Dodd,  CAurcA  History  of  England  (London,  1737),  II,  388; 
Morris.  Trouble*  of  our  Cath.  Forefathers  (London,  1872),  I, 
40,  41,  47,  57;  Douay  Diaries  (London.  1877);  Folet.  Records 
Eng.  Prov.  8.  J.  (London,  1880),  VI,  138;  Gillow,  BM.  Diet. 
Eng.  Cath.  (London  1885),  I,  497-8;  Cooper  in  Diet.  Nat. 
Biog.  (London,  1887),  Xl,  32;  Hamilton,  Chronicles  of  tht 
English  Augustinian  Canonesses  of  Louvain  (London,  1904-8). 

Edwin  Burton. 

Clement,  Francois,  a  member  of  the  Benedictine 
Congregation  of  Saint-Maur  and  historian,  b.  at 
Beee  in  the  department  of  Cote-d'Or,  France,  1714; 
d.  at  Paris,  29  March,  1793.  He  made  his  first 
studies  at  the  college  of  the  Jesuits  at  Dijon.  Soon 
after  his  profession  in  1731  his  superiors  sent  him  to 
the  monastery  of  the  "  Blancs-Manteaux "  at  Paris 
to  assist  in  the  learned  labours  of  the  congregation. 
To  great  intellectual  gifts  Clement  added  scientific 
acumen  and  an  unflagging  industry  which  especially 
fitted  him  for  his  taskT  He  knew  no  fatigue  and  at 
night  gave  barely  two  or  three  hours  to  sleep.  He 
first  busied  himself  with  the  preparations  for  volumes 

XI  and  XII  of  the  "Histoire  litteraire  de  la  France"; 
these  volumes  covered  the  years  1141-1167  and  were 
edited  by  Clemencet.  He  then  edited,  in  collabora- 
tion with  Dom  Brial,  a  fellow-Benedictine,  volumes 

XII  and  XIII  of  the  work  begun  by  Bouquet  in  1738, 
"Recueil  des  historiens  des  Oaules  et  de  la  France" 
(Paris,  1786),  or  as  the  title  is  generally  given  "  Scrip- 
tores  re  rum  gallicarum  et  francicarum ".  These 
volumes  contain  altogether  439  original  documents, 


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OT  iKMKH  TIBM 


accompanied  by  exhaustive  introductions,  numerous 
explanatory  remarks,  and  acute  critical  notes.  Cle- 
ment's chief  work  is  a  revised  edition  of  the  chronology 
first  issued  by  Clemencet  in  one  volume,  entitled: 
■'L'art  de  verifier  les  dates  des  faits  historiques ". 
The  new  edition  in  which  the  original  work  appeared 
in  an  entirely  changed  form  was  published  at  Paris 
in  1770.  A  third  edition  (Paris,  1783-1787)  em- 
braced three  folio  volumes;  in  this  the  original  under- 
went even  greater  alterations,  and  the  labour  on  it 
cost  Clement  more  than  ten  years  of  toll.  In  con- 
trast to  Clemencet  he  treated  his  matter  objectively, 
and  was  influenced  neither  by  prejudices  against  the 
Jesuits  nor  by  a  blind  predilection  for  the  Jansenists. 
His  position  met  with  the  approval  of  scholars  and 
be  was  made  a  member  of  the  Acadeniie  des  Inscrip- 
tions". The  work  is  still  of  value,  and  it  has  been  well 
called  "the  finest  memorial  of  French  learning  of  the 
eighteenth  century".  Clement  was  engagedin  the 
preparation  of  a  fourth  and  much  enlarged  edition 
when  a  stroke  of  apoplexy  caused  his  death.  The 
unfinished  work  was  completed  by  Viton  de  Saint- 
Allais  and  appeared  with  additional  matter  in  eight- 
een volumes  (Paris,  1818-19).  Viton  de  Saint- 
Allais  also  published  from  the  literary  remains  of 
Clement  the  treatise  "L'art  de  verifier  les  dates  des 
faits  historiques  avant  l'ero  chrdtienne"  (Paris,  1820). 
A  work  of  less  importance  was  one  begun  by  Dom 
Poncet  and  edited  by  Clement,  entitled:  "Nouveaux 
eclaircissements  sur  l'origine  et  le  Pentateuque  des 
Samaritains"  (Paris,  1700).  Clement's  industry  in 
collecting  material  is  shown  by  the  "  Catalogus  manu- 
scriptorum  codicum  Collcgii  (  laramontani,  quern 
excipit  catalogus  domus  profi  ss:r  Parisiensis,  uterque 
digestus  et  notis  ornatus"  (Paris,  1764).  For  infor- 
mation concerning  his  letters  see  the  "Revue  ben6- 
dictine",  XII,  508. 

D»  l.tME.  Bibliolheque  dee  icrivaint  de  la  conoregatum  de 
Sate-Mawr,  484. 

Patricics  Schlaqeb. 

Clement,  John,  President  of  the  College  of  Physi- 
cians and  tutor  to  St.  Thomas  More's  children,  b.  in 
Yorkshire  about  1500;  d.  1  July,  1572,  in  the  Blocstrate, 
St.  John's  parish,  Mechlin.  Educated  at  St.  Paul's 
School  and  Oxford,  St.  Thomas  More  admitted  Clement 
as  one  of  his  household  to  help  in  the  education  of 
his  children  and  to  assist  him  in  linguistic  studies. 
In  1519  we  find  Clement  at  Corpus  Christi  College,  Ox- 
ford, when  Wolsey  constituted  him  the  Rhetoric 
Reader  in  the  university;  later  he  became  professor  of 
Greek  there.  About  1526  he  married  the  daughter  of 
:»  Norfolk  gentleman,  Margaret  Gibbs,  who  lived  and 
studied  with  More's  family.  Applying  himself  to  the 
study  of  medicine,  he  was  admitted  a  Fellow  of  the 
College  of  Physicians  (1  Feb.,  1528),  and  was  chosen 
by  Henry  VIII  to  attend  Wolsey  when  the  latlnr  was 
dangerously  ill  at  Esher  (1529).  He  was  consilitrius 
of  the  college  from  1529  to  1531,  in  1547,  and  again 
from  1556  to  1558.  He  held  the  office  of  president  in 
1544,  and  that  of  censor  in  1555.  After  the  accession 
of  Edward  VI  he  retired  to  Louvain  to  escape  religious 
persecution;  so  obnoxious  was  he  to  the  Protestant 
authorities  that  he  was  exempted  from  the  general 
pardon  granted  by  Edward  VI.  He  returned  to 
England  in  Mary's  reign  and  practised  his  profession 
in  Essex,  but  fled  abroad  again  when  Elizabeth  came 
to  the  throne.  Mechlin  was  his  last  place  of  exile. 
He  lies  buried  in  the  cathedral  church  of  St.  Rum- 
bold  in  that  city.  He  wrote:  "Epigrammatum  et 
aliorum  carminum  liber";  and  also  translated  from 
Greek  into  Latin:  (1)  "The  Epistles  of  St.  Gregory 
Xazianzen";  (2)  "The  Homilies  of  Nicephorus 
Callistus  concerning  the  Greek  Saints";  (3)  "The 
Epistles  of  Pope  Celestine  I  to  Cyril,  Bishop  of  Alex- 


Ozonienaa,  ed.  Bun  (London,  1813-1830),  I,  401;  RpsiN- 
sox.  Registers  of  St.  PouTi  School  (London,  ■.  d.),  10;  Mdnk, 
College  of  Phynciant  (London,  1878),  I,  26. 

G.  E.  Hind. 


Clementine  Decretals.  See  Corpus  Juris  Cano 
mci;  Law. 

Clementine  Liturgy.   See  Clement  I,  St.,  Pops. 

Clementines  (KX^wu),  (Clementine  Pseudo- 
writings),  the  name  given  to  the  curious  religious  ro- 
mance which  has  come  down  to  us  in  two  forms  as 
composed  by  Pope  St.  Clement  I.  The  Greek  form 
is  preserved  only  in  two  MSS.  and  consists  of  twenty 
books  of  homilies.  The  Latin  form  is  a  translation 
made  from  the  Greek  by  Rufinus,  who  died  in  410. 
It  is  called  the  "  Recognitions  ".  Two  later  epitomes 
of  the  Homilies  exist  also,  and  there  is  a  partial 
Syriao  translation,  embracing  Reoog.  i-iii,  and  Horn, 
x-xiv,  preserved  in  two  British  Museum  MSS.,  one  of 
which  was  written  in  the  year  411.  Some  fragments 
are  known  in  Arabic  and  in  Slavonic.  The  writings 
are  curious  rather  than  admirable,  and  their  main  in- 
terest lies  in  the  extraordinary  theories  which  they 
have  been  made  to  support  during  the  nineteenth  cen- 
tury. The  existence  of  the  Clementine  Homilies  was 
first  made  known  in  1572  and  1578  by  the  Jesuit  Tur- 
rianus,  who  was  a  diligent  searcher  of  libraries.  He 
seems  to  have  found  a  MS.  of  quite  a  different  version 
from  that  which  we  possess.  The  first  edition  was 
that  of  G.  B.  Cotelier,  1672,  from  the  Paris  MS.,  in 
which  the  20th  book  and  part  of  the  19th  are  wanting. 
This  was  re-edited  in  184*7  by  Schwegler.  The  com- 
plete Vatican  MS.  was  first  used  in  Dressel's  edition, 
1853,  reprinted  in  Migne,  P.  G.,  II;  another  edition 
by  Lagarde,  1865.  The  "Recognitions"  are  found 
in  numerous  MSS.,  for  they  were  very  popular  in  the 
Middle  Ages;  indeed  the  strange  history  of  Clement 
and  his  father  Faust  us,  or  Faustinianus,  is  said  to 
have  originated  the  Faust  legend  (cf.  Richardson, 
"  Papers  of  Amer.  Soe.  of  Ch.  Hist. ",  VI,  1894).  The 
first  edition,  by  Faber  Staputonsis,  appeared  in  1504; 
Migne,  P.  G.,  I,  gives  a  reprint  of  Gersdorf's  edition 
of  1838.  A  new  and  muoh-needed  edition  is  expected 
from  E.  C.  Richardson.  To  the  Homilies  are  pre- 
fixed two  letters  and  an  account  of  the  reception  of 
one  of  them.  That  from  Clement  to  James  was  trans- 
lated by  Rufinus  at  an  earlier  date  than  the  Recog- 
nitions (best  edition  by  Fritssche,  1873). 

Contents. — Large  portions  of  the  Homilies  (H.) 
and  Recognitions  (R.)  are  almost  word  for  word  the 
same.  Yet  larger  portions  correspond  in  subject 
and  more  or  less  in  treatment.  Other  parts  contained 
only  in  one  of  the  two  works  appear  to  be  referred  to 
or  presupposed  in  the  other.  The  two  works  are 
roughly  of  the  same  length,  and  contain  the  same 
framework  of  romance.  H.  was  considered  to  be 
the  original  by  Neander,  Baur,  Schliemann,  Schwegler, 
and  others.  Lehmann  thought  the  first  three  books 
of  R.  to  be  original,  and  H.  for  the  remainder. 
Uhlhorn  argued  that  both  were  recensions  of  an 
earlier  book,  "Preachings  of  Peter",  R.  having  best 

S reserved  the  narrative,  H.  the  dogmatic  teaching, 
ave,  Whiston,  Rosenmuller,  Ritschl,  Hilgenfeld,  and 
others  held  R.  to  be  the  original.  It  is  now  almost 
universally  held  (after  Hort,  Harnack,  Waitz)  that 
H.  and  R.  are  two  versions  of  an  original  Clementine 
romance,  which  was  longer  than  either,  and  em- 
braced most  of  the  contents  of  both.  Sometimes  H., 
sometimes  R.,  is  the  more  faithful  to  the  archetype. 
With  the  elaborate  philosophical  and  dogmatic  dis- 
course which  forms  the  bulk  of  both  works  is  inter- 
woven a  story  which,  when  we  consider  its  date,  may 
be  described  as  positively  exciting  and  romantic.  It 
differs  slightly  in  the  two  books.  The  narrative  is 
addressed  to  St.  James,  the  Bishop  of  Jerusalem,  and 
is  related  in  the  person  of  Clement  himself.  He 


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begins  by  detailing  his  religious  questionings,  fab 
doubts  about  immortality,  etc.  He  hears  at  Rome 
the  preaching  of  a  man  of  Judea  who  relates  the 
miracles  of  Christ.  This  man  (R.)  was  Barnabas; 
Clement  defends  him  from  the  mob,  .and  follows,  him 
to  Palestine.  (In  H.,  evidently  the  original  form;  no 
name  is  given.  Clement  sets  out  for  Palestine,  but  is 
driven  by  storms  to  Alexandria:  there  he  is  directed 
by  philosophers  to  Barnabas,  whom  he  defends  from 
the  mob  and  follows  to  Csesarea.)  At  Csesarea 
Clement  hears  that  Peter  is  there  and  is  about  to 
hold  a  disputation  with  Simon  Magus.  At  Peter's 
lodging  he  finds  Barnabas,  who  Introduces  him. 
Peter  invites  Clement  to  accompany  him  from  city 
to  city,  on  -his  way  to  Rome,  in  order  to  hear  his  dis- 
courses. Clement  (so  R.,  or  Peter  himself,  H.)  sends 
a  report  of  this  to  James,  from  whom  Peter  has  an 
order  to  transmit  to  him  accounts  of  all  his  teaching. 

So  far  H.  i.  and  R.  i.,  1-21.  Then  the  two  recen- 
sions vary.  The  original  order  may  have  been  as 
follows:  Clement  arises  at  dawn  (H.  ii,  1)  and  finds 
Peter,  who  continues  to  instruct  him  (2-18,  cf.  R.  ii, 
33  and  iii,  61).  Peter  sends  for  two  of  his  disciples, 
Nicetas  and  Aquila,  whom  he  describes  as  foster-sons 
of  Justs,  the  Syro-Phoenician  woman  who  was  healed 
by  Christ.  They  had  been  educated  from  boyhood 
by  Simon  Magus,  but  had  been  converted  by  Zacchteus, 
another  disciple  of  Peter  (19-21).  Aquila  relates 
Simon's  parentage  and  his  Samaritan  origin,  and 
declares  that  he  claims  to  be  greater  than  the  God 
who  created  the  world  fH.  ii,  22,  R.  ii,  7).  He  had 
been  a  disciple  of  St.  John  the  Baptist,  who  is  repre- 
sented in  H.  as  the  head  of  a  sect  of  "  daily  baptiz- 
ers";  Dositheua  succeeded  John  as  head  of  it,  and 
Simon  supplanted  Dositheus  (23-4).  In  R.  the 
Baptist  has  been  omitted,  and  the  sect  is  that  of 
Dositheus.  The  woman,  Helena,  whom  Simon  took 
about  with  him,  is  described  (in  R.  she  is  called  the 
moon — R.  ii,  12,  H.  ii,  26),  and  the  sham  miracles  he 
claimed  to  do  (H.  ii,  32,  R.  ii,  10).  He  can  make 
himself  visible  or  invisible  at  will,  can  pass  through 
rocks  as  if  they  were  clay,  throw  himself  down  from  a 
mountain  unhurt,  loose  himself  when  bound;  he  can 
animate  statues,  make  trees  spring  up;  he  can  throw 
himself  into  the  fire  without  harm,  can  appear  with 
two  faces:  "I  shall  change  myself  into  a  sheep  or  a 

f«t.  I  shall  make  a  beard  to  grow  upon  little  boys, 
shall  ascend  by  flight  into  the  air,  I  shall  exhibit 
abundance  of  gold,  I  shall  make  and  unmake  kings. 
I  shall  be  worshipped  as  God,  I  shall  have  divine 
honours  publicly  assigned  to  me,  so  that  an  image  of 
me  shall  be  set  up,  and  I  shall  be  adored  as  God." 
(R.  ii,  9.)  Next  day  at  noon  Zaochaeus  announces 
that  Simon  has  put  off  the  promised  dispute  (H.  ii, 
35-7.  R.  ii,  20-1).  Peter  instructs  Clement  till 
evening  (H.  ii,  38-53).  [Probably  before  this  should 
come  a  long  passage  of  R.  (i,  22-74)  in  which  Peter 
speaks  of  Old  Testament  history  (27-41)  and  then 

Sves  an  account  of  the  coming  of  the  true  Prophet, 
is  rejection,  Passion,  and  Resurrection,  and  relates 
the  preaching  to  the  Gentiles.  The  Church  at  Jeru- 
salem having  been  governed  by  James  for  a  week  of 
years,  the  Apostles  return  from  their  travels,  and  at 
James's  request  state  what  they  have  accomplished. 
Caiphas  sends  to  ask  if  Jesus  was  the  Christ.  Here 
Peter,  in  a  digression,  explains  why  the  true  Prophet 
is  called  Christ  and  describes  the  Jewish  sects.  Then 
we  are  told  how  the  Apostles  argued  before  Caiphas, 
and  refuted  successively  the  Sadducees,  Samaritans, 
Scribes,  Pharisees,  disciples  of  John,  and  Caiphas 
himself.  When  Peter  foretells  the  destruction  of  the 
Temple,  the  priests  are  enraged,  but  Gamaliel  quells 
the  tumult,  and  next  day  makes  a  speech.  St.  James 
preaches  for  seven  days,  and  the  people  are  on  the 
point  of  being  baptized,  when  an  enemy  (not  named, 
but  obviously  Simon)  excites  them  against  James, 
who  is  thrown  down  the  steps  of  the  Temple  and  left 


for  dead.  He  is  carried  to  Jericho,  with  6000  dis- 
ciples. On  recovering  he  sends  Peter  to  Cceaarea  to 
refute  Simon.  He  is  welcomed  by  Zacchseus,  who 
relates  Simon's  doings  to  him.  The  author  of  H. 
probably  thought  afl  this  story  inconsistent  with 
Acts,  and  omitted  it.]  Next  morning  before  dawn 
Peter  arouses  his  disciples  (H.  iii,  1,  R.  ii,  1),  who  am 
enumerated  (H.  ii,  1,  R.  ii,  1).  Peter  gives  a  private 
preparatory  discourse  (H.)  and  then  goes  out  to  the 
public  discussion  with  Simon.  Only  one  day  of  it  is 
related  in  H.  (iii,  38-57),  but  the  whole  matter  of  the 
three  days  is  given  in  R.  (ii,  24-70,  iii,  12-30, 33-48). 
But  what  H.  has  omitted  R.  gives  largely,  though  in 
a  different  form,  in  xvi,  xvii,  xviii,  and  partly  in  xix, 
as  another  discussion  with  Simon  in  Laodieea.  .  It  is 
clear  that  R;  has  the  original  order.  Simon,  being 
worsted,  flies  in  the  night  to  Tyre.  Peter  deter- 
mines to  follow,  leaving  Zaccheus  as  bishop  at 
Csesarea  (H.  iii,  58-72,  R.  iii,  63-6).  H.  adds  that 
Peter  remained  seven  days  longer  and  baptized 
10,000  people,  sending  on  Nicetas  and  Aquila  to  stay 
at  Tyre  with  Bemice,  daughter  of  their  stepmother, 
Justa  (iii,  73).  But  R.  relates  that  seven  other  dis- 
ciples were  sent  on,  while  Clement  remained  at 
Cffisarea  for  three  months  with  Peter,  who  repeated 
in  private  at  night  the  public  instruct  ions  he  gave 
during  the  day.  All  this  Clement  wrote  down  and 
sent  to  James.  In  ch.  74  are  described  the  eon- 
tents  of  the  ten  books  of  these  sermons  as  sent  to 
Jerusalem.  H.  now  makes  Clement,  Nicetas,  and 
Aquila  go  on  to  Tyre.  Bemice  teUs  them  how 
Simon  has  been  raising  ghosts,  infecting  the  people 
with  diseases,  and  bringing  demons  upon  them,  and 
has  gone  to  Sidon.  Clement  has  a  discussion  with 
Simon's  disciple  Appion  (H.  v,  7 — vi,  25).  All  this 
is  omitted  by  R.,  but  the  same  subjects  are  discussed 
in  R.  x,  17-51.  Peter  goes  on  northward  by  Tyre, 
Sidon,  Berytus,  and  Byblus  to  Tripolis  (H.  vii,  5-12). 
(R.  adds  Dora  and  Ptolemais,  omitting  Byblus,  iv,  1.) 
Peter's  discourses  to  the  multitude  at  Tripolis  are 
detailed  in  H.  viii,  ix,  x,  xi,  and  in  R.  (three  days 
only)  iv,  v,  vi,  with  •considerable  differences.  Clem- 
ent is  baptized  (H.  xi,  35,  R.  vi,  15).  After  a  stay 
of  three  months  he  goes  through  Ortosias  to  Antara- 
dus  (H.  xii,  1,  R,  vii,  1). 

At  this  point  Clement  recounts  his  history  to  the 
Apostle.  He  was  closely  related  to  the  emperor. 
Soon  after  his  birth  his  mother  had  a  vision  that  unless 
she  speedily  left  Rome  with  her  twin  elder  sons,  she 
and  they  would  perish  miserably.  His  father  there- 
fore sent  them  with  many  servants  to  Athens,  but 
they  disappeared,  and  nothing  could  be  learned  of 
their  fate.  At  last,  when  Clement  was  twelve  yean 
old,  his  father  himself  set  out  upon  the  search;  and 
he  too  was  no  more  heard  of  (H.  xii,  9-11,  R.  vii, 
8-10).  In  the  island  of  Aradus,  opposite  the  town, 
Peter  finds  a  miserable  beggar  woman,  who  turns  out 
to  be  Clement's  mother.  Peter  unites  them,  and 
heals  the  woman  (H.  xii,  12-23,  R.  vii,  11-23).  H. 
adds  a  discourse  by  Peter  on  philanthropy  (25-33). 
The  party  now  leave  Aradus  (Mattidia,  Clement's 
mother,  journeying  with  Peter  s  wife)  and  go  by 
Balanete,  Paltos,  and  Gabala  to  Laodieea  of  Syria. 
Nicetas  and  Aquila  receive  them,  and  hear  Clement's 
story  with  amazement;  they  declare  themselves  to  be 
Faustus  and  Faustinianus,  the  twin  sons  of  Mattidia 
and  brothers  of  Clement.  They  had  been  saved  on  a 
fragment  of  wreck,  and  some  men  in  a  boat  had  taken 
them  up.  They  had  been  beaten  and  starved,  and 
finally  sold  at  Csesarea  Stratonis  to  Justa,  who  had 
educated  them  as  her  own  sons.  Later  they  had 
adhered  to  Simon,  but  were  brought  by  Zacchseus  to 
Peter.  Mattidia  is  now_  baptized,  and  Peter  dis- 
courses on  the  rewards  given  to  chastity  (H.  xii,  R. 
vii,  24-38).  Next  morning  Peter  is  interrupted  at 
his  prayers  by  an  old  man,  who  assures  him  that 
prayer  is  a  mistake,  since  all  things  are  governed  by 


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wkwi  or  fate.  Peter  replies  (H.  xiv,  1-5— in  R. 
Nioetas);  Aquila  and  Clement  try  also  to  refute  Mm 
(viii;  5 — ix,  33;  of.  H.  rv,  1-6),  but  without  success, 
for  the  old  man  had  traced  the  horoseope  of  himself 
and  Ms  wife,  and  it  earns  true.  He  teUs  his  story. 
Clement,  Nioetas,  and  Aquiia  guess  that  this  is  their 
father.  Peter  aslm  Ms  name  and  those  of  his  ohaV 
dren.  The  mother  rushes  in,  and  all  embrace  in 
floods  of  team.  Faust ua  is  then  converted  by  a  long 
series  of  discourses  an  »vil  and  on  mythology  (R.  x, 
1-61,  to  which  correspond  H.  xx,  1-10  ana  it,  7—. 
vi,  26— the  discussion  between  Clement  and  Appion 
at  Tyre.  The  long  discHswHme  with  Simon  before 
Faustus  in  H.  zvi,  xvh,  rriii  were  in  their  right 
phtee  in  R.  as  part  of  tlie  debate  at  Ccearea).  Simon 
is  driven  away  by  the  threats  of  Corneous  the  Cen- 
turion, but  first  he  changes  the  face  of  Faustus  into 
his  own  likeness  by  smearing  it  with  a  magic  juice, 
in  hopes  that  Faustus  will  be  put  to  death  instead  of 
himself.  Peter  frightens  away  Simon's  disciples  by 
what  arc  simply  lies,  and  he- sends  Faustus  to  Antioeh. 
to  unsay  in  the  person  of  Simon  all  the  abuse  Simon 
has  been  pouring  on  the  Apostle  there.  The  people 
of  Antioeh  in  consequence  long  for  Peter's  coming, 
and  nearly  put  the  false  Simon  to  death.  Peter 
restores  Mm  to  his  proper  form,  and  thenceforth  they 
all  bve  happily. 

A  letter  from  Clement  to  James  forms  an  epilogue 
to  H.  In  it  Clement  relates  how  Peter  before  his 
death  gave  his  last  instructions  and  set  Clement  in 
his  own  chair  as  his  suooessor  in  the  See  of  Rome. 
James  is  addressed  as  "Bishop  of  bishops,  who  rules 
Jerusalem,  the  holy  Church  of  the  Hebrews,  and  the 
Churches  everywhere".  To  Mm  Clement  sends  a 
book,  "Clement's  Epitome  of  the  Preachings  of 
Peter  from  place  to  place".  Another  letter,  that  of 
Peter  to  James,  forms  an  introduction.  The  Apostle 
urges  that  the  book  of  his  teachings  is  not  to  be  com- 
mitted to  anyone  before  initiation  and  probation.  A 
Bate  follows  the  letter,  relating  that  James  on  receipt 
of  the  letter  called  the  elders  and  read  it  to  them. 
The  book  is  to  be- given  only  to  one  who  is  pious,  and 
a  teacher,  and  ciroumcited,  and  even  then  only  a  part 
at  a  time.  A  form  of  promise  (not  an  oath,  which  k 
unlawful)  is  prescribed  for  the  reader,  by  heaven, 
earth,  water,  and  air,  that  he  wfil  take  extraordinary 
care  of  the  writings  and  communicate  them  to  no 
one;  he  invokes  upon  himself  terrible  curses  in  case 
he  should  be  unfaithful  to  this  covenant.  The  most 
curious  passage  is:  "Even  if  I  should  oome  to 
acknowledge  another  God,  I  bow  swear  by  Mm, 
whether  he  exist  or  not."  After  the  adjuration  he 
shaH  partake  of  bread  and  salt.  The  elders,  on 
hearing  of  this  solemnity,  are  terrified,  but  James 
pacifies  them.  The  whole  of  t  his  elaborate  myxtifioa- 
tion  is  obviously  intended  to  explain  how  the 
Clementine  writings  came  -  to  be  unknown  from 
Clement's  time  until  the  date  of  their  unknown 
author.  Many  parallels  can  be  found  in  modern 
times;  Sir  Walter  Scott's  prefaces  —the  imaginary 
Mr.  Oidbuok  and  his  friends— will  occur  to  everyone. 
Nevertheless  a  good  many  modern  critics  accept  the 
"adjuration"  w»h  the  utmost  gravity  as  the  secret 
rite  of  an  obscure  and  very  early  sect  of  Judaizers. 

Docrama. — The  central  and  all-important  doc- 
trine of  the  Clementines  is  the  Unity  of  God.  Though 
transcendent  and  unknowable,  He  is  the  Creator  of 
the  World.  Though  infinite,  He  has  (according  to 
the  Homilies)  shape  and  body,  for  He  is  the  Arche- 
type of  all  beauty,  and  in  particular  the  exemplar 
after  which  man  was  fashioned.  He,  therefore,  even; 
has  members,  in  some  eminent  way.  He  is  the  self-' 
begotten  or  im  begotten,  from  whom  proceeds  His 
Wisdom  Eke  a  hand.  To  His  Wisdom  He  said:  "Let 
tu  make  man",  and  He  is  the  "Parents"  (i.e.,  Father 
and  Mother)  of  men. 

The  Homilies  also  explain  that  the  elements  pro- 


oeed  from  Ood  as  His  Child.  From  them  the  Bvfl 
One  proceeded  by  an  accidental  mingling.  He  is 
therefore  not  the  Son,  nor  even  to  be  called  brother 
of  the  Son.  God  is  infinitely  changeable,  and  can 
assume  all  forms  at  will.  The  Son  proceeds  from  the 
most  perfect  of  these  modifications  of  the  Divine 
nature  and  is  conmbstantial  with  that  modification, 
but  not  with  the  Divine  nature  itself.  The  Son  is 
not  God,  therefore,  in  the  full  sense,  nor  has  He  all  the 
power  of  God.  He  cannot  change  Himself,  though 
He  can  be  changed  at  will  by  God.  Of  the  Holy 
Ghost  we  learn  nothing  definite.  The  whole  of  this 
extraordinary  teaching  is  omitted  in  R.,  except  the 
accidental  generation  of  the  devil.  Instead  we  find 
a  long  passage,  R  in,  2—1 1,  in  corrupt  and  unintelU- 
gibfe  Latin,  preserved  also  hi  the  early  Syrian  MSS. 
Rufinus  in  his  preface  tells  us  that  he  omitted  it,  and 
m  his  work  on  the  adulteration  of  the  books  of  Origan 
he  declares  that  it  is  se  Bunomian  in  doctrine  that  one 
seems  to  hear  Eunomius  himself  speaking.  It  is 
naturally  not  found  in  the  best  MSS.  of  R,  but  as 
preserved  in  many  MSS.  it  is  an  interpolation  by 
some  Arian  editor,  who  seems  to  have  translated  it 
from  the  original  Greek  without  always  understand- 
ing the  meaning.  The  doctrine  is,  as  Rufinus  says, 
the  Arianism  of  the  second  half  of  the  fourth  century. 
The  Son  is  a  creature;  the  Holy  Ghost  the  creature  of 
the  Son. 

Of  demons  much  is  said.  They  have  great  power 
over  the  self-indulgent,  and  are  swallowed  with  food 
by  those  who  eat  too  much.  Magic  is  constantly 
mentioned,  and  its  use  reprobated.  Idolatry  is 
argued  against  at  length.  The  immorality  of  the 
Greek  stories  of  the  gods  is  ridiculed,  and  attempts  at 
mystical  explanation  are  refuted.  Various  virtues 
are  praised:  temperance,  kindness  or  philanthropy, 
chastity  in  the  married  state;  asoetioism  of  a  most 
rigorous  kind  is  practised  by  St.  Peter.  The  intro-' 
duotion  after  the  Deluge  of  eating  meat,  according  to 
the  Book  of  Genesis,  is  violently  denounced,  as  having 
naturally  led  to  cannibalism.  The  use  of  meat  is, 
however,  not  forbidden  as  a  sin,  and  is  probably  per- 
mitted as  a  bad,  but  ineradicable,  custom.  There  is 
no  trace  of  any  Judaistic  observance,  for  though  the 
letter  of  Peter  and  the  speech  of  James  allow  the 
books  to  be  given  to  none  who  is  not  "a  circumcised 
believer",  this  iB  only  a  part  of  the  mystification,  by 
which  the  number  of  adepts  is  limited  as  far  as  pos- 
sible. 

It  is  now  becoming  recognized  by  all  critics  that 
the  original  writings  were  not  intended  for  the  use  of 
baptised  Christians  of  any  sect.  Most  of  the  latest 
critics  say  they  are  meant  for  catechumens,  and  in- 
deed the  office  of  a  teacher  is  highly  commended;  but 
it  would  be  more  exact  to  say  that  the  arguments  are 
adapted  to  the  needs  of  inquiring  heathens.  Of 
baptism  much  is  said{  but  of  repentance  little.  There 
is  little  characteristically  Christian  doctrine  to  be 
found;  atonement  and  the  sacrifice  of  the  Cross,  sin 
and  its  penalty,  forgiveness,  grace,  are  far  to  seek. 
Once  the  Eucharist  is  mentioned  by  name:  "Peter 
broke  the  Eucharist"  (H.  xi,  36,  R.  vi,  15).  Christ 
is  always  spoken  of  as  "the  true  Prophet",  as  the 
revealer  to  men  of  God,  of  truth,  of  the  answers  to  the 
riddle  of  life.  The  writer  knows  a  complete  system 
of  ecclesiastical  organization.  Peter  sets  a  bishop- 
over  each  city,  with  priest  and  deacons  under  him; 
the  office  of  bishop  is  well  denned.  It  was  princi- 
pally this  fact  which  prevented  critics  of  the  Tubingen 
School  from  dating  H.  and  R.  earner  than  the  middle 
of  the  second  century.  The  writer  was  not  an 
Ebionlte,  since  he  believes  in  the  pre-existence  of  the 
Son,  His  Incarnation  and  miraculous  conception, 
while  he  enjoins  no  Jewish  observances. 

Antagonism  to  St.  Paul  is  commonly  asserted  to  be 
a  characteristic  of  the  Clementines.  He  is  never 
mentioned,  for  the  supposed  date  of  the  dialogues  is 


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before  Ms  conversion,  and  the  writer  is  very  careful  to 
avoid  anachronisms.  But  his  Epistles  are  regularly 
used,  and  the  (grounds  for  supposing  that  Simon 
always  or  sometimes  represents  St.  Paul  are  exceed- 
ingly" feeble.  The  latest  critics,  who  still  admit  that 
St.  Paul  is  occasionally  combated,  do  not  attribute 
this  attitude  to  the  Clementine  writer,  but  only  to 
one  of  some  presumed  sources.  In  fact,  there  is  a 
clear  prophetic  reference  to  St.  Paul  as  the  teacher 
of  the  nations  in  R.  iii,  61.  But  it  is  not  safe  to  admit 
any  polemic  against  St.  Paul's  person  in  any  part  of 
the  writings,  for  the  simple  reason  that  there  is  no- 
where any  trace  of  antagonism  to  his  doctrines. 

It  seems  to  be  universally  held  that  the  Clemen- 
tines are  based  upon  the  doctrines  of  the  Book  of 
Elchasai  or  Helxai,  which  was  much  used  by  the 
Ebionites.  The  contents  of  it  were  said  to  have  been 
revealed  by  an  angel  ninety-six  miles  high  to  a  holy 
man  Elchasai  in  the  year  100,  and  this  is  gravely  ac- 
cepted by  Hilgenfeld  and  Waitz  as  its  real  date.  It 
does  not,  however,  seem  to  have  been  known  until  it 
was  brought  to  Rome  about  the  year  220,  by  a  cer- 
tain Alcibiades  of  Apamea.  We  know  its  doctrines 
from  the  "Philosophumena"  and  from  Epiphanius. 
It  taught  a  second  baptism  (in  running  streams  with 
all  the  clothes  on)  for  the  remission  of  sins,  to  be  ac- 
companied by  an  adjuration  of  seven  elements;  the 
same  process  was  recommended  as  a  cure  for  the  bite 
of  mad  dogs  and  for  similar  evils.  This  is  not  par- 
ticularly like  the  calling  of  four  (not  seven)  elements 
to  witness  a  solemn  promise  by  the  side  of  water 
(without  bathing)  in  tne  Clementines.  For  the  rest, 
Elchasai  taught  magic  and  astrology,  made  marriage 
compulsory,  celebrated  the  Eucharist  with  bread  and 
water,  caused  all  believers  to  be  circumcised  and  to  live 
by  the  Jewish  law,  held  that  Christ  was  born  of  a 
human  father.  All  this  is  contradictory  to  the 
Clementines.  The  only  point  of  resemblance  seems 
to  be  that  the  Homilies  represent  Christ  as  having 
been  in  Adam  and  Moses,  while  Elchasai  said  He  had 
been  frequently  incarnate  in  Adam  and  since,  and 
would  be  again.  The  Clementine  writer  is  fond  of 
pairs  of  antitheses,  or  trv&yia,  such  as  Christ  and  the 
tempter,  Peter  and  Simon.  But  these  have  no  con- 
nexion with  any  Gnostic  or  Marcionite  antitheses, 
nor  is  there  any  trace  of  the  Gnostic  genealogies.  He 
is  simply  airing  his  own  pseudo-philosophic  specula- 
tions. Polemic  against  Marcionism  has  often  been 
pointed  out.  But  the  denial  of  two  Gods,  a  tran- 
scendental God  and  a  Creator,  is  directed  against  popu- 
lar neo-Platonism,  and  not  against  Marcion.  Again, 
replies  are  made  to  objections  to  Christianity  drawn 
from  immorality  or  anthropomorphism  in  the  Old 
Testament,  but  these  objections  are  not  Marcionite. 
The  writer  is  fond  of  citing  sayings  of  Christ  not  found 
in  Scripture.  His  Scripture  text  has  been  analysed 
by  Hilgenfeld,  Waitz,  and  others.  He  never  cites  a 
book  of  the  N.  T.  by  name,  which  would  be  an  an- 
achronism at  the  date  he  has  chosen. 

Early  Use  op  the  Clementines.— It  was  long 
believed  that  the  early  date  of  the  Clementines  was 

g roved  by  the  fact  that  they  were  twice  quoted  by 
'rigen.  One  of  these  quotations  occurs  in  the 
"PhUocalia"  of  Sts.  Gregory  of  Nazianzus  and  Basil 
(c.  360).  Dr.  Armitage  Robinson  showed  in  his  edi- 
tion of  that  work  (1893)  that  the  citation  is  an  addi- 
tion to  the  passage  of  Origen  made  by  the  compilers, 
or  possibly  by  a  later  editor.  The  other  citation 
occurs  in  the  old  Latin  translation  of  Origen  on 
Matthew.  This  translation  is  full  of  interpolations 
and  alterations,  and  the  passage  of  Pseudo-Clement 
is  apparently  an  interpolation  by  the  translator  from 
the  Arian  "  Opus  imperfectum  in  Matt."  (See  Journal 
of  Theol.  Studies,  III,  436.)  Omitting  Origen,  the 
earliest  witness  is  Eusebius.  In  his  "Hist.  Eocl.",  HI, 
xxxviii  (a.  d.  325)  he  mentions  some  short  writings 
and  adds:  "And  now  some  have  only  the  other  day 


brought  forward  other  wordy  and  lengtny  compo- 
sitions as  being  Clement's,  containing  dialogues  of 
Peter  and  Appion,  of  which  there  is  absolutely  no 
mention  in  the  ancients."  These  dialogues  need  not 
have  been  the  complete  romance,  but  may  have  been 
an  earlier  draft  ofpart  of  it.  Next  we  find  the  Clem- 
entines used  by  Ebionites  c.  360  (Epiphanius,  tter., 
xxx,  15).  They  are  quoted  as  the  "Periodi"  by  St. 
Jerome  in  387  and  392  (On  Gal.,  i,  18, and  "Adv. 
Jovin.",  i,  26).  Two  forms  of  the  "Recognitions" 
were  known  to  Rufinus,  and  one  of  them  was  trans- 
lated by  him  c.  400.  About  408  St.  Paulinus  of 
Nola,  in  a  letter  to  Rufinus,  mentions  having  himself 
translated  a  part  or  all,  perhaps  as  an  exercise  in 
Greek.  The  "Opus  imperfectum"  above  mentioned 
has  five  quotations.  It  is  apparently  by  an  Arian 
of  the  beginning  of  the  fifth  century,  possibly  by  a 
bishop  called  Maximus.  The  Syriac  translation  was 
made  before  411,  the  date  of  one  of  the  MSB.  After 
this  time  citations  occur  in  many  Byzantine  writers, 
and  from  the  commendation  given  by  Nioephorus 
Callisti  (fourteenth  century)  we  may  gather  that  an 
orthodox  version  was  current.  In  the  West  the 
translation  by  Rufinus  became  very  popular,  and 
citations  are  found  in  Syriac  and  Arabic  writings. 

Modern  Theories  op  Origin  and  Date. — Saur, 
the  founder  of  the  "  Tubingen  School "  of  New  Testa- 
ment criticism,  rested  his  ideas  about  the  New  Testa- 
ment on  the  Clementines,  and  his  ideas  about  ,  the 
Clementines  on  St.  Epiphanius,  who  found  the  writ- 
ings used  by  an  Ebionite  sect  in  the  fourth  century. 
This  JudiBO-Christian  sect  at  that  date  rejected  St. 
Paul  as  an  apostate.  It  was  assumed  that  this 
fourth-oentury  opinion  represented  the  Christianity 
of  the  Twelve  Apostles;  Paulinism  was  originally  a 
heresy,  and  a  schism  from  the  Jewish  Christianity  of 
James  and  Peter  and  the  rest;  Marcion  was  a  leader 
of  the  Pauline  sect  in  its  survival  in  the  second  cen- 
tury, using  only  the  Pauline  Gospel,  St.  Luke  (in  its 
original  form),  and  the  Epistles  of  St.  Paul  (without 
the  Pastoral  Epistles).  The  Clementine  literature 
had  its  first  origin  in  the  Apostolic  Age,  and  belonged 
to  the  original  Jewish,  Petrine,  legal  Church.  It  is 
directed  wholly  against  St.  Paul  and  his  sect.  Simon 
Magus  never  existed;  it  is  a  nickname  for  St.  Paul. 
The  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  compiled  in  the  second  cen- 
tury, have  borrowed  their  mention  of  Simon  from 
the  earliest  form  of  the  Clementines.  Catholicism 
under  the  presidency  of  Rome  was  the  result  of  the 
adjustment  between  the  Petrine  and  Pauline  sections 
of  the  Church  in  the  second  half  of  the  second  century. 
The  Fourth  Gospel  is  a  monument  of  this  reconcili- 
ation, in  which  Rome  took  a  leading  part,  having  in- 
vented the  fiction  that  both  Peter  and  Paul  were  the 
founders  of  her  Church,  both  having  been  martyred 
at  Rome,  and  on  the  same  day,  in  perfect  union. 

Throughout  the  middle  of  the  nineteenth  century 
this  theory,  in  many  forms,  was  dominant  in  Ger- 
many. Tne  demonstration,  mainly  by  English 
scholars,  of  the  impossibility  of  the  late  dates  ascribed 
to  the  New  Testament  documents  (four  Epistles  of 
St.  Paul  and  the  Apocalypse  wore  the  only  documents 
generally  admitted  as  being  of  early  date),  and  the 
proofs  of  the  authenticity  of  the  Apostolic  Fathers 
and  of  the  use  of  St.  John  s  Gospel  by  Justin,  Papias, 
and  Ignatius  gradually  brought  Bout's  theories  into 
discredit.  Of  the  original  school,  Adolf  Hilgen- 
feld may  be  considered  the  last  survivor  (d.  1907).  He 
was  induced  many  years  ago  to  admit  that  Simon 
Magus  was  a  real  personage,  though  he  persists  that 
in  tne  Clementines  he  is  meant  for  St.  PauL   To  a 

friori  critics  it  counts  as  nothing  that  Simon  holds  no 
'auline  doctrine  and  that  the  author  shows  no  signs 
of  being  a  Jucbeo-Christiaa.  In  1847  Hilgenfeld 
dated  the  original  nucleus  (Preachings  of  Peter)  soon 
after  the  Jewish  war  of  70;  successive  revisions  of  it 
anti-Basilidian,  antir  Valentin  ian ,  and  anti- 


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Mareionite  respectively.  Baur  placed  the  completed 
form,  H.j  soon  after  the  middle  of  the  second  century, 
and  Schliemann  (1844)  agreed,  placing  R.,  as  a  revis- 
ion, between  211  and  230.  This  writer  sums  up  the 
opinions  of  his  predecessors  thus: 

R.  2nd  century:  Sixtus  Senensis,  Blondellus, 
Nourri,  Cotelerius,  Natalia  Alexander,  Cave,  Oudin, 
Heinsius,  RosenmOller,  Flflgge,  Gieseler,  Tholuck, 
Bretschneider,  Engelhardt,  GfrOrer. 

R.  2nd  or  3rd  century:  Sehrock,  Stark,  Lumper, 
Krabhe,  Locherer,  Gersdorf. 

R.  3rd  century:  Strunzius  (on  Bardesanes,  1710), 
Weismann  (1718),  Mosheim,  Kleuker,  Schmidt 
(Ki  rchengesch . ) . 

R.  4th  century:  Corrodi,  Lentz  (Dogmengesch.). 

H.  2nd  century  (beginning):  Credner,  Bretschnei- 
der, Kern,  Rothe. 

H.  2nd  century:  Clericus,  Beausobre,  Plugge, 
MQnscher,  Hoffmann,  DOllinger,  Hilgers;  (middle  of 
2nd)  Hase. 

H.  end  of  2nd  century:  SchrOck,  Colin,  Gieseler 
(3rd  ed.),  Schenkel,  GfrOrer,  Lucke. 

H.  3rd  century:  Mill,  Mosheim,  Gallandi,  Gieseler 
(2nd  ed.). 

H.  2nd  or  3rd  century:  Neander,  Krabbe,  Baur, 
Ritter,  Paniel,  Dahne. 
H.  4th  century:  Lentz. 

TThlhorn  in  his  valuable  monograph  (1854)  placed 
the  original  document,  or  Grundschrift,  in  East 
Syria,  after  150;  H.  in  the  same  region  after  160;  R. 
m  Rome  after  170.  Lehmann  (1869)  put  the  source 
(Preaching  of  Peter)  very  early,  H.  and  R.  i-ii  before 
160,  the  rest  of  R.  before  170.  In  England  Salmon 
set  R.  about  200,  H.  about  218.  Dr.  Bigg  makes  H. 
the  original,  Syrian,  first  half  of  second  century,  R. 
being  a  recasting  in  an  orthodox  sense.  H.  was  orig- 
inally written  by  a  Catholic,  and  the  heretical  parts 
belong  to  a  later  recension.  Dr.  Headlam,  in  a  very 
interesting  article,  considers  that  the  original  form 
was  rather  a  collection  of  works  than  a  single  book, 
yet  all  products  of  one  design  and  plan,  coming  from 
one  writer,  of  a  curious,  versatile,  unequally  devel- 
oped mind.  While  accepting  the  dependence  on  the 
Book  of  Elchaaai,  Dr.  Headlam  sees  no  antagonism  to 
St.  Paul,  and  declares  that  the  writer  is  quite  ignorant 
of  Judaism.  Under  the  impression  that  the  original 
work  was  known  to  Origen,  ne  is  obliged  to  date  it  at 
the  end  of  the  second  century  or  the  beginning  of 
the  third.  In  1883  Bestmann  made  the  Clementines 
the  basis  of  an  unsuccessful  theory  which,  as  Harnack 
puts  it,  "  claimed  for  Jewish  Christianity  the  glory  of 
having  developed  by  itself  the  whole  doctrine,  wor- 
ship, and  constitution  of  Catholicism,  and  of  having 
transmitted  it  to  Gentile  Christianity  as  a  finished 
product  which  only  required  to  be  divested  of  a  few 
Jewish  husks"  (Hist,  of  Dogma,  I,  310). 

Another  popular  theory  based  upon  the  Clemen- 
tines has  been  that  it  was  the  Epistle  of  Clement  to 
James  which  originated  the  notion  that  St.  Peter  was 
the  first  Bishop  of  Rome.  This  has  been  asserted  by 
no  lesser  authorities  than  Lightfoot,  Salmon,  and 
Bright,  and  it  has  been  made  an  important  point  in 
the  controversial  work  of  the  Rev.  P.  W.  Puller, 
"Primitive  Saints  and  the  Roman  See".  It  is  ac- 
knowledged that  in  St.  Cyprian's  time  (c.  250)  it  was 
universally  believed  that  St.  Peter  was  Bishop  of 
Rome,  and  that  he  was  looked  upon  as  the  type 
and  origin  of  episcopacy.  Modern  criticism  has  long 
since  put  the  letter  of  Clement  too  late  to  allow  this 
theory  to  be  tenable,  and  now  Waitz  places  it  after 
220,  and  Harnack  after  260.  We  shall  presently  see 
that  it  probably  belongs  to  the  fourth  century. 

The  "Old  Catholic"  Professor  Langen  in  1890 
elaborated  a  new  theory.  Until  the  destruction  of 
Jerusalem  in  135,  he  says,  that  city  was  the  centre  of 
the  Christian  Church.  A  new  pivot  was  then  needed. 
The  Church  of  the  capital  made  a  bold  bid  for  the 


vacant  poet  of  pre-eminence.  Shortly  after  135  was 
published  the  original  form  of  the  Clementine  ro- 
mance. It  was  a  Roman  forgery,  claiming  for  the 
Church  of  Peter  the  succession  to  a  part  of  the  head- 
ship of  the  Church  of  James.  James  indeed  had  been 
"bishop  of  bishops",  and  Peter's  successor  could  not 
claim  to  be  more  than  Peter  was  among  the  Apostles, 
primus  inter  pares.  The  Roman  attempt  was  eventu- 
ally successful,  but  not  without  a  struggle.  Csesarea, 
the  metropolis  of  Palestine,  also  claimed  the  succes- 
sion to  Jerusalem.  The  monument  of  this  claim  is 
H.,  a  recension  of  the  Roman  work  made  at  Ctesarea 
before  the  end  of  the  second  century  in  order  to  fight 
Rome  with  her  own  weapons.  (The  intention  must 
be  admitted  to  have  been  closely  veiled.)  In  the 
beginning  of  the  third  century  the  metropolis  of  the 
Orient,  Antioch,  produced  a  new  edition,  R.,  claiming 
for  that  city  the  vacant  primacy.  Langen 'a  view 
has  found  no  adherents. 

Dr.  Hort  complained  that  the  Clementines  have 
left  no  traces  in  the  eighty  years  between  Origen  and 
Eusebius,  but  he  felt  obliged  to  date  them  before 
Origen,  and  placed  the  original  c.  200  as  the  work 
of  a  Syrian  HelxaTte.  Harnack,  in  his  "History  of 
Dogma",  saw  that  they  had  no  influence  in  the  third 
century;  he  dated  R.  and  H.  not  earlier  than  the  first 
half  of  that  century,  or  even  a  few  decades  later.  All 
the  foregoing  writers  presupposed  that  the  Clemen- 
tines were  known  to  Origen.  Since  this  has  been 
shown  to  be  not  proven  (1903),  Waitz's  elaborate 
study  has  appeared  (1904),  but  his  view  was  evi- 
dently formed  earlier.  His  view  is  that  H.  is  the 
work  of  an  Aramaean  Christian  after  325  (for  he  uses 
the  word  4/JM*ru>f)  and  earlier  than  411  (the  8yriac 
MS.),  R.  probably  after  350,  also  in  the  East.  But 
the  Grundschrift,  or  archetype,  was  written  at  Rome, 
perhaps  under  the  syncretistic  system  of  cult  in 
favour  at  the  court  of  Alexander  Heverus,  probably 
between  220  and  250.  Harnack,  in  his  "  Chronol- 
ogic" (II),  gives  260  or  later  as  the  date,  but  he 
thinks  H.  and  R.  may  be  ante-Nicene.  Waitz  sup- 
poses two  earlier  sources  to  have  been  employed  in 
the  romance,  the  "Preachings  of  Peter"  (origin  in 
first  century,  but  used  in  a  later  anti-Marcionite 
recension)  and  the  "Acts  of  Peter"  (written  in  a 
Catholic  circle  at  Antioch  c.  210).  Harnack  accepts 
the  existence  of  these  sources,  but  thinks  neither  was 
earlier  than  about  200.  They  are  carefully  to  be  dis- 
tinguished from  the  weu-known  second-century 
works,  the  "Preaching  of  Peter"  and  "Acts  of 
Peter",  of  which  fragments  still  exist.  These  are 
quoted  by  many  early  writers,  whereas  the  supposed 
sou  roes  of  the  Clementines  are  otherwise  unknown, 
and  therefore  probably  never  existed  at  all.  A  long 
passage  from  Pseudo-Bardesanes'"DeFato"  occurs  in 
R.  ix,  19  sqq.  Hilgenfeld,  Ritschl,  and  some  earlier 
critics  characteristically  held  that  Bardesanes  used 
the  Clementines.  Merx,  Waitz,  and  most  others  hold 
that  R.  cites  Bardesanes  directly.  Nau  and  Harnack 
are  certainly  right,  that  R.  has  borrowed  the  citation 
at  second  hand  from  Eusebius  (Prep.  Evang.,  vi,  10, 
11-48,  a.  t>.  313). 

Probable  Date  op  the  Clementines. — We  now 
know  that  the  Clementine  writer  need  not  have  lived 
before  Origen.  Let  us  add  that  there  is  no  reason  to 
think  he  was  a  Judaeo^Christian,  an  Elchasalte,  or 
anti-Pauline,  or  anti-Marcionite,  that  he  employed 
ancient  sources,  that  he  belonged  to  a  secretive  sect. 
We  are  free,  then,  to  look  out  for  indications  of  date 
without  prejudice. 

R.  is  certainly  post-Nicene,  as  Waits  has  shown. 
But  we  may  go  further.  The  curious  passage  R.  iH, 
2-11,  which  Rufinus  omitted,  and  in  which  he  seemed 
to  hear  Eunomius  himself  speaking,  gives  in  fact  the 
doctrine  of  Eunomius  so  exactly  that  it  frequently 
almost  cites  the  "  Apologeticus "  (c.  362-3)  of  that 
heretic  word  for  word.    (The  Eunomian  doctrine  is 


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that  the  essence  of  God  is  to  be  unborn,  consequently 
the  Son  Who  is  begotten  is  not  God.  He  is  a  creature, 
the  first-bom  of  all  creation  and  the  Image  of  God. 
The  Holy  Ghost  is  the  creature  of  the  Son.)  The 
agreement  with  Eunomius's  fxtam  wlerrtm  of 
381-3  is  less  close.  As  the  Eunomian  passage  was 
found  by  Rufinua  in  both  the  recensions  of  Clement 
known  to  him,  we  may  suppose  that  the  interpolation 
was  made  in  the  original  work  by  a  Eunomian  about 
365-70,  before  the  abridgment  R.  was  made  about 
370-80.  (The  word  arckiepiacopus  used  of  St.  James 
suggests  the  end  of  the  fourth  century.  It  occurs  in 
the  middle  of  that  oentury  in  some  Meletian  docu- 
ments cited  by  Athanasius,  and  then  not  till  the 
Council  of  Ephesus,  431.) 

H.  has  also  a  disquisition  on  the  generation  of  the 
Son  (xvi,  15-18,  and  xx,  7-8).  The  writer  calls  God 
uMorirup  and  atroyiwrnror,  and  both  Mother  and 
Father  of  men.  His  idea  of  a  changeable  God  and 
an  unchangeable  Son  projected  from  the  best  modi- 
fication of  God  has  been  mentioned  above.  This 
ingenious  doctrine  enables  the  writer  to  accept  the 
words  of  the  Nioene  definition,  while  denying  their 
sense.  The  Son  may  be  called  God,  for  so  may  men 
be,  but  not  in  the  strict  sense.  He  is  opootfrtot  r$ 
Uarpt,  begotten  At  r$t  oiclat,  He  is  not  Tptwrot  or 
4AAoi<*tAj.  Apparently  He  is  not  aria-rot,  nor  was 
there  a  time  when  He  was  not,  though  this  is  not 
quite  distinctly  enunciated.  The  writer  is  clearly 
an  Arian  who  manages  to  accept  the  formula  of 
Nioea  by  an  acrobatic  feat,  in  order  to  save  himself. 
The  date  is  therefore  probably  within  the  reign  of 
Constantino  (d.  337),  while  the  great  council  was 
still  imposed  on  all  by  the  emperor — say,  about  330. 

But  this  is  not  the  date  of  H.,  but  of  the  original 
behind  both  H.  and  R.;  for  it  is  clear  that  the  Euno- 
mian interpolator  of  R.  attacks  the  doctrine  we  find 
in  H.  He  ridicules  aintnriirap  and  atroyimrrot,  he 
declares  God  to  be  unchangeable,  and  the  Son  to  be 
created,  not  begotten  from  the  Father's  essence  and 
consubstantiaL  God  is  not  masculo-femina .  It  is 
clear  that  the  interpolator  had  before  him  the  doctrine 
of  H.  in  a  yet  clearer  form,  and  that  he  substituted 
bis  own  view  for  it  (R.  iii,  2-11).  But  it  is  remark- 
able that  he  retained  one  integral  part  of  H.'s  theory, 
vis.,  the  origin  of  the  Evil  One  from  an  accidental 
mixture  of  elements,  for  Rufinua  tells  us  (De  Adult, 
libr.  Origenis)  that  he  found  this  doctrine  in  R.  and 
omitted  it.  The  date  of  the  original  is  therefore 
fixed  as  after  Nicasa,  325,  probably  c.  330;  that  of  H. 
may  be  anywhere  in  the  second  half  of  the  fourth 
oentury.  The  Eunomian  interpolator  is  about 
365-70,  and  the  compilation  of  R.  about  370-80. 

The  original  author  shows  a  detailed  knowledge  of 
the  towns  on  the  Phoenician  coast  from  Ctesarea  to 
Antioch.  He  was  an  Arian,  and  Arianism  had  its 
home  in  the  civil  diocese  of  the  Orient.  He  uses  the 
"Prop.  Evang."  of  Eusebius  of  Csesarea  (written 
about  313).  In  325  that  historian  mentions  the 
dialogues  of  Peter  and  Appion  as  just  published 
•—presumably  in  his  own  region;  these  were  prob- 
ably the  nucleus  of  the  larger  work  completed 
by  the  same  hand  a  few  years  later.  Citations 
of  Pseudo-Clement  are  by  the  Palestinian  Epipha- 
nius,  who  found  the  romance  among  the  Ebionites 
of  Palestine;  by  St.  Jerome,  who  had  dwelt  in  the 
Syrian  desert  and  settled  at  Bethlehem;  by  the 
travelled  Rufinua;  by  the  "Apostolical  Constitutions", 
compiled  in  Syria  or  Palestine.  The  work  is  rendered 
into  Syriac  before  411.  The  Arian  author  of  the 
"Opus  imperfectum"  cited  it  freely.  It  was  in- 
terpolated by  a  Eunomian  about  365-70.  All 
these  indications  suggest  an  Arian  author  before  350 
in  the  East,  probably  not  far  from  Ctesarea. 

The  author,  though  an  Arian,  probably  belonged 
nominally  to  the  Catholic  Church.  He  wrote  for  the 
heathens  of  his  day,  and  observed  the  stiff  and  often 


merely  formal  dudpKna  arcani  which  the  fourth  < 
tury  enforced.  Atonement,  grace,  sacraments  are 
omitted  for  this  cause  only.  "The  true  Prophet"  is 
not  a  name  for  Christ  used  by  Christians,  but  the 
office  of  Christ  which  the  author  puts  forward 
towards  the  pagan  world.  He  shows  Peter  keeping 
the  evening  apape  and  Eucharist  secret  from  Clement 
when  unbaptiied;  it  was  no  doubt  a  Eucharist  of 
bread  and  wine,  not  of  bread  and  salt. 

The  great  pagan  antagonist  of  the  third  century 
was  the  neo-Platonic  philosopher,  Porphyry;  but 
under  Constantine  his  disciple  Iamblichus  was  the 
chief  restorer  and  defender  of  the  old  gods,  and  his 
system  of  defence  is  that  which  we  find  made  the 
official  religion  by  Julian  (361-3).  Consequently, 
it  is  not  astonishing  to  find  that  Simon  and  his  disci- 
ples represent  not  St.  Paul,  but  Iamblichus.  The 
doctrines  and  practices  repelled  are  the  theurgy  and 
magic,  astrology  and  man  tic,  absurd  miracles  and 
claims  to  union  with  the  Divinity,  which  character- 
ised the  debased  neo-Platonism  of  320-30.  It  is  not 
against  Mansion  but  against  Plato  that  Pseudo- 
Clement  teaches  the  supremacy  of  the  Creator  of  all. 
He  defends  the  Old  Testament  against  the  school  of 
Porphyry,  and  when  he  declares  it  to  be  interpolated, 
he  is  using  Porphyry's  own  higher  criticism  in  a 
clumsy  way.  Tne  elaborate  discussion  of  ancient 
history,  the  ridicule  cast  on  the  obscene  mythology 
of  the  Greeks,  and  the  philosophical  explanations  ofa 
higher  meaning  are  also  against  Porphyry.  The 
refutation  of  the  grossest  idolatry  is  against  Iam- 
blichus. 

It  is  perhaps  mere  accident  that  we  hear  nothing  of 
the  Clementines  from  330  till  360.  But  about  360- 
410  they  are  interpolated,  they  are  revised  and 
abridged  in  H.,  yet  more  revised  and  abridged  in  R., 
translated  into  Latin,  translated  into  Syriac,  and 
frequently  cited.  It  seems,  therefore,  that  it  was 
the  policy  of  Julian  which  drew  them  from  obscurity. 
They  were  useful  weapons  against  the  momentary 
resurrection  of  polytheism,  mythology,  theurgy,  and 
idolatry. 

The  principal  editions  have  been  mentioned  above.  The 
literature  is  so  enormous  that  a  selection  from  it  must  suffice. 
Somewhat  fuller  hats  will  be  found  in  Hajuuck,  Chroneiogie, 
II,  in  BABDBNHivsBt  Patrologie  and  Oetchickie  der  kireh- 
licken  Litteratur  and  in  Chevalier,  Ripertoire. — Schukmann. 
Die  Clementinen  (1844);  Hilqenfeld,  Die  Clem.  Recogn.  una 
Horn,  nock  ikrem  Urtprung  und  Inholt  (Jena,  1848):  Kritiecke 
Untersuckungsn  uber  die  Bvcmaelien  Justine,  der  Cum.  Horn, 
und  Maroons  (Halle,  1860) ;  Uhlhorn,  Die  Horn,  und  Recogn. 
dee  Clement  Romanus  (G6ttingen,  1884);  Lehmann,  Die 
cumrntinischen  Schriften  (Gotha,  1809) ;  Liparcs,  QueUen  dtr 
romiecken  Petrutsage  (1872)  and  Apokr.  Apottelgesckicku 
(1887),  II;  Salmon  in  Diet.  Chr.  Biog.  (1877):  Lanoen,  Die 
Clemensromane  (Gotha,  1890):  Fonk  in  Kirehenlex.  (1884); 
Bioo,  The  Clementine  Homilies  in  Studio,  BMiea  (Oxford,  1890), 
II;  Boss  ell,  The  Purpose  of  the  World-Protest  and  Ike  Problem 
qt  Evil  in  the  Clementine  and  LaclarUian  Writings  in  Studio, 
BMiea  (1898),  IV;  W.  CJhawneb],  Index  of  noteworthy  words 
and  phrases  found  in  the  Clementine  writings  In  Ligktfoot  Fund 
Public.  (London,  1893);  Hoar,  Clementine  Recognitions  (lectures 
delivered  in  1884;  pub.  London,  1901):  Meyboom.  De  Clemen* 
Roman  (1902):  Headlam,  The  Clementine  Literature  in 
Journ.  Tkeol.  Stud.  (1903),  III,  41;  Chapman,  Origen  and 
Pseudo-Clement  in  Journ.  Theol.  Stud.,  Ill,  438;  Hilogn- 
feld,  Orioenes  und  Pseudo-Clemens  in  ZeiUchr.  far  Wiss. 
Theol.  (1903),  XLVI,  342;  Preubchen  in  Harnack,  Getok. 
der  altekrittl.  Literatur  (1893),  U  212;  and  II,  Chroneiogie. 
618;  Waitx,  Die  Pseudoclemtntinen  in  Text*  und  (/titers.,  New 
Series,  X,  4;  Chapman,  The  Date  of  the  Clementines  in  Zeitschr. 
fur  Neu-Test.  Wiss.  (1908).  An  English  translation  of  the 
Recognitions,  by  the  Rev.  T.  Smith,  D.D.,  will  be  found  to 
the  Anie-Nieent  Libraru,  III,  and  of  the  Homilies,  ibid..  XVII 
(Edinburgh,  1871-2).  , 

John  Chapman. 

dement  Mary  Hofbauer  (John  DvoRXk),  Saint, 
the  second  founder  of  the  Redemptorist  Congregation, 
called  "the  Apostle  of  Vienna *\  b.  at  Tasswitz  in 
Moravia.  26  December,  1751 ;  d.  at  Vienna,  15  March, 
1821.  The  family  name  of  Dvorak  was  better  known 
by  its  German  equivalent,  Hofbauer.  The  youngest 
of  twelve  children,  and  son  of  a  grazier  and  butcher, 
he  was  six  years  old  when  his  father  died.    His  great 


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desire  was  to  become  a  priest,  but  bis  (unity  being 
unable  to  give  him  the  necessary  education  he  became 
a  baker's  assistant,  devoting  all  his  spare  time  to 
study.  He  was  a  servant  in  the  Premonstratensian 
monastery  of  Bruck  from  1771  to  1776,  and  then 
lived  for  some  time  as  a  hermit.  When  the  Emperor 
Joseph  II  abolished  hermitages  he  went  to  Vienna, 
where  he  worked  onee  more  as  a  baker.  After  two 
pilgrimages  to  Rome  he  again  tried  a  hermit's  life 
(1782-3),  this  time  under  the  protection  of  Bam  aba 
Chiaramonti,  Bishop  of  Tivoli,  afterwards  Pope  Pius 
VII,  taking  the  name  of  Clement,  by  which  he  was 
ever  afterwards  known.  He  once  more  returned  to 
Vienna,  where  at  length  by  the  generosity  of  benefac- 
tors he  was  enabled  to  go  to  the  university  and  com- 
plete his  studies.  In  1784  be  made  a  third  pilgrimage 
on  foot  to  Rome  with  a  friend,  Thaddaus  Htlbi,  and 
the  two  were  received  into  the  Redemptorist  novitiate 
at  San  Giutiano  on  the  EsquiUne.  After  a  shortened 
probation  they  were  professed  on  19  March,  1785,  and 
ordained  priests  a  few  days  later.  They  were  sent, 
towards  the  end  of  the  same  year,  to  found  a  house 
north  of  the  Alps,  St.  Alphonsus,  who  was  still  alive, 
prophesying  their  success.  It  being  impossible  under 
Joseph  II  to  found  a  house  in  Vienna,  Clement  and 
Thaddaus  turned  to  Warsaw,  where  King  Stanislaus 
Poniatowski,  at  the  nuncio's  request,  placed  St. 
Benno's,  the  German  national  church,  at  their  dis- 
posal. Here,  in  1795,  they  saw  the  end  of  Polish  inde- 
pendence. The  labours  of  Clement  and  his  com- 
panions in  Warsaw  from  1786  to  1808  are  wellnigh 
incredible.  In  addition  to  St.  Benno's,  another  large 
church  was  reserved  for  them,  where  sermons  were 
preached  in  French,  and  there  were  daily  classes  of 
instruction  for  Protestants  and  Jews.  Besides  this 
Clement  founded  an  orphanage  and  a  school  for  boys. 
His  chief  helper,  Thaddaus  Hubl,  died  in  1807.  In 
the  next  year,  on  orders  from  Paris,  the  house  at 
Warsaw  and  three  other  houses  which  Clement  had 
founded  were  suppressed,  and  the  Redemptorist* 
were  expelled  from  the  Grand  Duchy.  Clement  with 
one  companion  went  to  Vienna,  where  for  the  last 
twelve  years  of  his  life  he  acted  as  chaplain  and 
director  at  an  Ursuline  convent.  During  these  years 
he  exercised  a  veritable  apostolate  among  all  classes 
in  the  capital  from  the  Emperor  Francis  downward. 
Unable  to  found  a  regular  house  of  his  congregation, 
which  was  however  established,  as  he  had  predicted, 
almost  immediately  after  his  death,  he  devoted  him- 
self in  a  special  way  to  the  conversion  and  training  of 
young  men.  "  I  know  but  three  men  of  superhuman 
energy",  his  friend  Werner  had  said,  "Napoleon, 
Goethe,  and  Clement  Hofbauer. "  "  Religion  in  Aus- 
tria", said  Pius  VII,  "has  lost  its  chief  support." 
Indeed  it  was  to  Clement  Hofbauer  perhaps  more' 
than  to  any  single  individual  that  the  extinction  of 
Josephinism  was  due.  He  was  beatified  by  Leo  XIII, 
29  January,  1888;  canonised  20  May,  1909.  (Saa 
Austro- Hungarian  Monarchy,  II,  129.) 

His  life  in  Oarrnan  by  Harihoeh,  translated  into  English  by 
Last  Hbbbsbi  (New  York.  1883).  Another  life  by  0.  R. 
Vassau.  Phillips  (New  York,  1893);  Berths,  Saint  Alphome 
4*  Liguori  (Pari*,  1900),  tr.  IXft  of  St.  Alphonnu  i*  Liquori 
(Dublin.  19QS),  J  MAQNIEn. 

dement  of  Alexandria  (properly  Trrus  Flavtob 
Clxmknb,  but  known  in  church  history  by  the  former 
designation  to  distinguish  him  from  Clement  of 
Rome),  date  of  birth  unknown;  d.  about  the  year 
216;  an  early  Greek  theologian  and  head  of  the  cate- 
chetical school  of  Alexandria.  Athens  k  given  as 
the  starting-point  of  his  joumeyings,  and  was  proba- 
bly his  birthplace.  He  became  a  convert  to  the  Faith 
ana  travelled  from  place  to  place  in  search  of  higher 
instruction,  attaching  himself  successively  to  differ- 
ent masters:  to  a  Greek  of  Ionia,  to  another  of  Magna 
Gnecia,  to  a  third  of  Ccele-Syria,  after  all  of  whom  he 
addressed  himself  in  turn  to  an  Egyptian,  an  Assy- 


rian, and  a  converted  Palestinian  Jew.  At  last  he 
met  Pantsnus  in  Alexandria,  and  in  his  teaching 
"found  rest". 

The  place  itself  was  well  chosen.  It  was  natural 
that  Christian  speculation  should  have  a  home  at 
Alexandria.  This  great  city  was  at  the  time  a  centre 
of  culture  as  wall  as  of  trade.  A  great  university  had 
grown  up  under  the  long-continued  patronage  of  the 
State.  The  intellectual  temper  was  broad  and  tol- 
erant, as  became  a  city  where  so  many,  races  mingled. 
The  philosophers  were  critics  or  eclectics,  and  Plato 
was  the  most  favoured  of  the  old  masters.  Neo- 
Platonism,  the  philosophy  of  the  new  pagan  renais- 
sance, had  a  prophet  at  Alexandria  in  the  person  of 
Ammonius  Saoeas.  The  Jews,  too,  who  were  there 
in  very  large  numbers,  breathed  its  liberal  atmosphere, 
and  had  assimilated  secular  oulture.  They  there 
formed  the  most  enlightened  colony  of  the  Disper- 
sion. Having  lost  the  use  of  Hebrew,  they  found  it 
necessary  to  translate  the  Scriptures  into  the  more 
familiar  Greek.  Philo,  their  foremost  thinker,  be- 
came a  sort  of  Jewish  Plato.  -  Alexandria  was,  in 
addition,  one  of  the  chief  seats  of  that  peculiar  mixed 
pagan  and  Christian  speculation  known  as  Gnosti- 
cism. BasiUdee  and  Valentinus  taught  there.  It  is 
no  matter  of  surprise,  therefore,  to  find  some  of  the 
Christians  affected  in  turn  by  the  scientific  spirit. 
At  an  uncertain  date,  in  the  latter  half  of  the  second 
century,  "a  school  of  oral  instruction"  was  founded. 
Lectures  were  given  to  which  pagan  hearers  were  ad- 
mitted, and  advanced  teaching  to  Christians  separ- 
ately. It  was  an  official  institution  of  the  Church. 
PanUenus  is  the  earliest  teacher  whose  name  has  been 
preserved.  Clement  first  assisted  and  then  succeeded 
Fantanus  in  the  direction  of  the  school,  about  a.d. 
190.  He  was  already  known  as  a  Christian  writer 
before  the  days  of  Pope  Victor  (188-199). 

About  this  time  be  may  have  composed  the 
"Hortatory  Disooume  to  the  Greeks"  (iforrpraruat 
tfit  'B3&vm$).  It  is  a  persuasive  appeal  for  the 
Faith,  written  in  a  lofty  strain.  The  discourse  opens 
with  passages  which  fall  on  the  ear  with  the  effect  of 
sweet  music.  Amphion  and  Arion  by  their  min- 
strelsy drew  after  them  savage  monsters  and  moved 
the  Very  stones;  Christ  is  the  noblest  minstrel.  Hie 
harp  and  lyre  are  men.  He  draws  music  from  their 
hearts  by  the  Holy  Spirit:  nay,  Christ  ia  Himself  the 
New  Canticle,  whose  melody  subdues  the  fiercest  and 
hardest  natures.  Clement  then  proceeds  to  show  the 
transcendence  of  the  Christian  religion.  He  con- 
trasts Christianity  with  the  vileness  of  pagan  rites, 
and  with  the  faint  hopes  of  pagan  poets  and  philoso- 
phers. Man  is  born  for  God.  The  Word  calls  men 
to  Himself.  The  full  truth  is  found  in  Christ  alone. 
The  work  ends  with  a  description  of  the  God-fearing 
Christian.  He  answers  those  who  urge  that  it  is 
wrong  to  desert  one's  ancestral  religion. 

The  work  entitled  "Outlines"  fTwrwrim)  is 
likewise  believed  to  be  a  production  of  the  early 
activity  of  Clement.  It  was  translated  into  Latin 
by  Rufimis  under  the  title  "  Dispositiones ".  It 
was  in  eight  books,  but  is  no  longer  extant,  though 
numerous  fragments  have  been  preserved  in  Greek  by 
Eusebius,  (Ecumenius,  Maximus  Confessor,  John 
Moschos,  and  Photius.  According  to  Zahn,  a  Latin 
fragment,  "  Adumbrationes  dementis  Alexandrini 
in  epistolas  canonieas",  translated  by  Cassiodorus 
and  purged  of  objectionable  passages,  represents  in 
part  the  text  of  Clement.  Eusebius  represents  the 
"Outlines"  as  an  abridged  commentary,  with  doc- 
trinal and  historical  remarks  on  the  entire  Bible  and 
on  the  non-canonical  "Epistle  of  Barnabas"  and 
"Apocalypse  of  Peter".  Photius,  who  bad  also  read  it, 
describes  it  as  a  series  of  explanations  of  Biblical  texts, 
especially  of  Genesis,  Exodus,  the  Psalms,  Ecdesiastes, 
and  the  Pauline  and  Catholic  Epistles.  He  declares 
the  work  sound  on  some  points,  but  adds  that  it  eon- 


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tuns  "impieties  and  fables",  such  as  the  eternity  of 
matter,  the  creatureehip  of  the  Word,  plurality  of 
Words  (A4to»),  Docetism,  metempsychosis,  etc  Con- 
serratiye  scholars  are  inclined  to  believe  that  Photius 
has  thrown  the  mistakes  of  Clement,  whatever  they 
mar  have  been,  into  undue  relief.  Clement's  style 
is  difficult,  his  works  are  full  of  borrowed  excerpts, 
and  his  teaching  is  with  difficulty  reduced  to  a  coher- 
ent body  of  doctrine.  And  this  early  work,  being  a 
scattered  commentary  on  Holy  Writ,  must  have  been 
peculiarly  liable  to  misconstruction.  It  is  certain 
that  several  of  the  more  serious  charges  can  rest  upon 
nothing  but  mistakes.  At  any  rate,  his  extant  writ- 
ings show  Clement  in  a  better  light. 

Other  works  of  his  are  the  "Miscellanies"  (Erpu- 
MOT.fi)  and  "The  Tutor"  (nwaoywyto).  The  "Mis- 
cellanies" comprise  seven  entire  books,  of  which  the 
first  four  are  earlier  than  "The  Tutor".  When  he 
had  finished  this  latter  work  he  returned  to  the 
"Miscellanies",  which  he  was  never  able  to  finish. 
The  first  pages  of  the  work  are  now  missing.  What 
has  been  known  as  the  eighth  book  since  the  time  of 
Eusebius  is  nothing  more  than  a  collection  of  ex- 
tracts drawn  from  pagan  philosophers.  It  is  likely, 
as  von  Arnim  has  suggested,  that  Clement  had  in- 
tended to  make  use  of  these  materials  together  with 
the  abridgment  of  Theodotus  (Excerpts  from  Theo- 
dotus  and  the  Eastern  School  of  Valentinus)  and  the 
"Eclogse  Prophetic® ",  Extracts  from  the  Prophets 
(not  extracts,  but  notes  at  random  on  texts  or  Scrip- 
tural topics)  for  the  continuation  of  the  "  Miscellan- 
ies". In  the  "  Miscellanies  "  Clement  disclaims  order 
and  plan.  He  compares  the  work  to  a  meadow 
where  all  kinds  of  flowers  grow  at  random  end,  again, 
to  a  shady  hill  or  mountain  planted  with  trees  of 
every  sort.  In  fact,  it  is  a  loosely  related  series  of 
remarks,  possibly  notes  of  his  lectures  in  the  school. 
It  is  the  fullest  of  Clement's  works.  He  starts  with 
the  importance  of  philosophy  for  the  pursuit  of 
Christian  knowledge.  Here  he  is  perhaps  defending 
his  own  scientific  labours  from  local  criticism  of  con- 
servative brethren.  He  shows  how  faith  is  related  to 
knowledge,  ana  emphasises  the  superiority  of  revela- 
tion to  philosophy.  God's  truth  is  to  be  found  in 
revelation,  another  portion  of  it  in  philosophy.  It  is 
the  duty  of  the  Christian  to  neglect  neither.  Relig- 
ious science,  drawn  from  this  twofold  source,  is  even 
an  element  of  perfection;  the  instructed  Christian — 
"the  true  Gnostic  " — is  the  perfect  Christian.  He  who 
has  risen  to  this  height  is  far  from  the  disturbance 
of  passion;  he  is  united  to  God,  and  in  a  mysterious 
sense  is  one  with  Him.  Such  is  the  line  of  thought 
indicated  in  the  work,  which  is  full  of  digressions. 

"The  Tutor"  is  a  practical  treatise  in  three  books. 
Its  purpose  is  to  fit  the  ordinary  Christian  by  a  dis- 
ciplined life  to  become  an  instructed  Christian.  In 
ancient  times  the  padagogus  was  the  slave  who  had 
constant  charge  of  a  boy,  his  companion  at  all  times. 
On  him  depended  the  formation  of  the  boy's  charac- 
ter. Such  is  the  office  of  the  Word  Incarnate 
towards  men.  He  first  summons  them  to  be  His, 
then  He  trains  them  in  Hfe  ways.  His  ways  are 
temperate,  orderly,  calm,  and  simple.  Nothing  is 
too  common  or  trivial  for  the  Tutor's  care.  His 
influence  tells  on  the  minute  details  of  life,  on  one's 
manner  of  eating,  drinking,  sleeping,  dressing,  taking 
recreation,  etc.  The  moral  tone  of  this  work  is 
kindly;  very  beautiful  is  the  ideal  of  a  transfigured 
life  described  at  the  close.  In  the  editions  of  Clement 
"The  Tutor"  is  followed  by  two  short  poems,  the 
second  of  which,  addressed  to  the  Tutor,  is  from  some 

Sous  reader  of  the  work;  the  first,  entitled  "A 
ymn  of  the  Saviour  Christ"  ("T/uwtroS  Swrgpot  Xpi#- 
to6)  ,  is,  in  the  manuscripts  which  contain  it,  attributed 
to  Clement.  The  hymn  may  be  the  work  of  Clement 
(Bardenhewer),  or  it  may  be  of  as  early  a  date  as  the 
Gloria  in  Excelsis  (Westoott). 


Some  scholars  see  in  the  chief  writings  of  Clement, 
the  "Exhortation",  "The  Tutor",  the  "Miscel- 
lanies", a  great  trilogy  representing  a  graduated 
initiation  into  the  Christian  life — belief,  discipline, 
knowledge — three  states  corresponding  to  the  three 
degrees  of  the  neo-Platonic  mysteries — purification, 
initiation,  and  vision.  Some  such  underlying  con- 
ception was  doubtless  before  the  mind  of  Clement, 
but  it  can  hardly  be  said  to  have  been  realised.  He 
was  too  unsystematic.  Besides  these  more  impor- 
tant works,  he  wrote  the  beautiful  tract,  "Who  is  the 
rich  man  who  shall  be  saved?"  (rlt  6  rvtbpwm  xXwi- 
<rtot;).  It  is  an  exposition  of  St.  Mark,  x,  17-31, 
wherein  Clement  shows  that  wealth  is  not  condemned 
by  the  Gospel  as  intrinsically  evil;  its  morality  de- 
pends on  the  good  or  ill  use  made  of  it.  The  work 
concludes  with  the  narrative  of  the  young  man  who 
was  baptized,  lost,  and  again  re  won  by  the  Apostle 
St.  John.  The  date  of  the  composition  cannot  be 
fixed.  We  have  the  work  almost  in  its  entirety. 
Clement  wrote  homilies  on  fasting  and  on  evil-speak- 
ing, and  he  also  used  his  pen  in  the  controversy  on 
the  Paschal  question. 

Duchesne  (Hist.anciennedel'Eglise,  1,334 acjq.)  thus 
summarizes  the  remaining  years  of  Clement's  life.  He 
did  not  end  his  life  at  Alexandria.  The  persecution 
fell  upon  Egypt  in  the  year  202,  and  catechumens 
were  pursued  with  special  intent  of  law.  The 
catechetical  school  suffered  accordingly.  In  the 
first  two  books  of  the  "Miscellanies",  written  at  this 
time,  we  find  more  than  one  allusion  to  the  crisis. 
At  length  Clement  felt  obliged  to  withdraw.  We 
find  him  shortly  after  at  Cssarea  in  Cappadocia 
beside  his  friend  and  former  pupil  Bishop  Alexander. 
The  persecution  is  active  there  also,  and  Clement  is 
fulfilling  a  ministry  of  love.  Alexander  is  in  prison 
for  Christ's  sake,  Clement  takes  charge  of  the  Church 
in  his  stead,  strengthens  the  faithful,  and  is  even 
able  to  draw  in  additional  converts.  We  learn  this 
from  a  letter  written  in  211  or  212  by  Alexander  to 
congratulate  the  Church  of  Antioch  on  the  election  of 
Asdepiades  to  the  bishopric.  Clement  himself 
undertook  to  deliver  the  letter  in  person,  being  known 
to  the  faithful  of  Antioch.  In  another  letter  written 
about  215  to  Origen  Alexander  speaks  of  Clement 
as  of  one  then  dead. 

Clement  has  had  no  notable  influence  on  the  course 
of  theology  beyond  his  personal  influence  on  the 
young  Origen.  His  writings  were  occasionally 
copied,  as  by  Hippolytus  in  his  "Chronicon",  by 
Arnobius,  and  by  Theodoret  of  Cyrus.  St.  Jerome 
admired  his  learning.  Pope  Gelasius  in  the  catalogue 
attributed  to  him  mentions  Clement's  works,  but  adds, 
"they  are  in  no  case  to  be  received  amongst  us". 
Photius  in  the  "  Bibliotheca  "  censures  a  list  of  errors 
drawn  from  his  writings,  but  shows  a  kindly  feeling  to- 
wards Clement,  assuming  that  the  original  text  had 
been  tampered  with.  Clement  has  in  fact  been  dwarfed 
in  history  by  the  towering  grandeur  of  the  great 
Origen,  who  succeeded  him  at  Alexandria.  Down 
to  the  seventeenth  century  he  was  venerated  as  a 
saint.  His  name  was  to  be  found  in  the  martyrol- 
ogies,  and  his  feast  fell  on  the  fourth  of  December. 
But  when  the  Roman  Martyrology  was  revised  by 
Pope  Clement  VIII  his  name  was  dropped  from  the 
calendar  on  the  advice  of  Cardinal  Baroniue.  Bene- 
dict XIV  maintained  this  decision  of  his  predecessor 
on  the  grounds  that  Clement's  life  was  little  known, 
that  he  had  never  obtained  public  cultus  in  the 
Church,  and  that  some  of  bis  doctrines  were,  if  not 
erroneous,  at  least  suspect.  In  more  recent  times 
Clement  has  grown  in  favour  for  his  charming  liter- 
ary temper,  his  attractive  candour,  the  brave  spirit 
which  made  him  a  pioneer  in  theology,  and  his  leaning 
to  the  claims  of  philosophy.  He  is  modern  in  spirit. 
He  was  exceptionally  well-read.  He  had  a  thorough 
knowledge  of  the  whole  range  of  Biblical  and  Chna- 


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tian  literature;  of  orthodox  and  heretical  works. 
He  was  fond  of  letters  also,  and  had  a  fine  knowledge 
of  the  pagan  poets  and  philosophers;  he  loved  to 
quote  them,  too,  and  has  thus  preserved  a  number  of 
fragments  of  lost  works.  The  mass  of  facts  and 
citations  collected  by  him  and  pieced  together  in  his 
writings  is  in  fact  unexampled  in  antiquity,  though  it 
is  not  unlikely  that  he  drew  at  times  upon  the  Jwrir 
Ugia,  or  anthologies,  exhibiting  choice  passages  of 
literature. 

Scholars  have  found  it  no  easy  task  to  sum  up  the 
chief  points  of  Clement's  teaching.'  As  has  already 
been  intimated,  he  lacks  technical  precision  and 
makes  no  pretence  to  orderly  exposition.  It  is  easy, 
therefore,  to  misjudge  him.  We  accept  the  dis- 
criminating judgment  of  Tixeront.  Clement's  rule 
of  faith  was  sound  He  admitted  the  authority  of 
the  Church's  tradition.  He  would  be,  first  of  all,  a 
Christian,  accepting  "the  ecclesiastical  rule",  but  he 
would  also  strive  to  remain  a  philosopher,  and  bring 
his  reason  to  bear  in  matters  of  religion.  "  Few  are 
they",  he  said,  "who  have  taken  the  spoils  of  the 
Egyptians,  and  made  of  them  the  furniture  of  the 
Tabernacle."  He  set  himself,  therefore,  with  phil- 
osophy as  an  instrument,  to  transform  faith  into 
science,  and  revelation  into  theology.  The  Gnostics 
had  already  pretended  to  possess  the  science  of  faith, 
but  they  were,  in  fact,  mere  rationalists,  or  rather 
dreamers  of  fantastic  dreams.  Clement  would  have 
nothing  but  faith  for  the  basis  of  his  speculations. 
He  cannot,  therefore,  be  accused  of  disloyalty  in 
will.  But  ne  was  a  pioneer  in  a  difficult  undertaking, 
and  it  must  be  admitted  that  he  failed  at  times  in  his 
high  endeavour.  He  was  careful  to  go  to  Holy  Scrip- 
ture for  his  doctrine;  but  he  misused  the  text  by  his 
faulty  exegesis.  He  had  read  all  the  Books  of  the 
NewTestament  except  the  Second  Epistle  of  St.  Peter 
and  the  Third  Epistle  of  St.  John.  "In  fact",  Tixeront 
says, "  his  evidence  as  to  the  primitive  form  of  the 
Apostolic  writings  is  of  the  highest  value."  Unfor- 
tunately, he  interpreted  the  8cripture  after  the  manner 
of  Philo.  He  was  ready  to  find  allegory  everywhere. 
The  facts  of  the  Old  Testament  became  mere  symbols 
to  him.  He  did  not,  however,  permit  himself  so  much 
freedom  with  the  New  Testament. 

The  special  field  which  Clement  cultivated  led  him 
to  insist  on  the  difference  between  the  faith  of  the 
ordinary  Christian  and  the  science  of  the  perfect,  and 
his  teaching  on  this  point  is  most  characteristic  of 
him.  The  perfect  Christian  has  an  insight  into  "  the 
great  mysteries" — of  man,  of  nature,  of  virtue — 
which  the  ordinary  Christian  accepts  without  such 
dear  insight.  Clement  has  seemed  to  some  to  exag- 
gerate the  moral  worth  of  religious  knowledge;  it 
must  however  be  remembered  that  he  praises  not 
mere  sterile  knowledge,  but  knowledge  which  turn 
to  love.  It  is  Christian  perfection  that  he  extols. 
The  perfect  Christian — the  true  Gnostic  whom 
Clement  loves  to  describe — leads  a  life  of  unalterable 
calm.  And  here  Clement's  teaching  is  undoubtedly 
coloured  by  Stoicism.  He  is  really  describing  not  so 
much  the  Christian  with  his  sensitive  feelings  and 
desires  under  due  control,  but  the  ideal  Stoic  who  has 
deadened  his  feelings  altogether.  The  perfect  Chris- 
tian leads  a  life  of  utter  devotion ;  the  love  in  his  heart 
prompts  him  to  live  always  in  closest  union  with  God 
by  prayer,  to  labour  for  the  conversion  of  souls,  to 
love  his  enemies,  and  even  to  endure  martyrdom  itself. 

Clement  preceded  the  days  of  the  Trinitarian  con- 
troversies. He  taught  in  the  Godhead  three  Terms. 
Some  critics  doubt  whether  he  distinguished  them 
as  Persons,  but  a  careful  reading  of  him  proves  that 
he  did.  The  Second  Term  of  the  Trinity  m  the  Word. 
Photius  believed  that  Clement  taught  a  plurality  of 
Words,  whereas  in  reality  Clement  merely  drew  a  dis- 
tinction between  the  Father's  Divine  immanent 
attribute  of  intelligence  and  the  Personal  Word  Who 


is  the  Son.  The  Son  is  eternally  begotten,  and  has 
the  very  attributes  of  the  Father.  They  are  but  one 
God.  So  far,  in  fact,  does  Clement  push  this  notion 
of  unity  as  to  seem  to  approach  Modalism.  And  yet, 
so  loose  a  writer  is  he  that  elsewhere  are  found  dis- 
quieting traces  of  the  very  opposite  error  of  Subordi- 
nationism.  These,  however,  may  be  explained  away. 
In  fact,  he  needs  to  be  judged,  more  than  writers 
generally,  not  by  a  chance  phrase  here  or  there,  but 
By  the  general  drift  of  his  teaching.  Of  the  Holy 
Ghost  he  says  little,  and  when  he  does  refer  to  the 
Third  Person  of  the  Blessed  Trinity  he  adheres 
closely  to  the  language  of  Scripture.  He  acknowl- 
edges two  natures  in  Christ.  Christ  is  the  Man-God, 
Who  profits  us  both  as  God  and  as  man.  Clement 
evidently  regards  Christ  as  one  Person — the  Word. 
Instances  of  the  interchange  of  idioms  are  frequent 
in  his  writings.  Photius  has  accused  Clement  of 
Docetism.  Clement,  however,  clearly  admits  in 
Christ  a  real  body,  but  he  thought  this  body  exempt 
from  the  common  needs  of  life,  as  eating  and  drink- 
ing, and  the  soul  of  Christ  exempt  from  the  move- 
ment of  the  passions,  of  joy,  and  of  sadness. 

Editions. — The  works  of  Clement  of  Alexandria 
were  first  edited  by  P.  Victorius  (Florence,1550). 
The  most  complete  edition  is  that  of  J.  Potter, 
"dementis  Alexandrini  opera  quse  extant  omnia" 
(Oxford,  1715;  Venice,  1757),  reproduced  in  Migne, 
P.  G.,  VIII,  IX.  The  edition  of  G.  Dindorf  (Oxford, 
1869)  is  declared  unsatisfactory  by  competent  judges. 
A  new  complete  edition  by  O.  Stahlin  is  appearing 
in  the  Berlin  "Griechischen  christlichen  Schrift- 
steller  ",  etc.  So  far  (1908)  two  volumes  have  been 
published:  the  " Protrepticus "  and  the  "Ptedagogus" 
(Leipzig,  1905),  and  the  "Stromata"  (Bks.  I- VI, 
ibid..  1906).  The  preface  to  the  first  volume  (pp.  i- 
lxxxiii)  contains  the  best  account  of  the  manuscripts 
and  editions  of  Clement.  Among  the  separate  editions 
of  his  works  the  following  are  noteworthy:  Hort  and 
Mayor,  "Miscellanies",  Bk.  VII,  with  English  trans- 
lation (London,  1902);  Zahn,  "  Adumbrationes"  in 
"  Forschungen  zur  Geschichte  des  Neutestament- 
lichen  Kanons",  III,  and  "  Stipplementum  Clement- 
inum"  (Erlangen,  1884);  Koster,  "Quis  dives 
salvetur?"  (Freiburg,  1893).  The  last-mentioned 
work  was  also  edited  by  P.  M.  Barnard  in  "Cam- 
bridge Texts  and  Studies"  by  W.  Wilson  (1897),  and 
translated  by  him  in  "Early  Church  Classics"  for  the 
8.  P.  C.  K.  (London,  1901).  For  an  English  transla- 
tion of  all  the  writings  of  Clement  see  Ante-Nicene 
Christian  Library  (New  York). 

Bioo,  The  Christum  Platoniste  of  Alexandria  (Oxford,  1886); 
Kate,  Some  Account  of  the  Writings  and  Opinion*  of  Clement 
at  Alexandria  (London,  1835,  2nd  ed.,  1890);  Wkbtoott  in 
Did.  Christ.  Biog.  (Boston,  1877),  I,  550-67;  Barnard,  The 
Biblical  Text  of  Clement  of  Alexandria  in  Texts  and  Studies 
(Cambridge,  1899),  V,  2:  Ob  Fays,  Clement  d'Alexandrie 
(Piris,  1898);  Freppel,  CUment  d'Alexandrie  (Paris,  1865); 
Stahlin,  Beitrige  zur  Kenntniss  der  Handschriflen  des  Clemens 
Alex.  (Nuremberg,  1895);  Zieoert,  Zwei  Abhandtungen  Hber  T. 
Flat.  Klemens  Alex.  (Heidelberg,  1894);  Hillen,  CUment  is 
Alexandrini  de  SS.  Eucharistia  doelrind  (Warendorf,  1861); 
Winter,  Die  Ethik  des  Klemens  von  Alexandrien  (Leipzig, 
1882);  Ernest!,  Die  Ethik  des  T.  t'lamut  Klemens  von  Alex- 
andrien (Paderborn,  1900);  Capitaini,  Die  Moral  de*  Clemens 
von  Alexandrien  (Paderborn,  1903);  Wagner,  Der  Christ  und 
die  Welt  nach  Clemens  von  Alexandrien  (Gottingen,  1903); 
EipKBOiT,  Das  Neue  Testament  des  Klemens  Alexandrinus 
(Schleswig,  1890);  Daobch,  Der  neutestamenUiche  Schriftkanon 
und  Klemens  von  Alexandrien  (Freiburg  im  Br.,  1894); 
Sutter,  Klemens  Alexandrinus  und  das  Neue  Testament 
(Giessen,  1897);  Deiber,  CUment  d'Alexandrie  et  VEgliee  in 
Idem,  de  Vlnstitut  traneaie  d'Archeologie  orientate  (Cairo,  1904). 
— See  also  the  manuals  of  petrology  (Fesslbr-Jdnouann,, 
Bardenhewer),  the  histories  of  Gnosticism  (Mansel) 
and  of  the  Alexandrine  School   (Gctericke,  Matter,  J. 


gmon,  Vacherot).  Extensive  bibliographies  are  given  by 
Chbvaues  in  Bio-Bibliographie.  s.  v.,  and  by  Richardson  in 
his  bibliographical  appendix  to  the  Ante-Nicene  Christian 


Library. 


Clement  of  Ireland,  Saint,  also  known  as  Clem- 
ens Scorns  (not  to  be  confounded  with  Claudius 
Clemens),  b.  in  Ireland,  towards  the  middle  of  the 


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eighth  century;  d.  perhaps  in  France,  probably  after 
818.  About  the  year  771  he  set  out  for  France.  His 
biographer,  an  Irish  monk  of  St.  Gall,  who  wrote  his 
Acts,  dedicated  to  Charles  the  Fat  (d.  888),  says  that 
St.  Clement,  with  his  companion  Albinus,  or  Ailbe, 
arrived  in  Gaul,  in  772,  and  announced  himself  as  a 
vender  of  learning.  So  great  was  the  fame  of  Clement 
and  Ailbe  that  Charlemagne  sent  for  them  to  come 
to  his  court,  where  they  stayed  for  some  months. 
Ailbe  was  then  given  the  direction  of  a  monastery 
near  Pa  via,  but  Clement  was  requested  to  remain  in 
France  as  the  master  of  a  higher  school  of  learning. 
These  events  may  have  taken  place  in  the  winter  of 
the  year  774,  after  Charlemagne  had  been  in  Italy. 
St.  Clement  was  regent  of  the  Paris  school  from  775 
until  his  death.  It  was  not  until  782  that  Alcuin  be- 
came master  of  the  royal  school  at  Aachen,  but  even 
the  fame  of  Alcuin  in  no  wise  diminished  the  acknowl- 
edged reputation  of  Clement.  No  serious  writer  of 
to-day  thinks  of  repeating  the  legend  to  the  effect 
that  St.  Clement  was  founder  of  the  University  of 
Paris,  but,  as  there  is  a  substratum  of  truth  in  most 
legends,  the  fact  remains  that  this  remarkable  Irish 
scholar  planted  the  mustard  seed  which  developed 
into  a  great  tree  of  learning  at  Paris.  Many  anecdotes 
are  related  of  St.  Clement  s  life,  especially  as  regards 
his  success  as  a  teacher  of  youth.  Among  his  pupils 
were  Bruno,  Modestus,  and  Candidus,  who  had  been 
placed  under  his  care  in  803  by  Ratgar,  Abbot  of 
Fulda.  When  Alcuin  retired  to  Tours  in  796,  his  post 
as  rector  of  the  School  of  the  Palace  was  naturally 
given  to  St.  Clement.  In  803,  as  an  old  man,  Alcuin 
wrote  from  his  retirement  to  Charlemagne,  queru- 
lously commenting  on  "the  daily  increasing  influence 
of  the  Irish  at  the  School  of  the  Palace ' '.  Alcuin  died 
19  May,  804,  and  Charlemagne  survived  till  28  Janu- 
ary, 814.  St.  Clement  is  probably  identical  with  the 
person  of  this  name  who  wrote  the  biography  of 
Charlemagne,  but  the  question  has  not  been  defi- 
nitely settled.  Colgan  says  that  he  was  living  in  818, 
and  gives  the  date  of  Clement's  death  as  20  March 
and  the  place  as  Auxerre,  where  he  was  interred  in 
the  church  of  Saint-Amator. 

Co  loan,  Acta  Sand.  Hib.;  Harris  ed.,  Writer*  ot  Ireland, 
III;  Lantoak,  Bed.  Hist,  of  Ireland,  III;  TTusraR,  Vet.  Epist. 
Bib.  Svilote  (Dublin,  1832);  Canisius,  Antiaua  Lectianm.  II; 
O'Hanlon,  Lives  of  Utt  Irish  Saint*  (Dublin.  1875),  III. 

W.  H.  Q rattan-Flood. 

Olenock  (or  Clynoq),  Maurice,  date  of  birth  un- 
known, d.  about  1580.  He  was  b.  in  Wales  and 
educated  at  Oxford,  where  he  was  admitted  Bachelor 
of  Canon  Law  in  1548.  During  Mary's  reign  he  be- 
came almoner  and  secretary  to  Cardinal  Pole,  preben- 
dary of  York,  rector  of  Orpington  fKent),  and  dean 
of  Shoreham  and  Croydon,  and  chancellor  of  the 
prerogative  court  of  Canterbury.  In  1556  he  was 
made  rector  of  Corwen  in  the  Diocese  of  St.  Asaph, 
and  on  the  death  of  the  Bishop  of  Bangor  in  1558  was 
nominated  to  the  vacant  see,  but  was  never  conse- 
crated, owing  to  the  change  of  religion  under  Eliza- 
beth. Surrendering  all  his  preferments,  he  accom- 
panied Bishop  Goldwell  of  St.  Asaph  to  Rome,  where 
they  resided  m  the  English  hospital,  of  which  Clenock 
was  a  camerarius  in  1567.  In  1578  he  was  made  its 
warden.  At  the  same  time  Gregory  XIII  ordered  the 
hospital  to  be  converted  into  a  college  until  England 
should  return  to  the  Church.  The  warden  was  made 
the  first  rector  of  the  college  by  the  pope;  but  Cardi- 
nal Allen  judged  him  unfit,  though  he  described  him 
as  "an  honest  and  friendly  man  and  a  great  advancer 
of  the  students'  and  seminaries'  cause"  (Letter  to 
Dr.  Lewis,  12  May,  1579).  Despite  his  personal  good 
qualities  he  did  not  prove  a  competent  ruler.  He 
was  accused  of  unduly  favouring  his  fellow-country- 
men at  the  expense  of  the  English  students,  who 
numbered  thirty-three  as  against  seven  Welshmen. 
Feeling  ran  so  high  that,  as  Allen  wrote,  "Mischief 


and  murder  had  like  to  have  been  committed  in  ip*o 
collegio"  (letter  cited  above).  The  students,  having 
unsuccessfully  appealed  to  the  pope,  left  the  college, 
and  finally  the  pope,  in  April,  1579,  appointed  Father 
Agazzari,  S.  J.,  rector,  leaving  Dr.  Clenock  still  war- 
den of  the  hospital.  He  retired,  however,  in  1580 
to  Rouen,  where  he  took  ship  for  Spain,  but  was  lost 
at  sea.  In  contemporary  documents  he  is  frequently 
referred  to  as  "Dr.  Morrice". 

Dodd,  Church  History  (Brussels,  1737),  I,  513,  also  Tiers  et's 
edition  (London,  1839),  II,  167  sqq.;  Kirk,  Catholic  Mixcrll 'any 
(London,  1826),  VI,  255;  Knox,  Historical  Introduction  to 
Douay  Diaries  (London,  1878);  Kolet,  Records  Eng.  I'rov. 
S.  J.  (London,  1880),  Introduction;  Knox,  Letters  and  Memo- 
rials of  Cardinal  Allen  (London,  1882);  Qii.i>ow,  Bibl.  Diet. 
Eng.  Cath.  (I-ondon,  1885),  I,  501;  Cooper  in  Diet.  Nat.  Biog. 
(London,  1887),  XI,  37;  Law,  Jesuits  and  Seculars  in  the  lieign 
of  Elizabeth  (London,  1889);  Sander,  Report  to  Cardinal 
Moroni  in  Cath.  Record  Soc.  Miscellanea  (London,  1905),  I; 
Parsons.  Memoirs  in  Cath.  Record  Soc.  Miscellanea  (London, 


Parsons, 
1908).  II. 


Edwin  Burton. 


Oleophas,  according  to  the  Catholic  English  ver- 
sions the  name  of  two  persons  mentioned  in  the  New 
Testament.  In  Greek,  however,  the  names  are  dif- 
ferent, one  being  Cleopas,  abbreviated  form  of  Cleo- 
patros,  and  the  other  Clopas.  The  first  one,  Cleopas. 
was  one  of  the  two  disciples  to  whom  the  risen  Lord 
appeared  at  Emmaus  (Luke,  xxiv,  18).  We  have 
no  reliable  data  concerning  him;  his  name  is  entered 
in  the  martyrology  on  the  25th  of  September.  (See 
Acta  Sanctorum,  Sept.,  VII,  5  sqq.)  The  second, 
Clopas,  is  mentioned  in  St.  John,  xix.  25,  where  a 
Mary  is  called  Mapia  4  '»  KXara,  which  is  generally 
translated  by  "Mary  the  wife  of  Clopas  '.  This 
name,  Clopas,  is  thought  by  many  to  be  the  Greek 
transliteration  of  the  Aramaic  *tbn,  Alptueus.  This 
view  is  based  on  the  identification  of  Mary,  the 
mother  of  James  etc  (Mark,  xv,  40)  with  Mary, 
the  wife  of  Clopas,  and  the  consequent  identity 
of  Alptueus,  father  of  James  (Mark,  iii,  18),  with 
Clopaa.  EtymologioaUy,  however,  the  identification 
of  the  two  names  offers  serious  difficulties:  (1)  Al- 
though the  letter  flelh  is  occasionally  rendered  in  Greek 
by  Kappa  at  the  end  and  in  the  middle  of  words,  it  is 
very  seldom  so  in  the  beginning,  where  the  aspirate  is 
better  protected;  examples  of  this,  however,  are  given 
by  Levy  (Sem.  Fcemdworter  in  Griech.) ;  but  (2)  even 
if  this  difficulty  was  met,  ClOpat  would  suppose  an 
Aramaic  ffalophai,  not  flalpau  (3)  The  Synac  ver- 
sions have  rendered  the  Greek  Clopas  with  a  QOph, 
not  with  a  tfeth,  as  they  would  have  done  naturally 
had  they  been  conscious  of  the  identity  of  Clopas  and 
Halpai;  Alphteus  is  rendered  with  a  peth  (occasion- 
ally Aleph).  For  these  reasons,  others  see  in  ClOpa*  a 
substitute  for  CU»pttt,  with  the  contraction  of  m  into 
«.  In  Greek,  it  is  true,  w  is  not  contracted  into  m, 
but  a  Semite,  borrowing  a  name,  did  not  necessarily 
follow  the  rules  of  Greek  contraction.  In  fact,  in 
Mishnic  Hebrew  the  name  Cleopatra  is  rendered 
by  tnOttpp.  ClOpaira,  and  hence  the  Greek  Cfeepa* 
might  be  rendered  by  Cldpas.  See  also,  Chabot, 
"Joum.  Asiat.",  X,  327  (1897).  Even  if,  etymo- 
iogically,  the  two  names  are  different  they  may 
have  been  borne  by  one  man,  and  the  question  of  the 
identity  of  Alphams  and  Clopas  is  still  open.  U  the 
two  persons  are  distinct,  then  we  know  nothing  of 
Clopas  beyond  the  fact  recorded  in  St  John;  if,  on 
the  contrary,  they  are  identified,  Clopas'  personality 
is  or  may  be  closely  connected  with  the  history  of  the 
brethren  of  the  Lord  and  of  James  the  Less.  (See 
Brbthrbv  of  tbs  Lord;  James  the  Lass.) 

Soheoo,  Jakobus  der  Bruder  dss  llerm  (Munich,  1883); 
Nicoia,  Alphams  and  Klopas  in  The  Expositor  (1885),  79  sqq.; 
WrrtEL,  Alphams  u.  Klopas  in  Theolog.  Stud.  u.  Krrt  (1883), 
620  sq.;  Jacqcier  in  Tio.,  Diet,  de  la  Bib.,  i.v.  AiphM  ;  also 
commentaries  on  John,  xix,  26.  R.  BuTXN. 

Olerc,  Alexis.  See  Commune,  Martyrs  of  tots 
Paris. 


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Clerc,  J.-M.    See  Vizagapatam,  Diocese  of. 

Clerestory,  a  term  formerly  applied  to  any  win- 
dow or  traceried  opening  in  a  church,  e.  g.  in  an  aisle, 
tower,  cloister,  or  screen,  but  now  restricted  to  the 
windows  in  an  aisled  nave,  or  to  the  range  of  wall  in 
which  the  high  windows  are  set.  Sometimes  these 
windows  are  very  small,  being  mere  quatrefoils  or 
spherical  triangles.  In  large  buildings,  however,  they 
are  important  features  both  of  beauty  and  utility. 
The  clerestory  is  especially  used  in  churches  where  the 
division  into  nave  and  side  aisles  permits  the  intro- 
duction of  light  into  the  body  of  the  church  from 
above  the  aisle  roofs.  According  to  Fergusson's 
theory,  the  interior  of  Greek  temples  was  lighted 
by  a  clerestoiy,  similar  internally  to  that  found  in 
all  the  great  Egyptian  temples,  but  externally  re- 
quiring such  a  change  of  arrangement  as  was  nec- 
essary to  adapt  it  to  a  sloping  instead  of  a  flat 
roof.  This  seems  to  have  been  effected  by  counter- 
sinking into  the  roof,  so  as  to  make  three  ridges  in 
those  parts  where  the  light  was  admitted,  though  the 
regular  shape  of  the  roof  was  retained  between  these 
openings.  Thus,  neither  the  ridge  nor  the  continuity 
of  the  lines  of  the  roof  was  interfered  with.  This 
theory  is  borne  out  by  all  the  remains  of  Greek  tem- 
ples that  now  exist,  and  by  all  the  descriptions  that 
nave  been  handed  down  from  antiquity.  Simpson, 
however,  regards  the  theory  as  extremely  improbable. 

Fletcher  and  Fletcher,  A  History  of  Architecture  (Lon- 
don, New  York,  1806),  690;  Gwilt.  Encyc.  of  Arch.  (London, 
1881),  1648;  Parker.  (Jloitary  of  Arch.  (Oxford,  1850),  1, 
104;  Sturois,  Diet,  of  Arch,  and  Budding  (London,  1904); 
Ferocsson,  A  Hittory  of  Architecture  in  all  Countries  (New- 
York) :  Simpson,  A  llieiory  of  Architectural  Development 
(New  York,  1905). 

Thomas  H.  Poolb. 

Clergy.   See  Cleric. 

Cleric,  a  person  who  has  been  legitimately  re- 
ceived into  the  ranks  of  the  clergy.  By  clergy  in  the 
strict  sense  is  meant  the  entire  ecclesiastical  hier- 
archy. Consequently  a  cleric  is  one  who  belongs  in 
some  sense  to  the  hierarchy.  For  this  it  is  necessary 
that  he  have  received  at  least  the  tonsure  (see  Ton- 
sure). The  clergy  by  Divine  right  form  an  order  or 
state  which  is  essentially  distinct  from  that  of  the 
laity.  (Cone.  Trid.,Sess.  XXIV,  De  sac.  ord.,  can.  i, 
6.)  Christ  did  not  commit  the  preaching  of  the 
Gospel  and  the  administration  of  the  sacraments  to 
the  faithful  in  general,  but  to  certain  carefully  defined 
persons,  as  the  Apostles  and  seventy-two  Disciples. 
They  also  received  the  power  of  governing  the  flocks; 
which  power  is  represented  by  the  Keys,  a  well-known 
Oriental  symbol  for  authority.  That  the  distinction 
between  clergy  and  laity  was  recognized  in  New 
Testament  times  is  plain  from  St.  Paul's  statement 
that  the  bishops  have  been  placed  by  the  Holy  Ghost 
to  rule  the  Church  (Acts,  xx,  28),  for  the  right  to 
rule  implies  a  correlative  obligation  to  obey.  Pres- 
byters are  continually  distinguished  from  the  laity 
throughout  the  Pauline  Epistles. 

The  word  cleric  (Lat.  clerinis  from  clems)  is  de- 
rived from  the  Greek  nXfjpot,  a  "  lot".  In  the  Septua- 
gint,  this  word  is  used  in  the  literal  sense  quite  fre- 
quently, though  not  in  its  later  technical  sense.  In 
the  First  Epistle  of  St.  Peter  (v,  3)  it  is  applied  to  the 
entire  body  of  the  faithful.  The  use  of  the  word  in  its 
present  restricted  meaning  occurs,  however,  as  early 
as  the  third  century.  It  is  found  in  Tertullian  (De 
idol.,  c.  viii),  Origen  (Horn,  in  Jer.,  xi,  3)  and  Clem- 
ent of  Alexandria  (Quis  dives  salvetur,  c.  xlii)  in  this 
sense.  It  is  not  easy  to  determine  exactly  how  the 
word  came  to  have  its  present  determinate  meaning. 
The  "Pontificale  Romanum"  refers  to  clerics  as  being 
those  whose  "lot"  is  the  Lord  Himself,  and  St. 
Jerome  explicitly  derives  the  name  from  that  fact. 
These  statements  do  not  give  us,  however,  the  steps 
IV.-4 


by  which  kX>w»!,  "lot"  became  "clergy"  or  "cleric". 
Probably  the  best  suggested  explanation  is,  that 
from  lot  or  portion,  it  came  to  mean  a  particular 
lot  or  office  assigned  to  some  one,  and  finally  the 
person  himself  possessing  the  lot  or  office. 

Extension  or  Meaning. — While  cleric  in  its  strict 
sense  means  one  who  has  received  the  ecclesiastical 
tonsure,  yet  in  a  general  sense  it  is  also  employed  in 
canon  law  for  all  to  whom  clerical  privileges  have 
been  extended.  Such  are  the  members  of  religious 
orders:  monks  and  nuns,  and  even  lay  brothers  and 
novices.  It  is  also  applied  to  tertiaries  of  the  mendi- 
cant orders.  If  they  be  men,  however,  they  must 
live  in  community,  but  if  they  be  women  they  may 
enjoy  the  privilege  even  when  living  at  home.  Her- 
mits and  virgins,  or  celibates  whose  vows  are  approved 
by  the  bishop,  have  likewise  clerical  immunities. 
Members  of  the  military  religious  orders,  such  as 
formerly  the  Knights  Templars,  and  at  present  the 
Teutonic  Knights  and  Knights  of  Malta,  rank  as 
clerics.  The  meaning  of  the  word  has  been  so  ex- 
tended as  to  include  even  laics,  men  or  women,  who 
render  service  to  a  regular  community,  such  as  by 
begging,  provided  they  wear  a  clerical  dress  and 
reside  near  the  monastery  or  convent.  The  privi- 
leges enjoyed  by  thus  obtaining  the  benefit  of  clergy 
were  once  great  (see  Immunity),  and  were  formerly 
recognized  by  secular  governments.  In  modern 
times,  however,  these  privileges  in  as  far  as  they 
were  guaranteed  by  the  civil  power  have  been  almost 
entirely  swept  away  in  every  country  of  the  world. 
It  is  only  when  there  is  question  of  favours,  or  as 
canonists  say,  in  a  favourable  sense,  that  cleric  has 
this  wide  signification.  When  there  is  question  of 
penalties,  on  the  contrary,  it  becomes  so  restricted 
as  to  mean  only  the  lower  orders  of  the  secular  clergy. 
In  England  in  medieval  times  the  term  clerk  acquired 
in  common  parlance  the  significance  of  an  educated 
man. 

Clerical  Religious  Orders. — Among  the  regular 
orders  in  the  strict  sense,  namely  those  whose  mem- 
bers have  solemn  vows,  is  a  large  class  designated  as 
clerks  regular  (clerici  regulates)  because  living  accord- 
ing to  a  rule  (regula).  In  contradistinction  to  the 
monastic  orders,  these  clerical  orders  were  instituted 
for  the  purpose  of  exercising  a  ministry  similar  to  that 
of  the  secular  clerics,  by  promotion  of  the  Divine 
worship  and  procuring  the  salvation  of  souls.  Their 
main  object  is  the  spiritual  and  temporal  service  of 
their  neighbour  in  educating  youth,  preaching,  serv- 
ing the  sick,  etc.  Orders  of  clerks  regular  were  first 
founded  in  the  sixteenth  century.  To  this  class 
belong  the  Jesuits,  Theatines,  Barnabites,  and  others. 
Many  religious  congregations,  which  are  not  orders 
in  the  strict  sense,  such  as  the  Passionists  and  Re- 
demptorists  follow  a  similar  mode  of  life. 

Regionary  Clerics,  who  are  also  called  clerici 
vagantes  and  acephali,  were  those  who  were  ordained 
without  title  to  a  special  church.  They  were  re- 
ceived into  the  sacred  ministry  by  the  bishops  for  the 
purpose  of  supplying  the  dearth  of  the  clergy  in  the 
outlying  districts  of  the  dioceses  where  no  benefices 
existed.  Here  they  were  to  act  as  missionaries  and 
in  course  of  time,  if  possible,  to  gather  together  congre- 
gations who  would  build  and  endow  a  church.  Many 
of  these  clerics  became  mere  wanderers  without  set- 
tled occupation  or  abode,  sometimes  supporting 
themselves  by  filling  temporary  chaplaincies  in  the 
castles  of  noblemen.  In  course  of  time,  numbers 
of  these  untitled  clerics  returned  to  the  settled  por- 
tions of  their  dioceses  and  acted  as  assistants  to  such 
beneficed  clergymen  as  chose  to  accept  their  help. 
Owing  to  the  abuses  arising  from  the  unsettled  state 
of  these  vagrant  clerics,  the  Council  of  Trent  (Sess, 
XXIII,  c.  xvi,  De  ref.)  forbade  the  ordaining  in 
future  of  any  candidate  who  was  not  attached  to  a 
definite  church  or  pious  institute. 


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CLMEK7IS 


Obligations  of  Clbricb. — (1)  They  must  wear  a 
eostume  suited  to  their  state.  While  the  common 
canon  law  does  not  determine  in  every  detail  what 
the  dress  of  clerics  should  be,  yet  many  and  various 
prescriptions  on  the  subject  are  found  in  the  canons, 
the  pontifical  constitutions,  and  the  decrees  of  coun- 
cils. These  ordain  that  the  clerics  are  not  to  wear  the 
dress  of  laymen.  They  must  abstain  from  gaudy 
colours,  unbecoming  their  state.  The  wearing  of 
the  soutane  or  cassock  on  all  occasions,  even  in  public, 
is  prescribed  for  clerics  living  in  Rome,  and  bishops 
may  command  the  same  in  their  dioceses.  In  non- 
Catholic  countries,  synods  generally  prescribe  that  for 
public  use  the  dress  of  clerics  should  be  such  as  to 
distinguish  them  from  laymen;  that  is  of  black  or  of  a 
sober  colour,  and  that  the  so-called  Roman  collar  be 
worn.  In  private,  clergymen  are  commonly  re- 
quired to  wear  the  soutane.  (2)  Clerics  are  forbidden 
to  engage  in  trade  and  secular  business.  In  the  early 
ages  of  the  Church,  it  was  allowable  to  seek  necessary 
sustenance  by  labour,  and  this  is  not  forbidden  now 
if  the  cleric  does  not  receive  proper  support  from 
ecclesiastical  sources.  What  is  specially  Prohibited 
is  to  engage  in  trade  for  the  sake  of  gain.  The  buying 
and  selling,  however,  which  is  necessary  in  the  admin- 
istration of  the  lands  or  the  goods  of  a  benefice  do  not 
fall  under  the  prohibition.  Neither  is  it  forbidden 
to  clerics  nowadays  to  place  their  money  out  at  inter- 
est and  receive  the  increment;  for  this  is  equivalent, 
allowing  for  modem  circumstances,  to  the  economic 
management  of  the  lands  of  ecclesiastical  benefices. 
Gambling  in  stocks,  however,  remains  an  illicit  form 
of  trade  for  clergymen  (Lehmkuhl,  Theol.  Mor.,  II, 
n.  612.). 

(3)  There  are  stringent  laws  concerning  the  rela- 
tions of  clerics  with  persons  of  the  other  sex.  They 
must  conform  to  the  canons  in  all  that  regards 
allowing  females  to  dwell  in  their  houses.  Above  all 
must  they  avoid  associating  with  those  whose  moral 
character  causes  the  least  suspicion.  (4)  Unbecom- 
ing amusements  are  also  forbidden  to  them,  such  as 
the  frequenting  of  improper  plays  and  spectacles, 
the  visiting  of  taverns,  indulgence  in  games  of  chance, 
carrying  of  arms,  following  the  chase,  etc.  When  in 
the  above  amusements,  however,  there  is  no  necessary 
impropriety,  lawful  custom  and  synodal  prescriptions 
may  make  a  participation  in  them  allowable.  (5) 
Clerics  are  bound  to  obey  their  diocesan  bishops  in  all 
matters  determined  by  the  canon  law.  Various 
Roman  decisions  have  declared  that  by  his  ordinary 
authority,  the  bishop  cannot  oblige  clerics  to  render 
to  him  any  service  not  expressed  in  the  canons.  While 
the  obligation  of  obedience  is  binding  on  all  clerics, 
it  is  strengthened  for  priests  by  the  solemn  promise 
made  at  ordination,  and  for  afl  holders  of  benefices 
by  the  canonical  oath.  The  obligation  to  be  subject 
to  the  bishop  in  lawful  matters  is  not,  however,  a 
vow. 

Loss  of  Clerical  Privileges. — Although  the 
sacramental  character  received  in  Sacred  orders  may 
not  be  obliterated,  yet  even  the  higher  orders  of 
clergy  may  be  degraded  from  their  dignity  and  re- 
duced to  what  is  technically  called  lay  communion. 
The  same  holds,  of  course,  likewise  for  the  lower 
clergy.  _  When,  however,  a  cleric  who  has  received 
only  minor  orders  or  even  tonsure,  after  losing  his 
privileges,  has  been  restored  to  the  clerical  state,  this 
restitution,  even  when  solemn,  is  merely  ceremonious 
and  is  not  considered  as  a  new  conferring  of  tonsure 
or  minor  orders.  Even  minor  clerics  are  therefore 
considered  to  have  a  stable  connexion  with  the  hier- 
archical order.  See  Minor  Orders;  Deacon;  Sub- 
deacon;  Priest;  Hierarchy;  Laity. 

Wwwt  Jut  Dtcretalium  (Rome,'  18M),  II;  Fcrrarib, 
Prompt*  BM.  (Rome,  1880).  II;  Laukimtiu*,  hut.  Jut.  Bed. 
(Freiburg,  1903). 

William  H.  W.  Fanning. 


01  erica  to,  Giovanni,  canonist,  b.  1033,  at  Padua; 
d.  1717.  He  was  of  English  descent,  and  the  name 
is  variously  written  Clericatus,  Chericato,  Cheri- 
cati,  and  Chiericato,  probably  from  Clark,  the 
original  family  name.  The  charity  of  a  pious  woman 
made  it  possible  for  him  to  satisfy  his  strong  incli- 
nation for  study;  and,  being  raisea  to  the  priesthood, 
he  came  to  be  considered  one  of  the  ablest  men  of 
his  time  in  matters  of  ecclesiastical  jurisprudence. 
Cardinal  Barbarigo,  whose  life  he  afterwards  wrote, 
made  him  Vicar-General  of  the  Diocese  of  Padua. 
He  wrote  many  works  on  civil  and  canon  law;  his 
"Decisiones  Sacramental es"  was  published  in  1727, 
and  in  1757  in  three  volumes,  and  merited  the 
encomiums  of  Benedict  XIV  (notific.  32,  n.  6). 
His  name  is  held  in  honour  in  Italian  ecclesiastical 
literature. 

MomtHi,  Or.  Did.  Bid.  (Pane,  1758);  Susan.  Menorit 
(Padua,  1790);   Tjrabobchi,  Sloria  delta  Lett.  Hal.  (Milan, 

1825>-  John  H.  Stapleton. 

Olericis  Laicos,  the  initial  words  of  a  Bull  issued 
25  Feb.,  1296,  by  Boniface  VIH  in  response  to  an 
earnest  appeal  of  the  English  and  French  prelates  for 
protection  against  the  intolerable  exactions  of  the 
civil  power  (see  Boniface  VIH).  The  decree  was  in- 
serted among  the  papal  decretals  and  is  found  in 
Lib.  Sextus,  III,  tit.  23.  After  a  preamble  in  which 
the  pope  complains  that  the  laity  are,  and  have  al- 
ways been,  bitterly  hostile  to  the  clergy;  that,  al- 
though they  possess  no  authority  over  ecclesiastical 
persons  or  property,  they  impose  all  sorts  of  heavy 
burdens  on  the  clergy  and  seek  to  reduce  them  to 
servitude;  that  several  prelates  and  other  dignitaries 
of  the  Church,  more  fearful  of  giving  offence  to  their 
earthly  rulers  than  to  the  majesty  of  God,  acquiesce 
in  these  abuses,  without  having  obtained  authority  or 
permission  from  the  Apostolic  See;  he,  therefore,  wish- 
ing to  put  an  end  to  these  iniquitous  proceedings,  with 
the  consent  of  his  cardinals  and  by  Apostolic  author- 
ity, decrees  that  all  prelates  or  other  ecclesiastical  su- 
periors who  under  whatsoever  pretext  or  colour  shall, 
without  authority  from  the  Holy  See,  pay  to  laymen 
any  part  of  their  income  or  of  the  revenue  of  the 
Church;  also  all  emperors,  kings,  dukes,  counts,  etc. 
who  shall  exact  or  receive  such  payments  incur  to 
ipso  the  sentence  of  excommunication  from  which, 
except  in  articulo  mortis,  no  one  can  absolve  them  with- 
out special  faculties  from  the  pope;  no  privileges  or 
dispensations  to  be  of  avail  against  the  decree. 

The  two  underlying  principles  of  this  Bull,  viz.  (1) 
that  the  clergy  should  enjoy  equally  with  the  laity  the 
right  of  determining  the  need  and  the  amount  of  their, 
subsidies  to  the  Crown,  and  (2)  that  the  head  of  the 
Church  ought  to  be  consulted  when  there  was  ques- 
tion of  diverting  the  revenues  of  the  Church  to  secular 
purposes,  wereTiy  no  means  strange  or  novel  in  that 
age  of  Magna  Charts;  and  outside  of  France  and 
England  it  was  accepted  without  a  murmur.  But 
what  excited  the  wrath  of  the  two  chief  culprits, 
Philip  the  Fair  and  Edward  I,  was  that  from  its  fiery 
tone,  from  the  express  mention  of  sovereigns,  and  the 
grave  ipso  facto  penalties  attached,  they  felt  that  be- 
hind the  decree  there  stood  a  new  Hildeorand  resolved 
to  enforce  it  to  the  letter.  The  Bull  has  been  criti- 
cized for  the  unconventional  vehemence  of  its  tone, 
for  its  exaggerated  indictment  of  the  hostile  attitude 
of  the  laity  of  all  ages  towards  the  clergy,  and  for  its 
failure  to  make  clear  the  distinction  between  the  rev- 
enues of  the  purely  ecclesiastical  benefices  and  the  lay 
fees  held  by  the  clergy  on  feudal  tenure.  The  un- 
scrupulous advisers  orPhilip  the  Fair  were  quick  to 
take  advantage  of  the  pope  a  hasty  language  and,  by 
forcing  him  to  make  explanations,  put  him  on  the  de- 
fensive and  weakened  his  prestige. 

Fo«  source!  and  literature,  see  Boniface  VIII. 

James  F.  Louqhlin, 


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51 


Clerk,  John,  Bishop  of  Bath  and  Wells;  date  of 
birth  unknown;  d.  3  January,  1541.  He  was  edu- 
cated at  Cambridge  (B.A.,  1499;  M.A.,  1502)  and 
Bologna,  where  he  Became  Doctor  of  Laws.  When  he 
returned  to  England  he  attached  himself  to  Cardinal 
Wolsey,  and  much  preferment  followed.  He  became 
Rector  of  Hothfield,  Kent,  1508;  Master  of  the  Maison 
Dieu  at  Dover,  1509;  Rector  of  Fortishead  (Somer- 
set) 1513;  Ivychurch  (Kent),  West  Tarring  (Sussex), 
and  Charlton,  all  in  1514;  South  Molton  (Devonshire) 
and  Archdeacon  of  Colohester,  1519;  Dean  of  Windsor 
and  judge  in  the  Court  of  Star  Chamber,  1519.  He 
was  also  Dean  of  the  King's  Chapel.  He  was  useful 
in  diplomatic  commissions  both  to  Wolsey  and  the 
king.  In  1521  he  was  appointed  ambassador  to  the 
Papal  Court,  in  which  capacity  he  presented  King 
Henry's  book  against  Luther  to  the  pope  in  full  con- 
sistory. He  acted  as  Wolsey's  agent  in  Rome  in  the 
conclave  on  the  death  of  Leo  X.  He  returned  to  Eng- 
land to  be  appointed  Master  of  the  Rolls  in  October, 

1522,  which  office  he  held  till  9  October,  1 523.  When 
Wolsey  resigned  the  See  of  Bath  and  Wells,  in  1523, 
Clerk  was  appointed  bishop  in  his  stead.  As  bishop- 
elect  he  went  on  another  political  embassy  to  Rome, 
where  he  received  episcopal  consecration,  C  December, 

1523.  He  remained  in  Home  lor  two  years  and  once 
more  unsuccessfully  represented  Wolsey's  interests 
at  the  conclave  in  which  Clement  VII  was  elected 
pope.  He  left  Rome  in  November,  1525,  but  was  so 
useful  as  a  diplomatic  agent  that  he  was  never  long  in 
England,  and  his  diocese  was  administered  by  his  two 
suffragan  bishops.  When  the  question  of  the  royal 
divorce  was  raised  Clerk  was  appointed  as  one  of  the 
queen's  counsellors,  but  Wolsey  persuaded  him  to 
agree  on  her  behalf  that  she  should  withdraw  from 
proceedings  at  Rome.  Afterwards  he  joined  in  pro- 
nouncing sentence  of  divorce,  and  is  believed  to  have 
assisted  Cranmer  in  works  on  the  supremacy  and  the 
divorce.  His  last  embassy  was  in  1540,  to  the  Duke 
of  Cleves,  to  explain  the  king's  divorce  of  Anne  of 
Cleves.  On  his  return  he  was  taken  ill  at  Dunkirk, 
not  without  suspicion  of  poison,  but  he  managed  to 
reach  England,  though  only  to  die.  He  lies  buried  at 
St.  Botolph's,  Aldgate,  not  at  Dunkirk,  as  sometimes 
stated. 

Clerk  wrote  "  Oratio  pro  Henrico  VIII  apud  Leonem 
pontif.  Max.  in  exhibitione  opens  regii  contra  Luth- 
erum  in  consistorio  habitam  (London,  1541),  trans- 
lated into  English  by  T.  W.  (Thomas  Warde?),  1687. 

Letter*  and  State  Pa-pert  of  Henry  Vlll  (London,  1830-52); 
Chxrsdbt,  Life  and  Reign  of  Henry  Vlll  (London,  1714); 
Hdnt  in  Diet,  of  Nat.  Biogr..  a.  v.;  Dodd,  Church  Hiet.  (Lon- 
don, 1737),  I,  181-2;  Cooper,  Athena.  Cantab.  (Cambridge, 
1858).  I,  77;  Gillow,  BM.  Diet.  Eng.  Calh.  The  account 
of  Pitts,  De  Ana.  Scriptoribut  (Paris,  1819),  ia  erroneous. 

Edwin  Burton. 

Gierke,  Agnes  Mabt,  astronomer,  b,  at  Skibbereen, 
County  Cork,  Ireland,  10  February,  1842;  d.  in  Lon- 
don, 20  January,  1907.  At  the  very  beginning  of  her 
study  she  showed  a  marked  interest  in  astronomy, 
and  before  she  was  fifteen  years  old  she  had  begun  to 
write  a  history  of  that  science.  In  1861  the  family 
moved  to  Dublin,  and  in  1863  to  Queenstown.  Sev- 
eral years  later  she  went  to  Italy  where  she  stayed 
until  1877,  chiefly  at  Florence,  studying  at  the  public 
library  and  preparingfox  literary  work.  In  1877  she 
settled  in  London.  Her  first  important  article,  "Co- 
pernicus in  Italy",  was  published  in  the  "Edinburgh 
Review"  (October,  1877).  She  achieved  a  world- 
wide reputation  in  1885,  on  the  appearance  of  her 
exhausti  ve  treatise,  "  A  Popular  History  of  Astronomy 
in  the  Nineteenth  Century^ '.  This  was  at  once  recog- 
nised as  an  authoritative  work.  Miss  Clerke  was  not 
a  practical  astronomer;  in  1888,  however,  she  spent 
three  months  at  the  Cape  Observatory  as  the  guest  of 
the  director,  Sir  David  Gill,  and  his  wife.  There  she 
became  sufficiently  familiar  with  spectroscopic  work- 
to  be  enabled  to  write  about  this  newer  branch  of  the 


science  with  increased  clearness  and  confidence.  Ia 
1892  the  Royal  Institution  awarded  to  her  the  Acton- 
ian  Prize  of  one  hundred  guineas.  As  a  member  of 
the  British  Astronomical  Association  she  attended  its 
meetings  regularly,  as  well  as  those  of  the  Royal 
Astronomical  Society.  In  1903,  with  Lady  Huggins, 
she  was  elected  an  honorary  member  of  the  Royal 
Astronomical  Society,  a  rank  previously  held  only  by 
two  other  women,  Caroline  Herschel  and  Mary  Somerr 
ville.  Her  work  is  remarkable  in  a  literary  as  well  as 
in  a  scientific  way.  She  compiled  facts  with  untiring 
diligence,  sifted  them  carefully,  discussed  them  with'' 
judgment,  and  suggested  problems  and  lines  of  future 
research.  All  this  is  expressed  in  polished,  eloquent, 
and  beautiful  language.  With  this  scientific  tempera- 
ment she  combined  a  noble  religious  nature  that  made 
her  acknowledge  "with  supreme  conviction"  the  in- 
sufficiency of  science  to  know  and  predict  the  possible 
acts  of  the  Divine  Power.  Her  works,  all  published 
in  London,  include,  "A  Popular  History  of  Astron- 
omy in  the  Nineteenth  Century"  (1885,  4th  revised 
ed.,  1902) ;  "The  System  of  the  Stars"  (1890;  2nd  ed.. 
1905);  "The  Herschels  and  Modern  Astronomy  ', 
(1895);  "The  Concise  Knowledge  Astronomy" — U}( 
conjunction  with  J.  E.  Gore  ancT  A.  Fowler  (189$);, 
"Problems  in  Astrophysics"  (1903);  "Modern  CosVj 
mogonies"  (1906).  To  the  ''Edinburgh  Review", 
she  contributed  fifty-five  articles,  mainly  on  subjects! 
connected  with  astrophysics.  The  articles  on  astro  it.; 
omers  in  the  "  Dictionary  of  National  Biography  "i 
on  "Laplace"  and  some  on  other  astronomers  and 
astronomical  subjects  in  the  "  Encyclopedia  Briton-' 
nica";  and  on  "Astronomy"  in  The  Catholic] 
Encyclopedia,  were  from  her  pen,  as  well  as  numer- 
ous contributions  to  "Knowledge",  "The  Observa- 
tory", the  London  "Tablet",  and  other  periodicals., 
Ellen  Mary,  sister  of  preceding,  journalist  and 
novelist,  b.  at  Skibbereen,  County  Cork,  Ireland, 
1840;  d.  in  London,  2  March,  1906.  A  gifted  and 
accomplished  writer,  she  was  for  many  years  an  edito- 
rial writer  for  the  London  ' '  Tablet ' '.  Her  knowledge, 
of  the  intricacies  of  the  religious  and  political  prob^ 
lems  of  Continental  Europe  was  remarkable.  A  seven 
years'  stay  in  Italy  made  her  intimately  familiar  not 
only  with  its  language  and  literature,  Dut  also  witty 
every  phase  of  its  public  life.  She  contributed  a 
series  of  stories,  perfect  in  Italian  phrase,  idiom,  and 
local  colour,  to  periodicals  in  Florence.  Her  pamph- 
lets, "Jupiter  and  His  System"  and  "The  Planet 
Venus",  were  valuable  additions  to  the  literature  of 
popular  astronomy.  In  1899  she  published  "Fable 
and  Song  in  Italy  ,  a  collection  of  essays  and  studies 
and  specimens  of  Italian  poetry  rendered  into  Eng- 
lish in  the  original  metres.  A  novel,  "Flowers  of 
Fire"  (1902),  was  her  last  work. 

The  Tablet,  files  (London,  March,  1906:  January,  1907); 
Obituary  in  Monthly  Notices  of  the  R.  A.  8.  (London,  1907); 
Macphhuon  in  Popular  Aetronomy  (London,  March,  1907)1 
The  Utnmger  Maoatine  (New  York,  March.  1907). 

William  Fox. 

Clerks  of  St.  Viator.  See  Viator,  St.,  Clerks  or. 

Clerks  of  the  Common  Life.  See  Common  Life, 
Brethren  of  the. 

Clerks  Regular. — Canonical  Status.— By  clerks 
regular  are  meant  those  bodies  of  men  in  the  Church 
who  by  the  very  nature  of  their  institute  unite  the 
perfection  of  the  religious  state  to  the  priestly  office, 
n.  who  while  being  essentially  clerics,  devoted  to  the 
exercise  of  the  ministry  in  preaching,  the  administra- 
tion of  the  sacraments,  the  education  of  youth,  and 
other  spiritual  and  corporal  works  of  mercy,  are  at  the 
same  time  religious  in  the  strictest  sense  of  the  word, 
professing  solemn  vows,  and  living  a  community  life 
according  to  a  rule  solemnly  approved  of  by  the  sov- 
ereign pontiff.  In  the  "Corpus  Juris  Canonici"  the 
term  clerks  regular  is  often  used  for  canons  regular,  and 


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regular  olerkB  are  classed  by  authors  as  a  branch  or 
modern  adaptation  of  the  once  world-famous  family  of 
regular  canons  (eee  Canons  and  Canonesbes  Regu- 
lar). This  is  because  of  the  intimate  connexion  ex- 
isting between  the  two;  for  while  separated  from  the 
secular  clergy  by  their  vows  and  the  observance  of  a 
community  life  and  a  rule,  they  form  a  distinct  class 
in  the  religious  state,  the  clerical,  in  opposition  to  the 
monastic,  which  includes  monks,  hermits,  and  friars. 
Clerks  regular  are  distinguished  from  the  purely  mo- 
nastic bodies,  or  monks,  in  four  ways:  They  are  pri- 
marily devoted  to  the  sacred  ministry;  not  so  the 
monks,  whose  proper  work  is  contemplation  and  the 
solemn  celebration  xrf  the  liturgy.  They  are  obliged 
to  cultivate  the  sacred  sciences,  which,  if  cultivated  Dy 
the  monks,  are  yet  not  imposed  upon  them  by  virtue  of 
their  state  of  life.  Clerks  regular  as  clerics  must  re- 
tain some  appearance  of  clerical  dress  distinct  from 
the  habit  and  cowl  of  the  monk.  And  lastly,  because 
of  their  occupations,  they  are  less  given  to  the  prac- 
tice of  austerity  which  is  a  distinct  feature  of  the 
purely  monastic  life.  They  are  distinguished  from  the 
friars  in  this,  that  though  the  latter  are  devoted  to  the 
sacred  ministry  and  the  cultivation  of  learning,  they 
are  not  primarily  priests.  Finally,  clerks  regular  dif- 
fer from  canons  regular  in  that  they  do  not  possess 
cathedral  or  collegiate  churches,  devote  themselves 
more  completely  to  ministerial  work  in  place  of  choir- 
service,  and  have  fewer  penitential  observances  of 
rule. 

History. — The  exact  date  at  which  clerks  regular 
appeared  in  the  Church  cannot  be  absolutely  deter- 
mined. Regular  clerks  of  some  sort,  i.  e.  priests  de- 
voted both  to  the  exercise  of  the  ministry  and  to  the 
practice  of  the  religious  fife  are  found  in  the  earliest 
days  of  Christian  antiquity.  Many  eminent  theolo- 
gians hold  that  the  clerks  regular  were  founded  by 
Christ  Himself.  In  this  opinion  the  Apostles  were  the 
first  regular  clerks,  being  constituted  by  Christ  min- 
isters par  excellence  of  His  Church  and  called  by  Him 
personally  to  the  practice  of  the  counsels  of  the  relig- 
ious life  (cf.  Suarez).  From  the  fact  that  St.  Augus- 
tine in  the  fourth  century  established  in  his  house  a 
community  of  priests  leading  the  religious  life,  for 
whom  he  drew  up  a  rule,  he  has  ordinaruy  been  styled 
the  founder  of  the  regular  clerks  and  canons,  and  upon 
his  rule  have  been  built  the  constitutions  of  the 
canons  regular  and  an  immense  number  of  the  relig- 
ious communities  of  the  Middle  Ages,  besides  those  of 
the  clerks  regular  established  in  the  sixteenth  century. 
During  the  whole  medieval  period  the  clerks  regular 
were  represented  by  the  regular  canons  who  under 
the  name  of  the  Canons  Regular  or  Black  Canons  of 
St.  Augustine,  the  Premonstratensians  or  White 
Canons,  Canons  of  St.  Norbert,  etc.,  shared  with 
the  monks  the  possession  of  those  magnificent 
abbeys  and  monasteries  all  over  Europe  which,  even 
though,  they  are  in  ruins,  compel  the  admiration  of 
the  beholder. 

It  was  not  until  the  sixteenth  century  that  clerks 
regular  in  the  modern  and  strictest  sense  of  the  word 
came  into  being.  Just  as  the  conditions  obtaining  in 
the  thirteenth  century  brought  about  a  change  in  the 
monastic  ideal,  so  in  the  sixteenth  the  altered  circum- 
stances of  the  times  called  for  a  fresh  development  of 
the  ever  fecund  religious  spirit  in  the  Church.  This 
development,  adapted  to  the  needs  of  the  times,  was 
had  in  the  various  bodies  of  simple  clerics,  who,  desir- 
ous of  devoting  themselves  more  perfectly  to  the  ex- 
ercise of  their  priestly  ministry  under  the  safeguards 
of  the  religious  Kfe,  instituted  the  several  bodies 
which ,  under  the  names  of  the  various  orders  of  regular 
clerics,  constitute  in  themselves  and  in  their  imitators 
one  of  the  most  efficient  instruments  for  good  in  the 
Church  militant  to-day.  So  successful  and  popular 
and  well  adapted  to  all  modern  needs  were  the  clerks 
regular,  that  their  mode  of  life  was  chosen  as  the  pat- 


tern for  all  the  various  communities  of  men,  whether 
religious  or  secular,  living  under  rule,  in  which  the 
Church  has  in  recent  times  been  so  prolific.  The  first 
order  of  clerks  regular  to  be  founded  were  the  Thea- 
tines  (q.  vj  established  at  Rome  in  1524;  then  fol- 
lowed the  Clerks  Regular  of  the  Good  Jesus,  founded  at 
Ravenna  in  1520,  and  abolished  by  Innocent  X  in 
1051 ;  the  Barnabites  (q.  v.)  or  Clerks  Regular  of  St. 
Paul,  Milan,  1530;  The  Somaschi  (q.  v.)  or  Clerks 
Regular  of  St.  Majolus,  Somasca;  1532;  the  Jesuits  or 
the  Society  of  Jesus  (q.  v.),  Pans,  1534;  the  Regular 
Clerks  of  the  Mother  of  God,  Lucca,  1583;  the  Regu- 
lar Clerks  Ministering  to  the  Sick,  Rome,  1684;  the 
Minor  Clerks  Regular,  Naples,  1588;  and  the  Piarists 
or  Regular  Clerks  of  the  Mother  of  God  of  the  Pious 
Schools,  Rome,  1597.  Since  the  close  of  the  six- 
teenth century  no  new  orders  have  been  added  to  the 
number,  though  the  name  Clerks  Regular  has  been 
assumed  occasionally  by  communities  that  are  techni- 
cally only  religious,  or  pious,  congregations  (see  Con- 
gregations, Religious). 

Suarei,  Dt  Religiont.  tr.  9;  Humphrey,  Eltmtnttof  ReUo- 
iout  Life  (London.  1884):  Idem,  The  Rtliaiout  State  (Lon- 
don, 1903),  II:  Andre- Waoneb,  Diet,  dt  droit  canonigue 
(Paris,  1901);  Vermeerbch,  Dt  Religiotit  Imtitutit  et  Per- 
tanit  (Bruges,  1904),  I;  Wbrmz,  Jut  Demtalium  (Roma.  1899). 
Ill;  Hbltot,  Diet,  det  ordrtt  rtligieux  (Pari*,  1869).  ed.  Mione, 
III;  Heimbuchek,  Dit  Orden  und  Kong,  der  kath.  Kirche 
(Paderborn.  1907).  III.  John  F.  X.  MuRPHT. 

Clerks  Regular  of  Our  Saviour,  a  religious  con- 
gregation instituted  in  its  present  form  in  1851,  at 
Benotte-Vaux  in  the  Diocese  of  Verdun,  France.  The 
constitutions  and  spirit  of  the  congregation  are  those 
of  the  Canons  Regular  of  Our  Saviour,  who  were  es- 
tablished as  a  reform  among  the  various  bodies  of 
regular  canons  in  Lorraine  by  St.  Peter  Fourier  (q.  v.), 
canon  of  Chamousay  in  1023,  and  confirmed  by  Urban 
VIII  in  1028.  The  scope  of  the  reformed  order,  as 
outlined  in  the  "Summarium  Constitutionum  "  of  St. 
Peter,  was  the  Christian  education  of  youth  and  the 
exercise  of  the  sacred  ministry  among  the  poor  and 
neglected.  The  order  flourished  exceedingly  through- 
out the  Duchy  of  Lorraine  and  made  its  way  into 
France  and  Savoy;  but  was  completely  destroyed  by 
the  French  Revolution.  In  1851  four  zealous  priests 
of  the  Diocese  of  Verdun,  anxious  to  see  revived  the 
apostolic  labours  of  the  sons  of  Fourier,  withdrew  to 
the  retired  shrine  of  Our  Lady  of  Benotte-Vaux,  and 
there  began  a  religious  life  according  to  the  rule  given 
to  his  canons  by  St.  Peter  Fourier.  Three  years  later 
they  received  the  approbation  of  the  Holy  See,  which 
changed  their  name  from  Canons  Regular,  the  title  of 
the  earlier  organization,  to  Clerks  Regular.  During 
the  next  half  century  the  congregation  spread  and  it 
now  numbers  several  houses,  its  special  work  being  the 
education  of  youth.  The  members  of  the  congrega- 
tion are  of  three  grades,  priests,  scholastics,  and  lay 
brothers.  Though  possessing  the  title  "clerks  regular 
(q.  v.)  they  are  not  such  in  the  strict  sense  of  the  word, 
as  their  vows, 'though  perpetual,  are  simple,  according 
to  the  present  practice  of  the  Roman  authorities  of  es- 
tablishing no  new  institutes  of  solemn  vows. 

Heimbocheb.  Die  Orden  und  Kong,  der  kath.  Kirche  (Pader- 
born, 1907),  II,  47  sq.:  Heltot,  Diet,  det  ordret  rtligieux,  (Paris. 
1869),  ed.  Miomb,  IV. 

John  F.  X.  Murphy. 


Clerks  Regular  of  St.  Paul.   See  Barnabitbs. 

Clerks  Regular  of  the  Mother  of  Ood  of 

Lucca,  a  congregation  founded  by  the  Blessed  Gio- 
vanni Leonard!,  son  of  middle-class  parents,  who  was 
born  in  1541  at  Diecimo,  a  small  township  in  the  Re- 
public of  Lucca,  though  at  that  time  the  chief  place 
of  a  fief  of  the  same  name  held  by  the  bishops  of  Lucca 
from  the  republic.  At  seventeen  years  of  age  he  was 
sent  to  Lucca  to  learn  the  apothecary's  trade,  but 
having  from  a  tender  age  been  most  piously  inclined, 


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OUSBMONT 


he,  after  many  difficulties,  including  the  necessity  of 
educating  himself,  embraced  the  sacerdotal  state,  and 
was  ordained  22  December,  1572.  His  congregation 
may  be  said  to  have  begun  in  1574.  Two  or  three 
young  laymen,  attracted  by  his  sanctity  and  thesweet- 
neas  of  his  character,  had  gathered  round  him  to  sub- 
mit themselves  to  his  spiritual  guidance  and  help  him 
in  the  work  for  the  reform  of  manners  and  the  saving 
of  souls  which  he  had  begun  even  as  a  layman.  Gio- 
vanni rented  the  beautiful  little  church  of  Santa 
Maria  della  Rosa,  and  in  a  quarter  close  by,  some- 
thing like  community  life  was  started.  It  was  here, 
when  it  became  evident  that  Giovanni's  lay  helpers 
were  preparing  for  the  priesthood  and  that  some- 
thing like  a  religious  order  was  in  process  of  formation, 
that  a  storm  of  persecution  broke  out  against  the 
devoted  founder.  The  Fathers  of  the  republic  seem 
to  have  had  a  real  fear  that  a  native  religious  order, 
if  spread  over  Italy,  would  cause  the  affairs  of  the 
little  state  to  become  too  well  known  to  its  neigh- 
bours. The  persecution,  however,  was  so  effective 
and  lasting,  that  the  Blessed  Leonardi  practically 
spent  the  rest  of  his  life  in  banishment  from  Lucca, 
only  being  now  and  again  admitted  by  special  decree 
of  the  Senate,  unwillingly  extracted  under  papal  pres- 
sure. In  1580  Giovanni  acquired  secretly  the  ancient 
church  of  Santa  Maria  Cortelandini  (popularly  known 
as  Santa  Maria  Nera)  which  his  sons  hold  to  this  day. 
In  1583  the  congregation  was  canonically  erected  at 
the  instigation  of  Pope  Gregory  XIII  by  Bishop  Al- 
essandro  Guidiccioni,  of  Lucca,  anil  confirmed  by  the 
Brief  of  Clement  VIII  "Ex  quo  divina  majestas",  13 
October,  1595. 

The  congregation  at  this  time  only  took  simple 
vows  of  chastity,  perseverance,  and  obedience,  and 
was  known  as  the  "Congregation  of  Clerks  Secular  of 
the  Blessed  Virgin".  In  1596  Clement  VIII  nom- 
inated the  Blessed  Giovanni  commissary  Apostolic 
for  the  reform  of  the  monks  of  the  Order  of  Monte 
Vergine,  and  in  1601  the  cardinal  protector  appointed 
him  to  carry  out  a  similar  work  among  the  Vallom- 
brosans.  In  1601  he  obtained  the  church  of  S.  Maria 
in  Portico  in  Rome.  In  the  same  year  Cardinal 
Baronius  became  protector  of  the  congregation.  Gio- 
vanni died  in  Rome  9  October,  1609,  aged  sixty-eight, 
and  was  buried  in  Santa  Maria  in  Portico.  The  present 
church  of  the  congregation  in  Rome,  obtained  in 
1662,  is  Santa  Maria  in  Campitclli  (called  also  Santa 
Maria  in  Portico)  interesting  to  Englishmen  as  the 
first  titular  church  of  the  Cardinal  of  York.  The 
body  of  the  founder  was  removed  to  this  church  and 
lies  there  under  the  altar  of  St.  John  the  Baptist. 
Giovanni  Leonardi  was  declared  Venerable  in  1701, 
and  beatified  by  Pius  IX  in  1861.  Leo  XIII,  in  1893,. 
caused  his  name  to  be  inserted  in  the  Roman  Martyr- 
ology  and  ordered  the  clergy  of  Rome  to  say  his  Mass 
anoTOffice,  an  honour  accorded  to  no  other  Blessed 
in  that  city  except  the  beatified  popes.  In  1614  Paul 
V  confided  to  the  congregation  the  care  of  the  so- 
called  Pious  Schools.  It  is  in  his  Brief  "  Inter  Pastor- 
alis"  that  the  congregation  is  first  called  "of  the 
Mother  of  God",  having  until  then  been  known  by  its 
original  name  of  "Clerks  Secular  of  the  Blessed 
Virgin".  The  care  of  these  schools  being  considered 
outside  the  scope  of  the  congregation,  it  was  relieved 
of  their  charge  by  the  same  pontiff  in  1617. 

It  was  not  until  1621  (3  November)  that  Gregory 
XV,  carrying  out  what  was  always  in  the  founder's 
mind,  erected  the  congregation  into  a  religious  order 
proper  by  permitting  its  members  to  take  solemn 
vows,  and  it  henceforth  became  the  Clerks  Regular 
of  the  Mother  of  God.  The  Blessed  Leonardi  received 
many  offers  of  churches  during  his  life,  but  with  a 
view  of  conciliating  the  governing  body  of  the  re- 
public thought  it  better  to  refuse  them.  In  all  its 
history  the  order  has  never  had  more  than  fifteen 
-faurches,  and  never  more  than  seven  at  one  time.  It 
Mil  .wimnt'<-  liu'.i       liu'  iuh  nl         i  i  li 


was  introduced  into  Naples  in  1632,  Genoa  1669,  and 
Milan  1709.  The  only  churches  of  the  order  now  ex- 
isting are  Santa  Maria  Cortelandini,  Lucca;  Santa 
Maria  in  Campitelli,  Rome;  Santa  Maria  in  Portico 
di  Chiaja,  and  Santa  Brigida,  Naples;  the  Madonna 
della  Stella  Migliano  (1902);  and  the  parish  church 
of  S.  Carlo  in  Monte  Carlo  (1873),  the  only  churoh  of 
the  order  outside  the  borders  of  modern  Italy.  Iri 
the  sacristy  of  Santa  Maria  Cortelandini  is  preserved 
a  large  portion  of  a  hair-shirt  of  St.  Thomas  of  Canter- 
bury whose  feast  is  celebrated  there  with  considerable 
ceremony;  in  1908  half  of  this  relic  was  presented  to 
the  Benedictine  Abbey  of  St.  Thomas,  Erdington, 
England.  The  former  residence  of  the  clerks,  who 
kept  a  large  boys'  school  until  the  suppression  in 
1867,  is  now  the  public  library  of  Lucca.  Two  of 
the  original  companions  of  the  holy  founder,  Cesare 
Franciotti  and  Giovanni  Cioni,  have  been  declared 
Venerable.  The  order  justly  enjoys  great  fame  for 
its  learning  and  its  numerous  scholars  and  writers. 
Suffice  it  to  mention  Giovanni  Domenico  Mans), 
editor  of  the  "Councils"  and  a  hundred  other  works. 
The  arms  of  the  order  are  azure,  Our  Lady  Assumed 
into  Heaven;  and  its  badge  and  seal  the  monogram 
of  the  Mother  of  God  in  Greek  characters. 

Helyot,  //  ist.  Ortl.  Rel.,  especially  the  Italian  version  by 
FptTTAKA,  clerk  of  this  congregation  (Lucca,  1738),  IV,  268- 
295;  Bonanni,  Cat.  Ord.  Relig.,  I;  Marracci,  Vita  del  V.P. 
Cinranni  Leonardi  (Rome,  1673);  Gitkrra,  La  Vita  del  B. 
(iiov.  Leonardi  (Monza,  189.5);  Bardosa,  Jut.  Eccl.  Univ.,  I, 
xli,  162;  Bultar.  Hum..  Ill;  Sartbsohi,  De  Scriptoribus  Cony. 
Cler.  Matris  Dei.  „ 

Montgomery  Cahmichaei,. 


(Clebmont-Ferkand),  Diocese  of 
(Ct*aromontensis ) ,  comprises  the  entire  department 
of  Puy-de-D6me  and  is  a  suffragan  of  Bourges.  Al- 
though at  first  very  extensive,  in  131 7  the  diocese  lost 
Haiite-Auvergne 
through  the 
creation  of  the 
Diocese  of  Saint- 
Flour  and  in  1822 
theBourbonnais. 
on  account  of  the 
erection  of  the 
Diocese  of  Mou- 
lins.  The  first 
Bishop  of  Cler- 
mont was  St. 
Austremonius 
(Stramonius). 
(See  Austremo- 
nius.) Accord- 
ing to  local  tra- 
dition he  was  one 
of  the  seventy- 
two  Disciples  of 
Christ,  by  Dirth  a 
Jew,  who  came 
with  St.  Peter 
from  Palestine  to 
Rome  and  subse- 
quently became  the  Apostle  of  Auvergne,  Berry,  Ni  ver- 
nais,  and  Limousin.  At  Clermont  he  is  said  to  have 
converted  the  senator  Cassius  and  the  pagan  priest  Vic- 
torinus,  to  have  sent  St.  Sirenatus  (Cerneuf)  to  Thiers, 
St.  Marius  to  Salers,  Sts.  Nectarius  and  Antoninus  into 
other  parts  of  Auvergne,  and  to  have  been  beheaded 
in  92.  This  tradition  is  based  on  a  life  of  St.  Austremo- 
nius written  in  the  tenth  century  in  the  monastery  of 
Mozat,  where  the  body  of  the  saint  had  rested  from 
761,  and  rewritten  by  the  monks  of  Issoire,  who  re- 
tained the  saint's  head.  St.  Gregory  of  Tours,  born 
in  Auvergne  in  544  and  well  versed  in  the  history  of 
that  country,  looks  upon  Austremonius  as  one  of  the 
seven  envoys  who,  about  250,  evangelized  Gaul;  he 
relates  how  the  body  of  the  saint  was  first  interred  at 
Issoire,  being  there  the  object  of  great  veneration. 


Cathedral,  Clermont-Ferrand 


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OLITUS 


Clermont  counted  amongst  its  bishops  a  large  number 
of  saints,  as  St.  Urbicus  (c.  312) ;  St.  Leoguntius ;  St. 
Illidius  (Allyre),  who,  about  385,  cured  the  daughter 
of  the  Emperor  Maximus  at  Trier;  the  saint's  name 
was  given  to  the  petrifying  springs  of  Clermont,  and 
his  life  was  written  by  Gregory  of  Tours;  St.  Nepo- 
tianus  (d.  388) ;  St.  Artemius  (d.  about  394) ;  St.  Ven- 
erandus  (Veau,  d.  about  423);  St.  Rusticus  (424-46); 
St.  Namatius  (446-62),  founder  of  the  Clermont  cathe- 
dral, where  he  deposited  the  relics  of  Sts.  Vitalis  and 
Agricola  brought  from  Bologna;  Sidonius  Apollinaris 
(470-79),  the  celebrated  Christian  writer  who  brought 
to  Clermont  the  priest  St.  Amabilis;  St.  ApruncuTus 
(d.  about  491);  St.  Euphrasius  (491-515);  St.  Quin- 
tianus  (d.  about  527),  whose  life  was  written  by  Greg- 
ory of  Tours;  St.  Gallus  (527-51),  of  whom  Gregory  of 
Tours  was  the  biographer  and  nephew;  St.  A  Vitus 
(second  half  of  the  sixth  century),  founder  of  Notre- 

Dame  du  Port ;  St. 
Cssearius  (c.627); 
St.  Gallus  II  (c 
650);  St.  Genesius 
(c.  660);  St.  Pras- 
jectus  (Prix),  his- 
torian of  the  mar- 
tyrs of  Clermont 
and  assassinated 
at  Volvic  25  Jan- 
uary, 676;  St. 
Avitus  II  (676- 
91);  St.  Bonitus, 
intimate  friend  of 
Sigebert  II  (end 
of  seventh  cen- 
tury); St.Stabihs 
(823-60),  and  St. 
Sigo  (866).  Among 
the  Bishops  of 
Clermont  should 
also  be  mentioned: 
Pierre  de  Cros 
(1301-04),  en- 
gaged by  St. 
Thomas  Aquinas  to  complete  his  "Summa";  Etienne 
d'Albert  (1340-42),  later  Pope  Innocent  VI  (1352- 
62) ;  Guillaume  du  Prat  (1528-60),  founder  of  the  Cler- 
mont College  at  Paris  and  delegate  of  Francis  I  to  the 
Council  of  Trent;  and  Massillon,  the  illustrious  orator 
(1717-42).  The  Diocese  of  Clermont  can  likewise 
claim  a  number  of  monks  whom  the  Church  honours 
«s  saints,  vie:  St.  Calevisus  (Calais,  460-641),  a  pupil 
in  the  monastery  of  Menat  near  Riom,  whence  He  re- 
tired to  Maine,  where  he  founded  the  Abbey  of  Ani- 
sole;  St.  Maztius  (d.  527),  founder  at  Royat  near 
Clermont  of  a  monastery  which  became  later  a  Ben- 
edictine priory ;  St.  Portianus  (sixth  century),  founder 
of  a  monastery  to  which  the  city  of  Saint- Pourcain 
(Allier)  owes  its  origin;  St.  Etienne  de  Muret  (1046- 
1 124),  son  of  the  Viscount  of  Thiers  and  founder  of 
the  Order  of  Grandmont  in  Limousin,  and  St.  Peter 
the  Venerable  (1092-1 156),  of  the  Montboissier  family 
of  Auvergne,  noted  as  a  writer  and  Abbot  of  Cluny. 

Several  famous  Jansenists  were  natives  of  Clermont: 
Blaise  Pascal,  author  of  the  "  Pensees "  (1623-62) ;  the 
Arnauld  family,  and  Soanen  (1647-1740),  Bishop  of 
Senez,  famous  for  his  stubborn  opposition  to  the  Bull 
"Unigenitus".  On  the  other  hand  the  city  of  Riom 
was  the  birthplace  of  Sirmond,  the  learned  Jesuit 
(1559-1651),  confessor  to  Louis  XIII  and  editor  of 
the  ancient  councils  of  Gaul.  Other  natives  worthy 
of  mention  in  church  history  were  the  Abbe  Delille, 
poet  (1738-1813),  and  Montloeier,  the  publicist  (1755- 
1838),  famous  for  his  memoir  against  the  Jesuits  and 
to  whom  Bishop  Ferou  refused  ecclesiastical  burial. 
Poie  Urban  II  came  to  Clermont  in  1095  to  preside 
at  the  organization  of  the  First  Crusade;  Pope  Pas- 
chal II  visited  the  city  in  1106,  Callistus  II  in  1120, 


Church  of  Notre-Dame  du  Port, 
Clermont-Ferrand  (Eleventh 
Century  Romanesque) 


Innocent  II  in  1130,  Alexander  III  in  1164,  and,  in 
1166,  St.  Thomas  Becket.  It  was  also  at  Clermont 
that,  in  1262,  in  presence  of  St.  Louis,  the  marriage  of 
Philip  the  Bold  and  Isabella  of  Aragon  was  solem- 
nized. The  cathedral  of  Clermont,  dating  from  the 
thirteenth  and  fourteenth  centuries,  is  not  of  equal 
archaeological  importance  with  the  church  of  Notre- 
Dame  du  Port,  which  stands  to-day  as  it  was  rebuilt 
in  the  eleventh  century,  and  is  one  of  the  most  beauti- 
ful of  Romanesque  churches  in  the  Auvergnese  style. 
One  of  the  capitals  in  Notre-Dame  du  Port,  ascribed 
to  the  eleventh  century,  is  among  the  most  ancient 
sculptured  representations  of  the  Assumption  of  the 
Blessed  Virgin.  This  cathedral  is  much  frequented 
as  a  place  of  pilgrimage,  as  are  also  Notre  Dame  d'Or- 
cival  and  Notre  Dame  de  Vassiviere  at  Besse.  The 
"dry  mass"  (without  Consecration  or  Communion) 
was  celebrated  in  the  Diocese  of  Clermont  as  late  as 
the  seventeenth  century. 

Before  the  Law  of  1901  was  carried  into  effect, 
there  were  in  the  diocese:  Capuchins,  Jesuits,  Marists, 
Fathers  of  the  African  Missions,  Fathers  of  the  Holy 
Ghost,  and  Sulpicians.  Several  local  congregations 
of  women  are  engaged  in  teaching,  among  them  being 
the  religious  of  Notre-Dame  de  Clermont,  founded  in 
1835,  with  mother-house  at  Chamalieres ;  the  Sisters  of 
St.  Joseph  of  the  Good  Shepherd,  founded  by  Massil- 
lon in  1723,  with  mother-house  at  Clermont;  the  Sis- 
ters of  the  Heart  of  the  Infant  Jesus,  mother-house  at 
Lezoux;  and  the  Sisters  of  Mercy,  founded  in  1806, 
with  mother-house  at  Billom.  The  diocese  has  the 
following  religious  institutions:  2  maternity  hospitals, 
40  infant  schools,  1  school  for  the  blind,  4  schools  for 
deaf  mutes,  3  boys'  orphanages,  16  girls'  orphanages,  2 
houses  of  refuge  and  of  protection,  23  hospitals  and 
hospices,  35  houses  for  nursing  sisters,  ana  1  insane 
asylum.  Statistics  for  the  end  of  1905  (the  close  of 
the  period  under  the  Concordat)  show  a  population 
of  529,181,  with  54  parishes,  447  succursal  parishes 
(mission  churob.ee),  and  175  curacies  remunerated  by 
the  State. 

Gregory  or  Tours,  Materia  Franoorum;  Idem,  Vita 
Palrum  (nine  out  of  twenty  being  devoted  to  saints  of  Au- 
vergne); Gallia  Chruliana  (nova)  (1715),  II,  233-816  416-418; 
Instrumenta,  73-128;  RfceiE,  aittoire  de  VEaliee  if  Auveryiw 
(3  vol*.,  Clermont-Ferrand,  1855);  Morin,  L  Auvergne  ehrU. 
du  premier  tilde  a  1880  (Roanne,  1880);  Duchesne,  Fatta 
tpiecopaux.  I,  20,  II,  31-39,  117-22;  Desdeviils  du  Desert, 
Bibliographie  du  centenaire  dee  croieadtt  a  Clermont-Ferrand 
(Clermont-Ferrand,  1895);  Chevalier,  Rip.  dee  murcee  hitt., 
Topo-Bibl.,  a.  v.  GEORGES  GOTAU. 

Oletus,  Saint,  Pope. — This  name  is  only  another 
form  for  Anacletus  (q.  v.),  the  second  successor  of  St. 
Peter.  It  is  true  that  the  Liberian  Catalogue,  a 
fourth-century  list  of  popes,  so  called  because  it  ends 
with  Pope  Liberius  (d.  366),  contains  both  names,  as 
if  they  were  different  persons.  But  this  is  an  error, 
owing  evidently  to  the  existence  of  two  forms  of  the 
same  name,  one  an  abbreviation  of  the  other.  In  the 
aforesaid  catalogue  the.  papal  succession  is:  Petrus, 
Linus,  Clemens,  Cletus,  Anacletus.  This  catalogue, 
however,  is  the  only  authority  previous  to  the  sixth 
century  (Liber  Pontificalia)  for  distinguishing  two 
popes  under  the  names  of  Cletus  and  Anacletus.  The 
"Carmen  adv.  Marcionem"  is  of  the  latter  half  of  the 
fourth  century,  and  its  papal  list  probably  depends  on 
the  Liberian  Catalogue.  The ' '  M  artyrologium  Hiero- 
nymianum"  (q.  v.)  mentions  both  "Aninclitus"  and 
"Clitus"  (23  and  31  December),  but  on  each  occasion 
these  names  are  found  in  a  list  of  popes ;  hence  the  days 
mentioned  cannot  be  looked  on  as  specially  conse- 
crated to  these  two  persons.  Apart  from  these  list*, 
all  other  ancient  papal  lists,  from  the  second  to  the 
fourth  century,  give  as  follows  the  immediate  succes- 
sion of  St.  Peter:  AI»ot,  ' Artykknroi,  KXfyntt  (Linus 
Anencletus,  Clemens),  and  this  succession  is  certainly 
the  right  one.  It  is  that  found  in  St.  Ireiueus  and  in 
the  chronicles  of  the  second  and  third  centuries.  Both 


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Africa  and  the  Orient  adhered  faithfully  to  this  list, 
which  is  also  given  in  the  very  ancient  Roman  Canon  of 
the  Mass,  except  that  in  the  latterCletus  is  the  form  used, 
and  the  same  occurs  in  St.  Epiphanius,  St.  Jerome, 
Rufinus,  and  in  many  fifth-  ana  sixth-century  lists. 
This  second  successor  of  St.  Peter  governed  the 
Roman  Church  from  about  76  to  about  88.  The 
"Liber  Pontificalis"  says  that  his  father  was  Emeli- 
anus  and  that  Cletus  was  a  Roman  by  birth,  and  be- 
longed to  the  quarter  known  as  the  Vicus  Patrici.  It 
also  tells  us  that  he  ordained  twenty-five  priests,  and 
was  buried  in  Vaticano  near  the  body  of  St.  Peter. 
There  is  historical  evidence  for  only  the  last  of  these 
statements.  The  feast  of  St.  Cletus  falls,  with  thatof  St. 
Marcellinus,  on  26  April ;  this  date  is  already  assigned 
to  it  in  the  first  edition  of  the  "Liber  Pontificalis". 
(See  Clement  I,  Saint,  Pope.) 

Liuhtfoot,  Apostolic  Fathers,  Pt.  I:  St.  Clement  of  Rome 
(2nd  ed„  London,  18901,  201-345;  Duchesne,  Liber  Pontifi- 
calis. I.  LXIX-LXX.  2-3,  52-53;  Harnuck,  Oesck.  der  alt- 
chritti.  Lit.  bis  Eusebius.  Uri.  144-202;  Ada  SS.,  April.  Ill, 
409-1 1;  de  Smedt,  Dissertatianes  select*  in  hist,  cedes.  (Ghent. 
18781,  300-04. 

J.  P.  KlRSCH. 

Cleveland,  Diocese  of  (Clevelandensis),  estab- 
lished 23  April,  1847,  comprises  all  that  part  of  Oliio 
lying  north  of  the  southern  limits  of  the  Counties  of 
Columbiana,  .Stark,  Wayne,  Ashland,  Richland,  Craw- 
ford, Wyandot,  Hancock,  Allen,  and  Van  Wert,  its 
territory  covering  thirty-six  counties,  an  area  of  15,- 
032  square  miles. 

Early  History. — The  Jesuit  Fathers  Potier  and 
tionnecamp  were  the  first  missionaries  to  visit  the 
territory  now  within  the  limits  of  Ohio.  They  came 
from  Quebec  in  1749  to  evangelize  the  Huron 
Indians  living  along  the  Vermilion  and  Sandusky 
Rivers  in  Northern  Ohio.  Two  years  later  they 
received  the  assistance  of  another  Jesuit,  Father  de 
la  Richardie,  who  had  come  from  Detroit,  Michigan, 
to  the  southern  shore  of  Lake  Erie.  Shortly  after 
his  arrival  he  induced  a  part  of  the  Huron  tribe  to 
settle  near  the  present  site  of  Sandusky,  where  he 
erected  (1751)  a  chapel — the  first  place  of  Catholic 
worship  within  the  present  limits  of  Ohio.  These 
Hurons  assumed  the  name  of  Wyandots  when  they 
left  the  parent  tribe.  Although  checked  for  a  time 
by  Father  Potier,  they  took  part  in  the  Indian-French 
War.  Soon  they  became  implicated  in  the  conspiracy 
of  Pontiac,  in  consequence  of  which  the  Jesuits 
were  unjustly  forced  in  1752  to  leave  the  territory 
of  Ohio,  Father  Potier  being  the  last  Jesuit  missionary 
among  the  Western  Hurons.  The  Indian  missions, 
established  and  cared  for  by  the  Jesuits  for  nearly 
three  years,  had  now  to  depend  exclusively  on  the 
chance  visits  of  the  priests  attached  to  the  military 
posts  in  Canada  and  Southern  Michigan.  Despite 
the  spiritual  deprivation  which  this  implied,  the 
Hurons  (Wyandots)  kept  the  Faith  for  many  years, 
although  their  descendants  were  ultimately  lost  to 
the  Church  through  the  successful  efforts  of  Protes- 
tant missionaries.  After  the  forced  retirement  of  the 
Jesuits  no  systematic  efforts  were  made  to  continue 
the  missionary  work  begun  by  them  until  1795, 
when  the  Rev.  Edmund  Burke,  a  secular  priest  from 
Quebec,  came  as  chaplain  of  the  military  post  at 
Fort  Meigs,  near  the  present  site  of  Maumee.  Father 
Burke  remained  at  the  post  until  February,  1797, 
ministering  to  the  Catholic  soldiers  at  the  fort, 
and  endeavouring,  though  with  little  success,  to 
Christianize  the  Ottawa  and  Chippewa  Indians  in 
the  neighbourhood. 

In  the  meantime  the  See  of  Bardstown  was  erected 
(1810),  embracing  the  entire  State  of  Ohio,  as  well 
as  Michigan  and  Kentucky.  Bishop  Flaget  sent 
(1817)  the  Rev.  Edward  Fenwick,  O.  P.  (later  first 
Bishop  of  Cincinnati),  from  the  Dominican  monastery 
at  Somerset,  Ohio,  to  attend  the  few  Catholic  families 
who  had  settled  in  Columbiana  and  Stark  Counties, 


in  the  north-eastern  part  of  Ohio.  From  that  time 
forward  he  and  other  Dominican  Fathers,  especially 
the  Revs.  Nicholas  D.  Young  and  John  A.  Hill,  con- 
tinued to  visit  at  regular  intervals  the  Catholic 
families  in  that  section  of  Ohio  (notably  in  Colum- 
biana, Stark,  Mahoning,  and  Wayne  Counties),  then 
very  sparsely  settled.  It  is,  therefore,  from  this 
period  that  Catholicity  in  Northern  Ohio  really  dates 
its  beginning.  In  the  course  of  time  the  Dominican 
Fathers  gradually  gave  up  to  the  secular  clergy  their 
pastoral  charges  in  the  above-named  counties  until, 
in  1842,  they  withdrew  altogether.  St.  John's, 
Canton,  was  their  last  mission.  Meanwhile  the 
central  portion  of  Northern  Ohio  (Huron,  Erie, 
Sandusky,  and  Seneca  Counties)  had  received  a  con- 
siderable influx:  of  Catholic  immigrants,  principally 
from  Germany.  Similar  conditions  were  obtaining 
elsewhere  in  the  State,  and  the  need  of  more  com- 
pact organization  to  minister  to  growing  wants 
made  Cincinnati  an  episcopal  see  in  1822,  with  the 
entire  State  for  its  jurisdiction.  Little  seems  to 
have  been  done,  however,  for  the  northern  part  of 
the  State,  and  but  little  could  be  done,  as  Catholics 
were  so  few,  until  the -advent  of  its  second  bishop, 
John  B.  Purcell.  He  succeeded  (13  Oct.,  1833) 
the  saintly  Bishop  Fenwick,  who,  while  engaged  in 
a  confirmation  tour,  died  at  Wooster,  Ohio  (26  Sep- 
tember, 1832)  of  cholera,  then  raging  in  Ohio.  In 
1834  Bishop  Purcell  commissioned  the  Redemptorist 
Fathers,  who  had  iust  arrived  in  America,  to 
take  charge  of  the  widely  scattered  German  missions 
then  existing  in  these  counties,  and  to  organize 
others  where  needed.  The  Rev.  Francis  X.  Tsehen- 
hens,  C.  SS.  R-,  was  the  first  priest  assigned  to  this 
task.  Later  on  he  was  assisted  by  other  members 
of  his  community,  among  them  the  Revs.  Peter 
Czakert,  Francis  Haetscher,  Joseph  Prost,  Simon 
Saenderl,  Louis  M.  Alig,  and  John  N.  Neumann 
(later  Bishop  of  Philadelphia).  The  Redemptorists 
remained  in  Northern  Ohio  until  November,  1842. 
They  were  succeeded,  January,  1844,  by  seven 
Sanguinist  Fathers  (the  Revs.  Francis  S.  Brunner, 
M.  A.  Meier,  J.  Wittmer,  J.  Van  den  Broek,  P.  A. 
Capeder,  J.  Ringele,  and  J.  B.  Jacomet),  who  came 
from  Europe  at  that  time  at  the  solicitation  of  Bishop 
Purcell.  They  settled  at  St.  Alphonsus'  church, 
Peru,  Huron  County,  whence  they  attended  all  the 
missions  formerly  under  the  care  of  the  Redemp- 
torists. They  also  accepted  charge  of  the  scattered 
missions  in  Lorain,  Medina,  ana  Wayne  Counties, 
besides  attending  the  Catholic  Germans  in  Cleveland. 
Their  advent  was  liailed  with  delight  wherever  they 
went,  and  their  priestly  labours  were  signally  blessed. 
Under  their  vigilant  care  religion  flourished,  so  that 
the  healthy  growth  of  Catholicity  in  Northern 
Ohio  may  justly,  under  God,  be  ascribed  in  large 
measure  to  their  untiring  zeal  and  self-sacrifice. 

The  secular  clergy  are  no  leBS  deserving  of  mention, 
as  they,  too,  laboured  in  this  part  of  the  Lord's 
vineyard,  amid  trials  and  difficulties,  often  side  by 
side  with  their  brethren  of  the  religious  orders,  ana 
more  often  alone  in  the  widespread  missions  of 
Northern  Ohio.  They  did  yeoman  service,  blazing 
the  way  for  those  who  succeeded  them,  and  laying 
the  foundations  for  many  missions,  which  have  long 
since  developed  into  vigorous  and  prosperous  con- 
gregations. The  first  of  these  secular  clergy  was 
the  Rev.  Ignatius  J.  Midlen,  of  Cincinnati.  Between 
1824  and  1834  he  frequently  attended  the  missions 
in  Stark,  Columbiana,  Seneca,  and  Sandusky  Counties. 
Other  pioneer  secular  priests  of  prominence  were, 
the  Revs.  Francis  Marshall  (1827),  John  M.  Hennl 
(later  Bishop  and  Archbishop  of  Milwaukee),  resident 
pastor  of  Canton  (1831-34),  Edmund  Quinn,  at 
Tiffin  (1831-35),  William  J.  Horstmann,  at  Glandorf 
(1835-43),  James  Conlon,  at  Dungannon  (1834-53), 
Matthias  Wuerz,  at  Canton  (1835-45),  John  Dillon, 


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firaf  resident  pastor  of  Cleveland  (1835-36),  Basil 
Schorb,  in  charge  of  missions  in  Stark,  Wayne,  and 
Portage  Counties  (1837-43),  Patrick  O'Dwyer,  second 
pastor  of  Cleveland  (1836-38),  where  he  built  the 
first  church  in  1838,  Michael  McAleer,  in  Stark  and 
Columbiana  Counties  (1838-40),  Joseph  McNamee, 
at  Tiffin  (1839-47),  Proiectus  J.  Machebeuf  (later 
Bishop  of  Denver),  at  Tiffin  and  Sandusky  (1839-51), 
•Amadeus  Rappe  (later  first  Bishop  of  Cleveland), 
stationed  at  Maumee  for  a  short  time,  and  then,  as 
first  resident  pastor,  at  Toledo  (1840-47),  Louis  de 
Goesbriand  (later  Bishop  of  Burlington,  Vermont), 
at  Louisville,  Toledo,  and  Cleveland  (1840-53),  Peter 
McLaughlin,  resident  pastor  of  Cleveland  (1840-46), 
Maurice  Howard,  at  Cleveland  and  later  at  Tiffin 
(1842-52),  John  J.  Doherty,  at  Canton  (1843-48). 
John  H.  Luhr,  at  Canton,  and  later  at  Cleveland 
(1844-58),  John  O.  Bredeick,  founder  of  Delphos, 
and  its  first  pastor  (1844-38),  Cornelius  Daley,  first 
resident  pastor  of  Akron,  and  later  stationed  at 
Doylestown  (1844-47),  Philip  Foley,  at  Massillon 
and  WooSter  (1847-48).  The  Rev.  Stephen  Badiri, 
proto-priest  of  the  thirteen  original  United  States, 
and  the  Rev.  Edward  T.  Collins  occasionally  came 
from  Cincinnati,  between  1835  and  .1837,  to  attend 
the  missions  in  Northern  Ohio,'  the  former  those  of 
Canton,  Fremont,  and  Tiffin,  and  the  latter  those  of 
Dungannon,  Toledo,  and  along  the  Maumee  River. 
The  first  permanent  church  in  Northern  Ohio  was 
erected  near  the  present  village  of  Dungannon,  in 
1820,  under  the  direction  of  the  Rev.  Edward  Fen- 
wick,  O.  P.,  the  "  Apostle  of  Ohio",  and  later  the  first 
Bishop  of  Cincinnati.  Until,  1847  churches  of  brick 
or  wood  were  built  in  the  following  places:  Canton 
(St.  John's,  1823),  Chippewa  (1828),  Randolph,  Canal 
Fulton  (1831),  Tiffin  (St.  Mary's,  1832),  Glandorf, 
Navarre,  Ne.w  RiegeJ  (1833),  Peru  (1834),  Louis- 
ville, La  Porte  (1835),  Shelby  Settlement  (1836), 
McCutchenvule  (1837),  Thompson  (1839),  Cleveland, 
East  .Liverpool  (1840).  Toledo,  Maumee,  New  Wash- 
ington, Norwalk  (1841),  Sandusky  (Holy  Angels), 
Landeck,  Liberty,  Liverpool,  Sheffield  (St.  Stephen's, 
1842),,  Delphos,  Massillon  (St.  Mary's),  Akron  (St. 
Vincent's),  Fremont  (St.  Anne's),  French  Creek 
(1844),  Canton  (St.  Peter's),  Harrisburg,  New  Berlin, 
Tiffin  (St.  Joseph's),  Providence  (1845),  Sherman 
(1846),  Poplar  Ridge  (1847). 

From  1822  until  October,  1847,  Northern  Ohio 
was  part  of  the  Diocese  of  Cincinnati,  of  which  the 
first  bishop  was  Edward  Fenwick  (1822-32),  and  its 
second  bishop,  John  B.  Purcell,  who  succeeded  in 
October,  1833.  He  petitioned  the  Holy  See,  in 
1846,  for  a  division  of  his  jurisdiction,  then  com- 
prising the  entire  State  of  Ohio.  The  petition  was 
granted  (23  April,  1847),  by  the  appointment  of  the 
Rev.,  Louis  Amadeus  Rappe  as  the  first  Bishop  of 
Cleveland,  and  the  assignment  to  his  jurisdiction  of 
"all  that  part  of  Ohio  lying  north  of  40  degrees  and 
41  minutes,  N.  L."  As  this  division  intersected 
several  counties  it  was  changed  in  January,  1849, 
to  the  present  limits,  as  described  at  the  beginning 
pf  this  article. 

Bishops  op  Cleveland. — (1)  Lotm)  Amadeus 
Rappe,  consecrated  10th  October,  1847,  was  born 
2  Feb.,  1801,  at  Aridrehem,  France.  He  was  or- 
dained priest  at  Arras,  France,  14  March.  1829. 
His  cathedral  church  was  St.  Mary's  op  the  "Flats", 
Cleveland,  the  first,  and  at  that  time  the  only, 
church  in  his  episcopal  city.  In  November,  1852, 
he  completed  the  present  cathedral,  an  imposing 
brick  structure  of  Gothic  architecture,  still  ranking 
with  the  many  fine  churches  of  the  diocese.  Dur- 
ing his  administration  of  the  diocese,  which  ended  in 
August,  J870,  he  convoked  five  diocesan  synods  (1848, 
1862, 1854, 1857, 1868).  He  established  the  diocesan 
seminary  (1848),  St.  John's  College,  Cleveland  (1854), 
St.  Louis'  College,  Louisville  (1866);  these  two  col- 


leges, however,  being  closed  a  few  years  later,  owing 
to  lack  of  patronage.  Under  his  direction'  the  f oflow? 
ing  educational  and  charitable  institutions  were  also 
established:  In  Cleveland,  theUretrline  Academy;  St. 
Vincent's  Orphanage,  for  boys;  St.  Mary's  Orphanage, 
for  girls  (1851);  St.  Joseph's  Orphanage,  for  gfia" 
(1862);  Charity  Hospital  (1865);  House  of  the  Good 
Shepherd  (1869):  Home  for  the  Aged  Poor  (1870).— 1 
In  Toledo,  Ursuline  Academy  (1854),  St.  Vincent's 
Ogmanage  (1855) ;  in  Tiffin,  Ursuline  Academy  (1863), 
St.  Francis'  Asylum  and  Home  for  the  Aged  (1867). 
He  founded  the  community  of  Sisters  of  Charity  of 
St.  Augustine  (1851),  Whose  work  is  the  care  of  or- 
phans, waifs,  and  the  sick.  In  1869  he  introduced 
into  the  diocese  the  Franciscan  and  Jesuit  Fathers, 
giving  to  the  former  the  care  of  St.  Joseph's  church, 
Cleveland,  and  to  the  latter  St.  Mary's,  Toledo. 
Wherever  possible  he  insisted  on  the  support  of  parish 
schools.  He  was  a  strong  advocate  of  total  absti- 
nence, which  he  practised  from  the  time  he  was  a  mis- 
sionary priest  in  North- Western  Ohio  until  his  death. 
He  never  spared  himself  in  the  discharge  of  his  mani- 
fold and  exacting  duties.  By  his  affability  and  disin- 
terestedness he  gained  the  love  of  his  people,  as  also  the 
respect  of  his  fellow-citizens  regardless  of  creed.';  fie 
resigned  his  see  in  August,  1870.  and  retired  to  the  Dio-1 
cese  of  Burlington.  Vermont,  where  he  did  missionary 
work  almost  to  the  day  of  his  death  (8  September,' 
1877).  Between  the  time  of  Bishop  Rappe's  resigna- 
tion and  the  appointment  of  his  successor,  the  Very 
Rev.  Edward  Hannin  administered  the  affairs  of  the' 
diocese. 

(2)  Richard  Gilmoto,  consecrated  14  April,  1872. 
In  November  of  the  same  year  he  convoked  the 
Sixth  Diocesan  Synod,  in  which  many  of  the  statutes 
by  which  the  diocese  is  at  present  governed  were 
promulgated.  It  also  embodied  considerable  of  the 
legislature  of  previous  synods,  notably  that  of  1866.' 
This  synod  made  provision  for  a  diocesan  fund  for1 
the  support  of  the  seminary,  bishop,  etc.,  and  another' 
for  the  support  of  sick  and  disabled  priests,  by  annual 
assessments  on  the  parishes  of  the  diocese.  Among 
other  diocesan  statutes  published  then  were  those 
urging  anew  the  support  of  parochial  schools,  regu- 
lating the  financial  affairs  of  parishes,  and  the  manner 
of  electing  parish  couhcilmen  and  of  conveying  church 

Eroperty.  Bishop  Gilmour  established  "TheCatho- 
c  Universe",  its  first  issue  appearing  4  July,  1874. 
In  1875  he  organized  "The  Catholic  Central  Associa- 
tion", composed  of  representatives  from  aH  the  par- 
ishes and  church  societies  in  Cleveland;  its  influence 
for  the  betterment  of  social  and  religious  conditions 
and  for  the  defence  of  Catholic  interests  was  soon  fehV 
not  only  in  Cleveland,  but  elsewhere  as  Well,  and  ctfn-i 
tinued  during  almost  its  entire  existence  of  nearly 
eighteen  years.  It  also  proved  a  tower  of  strength  to 
its  organiser  in  his  forced  contention  for  the  civic 
rights  of  Catholics,  in  the  face  of  bitter  opposition 
from  bigotry  and  a  hostile  press.  In  1875  the  Catho- 
lic school  property  in  Cleveland  was  placed  on  the  tax 
duplicate  in  spite  of  the  decision  (1874)  of  the  Su- 
preme Court  of  Ohio,  that  such  property  was  not  tax- 
able. A  suit  of  restraint  was  entered  by  the  bishop, 
and  finally  carried  to  the  Supreme  Court,'  which  re- 
affirmed its  former  decision.  The  present  episcopal 
residence  was  begun  m  1874  and  completed  two 
years  later.  It  serves  also  as  the  residence  of  the 
cathedral  clergy. — In  1872  the  Sisters  of  St.  Joseph, 
and  in  1874  the  Sisters  of  Notre  Dame,  were  welcomed 
to  the  diocese.  Both  communities  have  flourishing 
academies  in  connexion  with  their  con vente,  besides 
supplying  many  parish  schools  with  efficient  teachers. 
The  same  also  is  the  case  with  the  Ursnlfnes  of  Cleve- 
land, Tiffin,  Toledo,  and  Youngstown,  and  the  Sisters 
of  the  Humility  of  Mary.— The  following  institution* 
were  established  between  1873  and  1891:  St.  Anne's 
Asylum  and  House  of  Maternity,  Cleveland  (1873); 


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Ursuline  Convent,  Youngstown  (1874);  St.  Vincent's 
Hospital,  Toledo  (1876);  St.  Joseph's  Franciscan 
College,  Cleveland  (1876-80);  Convent  of  Poor  Clares 
(1877);  Ursuline  Academy,  Nottingham  (1877);  St. 
Alexis'  Hospital,  Cleveland  (1884);  St.  Louis'  Or- 
phanage, Louisville  (1884);  Little  Sisters  of  the  Poor, 
Toledo  (1885):  St.  Ignatius'  College,  Cleveland  (1886); 
St.  Joseph's  Seminary,  for  young  boys,  Nottingham 
(1886).  The  diocesan  seminary  was  remodelled  and 
considerably  enlarged  in  1884-85.  A  diocesan  chan- 
cery office  was  established  (1877)  for  the  transaction 
of  the  official  business  of  the  diocese.  In  1878  the 
first  attempt  was  made  to  gather  historical  data  in 
connexion  with  every  parish  and  institution  in  the 
diocese,  and  in  a  few  years  a  great  mass  of  matter, 
covering  the  history  of  Catholicity  in  Northern  Ohio 
and  the  Diocese  of  Cleveland  as  far  back  as  1817,  was 
collected  and  is  now  a  part  of  t  he  diocesan  archives. 
In  May,  1882,  the  Seventh  Diocesan  Synod  was  held, 
which  resulted  in  the  legislation  at  present  in  foTcc. 
With  the  exception  of  about  half  a  dozen  of  its  262 
statutes,  it  is  in  perfect  harmony  with  the  decrees  of 
the  Third  Plenary  Council  of  Baltimore,  held  in 
November,  1884.  Like  his  predecessor,  Bishop 
Gilmour  made  it  obligatory  on  every  parish  at  all 
financially  able  to  support  a  parochial  school.  In 
consequence,  t  he  Diocese  of  Cleveland  has  more  paro- 
chial schools,  in  proportion  to  its  number  of  churches 
and  its  population,  than  any  other  diocese  in  the 
United  States,  and  many  of  its  school  buildings  vie, 
in  size,  appointments,  and  beautv  of  architecture, 
wit  h  the  public-school  buildings.  With  very  few  ex- 
ceptions the  parish  schools  are  in  charge  of  teachers 
belonging  to  male  and  female  religious  communities. 
Bishop  Gilmour  had  an  eventful  episcopate,  lasting 
nineteen  years.  He  left  his  strong,  aggressive  per- 
sonality indelibly  stamped  upon  the  diocese  he  nad 
ruled.  During  the  interim  between  his  death  (13 
ril,  1891)  and  the  appointment  of  his  successor,  the 
i*.  Monsignor  F.  M.  Boff  was  administrator 


April, 
Right 

of  the 


(3)  Ignatius  Frederick  Horstmann,  chancellor 
of  the  Archdiocese  of  Philadelphia,  was  appointed  to 
succeed  Bishop  Gilmour.  Born  in  Philadelphia,  10 
December,  1840,  after  graduating  from  the  Central 
High  School,  he  attended  St.  Joseph's  College  and 
then  entered  the  diocesan  seminary.  In  1860  he  was 
sent  by  Bishop  Wood  to  the  American  College,  Rome, 
where  he  was  ordained  priest,  10  June,  1865.  In  the 
following  year  he  received  the  degree  of  Doctor  of 
Divinity  and  returning  to  Philadelphia  became  a  pro- 
fessor in  St.  Charles's  Seminary  where  he  remained 
eleven  years  and  was  then  appointed  rector  of  St. 
Mary's  church,  Philadelphia.  In  1885  he  was  made 
chancellor.  His  consecration  as  Bishop  of  Cleveland 
took  place  in  Philadelphia  25  February,  1892.  Ho 
died  suddenly  of  heart  disease  on  13  May,  1908,  while 
on  an  official  visit  to  Canton,  Ohio.  He  had  proved 
himself  a  zealous  pastor  of  souls,  a  wise  and  prudent 
ruler,  a  fearless  defender  of  truth.  Among  the  note- 
worthy accomplishments  of  his  episcopate  were  the 
founding  of  Ixjyola  High  School,  Cleveland  (1902); 
St.  John's  College,  Toledo  (1898);  and  the  establish- 
ment of  the  diocesan  band  of  missionaries — the  first  in 
any  diocese  of  the  United  States.  He  was  foremost 
in  encouraging  every  missionary  movement,  and  his 
zeal  for  Christian  education  was  one  of  the.  dominant 
purposes  of  his  life.  He  served  as  a  trustee  of  the 
Catholic  University  and  in  spite  of  many  duties  found 
time  to  contribute  to  the  "  American  Catholic  Review" 
and  otherperiodicals  and  to  edit  the  American  edition 
of  "The  Catholic  Doctrine  as  Defined  by  the  Council 
of  Trent"  and  "Potter's  Catholic  Bible'*'. 

A  few  months  before  he  died  he  asked  for  an 
auxiliary  bishop  with  jurisdiction  over  the  growing 
foreign  population,  especially  of  the  Slav  races,  in  the 
diocese.    The  Rev.  Joseph  M.  Koudefka,  rector  of 


St.  Michael's  church,  Cleveland,  was  named  29  Nov., 
1907,  and  consecrated  25  Feb.,  1908,  being  the  first 
auxiliary  bishop  of  special  jurisdiction  appointed  for 
the  United  States.  He  was  born  in  Bohemia,  15 
August,  1852,  and  emigrated  to  the  United  States 
when  sixteen  years  of  age.  After  making  his  studies 
at  St.  Francis's  Seminary,  Milwaukee,  he  was  or- 
dained priest  8  October,  1875.  He  was  for  some  time 
editor  of  "  Hlas"  (Voice),  a  Bohemian  Catholic  weekly 
paper,  and  compiled  a  series  of  textbooks  for  Bohe- 
mian Catholic  schools. 

Recent  Times. — In  1894  the  "  St.  Vincent's  Union", 
composed  of  the  laity  who  contribute  towards  the 
support  of  St.  Vincent's  Orphanage,  Cleveland,  was 
organized;  and  it  has  proved  of  great  financial  assist- 
ance to  that  institution.  In  1893  Bishop  Horstmann 
opened  the  Calvary  Cemetery,  which  covers  nearly 
250  acres,  near  the  southern  limits  of  Cleveland. 
About  fifty  acres  of  the  cemetery's  whole  area  arc 
improved.  In  1892  the  Cleveland  Apostolate  was 
established,  an  association  of  secular  priests,  having 
for  its  object  the  giving  of  lectures  and  missions  to 
non-Oat  holies.  Besides  making  many  converts  t  his 
association  has  removed  much  prejudice  and  brought 
about  a  kindlier  feeling  towards  the  Church  and  its 
members.  The  Golden  Jubilee  of  the  diocese  was 
celebrated  13  October,  1897.  It  was  a  memorable 
event,  observed  with  great  religious  pomp  in  Cleve- 
land, Toledo,  and  elsewhere.  At  the  bishop's  solici- 
tation the  Jesuit  Fathers  of  Toledo  opened  (Septem- 
ber, 1898)  St.  John's  College.  In  the  same  city  a 
home  for  fallen  women  was  established  (1906)  by  the 
Sisters  of  the  Good  Shepherd.  A  fine  school  building 
was  erected  (1906)  in  connexion  with  St.  Vincent's 
Asylum,  Cleveland,  in  which  the  boys  have  every 
facility  for  a  thorough  education.  The  diocese  is  in  a 
prosperous  condition,  spiritually  and  financially,  and 
healthy  growth  is  apparent  in  every  direction. 

Causes  or  Growth. — The  growth  of  the  diocesan 
population  down  to  1860  was  due  «hiefly  to  emigra- 
tion from  Ireland  and  Germany.  8ince  1870  it  has 
been  receiving  other  large  accessions,  but  from  quite 
another  source.  The  Slav  race,  manifold  in  its 
divisions,  has  been  pouring  in,  more  notably  since 
1895.  The  early  immigrants  were  drawn  hither  by 
the  market  for  their  labour  which  the  opening  of  a 
new  country  offered.  The  Irish  found  employment 
on  public  works,  such  as  the  construction  of  canals 
and  railroads;  the  Germans  turned  more  to  agri- 
culture. The  various  branches  of  the  Slav  race  are 
engaged  in  foundries,  mills,  and  factories,  and  many 
are  also  employed  as  longshoremen  and  at  common 
labour.  The  same  holds  also  for  the  Italians,  of 
whom  there  is  a  large  percentage.  Nearly  all  the 
recent  immigration  has  settled  in  cities  like  Cleveland, 
Toledo,  Youngstown,  Lorain,  and  Ashtabula,  where 
employment  is  had  in  abundance  and  at  a  fair 

^IrATisTics.— In  December,  1907,  the  clergy  num- 
bered 388,  of  whom  315  were  diocesan  priests  and  73 
regulars  (Sanguinists,  Franciscans,  and  Jesuits). 
There  were  21  Brothers  of  Mary  and  5  Christian 
Brothers,  teaching  in  6  parochial  schools.  The 
Sisters  (Sanguinists,  Ursulines,  Sisters  of  Charity  of 
St.  Augustine,  Sisters  of  Notre  Dame,  Franciscans, 
Sisters  of  St.  Joseph,  Ladies  of  the  Sacred  Heart  of 
of  the  Humility  of  Mary,  Grey  Nuns, 
!  Good  Shepherd,  Poor  flares,  Little 
Sisters  of  the  Poor,  Dominicans,  Sisters  of  St.  Agnes, 
Sisters  of  Charity,  Sisters  of  Loretto,  Felician  Sisters, 
Sisters  of  St.  'Benedict,  Sisters-Servants  of  the 
Immaculate  Heart  of  Mary)  number  1141.  of 
whom  684  teach  in  138  parochial  schools.  The 
parishes  with  resident  pastors  number  241:  mission 
churches,  60:  parochial  schools,  186;  attendance, 
43,544;  1  diocesan  seminary,  with  96  students; 
diocesan  students  in  colleges  and  other  seminaries, 


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45;  colleges  and  academies  for  boy»,  4;  attendance, 
515  pupus;  academies  for  girls,  11;  attendance, 
2113  pupila;  9  orphanage*  and  one  infant  asylum, 
total  number  of  inmate*,  1251;  hospitals,  9;  homes 
for  the  aged,  3;  Houses  of  Good  Shepherd,  2. — 
The  Catholic  population  is  about  330,000,  and  is 
composed  of  13  nationalities,  exclusive  of  native 
Americans,  via,  Irish,  German,  Slovak,  Polish,  Bo- 
hemian, Magyar,  Slovenian,  Italian,  Lithuanian, 
Croatian,  Rumanian,  Ruthenian,  Syrian. 

Shea,  Catholic  Mimione  (New  York,  1854).  203.  and  in 
Catholic  Univeree  (Cleveland,  13  September,  1881);  Idem,  Hut. 
of  the  Catholic  Church  in  the  United  State*  (New  York,  1880, 
1892):  Lebm  u.  Wirken  dee  hochm.  From  Sale*  Brwmer.  C. 
PP.  S.;  The  Catholic  Mucellanu  (Charleston.  S.  C,  1824-30); 


land,  1889);  Rtmiximtrusa  of  the  Right  Rev.  P.  J.  Machebeul 
in  The  Catholic  Univeree  (18  Oct.,  1883,  and  31  Jan..  1889); 
Reminiscence*  of  the  Right  Rev.  Louie  de  Qoeebriand  in  The 
Catholic  Uniocrse  (27  December,  1888). 

Gbobqe  F.  Houck. 

Clichtove,  Jossb  (Jonocus  Cuohtov^us),  a 
theologian,  b.  1472  at  Nieuport  (Flanders);  d-  1543 
at  Chart  res  (France).  He  began  his  studies  at  Lou- 
vain  and  went  to  Paris  for  his  philosophical  and  theo- 
logical studies.  After  receiving  the  doctorate  in 
theology  (1506)  he  was  appointed  professor  at  the 
Sorbonne.  In  1515  he  was  asked  to  direct  the  studies 
of  Louis  Guillard,  the  Bishop-elect  of  Tournai,  and 
four  years  later  accompanied  him  to  this  latter  place. 
After  a  short  stay  there,  he  returned, to  Paris,  and  in 
1527  to  Chart  res,  whither  Guillard  had  been  trans- 
ferred. He  took  an  active  part  in  the  Council  of  Sens, 
convoked  at  Paris  by  Cardinal  Duprat,  and  he  gath- 
ered in  a  volume  the  various  arguments  brought  for- 
ward against  the  Protestants.  A  champion  of  reform 
in  philosophical  and  theological  studies  during  the 
earlier  part  of  his  life,  he  devoted  himself  later  almost 
exclusively  to  combating  the  doctrines  of  Luther. 
His  works  are  numerous  and  belong  to  almost  every 
department  of  theology  and  philosophy.  He  began 
with  commentaries  on  many  Aristotelean  treatises: 
logic,  natural  philosophy,  ethics,  arithmetic,  and. 
geometry.  He  also  wrote  studies  on  several  books 
of  Holy  Scripture,  edited  and  commented  the  writ- 
ings of  some  of  the  Fathers  and  Doctors  of  the  Church. 
Among  his  original  works  must  be  mentioned  "De 
vera  nobilitate  opusculum"  (Paris,  1512);  "Eluci- 
datorium  ecclesiasticum"  (Paris,  1516);  "De  vita  et 
moribus  sacerdotum"  (Pans,  1519),  and  several  other 
works  of  instruction  and  edification;  "Antilutherus" 
(Paris,  1524);  "Propugnacuhim  ecclesise  adversus 
Lutheranos"  (Paria,  1526);  "De  Sacramento  Eucha- 
ristite  contra  CEcolampadium"  (Paris,  1526);  "Com- 
pendium veritatum  ad  fidem  pertinentium  contra 
erroneas  Lutheranorum  assertiones  ex  dictis  et  actis  in 
concilio  provincial!  Senonensi  apud  Parisios  celebrate ' ' 
(Paris,  1529);  "Sermones"  (Paris,  1534);  "Convul- 
sio  oalumniarum  Ulrichi  Veleni  quibus  S.  Petrum 
nunquam  Romte  fuisse  cavillatur"  (Paris,  1535). 

Cuckval,  De  Judex*  Clichlovei  .  .  .  vita  et  qperSme  (Paris, 
1895):  Iceh  in  Did.  de  thiol,  cath..  Ill,  238:  Van  der  Haeo- 
hen,  Bibliographic  da  auvre*  de  Jotee  Clichtove  in  Bibl.  betaica 
(Ghent,  1888). 

C.  A.  DtlBRAT. 

Clifford,  William  (alias  Manbell),  divine,  d.  30 
April.  1670:  he  was  the  son  of  Henry  Clifford,  by  his  wife 
En'BabethThimelby,  who  as  a  widow  joined  the  English 
Augustinian  nuns  at  Lou  vain,  and  died,  aged  about 
seventy-seven,  3  September,  1642.  Through  humility 
Clifford  never  asserted  his  right  to  the  Barony  of  Cum- 
berland. After  education  and  ordination  at  Douai,  he 
came  on  the  English  mission.  As  vice-president,  he 
helped  the  English  College  at  Lisbon  through  difficult 
times,  and  became  superior  of  Toumay  College  (Paris), 
assigned  by  Cardinal  Richelieu  to  the  English  clergy. 
He  evaded  being  made  bishop  in  1660,  declined  in 


1670  the  presidency  of  Douai,  and  closed  Jus  life 
in  the  Hopital  des  Incurables  in  Paris.  Clifford's 
works  are:  "Christian  Rules  proposed  to  a  vertuous 
Soule"  (Paris,  1615),  dedicated  to  Mrs.  Ursula  Clif- 
ford; "The  Spiritual!  Combat",  translated  byR.fi. 
(Paris,  1656),  dedicated  to  Abbot  Montague ;  "Little 
Manual  of  the  Poore  Man's  Dayiy  Devotion"  (2nd 
edition,  Paris,  1670),  often  reprinted;  "Observations 
upon  Kings'  Reigns  since  the  Conquest"  (MS.); 
"Collections  concerning  Chief  Points  of  Controversy" 
(MS.) 

Little  Manual,  5th  ed..  preface;  Dodd,  Church  Hillary,  III. 
297;  Oillow,  BAH.  Diet.  Eng.  Catholia,  I,  514,  e.  v.;  Idem. 
Liebon  CoOeoe,  9  and  189;  Cooper  m  Diet,  of  Nut.  Bioo-  s.  v.; 
Chronicle  of  St.  Monica's,  Lowmi*  (Edinburgh.  1904),  I,  127; 
Kirk,  Biographic*  (London,  1908),  a.  v. 

Patrick  Ryan. 

Chiton,  Diocbbb  of  (&JFTONISNBIS),  England, 
consisting  of  Gloucestershire,  Somersetshire,  ana 
Wiltshire.  It  was  founded  by  Pius  IX  when  he 
restored  the  English  hierarchy  in  1850.  Previously 
to  that  the  diocese  formed  part  of  the  Western  Dis- 
trict, one  of  the  four  vicariates  established  by  Inno- 
cent XI  in  1688,  and  including  Wales  and  the  six 
south-western  counties  of  England.  Ia  1840  Wales 
became  a  separate  vicariate,  and  thenceforth  the  dis- 
trict consisted  of  the  English  counties  only.  As  the 
vicars  Apostolic  resided  chiefly  at  Bath  in  Somerset, 
when  the  district  was  divided  into  the  two  dioceses 
of  Clifton  and  Plymouth,  it  was  fitting  that  the  last 
Vicar  Apostolic  of  the  Western  District,  Dr.  Joseph 
William  Hendren,  O.S.F.  (1791-1866),  consecrated 
in  1848,  should  become  the  first  Bishop  of  Clifton. 
Thus  the  diocese  is,  in  a  special  sense,  the  representa- 
tive of  the  old  vicariate.  In  this  capacity  the 
Bishop  of  Clifton  retains  possession  of  the  archives 
of  the  Western  District,  one  of  the  most  important 
sources  of  information  for  the  history  of  the  Church 
in  England  from  1780  to  1850.  The  papers  earlier 
in  date  perished  during  the  Gordon  Riots  in  1780. 
Besides  these  valuable  archives  there  is  at  Bishop's 
House  an  interesting  series  of  portraits  of  the  vicars 
Apostolic  of  the  Western  District  and  of  the  bishops 
of  Clifton. 

A  year  after  the  foundation  of  the  new  diocese 
Dr.  Hendren  was  translated  to  the  See  of  Nottingham 
and  was  succeeded  by  Dr.  Thomas  Burgess  (1791- 
1854).  On  28  June,  1852,  a  cathedral  chapter,  con- 
sisting of  a  provost  and  ten  canons,  was  erected.  On 
the  death  of  Bishop  Burgess,  27  Nov.,  1854,  there 
was  a  long  vacancy,  and  the  administration  of  the 
diocese  was  given  provisionally  to  Archbishop  Erring- 
ton,  coadjutor  to  Cardinal  Wiseman.  This  arrange- 
ment lasted  until  Feb.,  1857,  when  the  Hon.  and  Rev. 
William  Joseph  Hugh  Clifford  (1823-1893),  son  of 
the  seventh  Lord  Clifford,  was  appointed  bishop, 
being  consecrated  by  Pope  Pius  IX  in  person.  His 
long  pontificate  lasted  for  thirty-six  years,  ending 
with  his  death,  14  Aug.,  1893.  His  successor  was 
Dr.  William  Robert  Brownlow  (1836-1901),  famous 
as  an  archaeologist,  and  whose  well-known  work  on 
the  catacombs,  written  conjointly  with  Dr.  James 
Spencer  Northcote,  is  a  classical  work  of  reference. 
Dr.  Brownlow  died  9  Nov.,  1901,  and  was  succeeded 
by  the  Rt.  Rev.  George  Ambrose  Burton,  consecrated 
1  May,  1902.  The  diocese,  which  is  under  the 
patronage  of  "Our  Lady  Conceived  without  Sin" 
and  Sts.  Peter  and  Paul,  is  divided  into  six  rural 
deaneries.  There  are  57  public  churches  and  chapels, 
besides  24  private  chapels  belonging  to  communities. 
The  clergy  number  about  50  secular  priests  and 
about  80  regulars,  the  latter  including  the  .  Benedic- 
tines of  the  famous  abbey  and  school  at  Downside. 
The  Dominicans,  Franciscans,  Carmelites,  Cister- 
cians, and  Jesuits  are  also  represented  in  the  diocese. 
The  College  of  Sts.  Peter  and  Paul,  Prior  Park, 
founded  by  Benedictines  and  afterwards  conducted 


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by  secular  priests,  is  now  in  the  hands  of  the  Fathers 
of  the  Society  of  the  Holy  Ghost. 

Catholic  Directories  (1860-1907);  Bkadt,  Annals  of  the 
Catholic  Hierarchu  (1877). 

Edwin  Burton. 


Ohmacos, 

Saint. 


John,  Saint.   See  John  Cltmacus, 


Oliment,  Jose,  Spanish  bishop,  b.  at  Castellon  de 
laPlana(Valencia),1706;d.there25Nov.,  1781.  Dis- 
tinguished for  his  charities,  educational  efforts,  elo- 
quence, and  exemplary  life,  he  studied  and  afterwards 
professed  theology  at  the  University  of  Valencia, 
laboured  for  several  years  as  parish  priest,  and 
was  consecrated  Bishop  of  Barcelona  in  1766;  he 
resigned  his  see  in  1775.  His  episcopal  activity 
was  directed  to  the  founding  of  hospitals,  the  estab- 
lishing of  free  schools,  and  the  diffusion  of  knowl- 
edge among  the  people  by  means  of  low-priced 
publications.  He  translated  into  Spanish  several 
works,  among  them  Fleury's  "Moeurs  des  Israelites 
et  des  Chretiens".  His  pastoral  instructions  con- 
tributed largely  to  Ihb  fame.  That  of  1769,  on  the 
renewal  of  ecclesiastical  studies,  caused  him  to  be  de- 
nounced to  the  court  of  Charles  III  for  having  eulo- 
gized the  Church  of  Utrecht ;  but  a  commission  com- 
posed of  archbishops,  bishops,  and  heads  of  religious 
orders,  appointed  to  examine  his  case,  returned  a 
decision  favourable  to  the  prelate.  The  sway  he  held 
over  his  people  was  shown  by  his  success  in  quelling  a 
dangerous  uprising  in  Barcelona  against  military  con- 
scription; but  this  only  served  still  further  to  render 
him  obnoxious  to  a  suspicious  court.  He  refused,  on 
conscientious  grounds,  a  promotion  to  the  wealthy 
See  of  Malaga,  and  withdrew  to  his  native  place.  His 
life  was  published  in  Barcelona  in  1785. 

MicHAtiD.  Biog.  Vnivere.  (Paris,  1843-86). 

John  H.  Stapleton. 

Clinical  Baptism.   See  Baptism. 

Clitherow,  Margaret,  Venerable,  Martyr,  called 
the  "Pearl  of  York",  b.  about  1558;  d.  25  March, 
1586.  She  was  a  daughter  of  Thomas  Middleton, 
Sheriff  of  York  (1564-5),  a  wax-chandler;  married 
John  Clitherow,  a  wealthy  butcher  and  a  chamber- 
lain of  the  city,  in  St.  Martin's  church,  Coney  St.,  8 
July,  1571,  and  lived  in  the  Shambles,  a  street  still 
unaltered.  Converted  to  the  Faith  about  three  years 
later,  she  became  most  fervent,  continually  risking  her 
life  by  harbouring  and  maintaining  priests,  was  fre- 
quently imprisoned,  sometimes  for  two  years  at  a 
tune,  yet  never  daunted,  and  was  a  model  of  all  vir- 
tues. Though  her  husband  belonged  to  the  Established 
Church,  he  Had  a  brother  a  priest,  and  Margaret  pro- 
vided two  chambers,  one  adjoining  her  house  and 
a  second  in  another  part  of  the  city,  where  she  kept 
priests  hidden  and  had  Mass  continually  celebrated 
through  the  thick  of  the  persecution.  Some  of  her 
priests  were  martyred,  and  Margaret  who  desired 
the  same  grace  above  all  things,  used  to  make  secret 
pilgrimages  by  night  to  York  Tyburn  to  pray  beneath 
the  gibbet  for  this  intention.  Finally  arrested  on  10 
March,  1586,  she  was  committed  to  the  castle.  On 
14  March,  she  was  arraigned  before  Judges  Clinch  and 
Rhodes  and  several  members  of  the  Council  of  the 
North  at  the  York  assizes.  Her  indictment  was 
that  she  had  harboured  priests,  heard  Mass,  and  the 
like ;  but  she  refused  to  plead,  since  the  only  witnesses 
against  her  would  be  her  own  little  children  and  ser- 
vants, whom  she  could  not  bear  to  involve  in  the  guilt 
of  her  death.  She  was  therefore  condemned  to  the 
peine  forte  et  dure,  i.  e.  to  be  pressed  to  death.  ''God 
be  thanked,  I  am  not  worthy  of  so  good  a  death  as 
this",  she  said.  Although  she  was  probably  with 
child,  this  horrible  sentence  was  carried  out  on  Lady 
Day,  1586  (Good  Friday  according  to  New  Style). 
She  had  endured  an  agony  of  fear  the  previous  night, 


but  was  now  calm,  joyous,  and  smiling.  She  walked 
barefooted  to  the  tolbooth  on  Ousebridge,  for  she 
had  sent  her  hose  and  shoes  to  her  daughter  Anne,  in 
token  that  she  should  follow  in  her  steps.  She  had 
been  tormented  by  the  ministers  and  even  now  was' 
urged  to  confess  her  crimes.  "  No,  no,  Mr.  Sheriff,  I 
die  for  the  love  of  my  Lord  Jesu",  she  answered.  She 
was  laid  on  the  ground,  a  sharp  stone  beneath  her 
back,  her  hands  stretched  out  in  the  form  of  a  cross 
and  bound  to  two  posts.  Then  a  door  was  placed 
upon  her,  which  was  weighted  down  till  she  was 
crushed  to  death.  Her  last  words  during  an  agony 
of  fifteen  minutes,  were  "Jesu!  Jesu!  Jesu!  nave 
mercy  on  mel"  Her  right  hand  is  preserved  at  St. 
Mary's  Convent,  York,  but  the  resting-place  of  her 
sacred  body  is  not  known.  Her  sons  Henry  and 
William  became  prieste,  and  her  daughter  Anne  a 
nun  at  St.  Ursula's,  Louvain.  Her  life,  written  by 
her  confessor,  John  Mush,  exists  in  two  versions.  The 
earlier  has  been  edited  by  Father  John  Morris.  S.  J.,  in 
his  "Troubles  of  our  Catholic  Forefathers",  third 
series  (London,  1877).  The  later  MS.,  now  at  York 
Convent,  was  published  by  W.  Nicholson,  of  Thelwall 
Hall,  Cheshire  (London,  Derby,  1849),  with  portrait: 
"Life  and  Death  of  Margaret  Clitherow  the  martyr 
of  York".  It  also  contains  the  "History  of  Mrs. 
Margaret  Ward  and  Mrs.  Anne  Line,  martyrs". 

Chaixonbr,  Memoirs  of  Missionary  Priest*  (London,  1878); 
Gillow,  BM.  Diet,  of  Eng.  Calk.  (London,  1886),  1:  MiLBUfUf, 
A  Martvr  ojYsrk  (London,  1900);  The  Pearl  of  York  (with 
portrait),  (London,  1904),  a  drama  by  the  Benedictine*  of 
Stanbrook. 

Beds  Camm. 

Ologher,  Diocese  of  (Clogherinsis),  a  suffragan 
of  Armagh,  Ireland,  which  comprises  the  County  Mona- 
ghan,  almost  the  whole  of  Fermanagh,  the  southern 
portion  of  Tyrone,  and  parts  of  Donegal,  Louth,  and 
Cavan.    It  takes  its  name  from  Clogher,  the  seat  of 


Rums  of  St.  Mart's  Abbbt,  Dbvcnisb  Island. 

the  Prince  of  Oriel,  with  whose  territory  the  old  Dio- 
cese of  Clogher  was,  practically  speaking,  coexten- 
sive. The  see  was  founded  by  St.  Patrick,  who 
appointed  one  of  his  household,  St.  Macarten,  as 
first  bishop.  There  does  not  seem  to  be  any  evidence 
that  St.  Patrick  governed  Clogher  as  a  distinct  diocese 
before  taking  up  his  residence  at  Armagh,  as  is  stated 
by  Jocelyn.  There  is  great  difficulty  in  tracing  the 
succession  of  bishops  in  Clogher,  as  indeed  in  every 
Irish  diocese  from  the  sixth  to  the  eleventh  century, 
on  account  of  the  confusion  of  the  bishops  with  the, 
abbots  of  the  monastic  establishments;  the  difficulty 
is  increased  in  Clogher  in  view  of  the  diversity  exist- 
ing between  the  lists  as  given  in  the  Irish  Annals,  and 
the  "Register  of  Clogher",  compiled  by  Patrick  Culin, 
Bishop  of  Clogher  (1519-34),  and  Roderick  Cassidy, 
archdeacon  of  the  diocese.  The  "Register  of  Clo- 
gher" is  of  very  little  historical  value. 

In  1241  Henry  III  ordered  that  Clogher  should  be 
united  to  Armagh,  on  account  of  the  poverty  of  both 


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dioceses,  but  this  was  not  oarried  out,  though  under 
Bishop  David  O'Brogon  large  portions  of  Tyrone 
ware  cut  off  from  Clogher  and  given  to  Ardstraw  (now 
united  with  Deny),  while  the  greater  part  of  the 
present  County  Louth,  including  Dundalk,  Drogheda, 
and  Ardee,  was  taken  over  by  Armagh.  In  1535 
Bishop  Odo,  or  Hugh  O'Cervallan,  was  appointed  to 
the  See  of  Clogher  by  Paul  III,  and  on  the  submission 
of  his  patron  Con  O  Neill  to  Henry  VIII,  this  prelate 
seems  to  have  accepted  the  new  teaching,  and  was 
superseded  by  Raymond  MacMahon,  1546.  From 
his  time  there  are  two  lines  of  bishops  in  Clogher,  the 
Catholic  and  the  Protestant.  The  apostate  Miler 
Magrath  was  appointed  Protestant  bishop  by  Queen 
Elisabeth  in  1570,  but  on  his  promotion  to  Cashel, 
resigned  Clogher  in  the  same  year.  Heber  or  Elmer 
MacMahon  (1643-50)  took  a  prominent  part  in  the 
war  of  the  Irish  Confederates,  and  on  the  death  of 
Owen  Roe  O'Neill,  was  chosen  general  of  the  Con- 
federate forces.  He  was  defeated  at  Soariff  hollis  near 
Letterkenny,  taken  prisoner  by  Coote,  and  beheaded 
at  Enniskillen.  Owing  to  the  persecutions  of  the 
Irish  Catholics,  Clogher  was  governed  by  vicars  dur- 
ing the  periods  1612-43, 1650-71, 1687-1707, 1713-27. 
The  chapter  of  Clogher  was  allowed  to  lapse,  but 
towards  the  end  of  the  eighteenth  century  it  was 
re-established  by  papal  Brief. 

A  very  important  provincial  synod  was  held  at 
Clones  in  1670  by  Oliver  Plunkett,  Archbishop  of 
Armagh  (see  Moran,  Life  of  Plunkett).  The  most 
remarkable  shrines  of  the  diocese  are  at  St.  Patrick's, 
Lough  Derg,  near  Pettigo,  still  frequented  by  thou- 
sands of  pilgrims  from  all  parts  of  the  world  (see  St. 
Patricks  Purgatory);  Devenish  Island  in  Lough 
Erne  (see  McKenna,  Devenish,  its  History  and 
Antiquities,  Dublin,  1897);  Innismacsaint,  also  in 
Lough  Erne,  where  the  "Annals  of  Ulster"  were  com-  ' 
posed;  Lisgoole,  Clones,  and  Clogher.  The  most 
celebrated  works  of  ancient  ecclesiastical  art  con- 
nected with  the  diocese  are  the  Domnach  Airigid,  a 
shrine  enclosing  a  copy  of  the  Gospels,  said  to  nave 
been  given  by  St.  Patrick  to  St.  Macarten,  and  the 
Cross  of  Clogher,  both  of  them  now  in  the  National 
Museum  in  Dublin.  The  Catholic  population  of  the 
diocese  is  101,162,  distributed  in  forty  parishes  and 
ministered,  to  by  about  100  priests. 

Waxb-Hasxu,  Bishops  of  Ireland  (Dublin,  1746);  Masters 
BaADT,  Episcopal  Succession  in  England,  Ireland,  etc.  (Rome, 
1876),  I;  XyCosNoii,  St.  Patrick's  Purgatory  (Dublin). 

James  MacCaffrey. 

Cloister,  the  English  equivalent  of  the  Latin  word 
ctauswa  (from  claudere,  "to  shut  up").  This  word 
occurs  in  Roman  law  in  the  sense  of  rampart,  barrier 
[cf.  Code  of  Justinian,  1.  2  sec.  4;  De  officiis  Pnef. 
Prast.  Africa;  (1,  27);  1.  4  De  officiis  mag.  officiorum 
(1, 31)].  In  the  "Concordia  Regularum"  of  St.  Bene- 
dict of  Aniane,  c.  xli,  sec.  11,  we  find  it  in  the  sense 
of  "case",  or  "cupboard"  (Migne,  P.  L.,  CHI,  1057). 
In  modern  ecclesiastical  usage,  clausura  signifies,  ma- 
terially, an  enclosed  space  for  religious  retirement; 
formally,  it  stands  for  the  legal  restrictions  opposed  to 
the  free  egress  of  those  who  are  cloistered  or  enclosed, 
and  to  the  free  entry,  or  free  introduction,  of  outsiders 
within  the  limits  of  the  material  clausura. 

I.  Synopsis  of  Existing  Legislation. — The  actual 
legislation  distinguishes  between  religious  orders  and 
institutes  with  simple  vows;  institutes  of  men  and 
those  of  women. 

(1)  Religious  Orders. — (a)  Male. — Material  Clausura. 
— According  to  the  present  common  law,  every 
convent  or  monastery  of  regulars  must,  on  its  comple- 
tion, be  encloistered.  A  convent  is  defined  as  a  build- 
ing which  serves  as  a  fixed  dwelling-place  where  relig- 
ious live  according  to  their  rule.  According  to  t  he 
common  opinion  of  jurists  (Piat,  "  Pnelectioncs  juris 
Regularise  I,  344,  n.  4;  Wernz,  "Jus  Decretalium  ', 
668,  n.  479)  the  houses  where  only  two  or  three  relig- 


ious dwell  permanently,  and  observe  their  rule  as  they 
can,  are  subject  to  this  law;  it  is  not  necessary  that 
the  religious  be  in  a  number  which  secures  them  the 
privilege  of  exemption  from  the  bishop's  jurisdiction. 
The  Congregation  of  Propaganda  seems  to  have  made 
this  opinion  its  own,  in  decreeing  that,  in  missionary 
countries,  the  law  of  cloister  applies  to  the  religious 
houses  which  belong  to  the  mission,  and  which  serve 
as  a  fixed  dwelling  for  even  two  or  three  regular  mis- 
sionaries of  the  Latin  Rite  (Collectanea  Propaganda; 
Fidei,  Replies  of  26  Aug.,  1780,  and  of  5  March,  1787, 
n.  410  and  412, 1st  edit.,  n.  546  and  587,  2d  ed.).  On 
the  other  hand,  the  law  of  cloister  does  not  apply  to 
houses  which  are  simply  hired  by  religious,  and  which 
cannot  therefore  be  looked  upon  as  fixed  and  defini- 


Cloisteb,  Santa  Maria  Novslla,  Flo&bnob 


tive  homes,  nor  to  the  villa-houses  to  which  the  re- 
ligious go  for  recreation  on  fixed  days  or  for  a  few 
weeks  every  year. 

Strictly  speaking,  the  whole  enclosed  space — house 
and  garden — ought  to  be  encloistered.  Custom,  how- 
ever, allows  the  erection,  at  the  entrance  to  the  con- 
vent, of  reception  rooms  to  which  women  may  be 
admitted.  These  reception  rooms  should  be  isolated 
from  the  interior  of  the  convent,  and  the  religious 
should  not  have  free  access  to  them._  The  church, 
choir,  and  even  the  sacristy,  when  it  is  strictly  con- 
tiguous to  the  church,  are  neutral  territory;  here 
women  may  enter,  and  the  religious  are  free  to  go 
thither  without  special  permission.  It  may  be  asked 
whether  a  strictly  continuous  material  barrier  is  a 
necessary  part  of  the  clausura.  Lehmkuhl  (in  Kir- 
chenlex.,  s.  v.  Clausura)  is  of  the  opinion  that  a  door 
which  can  be  locked  should  separate  the  cloistered 
from  the  other  parts  of  a  house  of  religious.  Pas- 
se rini,  however,  thinks  (De  hominum  statibus,  III, 
461 ,  n.  376)  that  any  intelligible  sign  suffices,  provided 
it  sufficiently  indicates  the  beginning  of  the  cloistered 
part.  And  even  in  the  Roman  law,  the  clausura 
were  sometimes  fictitious.  Finally,  it  may  be  added 
that  it  is  for  the  provincial  superior  to  fix  the  limits  of 
the  cloister  and  the  point  at  which  it  begins,  in  con- 
formity with  the  usages  of  his  order  and  with  the  local 
needs;  of  course  his  power  is  limited  by  the  disposi- 
tions of  the  law. 

Formal  Clausura. — Obstacle  to  the  Free  Egress  of 
the  Religious. — The  cloistered  religious  may  not  go  out- 
side their  material  cloister  without  permission;  still, 
the  religious  man  who  transgresses  this  prohibition 
does  «ot  incur  any  ecclesiastical  censure.  _  In  two 
cases,  however,  he  would  commit  a  grave  sin:  if  his 
absence  were  prolonged  (i.  e.  exceeding  two  or  three 
days);  and  if  he  should  go  out  by  night.  Going  out 
at  night  without  permission  is  usually  a  reserved  cast. 
But  what  constitutes  going  out  by  night?  The  pres- 


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er.t  writer  is  of  the  opinion  that  the  common  estima- 
tion (which  may  vary  in  different  countries)  defines  it. 
It  consists  in  leaving  the  cloister  without  a  good  and 
serious  motive,  at  a  late  hour,  when  people  would  be 
surprised  to  meet  a  religious  outside  his  monastery. 
Canonical  legislation  carefully  provides  that  religious, 
when  not  employed  in  the  functions  of  the  sacred 
ministry,  shall  reside  in  monasteries.  The  Council  of 
Trent  had  already  forbidden  them  to  leave  the  mon- 
astery without  permission  under  pretext  of  meeting 
their  superiors.  If  they  are  sent  to  follow  a  univer- 
sity course,  they  must  reside  in  a  religious  house.  The 
bishop  can  and  must  punish  the  violators  of  this  law 
of  residence  (Sess.  XXIV,  De  Reg.  et  Mon.,  c.  iv). 
Certain  decrees  of  reform,  primarily  intended  for  Italy 
alone,  but  probably  extended  by  usage,  specially  for- 
bid religious  to  go  to  Rome  without  permission  of  the 
superior  general. 

Obstacle  to  the  Entrance  of  Outsiders. — Women  are 
strictly  forbidden  to  enter  the  encloistered  portions  of 
a  house  of  male  religious.  In  his  "  Apostolicie  Sedis" 
(1869),  sec.  2,  n.  7,  Pius  IX  renewed  the  sentence  of 
excommunication  against  violators  of  this  law.  This 
excommunication  is  absolutely  reserved  to  the  Holy 
See;  it  affects  the  women  who  enter  as  well  as  the 
superior  or  religious  who  admits  them.  The  penalty 
always  supposes,  of  course,  a  serious  sin  on  the  offend- 
er's part,  but  the  moralists  are  very  severe  in  their 
appreciation  of  cases.  The  fact  of  having  just  fully 
crossed  the  boundary  suffices,  according  to  them,  for 
the  commission  of  a  serious  sin  and  incurs  the  penalty. 
Such  severity  is  comprehensible  when  a  continuous 
material  barrier  separates  the  cloistered  and  non- 
cloistered  parts  of  the  monastery;  still,  the  present 
writer  is  rat  her  inclined  to  exonerate  that  person  from 
a  grievous  sin  who  should  just  Btep  over  the  boundary 
and  retire  immediately.  Where  there  is  no  such  bar- 
rier, somewhat  more  latitude  may  be  allowed.  The 
law  makes  exceptions  for  queens  and  women  of  like 
rank,  as,  for  example,  the  wife  of  the  president  of  a 
republic;  such  persons  may  also  be  accompanied  by  a 
suitable  retinue.  Exception  is  also  sometimes  made 
for  notable  benefactresses,  who  must,  however,  pre- 
viously obtain  a  pontifical  indult.  It  should  be  noted 
that  young  girls  under  twelve  do  not  incur  this  ex- 
communication, but  the  religious  who  should  admit 
them  would  incur  the  penalty.  It  is  not  certain  that 
young  girls  under  seven  come  under  the  law;  hence 
the  religious  who  should  admit  them  would  not  com- 
mit a  grave  fault  or  incur  the  excommunication. 

(b)  Female. — Material  Clausura. — Those  parts  of 
the  convent  to  which  the  nuns  have  access  are  all 
within  the  cloister,  the  choir  not  excepted.  Here  the 
law  recognizes  no  neutral  territory.  If  the  convent 
church  be  public,  the  nuns  cannot  go  into  those  parts 
accessible  to  the  people.  Further,  the  building  should 
be  so  (•(instructed  that  neither  the  sisters  can  look  out- 
side their  enclosure,  nor  their  neighbours  see  into  the 
court-yards  or  gardens  at  the  disposal  of  the  sisters. 
Before  establishing  a  women's  convent  with  cloister, 
it  is  the  desire  of  the  Holy  See — if  it  be  not  a  condi- 
tion of  validity — that  the  beneplacitum  Apostolicum 
should  be  obtained;  this  is  a  certain  obligation  for 
countries,  like  the  United  States,  which  are  subject 
to  the  Constitution  of  Leo  XIII  "Romanos  Pon- 
tifices",  8  May,  1881.  (See  also  the  Letter  of  7  Dec., 
1901,  of  the  Congregation  of  Propaganda.) 

Formal  Clausura. — Obstacle  to  Egress. — Under  no 
pretext  may  the  sisters  go  outside  their  cloister  with- 
out a  legitimate  cause  approved  of  by  the  bishop. 
Such  is  the  legislation  of  the  Council  of  Trent  (Sens. 
XXV,  De.  Reg.  et  Mon.,  c.  v.).  St.  Pius  V,  restrict- 
ing still  more  this  law,  recognized  only  three  legiti- 
mate causes:  fire,  leprosy,  and  contagious  malady. 
Without  keeping  rigorously  to  this  enumeration,  we 
may  say  that  an  analogous  necessity  is  always  re- 
quired in  order  that  the  bishop  may  accord  the  per- 


mission. The  nuns  who  transgress  this  law  incur  an, 
excommunication  reserved  absolutely  to  the  Holy  See 
("  Apost.  Sedia",  sec.  2,  n.  6). 

Obstacle  to  the  Free  Entrance  of  Outsiders. — The  law 
is  much  more  severe  for  female  than  for  male  houses; 
in  fact,  even  women  are  rigorously  excluded  from  the. 
cloistered  parts.  The  penalty  for  those  who  enter 
and  for  those  who  admit  or  introduce  them  is  the 
same — an  excommunication  absolutely  reserved  to 
the  Holy  See  ("  Apost.  Sed.",  sec.  2,  n.  6),  The  pen- 
alty affects  all  those,  and  only  those,  who  have 
reached  the  age  of  reason.  Hence,  in  spite  of  the 
general  terms  of  the  law,  it  seems  probable  that  the 
sister  who  should  introduce  a  child  under  seven 
would  not  incur  the  ecclesiastical  censure.  This  re- 
gime, however,  admits  of  exceptions;  corporal  or 
spiritual  needs  demand  the  physician's  or  the  conies- 
sor's  presence,  the  garden  must  be  cultivated,  the 
building  kept  in  repair.  Hence  general  permissions 
are  given  to  doctors,  confessors,  workmen,  and  others.' 
The  confessor  of  the  nuns  has  this  permission  in  virtue 
of  his  office,  so  also  the  bishop  who  must  make  the 
canonical  visitation,  and  the  regular  superior.  If  the, 
convent  be  Under  the  jurisdiction  of  regulars,  out- 
siders who  need  to  enter  the  cloister  probably  require 
only  one  permission,  that  of  the  regular  superior,  ex- 
cept where  custom  requires  also  the  permission  of  the 
bishop  or  of  his  delegate  (St.  Alph.,  "Theol.  mor.'\ 
VII,  224).  BenedictXIV,  Lehmkuhl,  and  Piat,  basr 
ing  their  view  on  the  jurisprudence  of  the  Congrega- 
tion of  the  Council,  hold  that  the  bishop's  permission 
is  always  required.  This  permission,  whether  coming 
from  the  bishop  or  from  the  regular  superior,  should 

te  in  writing,  according  to  the  wording  of  the  law; 
ut  an  oral  permission  is  sufficient  to  avoid  the  cen- 
sure (St.  Alph.,  "Theol.  mor.",  VII,  223).  We  may 
follow  the  opinion  of  St.  Alphonsus  (loc.  cit.),  who 
maintains  that  when  one  has  an  evident  reason  for 
entering  within  the  cloister,  he  avoids  both  the  cen- 
sure and  the  sin,  even  though  he  have  only  an  oral 
permission.  It  should  be  observed  that  girl-boarders 
are  subject  to  this  legislation.  Hence  the  solemnly 
professed  nuns  who  wish  to  occupy  themselves  with 
the  education  of  the  young  must  be  provided  with  ^ 
pontifical  indult. 

However,  cloistered  nuns  are.  not  absolutely  for- 
bidden all  intercourse  with  the  outside  world.  They 
may  of  course  receive  letters;  they  may  also  receive 
visitors  in  the  convent  parlour,  provided  that  they 
remain  behind  the  grating,  or  grille,  erected  there. 
For  such  visits  a  reasonable  cause  and  a  permission 
from  the  bishop  is  usually  needed.  This  permission, 
however,  is  not  required  in  the  case  of  those  who,  by 
virtue  of  their  office,  are  obliged  to  have  relations 
with  a  convent,  viz.  the  ecclesiastical  superior,  the 
confessor  (for  spiritual  affairs),  the  canonical  visitor,, 
etc..  Except  in  Advent  and  Lent,  relatives  and 
children  are  admitted  once  a  week.  The  condition^ 
for  a  visit  by  a  male  religious  are  very  severe ;  accord- 
ing to  some  authors  he  can  only  receive  permission  if 
he  is  a  blood  relation  of  the  first  or  secon  d  degn  je,  and 
then  only  four  times  a  year.  Further,  although  an 
irregular  visit  on  the  part  of  a  lay  person  or  secular 
priest  does  not  constitute  a  grave  fault,  any  visit 
without  leave  is  a  mortal  sin  for  the  religious.  _  Such 
is  the  severity  of  the  prohibition  contained  in  the 
decree  of  the  Congregation  of  the  Council,  dated  7 
June,  1669.  However,  the  conditions  commonly  re- 
quired for  a  mortal  sin  must  be  present.  For  that 
reason  some  eminent  theologians  do  not  think  there 
is  a  mortal  sin  if  the  conversation  does  not  last  for  a 
quarter  of  an  hour  (C.  d  Annibale,  Summula  theol.  ,111, 
n.  228).  It  should  be  noted,  at  the  same  time,  that 
certain  usages,  have  mitigated  the  rigour  of  the  laws 
here  mentioned.  In  Spain,  for  instance,  the  permis- 
sion of  the  diocesan  authority  is  never  asked  for  mak- 
ing such  visits.   And  of  course  the  law  itself  affects 


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only  convents  where  the  inmates  pronounce  solemn 
vows. 

(2)  Institutes  with  Simple  Vows  Only. — Generally 
speaking,  in  a  convent  or  monastery  where  there  are 
no  solemn  vows,  there  is  no  cloister  protected  by  the 
excommunications  of  the ' ' Apostolic*  Sedis ' ' ;  further, 
women  cannot  make  solemn  vows  except  in  a  con- 
vent which  has  the  clausura.  Sometimes,  however, 
this  papal  clausura  is  granted  to  convents  of  women 
who  make  only  simple  vows.  Except  in  this  case 
the  institutes  of  simple  vows  are  not  subject  to  the 
laws  above-described.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  the  only 
female  convents  in  the  United  States  with  either 
solemn  vows  or  the  papal  clausura  are  those  of  the 
Visitation  Nuns  at  Georgetown,  Mobile,  St.  Louis, 
and  Baltimore.  (See  Bizzarri,  "Collectanea;  Causa 
Americana",  1st  edit.,  X,  page  778,  and  the  decree, 
page  791.)  The  fifth  convent  mentioned  in  the  de- 
cree. Kaskaskia,  no  longer  exists.  The  same  is  true 
of  Belgium  and  France,  with  the  exception  of  the 
districts  of  Nice  and  Savoy.  In  these  countries, 
therefore,  the  nuns  forming  part  of  the  old  religious 
orders  have  only  the  cloister  imposed  by  their  rules 
or  by  such  vows  as  that  of  perpetual  enclosure  taken 
by  the  religious  of  St.  Clare.  It  is  worth  noting  that 
this  vow,  although  it  forbids  the  inmates  to  leave  the 
cloister,  does  not  forbid  them  to  receive  people  from 
outside.  They  are  not,  then,  acting  contrary  to  their 
vow  when  they  admit  secular  persons  to  the  inside  of 
their  convents.  But  in  countries  where  the  absence 
of  solemn  vows  exempts  convents  of  women  from  the 
papal  enclosure,  the  bishop,  whom  the  Council  of 
Trent  (Sess.  XXV,  De  Reg.  et  Mon.,  c.  v.)  constitutes 
the  guardian  of  nuns'  cloister,  can  censure  and  punish 
with  ecclesiastical  penalties  infractions  of  cloister,  and 
can  thus  establish  an  episcopal  clausura  (cf.  Reply, 
"In  Parisiensi",  I  Aug.,  1839).  In  the  institutes  of 
simple  vows,  there  is  nearly  always  a  partial  cloister 
which  reserves  exclusively  to  the  religious  certain 
parts  of  their  convents.  This  partial  cloister  in  the 
nuns'  convents  has  been  committed  to  the  special 
vigilance  of  the  bishops  by  the  Constitution,  "Con- 
ditw",  8  Dec,  1900,  second  part,  and,  if  we  may 
judge  by  the  present  action  of  the  Congregation  of 
Bishops  and  Regulars,  the  clausura  in  this  form  tends 
to  become  obligatory  on  all  such  institutes.  (See 
"Norma"  of  the  Congreg.  of  Bishops  and  Regulars, 
28  June,  1901.) 

II.  Reasons  for  this  Legislation. — This  legisla- 
tion has  for  its  principal  object  to  safeguard  the  virtue 
of  chastity.  The  religious  consecrates  his  person  to 
God,  but  he  is  not  on  that  account  impeccable  in  the 
matter  of  chastity:  indeed,  his  very  profession,  if  he 
does  not  live  up  to  his  ideal,  exposes  him  to  the  danger 
of  becoming  a  scandal  and  a  source  of  the  gravest  harm 
to  religion.  To  this  principal  reason  inculcated  in 
the  Constitution  "Penculoso"  of  Boniface  VIII  may 
be  added  others;  for  instance,  the  calm  and  recollec- 
tion necessary  for  the  religious  life.  The  Church  has 
therefore  acted  wisely  in  forestalling  such  dangers  and 
protecting  those  who  aim  at  leading  a  perfect  life;  and 
for  this  the  external  rigour  is  certainly  not  excessive. 
Moreover,  this  external  rigour  (as,  e.  g.,  the  grille) 
varies  much  according  to  local  needs  and  circum- 
stances; and  it  seems  that  the  recent  institutes  suc- 
ceed admirably  with  their  partial  cloister,  which  is  not 
protected  by  tne  severe  penalties  of  the  Church.  The 
more  perfect  form,  however,  is  undoubtedly  better 
adapted  to  the  mystic  life. 

III.  Sources  op  the  Existing  Legislation. — (I) 
Religious  Orders. — (a)  Male. — There  is  no  pontifical 
constitution  of  universal  application  which  prohibits 
the  egress  of  the  religious.  The  only  written  law  that 
might  be  invoked  is  the  decree  of  Clement  VTII, 
"Nullus  Omnino",  25  June,  1599;  and  it  would  be 
difficult  to  prove  that  this  Constitution  is  binding  out- 
side of  Italy.   Hence,  this  element  of  cloister  results 


partly  from  usage,  partly  from  special  laws.  A  con- 
stitution of  universal  bearing  was  projected  at  the 
Vatican  Council  ("De  Clausura",  c.  li,  "CoUectio 
Lacensis",  VII,  681).  The  interdict  against  the  ad- 
mission of  women  rests  nowadays  on  the  Constitution 
of  Benedict  XIV,  "Regularis  Disciplina?",  3  Jan., 
1742,  and  on  that  of  Pius  IX,  "Apostolic®  Sedis", 
sec.  2,  n.  7, 12  Oct.,  1869,  which  renews  the  censures 
against  offenders. 

(b)  Female. — Here  the  Apostolical  Constitutions 
abound.  We  cite  some  of  the  more  recent  which  sanc- 
tion at  the  same  time  the  two  elements  of  cloister: 
"Salutare",3  Jan.,  1742,  and  "Per  binas  alias",  24 
Jan.,  1747,  of  Benedict  XIV;  add  also,  for  the  censures, 
the  "  Apostolicee  Sedis",  sec.  2,  n.  6,  of  Pius  IX. 

(2)  Institutes  with  Simple  Vows  Only. — For  these  in- 
stitutes there  is  no  other  law  of  universal  application 


Small  Cloistbr,  Ckbtosa  or  Pavia — Uiotamki 
Antonio  Aw  ad  bo 

besides  the  Constitution,  "Condits  aChristo",  which 
indeed  rather  supposes  than  imposes  a  certain  clau- 
sura. 

IV.  Historical  Development  of  Legislation. — 
From  the  very  first,  the  founders  of  monasteries  and 
the  masters  of  the  spiritual  life  sought  to  guard 
against  the  dangers  which  commerce  with  the  world 
and  intercourse  with  the  other  sex  offered  to  those  de- 
voted to  the  life  of  perfection.  So  we  find  from  the 
earliest  times,  both  in  the  counsels  and  the  rules  of  the 
initiators  of  the  religious  life,  wise  maxims  of  practical 
prudence.  In  the  Synod  of  Alexandria  (362)  we  find 
at  the  head  of  the  minor  ordinances  a  rule  forbidding 
monks  and  religious  celibates  {continentes)  to  meet 
women,  to  speak  to  them,  and,  if  it  can  be  avoided,  to 
see  them  (Revillout,  "Le  Concile  de  Nicee",  II,  475. 
476).  Still,  cloister,  as  we  understand  it  to-day,  did 
not  exist  for  the  first  Eastern  monks.  Their  rules 
concerning  monastic  hospitality  prove  this;  other- 
wise, how  could  St.  Macnna  have  received  the  visits 
of  which  her  brother,  St.  Gregory  of  Nyssa,  speaks 
(."Vita  S.  Macrinas",  in  P.  G.,  XLVI,  975)f  St. 
Basil's  rules,  in  recommending  discretion  in  the  rela- 
tions between  monks  and  nuns,  prove  indirectly  the 
non-existence  of  a  cloister  properly  so  called  ("  Regu- 
lar fusius  tractate,  Q.  and  R.,  XXX,  P.  G.,  XXXI,  997; 
"Regula:  brevius  tractatse",  108-11,  P.  G.,  XXXI, 
1155-58).  What  seems  stranger  still  in  our  eyes,  in 
the  East  there  existed  double  monasteries  where,  in 
contiguous  houses,  if  not  actually  under  the  same  roof, 
religious  men  and  women  observed  the  same  rule; 
sometimes  also  pious  women  (d7«irifTai)  shared  their 
homes  with  monks.  As  regards  Africa,  in  St.  Augus- 
tine's day  the  visits  of  clerics  or  of  monks  to  the  "  vir- 
gins and  widows"  were  made  only  with  permission, 
and  in  the  company  of  irreproachable  Christiana 
(Cone.  Carth.  Ill,  can.  xxv,  Hardouin,  1, 963);  but  the 


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proper  was  unknown,  so  much  so  that  the 
nuns  themselves  used  to  go  out,  though  always  ac- 
companied (Aug.,  Epist.,  ccxi,  P.  L.,  XXXIII,  963). 

In  Europe,  St.  Caesarius  of  Aries  (536)  forbade 
women  to  enter  men's  monasteries,  and  even  pre- 
vented them  from  visiting  the  interior  part  of  a  nun's 
convent  (Regula  ad  monachos,  xi;  Ad  virgines,  xxxiv, 
P.  L.,  LXVn,  1100,  1114);  so  also  St.  Aurelius,  who 
further  forbade  nuns  to  go  out  except  with  a  compan- 
ion (Regula  ad  monachos,  xv:  Ad  virgines,  xii,  P.  L., 
LXVIII,  390,  401).  The  Rule  of  St.  Benedict  says 
nothing  about  the  cloister,  and  even  the  Rule  of  St. 
Francis  only  forbids  monks  to  enter  convents  of  nuns. 
It  is  worth  noting  that  other  religious  so  far  surpassed 
in  severity  the  authorizations  of  current  law  as  to 
place  their  churches  under  cloister  (Carthusians;  Bee 
•'GuigonisConsuetudines",  c.  xxi,  P.  L.,  CLIN,  681, 
682),  or  to  prohibit  the  introduction  of  foods  which 
the  monks  were  forbidden  to  use  (Camaldolese).  St. 
Gregory  (P.  L.,  LXXVII,  717)  in  his  letter  (594)  to 
the  Abbot  Valentine  (letter  xlii  or  xl,  bk.  IV)  com- 
plained that  the  said  abbot  used  to  admit  women  into 
his  monastery  frequently,  and  used  to  allow  his  monks 
to  act  as  godfathers  at  baptisms,  thus  associating 
with  the  women  who  acted  as  godmothers.  This  last 
permission  appeared  to  him  more  reprehensible  than 
the  former.  In  the  middle  of  the  fifth  century  (450- 
56)  an  Irish  council  presided  over  by  St.  Patrick  for- 
bade (can.  ix)  the  religious  and  consecrated  virgins  to 
lodge  in  the  same  inn,  ride  in  the  same  carriage,  or 
frequently  meet  together  (Hard.,  1, 1791).  About  the 
same  time,  the  Fourth  (Ecumenical  Council  (451)  sub- 
jected to  the  bishop's  jurisdiction  the  monks  who 
lived  outside  their  monastery.  In  517  the  Council  of 
Epao  (a  locality  which  has  not  been  identified  hitherto. 
See  Hefele,  "Conciliengeschichte",  II,  681;  Ldning, 
"Geschichte  des  deutscnen  Kirchenrechts",  I,  569,  n. 
2,  identifies  it  with  Albon,  between  Valence  and 
Vienne;  the  "  Mon.  Germ.  Hist.":  Cone,  1, 17,  refer  to 
Loning)  prescribed  measures  (can.  xxxviii)  prohibiting 
any  but  women  of  known  integrity  or  priests  on 
dutv  from  entering  the  monasteries  of  virgins  (puel- 
larum— Hard., II,  1051).  In  the  Constitution  ("No- 
vella") 133  of  Justinian  I,  irepl  mo«»X«»,  16  or  18 
March,  539,  we  meet  with  a  prescription  which  re- 
sembles much  more  closely  our  cloister.  In  the  third 
chapter  the  emperor  forbids  women  to  enter  men's 
monasteries  even  for  a  burial  service,  and  vice  versa. 
In  the  Council  of  Saragossa  (691)  the  Fathers  assem- 
bled protested  against  the  facility  with  which  lay 
persons  were  admitted  into  monasteries  (Hard.,  Ill, 
1780).  Next  come  the  Council  of  Freising  (about  800), 
which  forbids  either  laymen  or  clerics  to  enter  nuns' 
convents  (can.  xxi  in  the  collection  reproduced  in 
the  "Mon.  Germ.  Hist.:  Capitularia  Regum  Fran- 
corum  ",  1, 28),  and  the  Council  of  Mainz  (813),  which 
forbids  (can.  xii)  monks  to  go  out  without  the  abbot's 
leave,  and  which  seems  (can.  xiii)  to  forbid  absolutely 
all  egress  for  nuns,  even  for  the  abbesses,  except  with 
the  advice  and  permission  of  the  bishop  (Hard.,  IV, 
1011,  1012).  In  the  acts  of  the  synods  of  829  pre- 
sented to  Louis  le  Debonnaire,  we  find  a  measure  to 
prevent  monks  from  conversing  with  nuns  without 
the  bishop's  permission  ["Mon.  Germ.  Hist.:  Capitu- 
laria ",  II,  42,  n.  19  (53)].  The  Second  General  Coun- 
cil of  the  Lateran  (1139)  forbade  nuns  to  dwell  in 
private  houses  (can.  xxvi)  and  expressed  the  wish  that 
they  should  not  sing  in  t  he  same  choir  with  the  canons 
or  monks  (Hard.,  VII,  1222).  The  Third  Council  of 
the  Lateran  (1179)  required  a  cause  of  clear  necessity 
to  justify  clerics  in  visiting  convents  of  nuns.  We 
may  add  here  the  decree  of  Innocent  III  (1198)  in- 
serted in  the  Decretalia  (I,  31,  7),  which  gives  to  the 
bishop  the  right  to  supplement  the  negligence  of  pre- 
lates who  should  not  compel  wandering  monks  to  re- 
turn to  their  convents. 
Thus  far  we  have  surveyed  the  beginnings  of  the 


present  legislation.  In  1298  Boniface  VIII  promul- 
gated his  celebrated  Constitution  "Periculoso"  (De 
Statu  Regularium,  in  VI0,  III,  16),  in  which  he  im- 
posed the  cloister  on  all  nuns.  According  to  this  law, 
all  egress  is  forbidden  to  them;  only  persons  of  irre- 
proachable life  are  admitted  to  see  the  sisters,  and 
that  only  when  there  is  a  reasonable  excusepreviously 
approved  of  by  the  competent  authorities.  The  bishops 
(in  the  convents  which  are  subject  to  them,  as  well 
as  in  those  which  depend  immediately  on  the  Holy 
See)  and  the  regular  prelates  (in  other  convents)  are 
charged  to  watch  over  the  execution  of  these  disposi- 
tions. The  Council  of  Trent  (Sess.  XXV,  De  Reg. 
et  Mon.,  c.  v),  confirming  these  measures,  con- 
fided to  the  bishops  all  responsibility  for  the  cloister 
of  nuns;  it  further  directed  that  no  nun  might  go  out 
without  a  written  permit  from  the  bishop,  and  that 
outsiders,  under  pain  of  excommunication,  might  not 
enter  without  a  written  permit  from  the  bishop  or  the 
regular  superior,  which  permit  might  not  be  given 
except  in  case  of  necessity.  St.  Pius  V,  in  his  "Circa 
Pastoralis"  (29  May,  1560),  urged  the  execution  of 
Boniface's  law.  and  imposed  the  cloister  even  on  the 
third  orders.  Shortly  after,  the  same  pontiff,  in  his 
"Decori"  (1  Feb.,  1570),  defined  the  cases  and  the 
manner  in  which  a  professed  nun  might  go  outside 
of  her  cloister.  In  this  connexion  may  also  be 
mentioned  the  "Ubi  Gratias"  of  Gregory  XIII  (13 
June,  1675),  explained  by  the  Brief  "  Dubiis  "  (23  Dec. , 
1581).  The  decree  of  1 1  May,  1669,  and  the  declara- 
tion of  26  Nov.,  1679  of  the  Congregation  of  the  Coun- 
cil, forbid  relifrious  men  to  see  nuns,  even  at  the  grat- 
ing, except  within  the  limits  referred  to  above. 

This  legislation  is  still  further  confirmed  by  the 
Constitutions  of  Benedict  XIV,  "Cum  sacrarum  ,  1 
June,  1741,  "Salutare"  of  3  Jan.,  1742,  concerning 
the  entrance  of  outsiders;  "Per  binas  alias",  24  Jan., 
1747,  on  the  same  subject;  and  the  Letter  "Gravis- 
simo",  31  Oct.,  1749,  to  the  ordinaries  of  the  pontif- 
ical territory  on  access  of  externs  to  the  grilles,  or 
gratings,  through  which  they  might  communicate 
with  cloistered  religious;  finally,  by  the  Constitution 
"Apostolicse  Sedis",  12  Oct.,  1869,  which  passed  sen- 
tence of  excommunication  on  all  offenders,  and  abro- 
gated all  usages  contrary  to  the  Constitution  of  Pius 
V  on  the  egress  of  cloistered  nuns  (cf.  reply  of  Holy 
Office,  22  Dec,  1880). 

The  Apostolical  constitutions  about  the  cloister  of 
regulars,  and  notably  the  exclusion  of  women,  are  all 
posterior  to  the  Council  of  Trent.  As  regards  the 
entrance  of  women,  we  have  to  quote:  "  Regularium  ", 

24  Oct.,  1566,  and  "Decet",  16  July,  1570,  both  of 
St.  Pius  V;  "  Ubi  Gratia?",  13  June,  1575,  of  Gregory 
XIII;  "Nullus",  &  18,  of  Clement  VIII,  25  June, 
1599;  "Regularis  Disciplinaj",  3  Jan.,  1742,  of  Bene- 
dict XIV;  lastly,  the  "Apostolicse  Sedis"  of  Pius  IX 
(1869),  for  the  censures.  Concerning  the  egress  of 
religious,  the  reader  may  refer  to  the  following  con- 
stitutions: "Ad  Romanum  spectat",  §§  20  and  21, 
21  Oct.,  1588,  of  Sixtus  V;  "Decretum  illud",  10 
March,  1601,  of  Clement  VIII  (on  the  question  of 
journeys  to  Rome) ;  also  the  decree  "  Nullus  omnino ' ', 

25  June,  1599,  of  Clement  VIII  (for  Italy). 

V.  Legislation  in  the  Eastern  Church. — In  our 
historical  survey  we  have  already  cited  the  Greek 
sources  of  legislation  prior  to  the  seventh  century. 
In  693  the  Trullan  Council,  so  called  from  the  hall 
of  the  palace  at  Constantinople  where  it  was  held,  is 
more  precise  than  those  wnich  preceded  it.  The 
forty-sixth  canon  (Hard.,  Ill,  1679)  forbade  monks 
and  nuns  to  go  out,  except  during  the  day,  for  a 
necessary  cause,  and  with  the  previous  authorization 
of  their  superior;  the  forty-seventh  canon  forbade 
men  to  sleep  in  a  convent  of  women,  and  vice  versa. 
The  Second  Council  of  Nicssa  (787),  which  PhothiB 
cites  in  his  "Nomocanon"  (P.  G.,  CIV,  1091),  in  its 
eighteenth  canon  forbids  women  to  dwell  in  men's 


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monas terie*  <Hard.,  IV,  497,  488),  and  in  the  twen- 
tieth it  condemns  double  monasteries,  occupied  by 
both  monks  and  nunB  (Hard.,  IV,  499,  500).  Neither 
Balsamen  nor  Aristenes,  in  their  commentaries  on  the 
canons  of  the  councils  (P.  O.,  CXXXVII),  nor  BLv 
•taris  (1332),  in  his  alphabetical  list  of  the  canons 
(P.G.,  CXLV, under  the  titles,  "Hermits",  "Nuns", 
col.  45-48, 49-50),  nor  the  Maronite  council  of  1736,  has 
any  more  recent  general  law  to  cite.  This  Maronite 
council  cites  two  other  Maronite  synods  of  1578  and 
1596  (Coll.  Lae.,  II,  36).  In  an  article  like  the  pres- 
ent it  would  be  impossible  to  follow  the  evolution  of 
the  Eastern  legislation  and  the  Eastern  Usages  in  this 
matter,  owing  to  the  multitude  of  rites  and  of  com- 
munities into  which  the  Orientals  tend  to  split  up. 

We  may  cite  two  Catholic  Maronite  synods  of  Mt. 
Lebanon,  held  in  1736  and  1818.  The  former  of  these 
(De  monas tenia  et  monachis,  IV,  c.ii)  recalls  the  old 
canons;  forbids  double  monasteries,  imposes  on  the 
monks  a  cloister  similar  to  that  of  the  Western  regu- 
lars, penalising  women  offenders  with  sentence  of 
excommunication,  reserved  to  the  patriarch.  In  the 
third  chapter,  devoted  to  sisterhoods,  the  Fathers 
recognize  that  the  strict  cloister  is  not  of  obligation 
in  their  Church.  They  allow  the  nuns'  to  go  out  for 
the  needs  of  their  convent,  but  they  desire  >  that  the 
nuns  shall  never  go  out  alone.  The  execution  of 
these  decrees  was  very  slow,  and  met  with  much  diffi- 
culty; and  the  synod  of  1818  had  to  be  convened  in 
order  to  finally  separate  the  convents  of.  men  from 
those  of  women  (of.  Coll.  Lac.,  II,  365-368,  374,  382, 
490,  491,  496,  576). 

The  provincial  synod  of  the  Rutheniaos  of  the 
United  Greek  Rite  (1720)  introduced  what  is  prac- 
tically the  Roman  clausura  the  excommunication 
protecting  their  cloister  is  reserved  to  the  pope  (Coil. 
Lac.,  II,  55,  68).  In  the  patriarchal  council  of  the 
Greek  Metchite  United  Church  (1812),  we  find  noth- 
ing but  a  simple  prohibition  to  the  monks  to  go  oh 
journeys  without  written  permission  from  their  supe- 
rior, and  to  pass  the  night  outside  of  their  monastery, 
except  when  assisting  the  dying  (Coll.  Lac.,  II,  586). 
In  toe  Coptic  Catholic  and  the  Syrian  Catholic 
Churches  there  are  at  present  no  religious  whatever: 
It  may  be  affirmed,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  that  the 
cloister  is  often  relaxed  among  Eastern  monks,  espe- 
cially the  schismatics;  the  exclusion  of  women,  how-> 
ever,  ia  very  rigorous  in  the  twenty  convents  of  Mt. 
At  hoe  and  among  the  Egyptian  monks.  There  we 
find  even  more  than  the  ancient  rigour  of  the  Stadia ta 
for  no  female  animal  of  any  kind  is  allowed  to  exist 
on  the  promontory  (see  St.  Theodore  the  Studite, 
"Epistufa  Nicolao  discipulo,  et  testamentum",  §  5, 
in  P.  G.,  XCIX,  041,  1820).  The  Basilian  nuns  of 
the  Russian  Church  also  observe  a  strict  cloister. 

For  Cloister  in  the  architectural  sense,  see  under 
Abbjby. 

For  the  historical  sources  see  Hasdotjin,  Acta  ConcMorum 
(Paris,  1714-15);  Borbttob  and  Kravsb,  Capilularia  Rtgum 
Francorum  (Hanover,  1888  and  1897);  Rbvjlmxit,  Le  Concilt 
de  Nide  Sarnie  let  lata  coptea  el  let  divertee  collection*  cane- 
niquet.  Dutertation  critique  (2  vols..  Parts,  1876-98);  Micxt, 
PatroUgiat  emu*  computus  (Paris,  1844-1862);  ColUctio  La- 
centie:  Acta  el  Decrtta  S,  ConeOionm  Retenlionm  (7  vols.,  Fret- 
burs  im  Br.,  1870-90);  Hefele,  Conc\Lienge»chichU  (Freiburg 
imBr.,  1873-1890);  Vehmkersch,  De  Ketigiosie  IrutitulitctPcr- 
hiw:  SuppUmenta  et  Monumenta  (Bruges,  1904). 

For  the  legislation,  almost  all  the  canonists  and  moralists 
might  be  cited.  We  will  however  limit  ourselves  to  some  of 
those  who  have  more  formally  treated  the  matter. — For  the 
ancient  legislation  in  particular,  Bonacina,  Tractatm  de  Clau- 
turd  et  de  pamie  earn  vielantibut  impoeitu,  in  Opera  ostitis 
(Lyons,  16S4).  I;  Peluzarius,  Manuple  Reoularium  (2  vols., 
Lyons,  1605);  Montani  (ed.).  Traetatto  de  MonialUmt  (Editio 
corrects,  Rome,  1761);  Lioooai,  Throhgia  meruit*,  1,  7,  n, 
221-243. — For  authorities  in  modern  leraslatioa  see  Piat, 
Prirlectiorws  iurit  regylarit  (Tournai.  1898);  WeRni,  Jut 
Drcrttalium  <Rome.  1901),  III,  n.  658;  HotxWEr*,  Die  kirch- 
liehen  Strafgetttte  (Mains,  1899);  HeikbUchbk,  Die  Onfen  und 
Conaregationen  drr  hatfiolitchm  Kirche  (Paderborn,  1907); 
VtRMiEnaCH.  De  Refigiont lntxlutit  et  Pertonit,  L  2nd  ed. 
(Bruges,  1906).— See  also  Dolhaoarat,  La  lot  de  la  dttturc 
dam*  let  consents  d'kommet  in  Rev.  dee  sciences  ettUt.  (1897), 


LXXy.  SBO  «».;  Idsm.  La  eUtun  rejiewsas,  ifcfd-i  (ISO*), 

de  droit  canoniqu*  (Paris,  1901),  s.  v.  Cloture:  La  cloture  panim 
in  Anal.  jur.  pontij.  (1887).  XXVU.  and  (1888),  XX  VIIL 

Arthur  Vbkubersch. 

Clonard,  School  of. — Clonard  (Irish,  Cluain 
Btaird,  or  Cluain  Iraird,  Erard's.  Meadow)  was  situ- 
ated on  the  beautiful  river  Boyne,  just  beside  the 
boundary  line  of  the  northern  and  southern  halves  of 
Ireland,  The  founder  of  this  school,  the  most  famous 
of  the  sixth'  century,  was  St.  Finnian,  an  abbot 
and  great  wonder-worker.  He  was  born  at  MyshaH, 
County  Carlow,  about  470.  At  an  early  age  he  was 
placed  under  the  care  of  St.  Fortchem,  by  whose  direc- 
tion, it  is  said,  he  proceeded  to  Wales  to  perfect  him- 
self in  holiness  and  sacred  knowledge  under  the  great 
saints  of  that  country.  After  a  long  sojourn  there,  of 
thirty  years  according  to  the  Salamanca  MS.,  he  re- 
turned to  his  native  land  and  went  about  from  place 
to  place,  preaching,  teaching,  and  founding  churches, 
till  he  was  at  last  led  by  an  angel  to  Cluain  Eraird, 
which  he  was  told  would,  be  the  place  of  his  resurrec- 
tion. Here  he  built  a  little  cell  and  a  church  of  clay 
and  wattle,  which  after  some  time  gave  way  to  a  sub- 
stantial stone  structure,  and  entered  on  a  life  of  study, 
mortification,  and  prayer.  The  fame  of  his  learning 
and  sanctity  was  soon  noised  abroad,  and  scholars  of 
all  ages  flocked  from  every  side  to  his  monastic  retreat 
— young  laymen  and  clerics,  abbots  and  bishops  even, 
and  those  illustrious  saints  who  were  afterwards  known 
as  the  "Twelve  Apostles  of  Erin".  In  the  Office  of  St. 
Finnian  it  is  stated  that  there  were  no  fewer  than 
3000  pupils  getting,  instruction  at  one  time  in  the 
school  in  the  green  fields  of  Clonard  under  the  broad 
canopy  of  heaven.  The  master  excelled  in  exposition 
of  the  Sacred  Scriptures,  and  to  this  fact  must  be 
mainly  attributed  the  extraordinary  popularity  which 
his,  lectures  enjoyed.  The  exact  date  of  the  saint ^ 
death  is  uncertain,  but  it  was  probably  552,  and  life 
burial-place  is  in  his  own  church  of  Clonard.  For  cen- 
turies after  his  death  the  school  continued  to  be  rer 
nowned  as  a  seat  of  Scriptural  learning,  but  it  suffered 
at  the  hands  of  the  Danes,  especially  in  the  eleventh 
century,  and  two  wretched  Irishmen,  O'Rorke  of 
Breifney  and  Dermod  McMurrough,  helped  to  com- 
plete the  unholy  work  which  the  Northmen  had  begun. 
With  the  transference  by  the  Norman  Bishop  de 
Rochfort,  in  1206,  of  the  See  of  Meath  from  Clonard  to 
Trim,  the  glory  of  the  former  place  departed  forever. 

Irish  Life  in  Book  of  Li/more;  Healt,  Ireland"!  Ancient 
Schools  and  Scholar*  (Dublin,  1890). 

JOHN  HEALT. 

Olonfert,  Diootsb  of  (Clonfbbtjensb,  in  Irish 
Cluatn-fearta  Brenainn),  a  suffragan  see  of  the  metro- 
politan province  of  Tuam,  was  founded  in  557  by  St: 
Brendan  the  Navigator,  in  a  sheltered  obtain  or 
meadow  near  the  Shannon  shore,  at  the  eastern  ex- 
tremity of  the  County!  Qalway.  The  diocese  was 
nearly  coextensive  with  the  tribe-land  of  the  Hy 
Many  or  O' Kelly  oouatry.  It  still  contains  twenty- 
four  parishes  in  the  south-east  of  the  County  Garway, 
including  one  small  parish  east  of  the  Shannon,  which 
formed  a  part  of  the  ancient  Hy  Many  territory.  The 
renown  of  Brendan  as  a  saint  and  traveler  by  land 
and  sea  attracted  from  the  very  beginning  many 
monks  and  students  to  his  monastery  of  Olonfert,  so 
that  it  became  a  very  famous  school  of  sanctity  and 
learning,  numbering  at  one  time,  it  is  said,  no  leas 
than  three  thousand  students.  Brendan  was  not  a 
bishop  himself,  but  he  had  as  coadjutor,  his  nephew 
Moiaenn,  who,  after  his  death,  became  an  abbot" 
bishop  and  head  of  the  monastic  school.  At  a  latter 
period  a  still  mere  celebrated  man,  Cummian  Fads, 
or  Cummian  the  Tall,  presided  over  the  School  and 
Diocese  of  Clonfert.  He  took  a  leading  part  in  the 
famous  Paschal  wntaovsny  and  wrote  a  very  learned 


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CLOISTERS 

CERTOSA  DI  S.  MARTINO,  NAPLES 
ST.  JOHN  LATERAN,  ROME 


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OLONMAONOISE 


65 


OLONMAONOISE 


work  on  the  subject,  known  as  his  "  Paschal  Epistle", 
which  fortunately  still  survives  (P.  L.,  LXXXVIII) 
ind  furnishes  conclusive  evidence  of  the  varied  learn- 
ing cultivated  in  the  school  of  Clonfert. 

Clonfert  l>eii)g  on  the  highway  of  the  Shannon  suf- 
fered greatly  from  the  ravages  of  the  Danes,  and  also 
of  some  Irish  chieftains  who  imitated  their  bad  ex- 
ample; yet  the  school  and  monastery  lived  on  through 
those  stormy  times,  and  we  have  a  fuller  list  of  bish- 
ops and  abbots  of  Clonfert  than  we  have  of  any  other 
see,  at  least  in  the  West  of  Ireland.  It  was  richly  en- 
dowed with  large  estates  of  fertile  land,  and  hence  we 
find  that  the  Bishop  of  Clonfert.  according  to  a  scale 
fixed  in  1392,  paid  to  the  papal  t  reasury  on  his  ap- 
pointment three  hundred  florins  in  gold,  the  Arch- 
bishop of  Tuam  being  taxed  only  at  two  hundred 
H <  irins.  At  the  general  suppression  of  religious  houses 
by  Henry  Vllf,  the  Abbot  O'Cormacan,  with  the 
help  of  Clanrickarde,  contrived  to  hold  the  abbey 
lands  of  Clonfert  until  his  death  in  spite  of  royal  de- 
Roland  de  Burgo  became  bishop  in  1534,  and 

being  an  uncle  of 
the  Earl  of  Clan- 
I^BB^^^i  rickardcwasable 
mm  to  keep  his  lands 

■B  888-  more  than  forty 

K9  years  unuer 

■s^Hfc  Gum'  •  |  Henry,  Edward 
VI,  Mary,  and 
Elizabeth.  He 
was  always  a 
Catholic  prelate, 
although  it  is 
prolxible  that  he 
took  the  Oath 
of  Supremacy  in 
order  to  get  the 
tern  pora  lit  ies 
from  Henry 
VIII.  Queen 
Elizabeth  wrote 
to  Sir  H.  Sydney 
suggesting  the 
founding  of  a 
national  univer- 
sity at  Clonfert, 
on  account  of  its  central  position  on  the  highway  of 
the  lordly  river,  to  be  endowed  with  the  abbey  lands. 
But  the  project  was  never  carried  out. 

The  old  cathedral  of  Clonfert  still  exists,  and  is  one 
of  the  few  ancient  churches  still  used  for  religious 
worship,  for  it.  was  seized  by  the  Protestants  in  the 
i-eign  of  Elizabeth  and  has  continued  since  in  their 
hands.  There  is,  however,  practically  no  Protestant 
congregation.  The  church  was  small,  being  only 
fifty-four  by  twenty-seven  feet  in  the  clear,  but  its 
two  characteristic  features,  the  west  doorway  and 
east  windows,  are  very  beautiful  examples  of  the 
Irish  Romanesque.  Brash,  an  expert  authority,  has 
described  the  doorway  with  great  minuteness,  and 
declares  that  in  point  of  design  and  execution  it  is 
not  excelled  by  any  similar  work  that  he  has  seen  in 
these  islands.  Of  the  east  altar- window  he  says,  "  the 
design  is  exceedingly  chaste  and  beautiful,  the  mould- 
iinple  and  effective,  and  the  workmanship  supe- 
rior to  anything  I  have  seen  either  of  ancient  or 
modern  times."  He  attributes  the  building  of  this 
beautiful  Romanesque  church  to  Peter  O'Mordha,  a 
Cistercian  monk,  first  Abbot  of  Boyle  and  afterwards 
Bishop  of  Clonfert.  He  belonged  to  a  family  of  the 
highest  artistic  genius,  to  whom  we  also  owe  the  noble 
arches  of  the  old  cathedral  of  Tuam,  and  the  beauti- 
ful monastery  of  Cong. 

In  1266,  as  we  learn  from  the  annals  of  Lough  C6. 
a  certain  John  was  sent  over  from  Rome  as  Bishop- 
elect  of  the  See  of  Clonfert.   He  must  have  received 


Ancient  Market  Cross,  Cono 


the  sanction  of  the  Crown,  and  could  not  be  inducted 
to  his  see  without  the  help  of  Walter  de  Burgo,  Earl 
of  Ulster.  Hence  we  are  told  he  was  consecrated  at 
the  English  town  of  Athenry  as  Bishop  of  Clonfert. 
This  was  on  the  Sunday  before  Christmas,  1266.  He 
was  also  appointed  papal  nuncio,  and  we  find  (apud 
Theiner)  a  letter  from  Pope  John  XXI  (1276)  author- 
izing him  to  collect  the  crusaders'  tax  for  the  recov- 
ery of  the  Holy  Land.  This  John,  one  of  the  few 
Italian  prelates  ever  appointed  to  an  Irish  see,  was  a 
great  benefactor  to  his  cathedral  church,  and  he  is 
believed  to  have  erected  the  statues  and  other  carv- 
ings which  decorate  the  western  end  of  his  cathedral. 
This  can  hardly  be  true,  so  far  as  the  Romanesque 
doorway  is  concerned,  for  the  Romanesque  had  then 
gone  out  for  at  least  half  a  century  as  a  feature  in 
Irish  architecture,  and  given  place  to  the  pointed 
style.  It  is  said  that  he  governed  Clonfert  for  no  less 
than  30  years,  and  was  then  transferred  by  the  pope 
to  the  Archbishopric  of  Benevento  in  Italy,  about 
1296.  It  is  doubtless  true  that  John,  with  his  artistic 
Italian  tastes,  finding  in  his  diocese  a  cathedral  of  the 
best  type  of  the  Irish  Romanesque,  probably  a  hun- 
dred years  old,  did  much  to  renovate  and  decorate 
with  statuary  the  beautiful  building.  This  no  doubt 
would  explain  the  ancient  tradition  that  connects  his 
name  with  the  glories  of  the  old  cathedral.  It  is  in- 
teresting to  note  in  conclusion  that  Concors,  an  Abbot 
of  Clonfert,  was  one  of  the  three  plenipotentiaries 
who  were  sent  by  Roderick  O'Conor,  the  last  King 
of  Ireland,  to  conclude  the  Treaty  of  Windsor,  in  the 
year  1175,  by  which  Roderick  renounced  forever  the 
sceptre  and  Kingdom  of  Ireland.  The  city  of  St. 
Brendan  is  now  a  vast  solitude.  The  episcopal  palace 
is  falling  into  ruins;  the  beautiful  church  is  there,  but 
there  is  no  resident  clergyman,  and  only  two  houses 
— that  of  the  sexton  andthe  police  barrack. 

O'Donovan.  Four  Matters  (Dublin,  1856),  pa«sim;  Healt. 
Ireland's  Ancient  Schools  and  Scholars  (Dublin,  1890);  Ware- 
Harris,  Lives  of  the  Bishops  of  Ireland  (Dublin,  1739);  Arch- 
dall,  Monasticon  Hibernicum,  ed.  Moran  (Dublin,  1873). 

John  Healt. 

Olonmacnoise,  Abbey  and  School  of,  situated  on 
the  Shannon,  about  half  way  between  Athlone  and 
Banagher,  King's  County,  Ireland,  and  the  most  re- 
markable of  the  ancient  schools  of  Erin.  Its  founder 
was  St.  Ciaran,  surnamed  Mac  an  Tsair,  or  "  Son  of  the 
Carpenter",  and  thus  distinguished  from  his  namesake, 
the  patron  saint  of  Ossory.  He  chose  this  rather  un- 
inviting region  because  he  thought  it  a  more  suitable 
dwelling-place  for  disciples  of  the  Cross  than  the  luxu- 
riant plains  not  far  away.  Ciaran  was  born  at  Fuerty, 
County  Roscommon,  in  512,  and  in  his  early  years  was 
committed  to  the  care  of  a  deacon  named  Justus,  who 
had  baptized  him,  and  from  whose  hands  he  passed  to 
the  school  of  St.  Finnian  at  Clonard.  Here  he  met  all 
those  saintly  youths  who  with  himself  were  after- 
wards known  as  the  "Twelve  Apostles  of  Erin",  and 
he  quickly  won  their  esteem.  When  Finnian  had  to 
absent  himself  from  the  monastery,  it  was  to  the  youth- 
ful Ciaran  that  he  deputed  his  authority  to  teach  and 
"give  out  the  prayers";  and  when  Ciaran  announced 
his  intended  departure,  Finnian  would  fain  resign  to 
him  his  cathair,  or  chair,  and  keep  him  in  Clonard.  But 
Ciaran  felt  himself  unripe  for  such  responsibility,  and 
he  knew,  moreover,  he  had  work  to  do  elsewhere. 

After  leaving  Clonard,  Ciaran,  like  most  of  the  con- 
temporary Irish  saints,  went  to  Aran  to  commune 
with  holy  Enda.  One  night  the  two  saints  beheld 
the  same  vision,  "of  a  great  fruitful  tree,  beside  a 
stream,  in  the  middle  of  Ireland,  and  it  protected  the 
island  of  Ireland,  and  its  fruit  went  forth  over  the  sea 
that  surrounded  the  island,  and  the  birds  of  the  world 
came  to  carry  off  somewhat  of  its  fruit".  And  when 
Ciaran  spoke  of  the  vision  to  Enda,  the  latter  said  to 
him:  "The  great  tree  which  thou  beholdest  is  thou 
thyself,  for  thou  art  great  in  the  eyes  of  God  and  men. 


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ind  all  Ireland  will  be  full  of  thy  honour.  This  island 
will  be  protected  under  the  shadow  of  thy  favour,  and 
multitudes  will  be  satisfied  with  the  grace  of  thy  fast- 
ing and  prayer.  Go  then,  with  God's  word,  to  a  bank 
of  a  stream,  and  there  found  a  church."  Ciaran 
obeyed.  On  reaching  the  mainland  he  first  paid  a 
visit  to  St.  Senan  of  Scattery  and  then  proceeded 
towards  the  "middle  of  Ireland",  founding  on  his  way 
two  monasteries,  in  one  of  which,  on  Inis  Ainghin,  he 
sj>ent  over  three  years.  Going  farther  south  he  came 
t<>  a  lonely  waste  by  the  Shannon,  and  seeking  out  a 
beautiful  grassy  ridge,  called  Ard  Tiprait,  or  the 
"Height  of  the  Spring,"  he  said  to  his  companions: 
"Here  then  we  will  stay,  for  many  souls  will  go  to 
hisaven  hence,  and  there  will  be  a  visit  from  God  and 
fiom  men  forever  on  this  place".  Thus,  on  23  Janu- 
ary, 644,  Ciaran  laid  the  foundation  of  his  monastic 
school  of  Clonmacnoise,  and  on  9  May  following  he 
witnessed  its  completion.  Diarmait,  son  of  Cerball, 
afterwards  High  King  of  Ireland,  aided  and  encouraged 
the  saint  in  every  way,  promising  him  large  grants  of 


Clonmacnoise  Abbet 

and  as  an  endowment.  Ciaran's  government  of  his 
uonastery  was  of  short  duration;  fie  was  seized  by  a 
plague  which  had  already  decimated  the  saints  of  Ire- 
tana,  and  died  9  September,  544. 

It  is  remarkable  that  a  young  saint  dying  before  he 
was  thirty-three,  should  have  been  the  founder  of  a 
school  whose  fame  was  to  endure  for  centuries.  But 
Ciaran  was  a  man  of  prayer  and  fasting  and  labour, 
trained  in  all  the  science  and  discipline  of  the  saints, 
humble  and  full  of  faith,  and  so  was  a  worthy  instru- 
ment in  the  hands  of  Providence  for  the  carrying  out 
of  a  high  design.  St.  Cummian  of  Clonfert  calls  him 
one  of  the  Palres  Prions  of  the  Irish  Church,  and 
Alcuin,  the  most  illustrious  alumnus  of  Clonmacnoise, 
proclaims  him  the  Gloria  Geniis  Scotorum.  His  fes- 
tival is  kept  on  9  September,  and  his  shrine  is  visited 
by  many  pilgrims. 

Ciaran  left  but  little  mark  upon  the  literary  annals 
of  the  famous  school  he  founded.  But  in  the  charac- 
ter which  he  gave  it  of  a  seminary  for  a  whole  nation, 
and  not  for  a  particular  tribe  or  district,  is  to  be  found 
the  secret  of  its  success.  The  masters  were  chosen 
simply  for  their  learning  and  zeal;  the  abbots  were 
elected  almost  in  rotation  from  the  different  prov- 
inces ;  and  the  pupils  thronged  thither  from  all  parts 
of  Ireland,  as  well  as  from  the  remote  quarters  of 
France  and  England.  From  the  beginning  it  enjoyed 
the  confidence  of  the  Irish  bishops  and  the  favour  of 
kings  and  princes  who  were  happy  to  be  buried  in  its 
shadow.  In  its  sacred  clay  sleep  Diarmait  the  High 
King,  aid  his  rival  Guaire,  King  of  Connaught;  Tur- 
lough  O'Conor,  and  his  hapless  son,  Roderick,  the  last 
King  of  Ireland,  and  many  other  royal  benefactors, 
«  ho  believed  that  the  prayers  of  Ciaran  would  bring  to 
h  >aven  all  those  who  were  buried  there. 


But  Clonmacnoise  was  not  without  its  vicissitudes. 
Towards  the  close  of  the  seventh  century  a  plague  car- 
ried off  a  large  number  of  its  students  and  professors; 
and  in  the  eighth  century  the  monastery  was  burned 
three  times,  probably  by  accident,  for  the  buildings 
were  mainly  of  wood.  During  the  ninth  and  tenth 
centuries  it  was  harassed  not  only  by  the  Danes,  but 
also,  and  perhaps  mainly,  by  some  of  the  Irish  chief- 
tains. One  of  these,  Felim  MacCriffon,  sacked  the 
monastery  three  times,  on  the  last  occasion  slaughter- 
ing the  monks,  we  are  told,  like  sheep.  Even  the 
monks  themselves  were  infected  by  the  bellicose  spirit 
of  the  times,  which  manifested  itself  not  merely  in  de- 
fensive, but  sometimes  even  in  offensive  warfare. 
These  were  evil  days  for  Clonmacnoise,  but  with  the 
blessing  of  Ciaran,  and  under  the  "shadow  of  his  fav- 
our", it  rose  superior  to  its  trials,  and  all  the  while 
was  the  Alma  Mater  of  saints  and  sages. 

Under  date  794,  is  recorded  the  death  of  Colgu  the 
Wise,  poet,  theologian,  and  historian,  who  is  said  to 
have  been  the  teacher  of  Alcuin  at  Clonmacnoise  (see 
Coblchu).  Another  alumnus  of  vast  erudition,  whose 
gravestone  may  still  be  seen  there,  was  Suibhne,  son  of 
Maclume,  who  died  in  891.  He  is  described  as  the 
"wisest  and  greatest  Doctor  of  the  Scots",  and  the 
annals  of  Ulster  call  him  a  "most  excellent  scribe". 
Tighernach,  the  most  accurate  and  most  ancient  prose 
chronicler  of  the  northern  nations,  belongs  to  Clon- 
macnoise, and  probably  also  Dicuil  (q.  v.),  the  world- 
famed  geographer.  In  this  school  were  composed  the 
"Chronicon  Scotorum",  a  valuable  chronicle  of  Irish 
affairs  from  the  earliest  times  to  1136,  and  the 
"  Leabhar  na  h-Uidhre",  which,  excepting  the  "  Book 
of  Armagh",  is  the  oldest  Irish  historical  transcript 
now  in  existence.  In  the  twelfth  century  Clonmac- 
noise was  a  great  school  of  Celtic  art,  architecture, 
sculpture,  and  metal  work.  To  this  period  and  to 
this  school  we  owe  the  stone  crosses  of  Tuam  and 
Cong,  the  processional  cross  of  Cong,  and  perhaps  the 
Tara  Brooch  and  the  Chalice  of  Ardagh.  The  ruined 
towers  and  crosses  and  temples  are  still  to  be  seen; 
but  there  is  no  trace  of  the  little  church  of  Ciaran 
which  was  the  nucleus  of  Clonmacnoise. 

Chronicon  Scotorum,  ed  H en  nebs t  (London,  1866);  Live*  of 
Irish  Snint*  from  Book  of  Litmon,  ed.  Stokes  (Oxford,  1890); 
Hkm.1. Ireland' t  Ancient  School*  and  Scholar*  (Dublin,  1890). 

John  Healy. 

Clonmacnoise,  Diocese  of.   See  Ardaqh. 

Clotilda  (Fr.  Clo tilde  ;  Ger.  Ch lot hii.de),  Saint, 
Queen  of  the  Franks,  b.  probably  at  Lyons,  c.  474;  d. 
at  Tours,  3  June,  545.  Her  feast  is  celebrated  3  June. 
Clotilda  was  the  wife  of  Clovis  I,  and  the  daughter  of 
Chilperic,  King  of  the  Burgundians  of  Lyons,  and  his 
wife  Caretena.  After  the  death  of  King  Gundovic 
(Gundioch),  the  Kingdom  of  Burgundy  had  been 
divided  among  his  four  sons,  Chilperic  reigning  at 
Lyons,  Gondebad  at  Vienne,  and  Godegisil  at  Geneva; 
Gondemar's  capital  is  not  mentioned.  Chilperic  and 
probably  Godegisil  were  Catholics,  while  Gondebad 
professed  Arianism.  Clotilda  was  given  a  religious 
training  by  her  mother  Caretena,  who,  according  to 
Sidonius  Apollinaris  and  Fortunatus  of  Poitiers,  was 
a  remarkable  woman.  After  the  death  of  Chilperic, 
Caretena  seems  to  have  made  her  home  with  Gode- 
gisil at  Geneva,  where  her  other  daughter,  Sedeleuba, 
or  Chrona,  founded  the  church  of  Saint-Victor,  and 
took  the  religious  habit.  It  was  soon  after  the  death 
of  Chilperic  that  Clovis  asked  and  obtained  the  hand 
of  Clotilda. 

From  the  sixth  century  on,  the  marriage  of  Clovis 
and  Clotilda  was  made  the  theme  of  epic  narratives, 
in  which  the  original  facts  were  materially  altered 
and  the  various  versions  found  their  way  into  the 
works  of  different  Frank  ish  chroniclers,  e.  g.  Gregory 
of  Tours,  Fredegarius,  and  the  "Liber  Historue  . 
These  narratives  have  the  character  common  to  all 


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nuptial  poems  of  the  rude  epic  poetry  found  among 
many  of  the  Germanic  peoples.  Here  it  will  suffice 
to  summarize  the  legends  and  add  a  brief  statement 
of  the  historical  facts.  Further  information  will  be 
found  in  special  works  on  the  subject.  The  popular 
poems  substituted  for  King  Godegisil,  uncle  and 
protector  of  Clotilda,  his  brother  Gondebad,  who  was 
represented  as  the  persecutor  of  the  young  princess. 
Gondebad  is  supposed  to  have  slain  Cnilperic,  thrown 
his  wife  into  a  well,  with  a  stone  tied  around  her  neck, 
and  exiled  her  two  daughters.  Clovis,  on  hearing;  of 
the  beauty  of  Clotilda,  sent  his  friend  Aurelian,  dis- 
guised as  a  beggar,  to  visit  her  secretly,  and  give  her 
a  gold  ring  from  his  master ;  he  then  asked  Gondebad 
for  the  hand  of  the  young  princess.  Gondebad,  fear- 
ing the  powerful  King  of  the  Franks,  dared  not  refuse, 
and  Clotilda  accompanied  Aurelian  and  his  escort  on 
their  return  journey.  They  hastened  to  reach  Frank- 
ish territory,  as  Clotilda  feared  that  Aredius,  the  faith- 
ful counsellor  of  Gondebad,  on  his  return  from  Con- 
stantinople, whither  he  had  been  sent  on  a  mission, 
would  influence  his  master  to  retract  his  promise. 
Her  fears  were  justified.  Shortly  after  the  departure 
of  the  princess,  Aredius  returned  and  caused  Gonde- 
bad to  repent  his  consent  to  the  marriage.  Troops 
were  dispatched  to  bring  Clotilda  back,  but  it  was  too 
late,  as  sne  was  safe  on  Frankish  soil.  The  details  of 
this  recital  are  purely  legendary.  It  is  historically 
established  that  Chflperic's  death  was  lamented  by 
Gondebad,  and  that  Caretcna  lived  until  506:  she  died 
"  full  of  days",  says  her  epitaph,  having  had  the  joy  of 
seeing  her  children  brought  up  in  the  Catholic  religion. 
Aurelian  and  Aredius  are  historical  personages, 
though  little  is  known  of  them  but  their  names,  and 
the  role  attributed  to  them  in  the  legend  is  highly  im- 
probable. 

Clotilda,  as  wife  of  Clovis,  soon  acquired  a  great 
ascendancy  over  him,  of  which  she  availed  herself  to 
exhort  him  to  embrace  the  Catholic  Faith.  For  a  long 
time  her  efforts  were  fruitless,  though  the  king  per- 
mitted the  baptism  of  Ingomir,  their  first  son.  The 
child  died  in  his  infancy,  which  seemed  to  give  Clovis 
an  argument  against  the  God  of  Clotilda,  but  notwith- 
standing this,  the  young  queen  again  obtained  the 
consent  of  her  husband  to  the  baptism  of  their  second 
son,  Clodomir.  Thus  the  future  of  Catholicism  was 
already  assured  in  the  Frankish  Kingdom.  Clovis 
himself  was  soon  afterwards  converted  under  highly 
dramatic  circumstances,  and  was  baptized  at  Reims 
by  St.  Remigius,  in  496  (see  Clovis).  Thus  Clotilda 
accomplished  the  mission  assigned  her  by  Providence; 
she  was  made  the  instrument  in  the  conversion  of  a 
great  people,  who  were  to  be  for  centuries  the  leaders 
of  Catholic  civilization.  Clotilda  bore  Clovis  five 
children:  four  sons,  Ingomir,  who  died  in  infancy,  and 
Kings  Clodomir,  Childebert,  and  Clotaire,  and  one 
daughter,  named  Clotilda  after  her  mother.  Little 
more  is  known  of  Queen  Clotilda  during  the  lifetime  of 
her  husband,  but  it  may  be  conjectured  that  she  inter- 
ceded with  him,  at  the  time  of  his  intervention  in  the 
quarrel  between  the  Burgundian  kings,  to  win  him  to 
the  cause  of  Godegisil  as  against  Gondebad.  The 
moderation  displayed  by  Clovis  in  this  struggle,  in 
which,  though  victor,  he  did  not  seek  to  turn  the  vic- 
tory to  his  own  advantage,  as  well  as  the  alliance 
which  he  afterwards  concluded  with  Gondebad,  were 
doubtless  due  to  the  influence  of  Clotilda,  who  must 
have  viewed  the  fratricidal  struggle  with  horror. 

Clovis  died  at  Paris  in  511,  and  Clotilda  had  him 
interred  on  what  was  then  Mons  Lucotetius,  in  the 
church  of  the  Apostles  (later  Sainte-Genevieve),  which 
they  had  built  together  to  serve  as  a  mausoleum,  and 
which  Clotilda  was  left  to  complete.  The  widowhood 
of  this  noble  woman  was  saddened  by  cruel  trials. 
Her  son  Clodomir,  son-in-law  of  Gondebad,  made  war 
against  his  cousin  Sigismund,  who  had  succeeded 
Gondebad  on  the  throne  of  Burgundy,  captured  him, 


and  put  him  to  death  with  his  wife  and  children  at 
Coulmiers,  near  Orleans.  According  to  the  popular 
epic  of  the  Franks,  he  was  incited  to  this  war  by  Clo- 
tilda, who  thought  to  avenge  upon  Sigismund  the 
murder  of  her  parents;  but,  as  has  already  been  seen, 
Clotilda  had  nothing  to  avenge,  and,  on  tne  contrary, 
it  was  probably  she  who  arranged  the  alliance  between 
Clovis  and  Gondebad.  Here  the  legend  is  at  vari- 
ance with  the  truth,  cruelly  defaming  the  memory  of 
Clotilda,  who  had  the  sorrow  of  seeing  Clodomir  perish 
in  his  unholy  war  on  the  Burgundians;  he  was  van- 
quished and  slain  in  th">  battle  of  Vesenmtia  (Veze- 
ronce).  in  524,  by  Godomar,  brother  of  Sigismund. 
Clotilda  took  under  her  care  his  three  sons  of  tender 
age,  Theodoald,  Gunther,  and  Clodoald.  Childebert 
and  Clotaire,  however,  who  had  divided  between  them 
the  inheritance  of  their  elder  brother,  did  not  wish  the 
children  to  live,  to  whom  later  on  they  would  have  to 
render  an  account.  By  means  of  a  ruse  they  with- 
drew the  children  from  the  watchful  care  of  their 
mother  and  slew  the  two  eldest;  the  third  escaped 
and  entered  a  cloister,  to  which  he  gave  his  name 
(Saint-Cloud,  near  Paris). 

The  grief  of  Clotilda  was  so  great  that  Paris  became 
insupportable  to  her,  and  she  withdrew  to  Tours, 
where  close  to  the  tomb  of  St.  Martin,  to  whom  she 
had  great  devotion,  she  spent  the  remainder  of  her  life 
in  prayer  and  good  works.  But  there  were  trials  still 
in  store  for  her.  Her  daughter  Clotilda,  wife  of 
Amalaric,  the  Visigothic  king,  being  cruelly  mal- 
treated by  her  husband,  appealed  for  help  to  her 
brother  Childebert.  He  went  to  her  rescue  and  de- 
feated Amalaric  in  a  battle,  in  which  the  latter  was 
killed;  Clotilda,  however,  died  on  the  journey  home, 
exhausted  by  the  hardships  she  had  endured.  Fi- 
nally, as  though  to  crown  the  long  martyrdom  of  Clo- 
tilda, her  two  sole  surviving  sons,  Childebert  and  Clo- 
taire, began  to  quarrel,  and  engaged  in  serious  warfare. 
Clotaire,  closely  pursued  by  Childebert,  who  had  been 
joined  by  Theodebert,  son  of  Thierry  I,  took  refuge  in 
the  forest  of  Brotonne,  in  Normandy,  where  he  feared 
that  he  and  his  army  would  be  exterminated  by  the 
superior  forces  of  his  adversaries.  Then,  says  Gregory 
of  Tours,  Clotilda  threw  herself  on  her  knees  before 
the  tomb  of  St.  Martin,  and  besought  him  with  tears 
during  the  whole  night  not  to  permit  another  fratri- 
cide to  afflict  the  family  of  Clovis.  Suddenly  a  fright- 
ful tempest  arose  and  dispersed  the  two  armies  which 
were  about  to  engage  in  a  hand-to-hand  struggle ;  thus, 
says  the  chronicler,  did  the  saint  answer  the  prayers 
of  the  afflicted  mother.  This  was  the  last  of  Clotilda's 
trials.  Rich  in  virtues  and  good  works,  after  a  widow- 
hood of  thirty-four  years,  during  which  she  lived  more 
as  a  religious  than  as  a  queen,  she  died  and  was  buried 
in  Paris,  in  the  church  of  the  Apostles,  beside  her  hus- 
band and  children. 

The  life  of  Saint  Clotilda,  the  principal  episodes  of 
which,  both  legendary  and  historic,  are  found  scat- 
tered throughout  the  chronicle  of  St.  Gregory  of  Tours, 
was  written  in  the  tenth  century,  by  an  anonymous 
author,  who  gathered  his  facts  principally  from  this 
source.  At  an  early  period  she  was  venerated  by  the 
Church  as  a  saint,  and  while  popular  contemporary 
poetry  disfigures  her  noble  personality  by  making  her 
a  type  of  a  savage  fury,  Clotilda  has  now  entered  into 
the  possession  of  a  pure  and  untarnished  fame,  which 
no  legend  will  be  able  to  obscure. 

Viia  Clotildis  in  Acta  SS.,  June.  I.  also  in  Script,  rerun  Mero- 
rinoicarum.  II;  KnnTH,  Lee  sources  de  Vhist.  de  Clovis  dan* 
Grtgoire  de  Tours  in  Rev.  den  quest,  hist.  (Paris,  1888);  Idu,  Let 
sources  de  Vhist.  de  Clovis  dans  Frcdeoaire,  ibid.,  1890;  Idem. 

'    Paris,  1001);  Idem,  Saintc  ClotUde  (8th  ed.. 


Clovis  (2nd  ed., 
Paris,  1905). 


GoDEFROID  KURTH. 


Olouet,  the  family  name  of  several  generations  of 
painters. 

I.  Jean  (Jean  the  Younger),  b.  at  Tours,  France, 
1485:  d.,  probably  at  Paris,  between  1541  and  1545. 


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He  was  the  son  and  pupil  of  Jean  the  Elder,  a  Flemish 
painter  who  went  to  Paris  from  Brussels  in  1460  and 
afterwards  settled  at  Tours.  Francis  I  made  the  son 
court  painter  at  Paris,  and,  in  1518,  a  valet  de  chambre, 
a  post  of  distinction.  The  court  called  him  familiarly 
"Janet",  a  name  which  became  generic,  comprising 
his  father,  his  son  Francois,  and  their  numerous  imi- 
tators.   Ronsard  sang: 

Peins  moy,  Janet,  peins  moy  je  t'en  supplie. 
His  numerous  portraits  of  royalty  and  nobuity  are  all 
in  the  antique,  or  Gothic,  style,  like  that  of  the  Van 
Eycks.  His  outlines  are  sharp  and  precise,  all  the 
lines  are  clear,  and  he  gives  great  attention  to  details. 
Clouet  painted  his  sitter  with  fidelity  and  avoided  the- 
atrical (Italian)  effects,  hence  the  result  is  a  portrait, 
simple,  reticent,  and  naive.  Much  of  his  work  was 
until  recently  attributed  to  Holbein.  In  1524  he 
painted  the  celebrated  portrait  of  Francis  I  in  full 
armour  on  horseback,  and  in  1528  another,  a  life-size 
bust  (now  at  Versailles),  long  ascribed  to  Mabuse. 
Some  authorities  claim  that  of  his  many  pictures  only ' 
one  is  authentic:  the  portrait  of  Francis  I  in  the 
Louvre.  Other  notable  works  of  Clouet's  are  "  Elea- 
nor of  Spain"  (wife  of  Francis  I)  in  Hampton  Court, 
and  "Margaret  of  Valois"  in  Liverpool. 

II.  Francois,  called  Francois  Janet  and  MaItre 
Jehannet,  b.  probably  at  Tours,  between  1500  and 
1520;  d.  at  Paris,  between  1570  and  1580.  He  was 
the  son  and  pupil  of  Jean  the  Younger  and  was  natur- 
alized in  1541.  At  the  age  of  thirty-five  he  succeeded 
his  father  as  court  painter  to  Francis  I,  to  whom  he 
was  also  appointed  a  valet  dc  chambre.  Francois  was 
also  court  painter  to  Charles  IX,  at  the  close  of  whose 
reign  all  traces  of  him  disappear.  Clouet's  work  in 
oil,  while  Flemish  in  its  scrupulous  attention  to  de- 
tails, is,  however,  distinctively  French,  and  he  carried 
to  its  highest  the  fame  of  "the  Janets".  He  was  the 
last  of  the  French  primitifs.  His  pictures  are  painted 
solidly,  in  pale,  delicate  tones,  and  without  chiaro- 
scuro. Clouet's  portraits  are  true,  accurate,  and  de- 
void of  sentimentality ;  they  show  forth  the  moral  and 
intellectual  qualities  of  each  sitter;  and  they  "have 
the  charm  of  intime  painting"  (Blanc).  Two  por- 
traits of  great  brilliancy  and  distinction  are  the 
"Francis  II  as  a  Child"  (1547)  now  at  Antwerp,  and 
"Henry  II"  (1553)  in  the  Louvre;  but  Berlin  pos- 
sesses what  are,  perhaps,  his  masterpieces:  "Francis 
II "  and  the  " Due  d'  Anjou'^  (Henry  III).  Clouet's 
office  required  him  to  depict  every  great  court  func- 
tion, and  as  late  as  1709  such  a  group  of  pictures  was 
in  existence.  He  made  many  sketches  in  black  and 
red  chalk,  showing  perfect  draughtsmanship  and 
splendid  modelling.  Castle  Howard  contains  eighty- 
eight  such  drawings,  all  in  the  manner  of  Holbein. 
Clouet  also  painted  miniatures;  that  of  greatest  his- 
torical interest  is  "Mary  Queen  of  Scots"  (Windsor 
Castle),  which  has  never  been  out  of  royal  possession 
since  catalogued,  in  the  time  of  Charles,  as  "by  Jennet 
a  French  limner".  It  is  probably  the  only  authentic 
picture  of  the  unhappy  Mary.  Clouet's  work  was 
highly  valued  during  his  lifetime,  and  he  was  a  power 
at  the  courts  of  Francis  I,  Henry  II,  Francis  II,  and 
Charles  IX.  The  brilliant  men  and  women  about 
these  monarch8  felt  that  "the  Janets"  had  elevated 
art  and  France.  To-day  their  pictures  are  so  highly 
prized  that  many  forgeries  are  made  of  them.  Be- 
sides those  mentioned,  other  great  canvases  by  Fran- 
cois are  "Elizabeth  of  Austria",  "Charles  IX",  both 
in  the  Louvre,  and  four  portraits  in  Stafford  House 
(London).  Collections  of  his  drawings  are  in  the 
Louvre,  British  Museum,  and  Albertina  Museum 
(Vienna). 

Gower,  Three  Hundred  Portrait*  by  Clouet  at  Castle  Howard 
(London,  1875);  Boochot.  Let  Clouet  el  Comeille  (Paris,  1892); 
de  Laborde,  La  Renaissance  a  la  Cour  de  France  (Paris,  1850- 
65);  Charles  IX  et  Francois  Clouet  in  Revue  des  Deux  Monde* 
(Dec.,  1885);  Pattison,  Renaissance  of  Art  in  France  (London, 

1879).  Lbioh  Hunt. 


Oloutier,  F.-X.   See  Three  Rivers,  Diocese  op. 

Clovesho,  Councils  of. — Clovesho,  or  Clofeshoch, 
is  notable  as  the  place  at  which  were  held  several  coun- 
cils of  the  Anglo-Saxon  Church.  The  locality  itself 
has  never  been  successfully  identified.  It  is  supposed 
to  have  been  in  Mercia,  and  probably  near  London 
(Bede,  ed.  Plummer,  II,  214).  Lingard,  in  his  appen- 
dix to  the  "Antiquities  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  Church", 
takes  it  to  be  Abingdon,  and  Kemble  (Saxons  in  Eng- 
land, II,  191)  to  De  Tewkesbury,  and  others  have 
thought  it  might  be  Cliff-at-Hoo*  in  Kent,  but  Had- 
dan  and  Stubbs  (Councils,  III,  121,  n.)  consider  all 
these  conjectures  to  be  based  upon  unreliable  evi- 
dence. Whatever  uncertainty  exists  in  determining 
the  place  which  was  known  as  Clovesho,  there  is  no 
doubt  as  to  the  fact  of  the  councils  or  to  the  authen- 
ticity of  their  Acts.  When  Archbishop  Theodore  held 
the  Council  of  Hertford  in  673,  in  which  he  declared 
to  the  assembled  bishops  that  he  had  been  "  appointed 
by  the  Apostolic  See  to  be  bishop  of  the  Church  of 
Canterbury",  a  canon  was  passed  to  the  effect  that  in 
future  yearly  synods  should  be  held  every  August  "in 
the  place  which  is  called  Clofeshoch".  (Bede,  H.  E., 
IV,  ch.  v.)  Notwithstanding  this  provision,  it  was 
not  until  seventy  years  later  that  the  first  Council  of 
Clovesho  of  which  we  have  an  authentic  record  was 
assembled.  It  is  true  that  in  the  Canterbury  Cartu- 
lary there  is  a  charter  which  says  that  the  Privilege  of 
King  Wihtred  to  the  churches  was  "confirmed  and 
ratified  in  a  synod  held  in  the  month  of  July  in  a  place 
called  Clovesho"  in  the  year  716;  but  the  authen- 
ticity of  this  document,  though  intrinsically  probable, 
is  held  by  Haddan  and  Stubbs  to  be  dependent  upon 
that  of  the  Privilege  of  Wihtred.  The  councils  of 
Clovesho  of  which  we  have  authentic  evidence  axe 
those  of  the  years  742,  747,  794,  798,  803,  824,  and 
825. 

(1)  The  Council  of  Clovesho  in  742  was  presided 
over  by  Ethelbald,  King  of  Mercia,  and  Cuthbert, 
Archbishop  of  Canterbury.  According  to  the  record 
of  its  proceedings  (given  in  Kemble's  Codex  Diplo- 
maticus  Mvi  Saxonici",  87),  the  council  "diligently 
enquired  into  the  needs  of  religion,  the  Creed  as  de- 
livered by  the  ancient  teaching  of  the  Fathers,  and 
carefully  examined  how  things  were  ordered  at  the 
first  beginning  of  the  Church  here  in  England,  and 
where  the  honour  of  the  monasteries  according  to  the 
rules  of  justice  was  maintained".  The  privilege  of 
King  Wihtred  assuring  the  liberty  of  the  Church  was 
solemnly  confirmed.  Beyond  this,  no  mention  is 
made  of  particular  provisions. 

(2)  The  Second  Council  of  Clovesho,  in  747,  was  one 
of  the  most  important  in  the  history  of  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  Church.  Its  acts  were  happily  copied  by  Spel- 
man  (Councils,  I,  240)  from  an  ancient  Cottonian 
MS.  now  lost.  They  are  printed  in  Wilkins,  I,  94 ;  in 
Mansi,  XII,  395;  and  in  Haddan  and  Stubbs,  III. 
360.  They  state  that  the  council  was  composed  of 
"  bishops  and  dignitaries  of  less  degree  from  the  vari- 
ous provinces  of  Britain",  and  that  it  was  presided 
over  by  Cuthbert,  Archbishop  of  Canterbury.  Ac- 
cording to  the  MS.  preserved  by  William  of  Malmes- 
bury,  King  Ethelbald  and  his  princes  and  chiefs 
were  present".  It  was  thus  substantially  represen- 
tative of  the  Anglo-Saxon  Church.  The  Acts  relate 
that  "first  of  all,  the  Metropolitan,  as  president, 
brought  forth  in  their  midst  two  letters  of  the  Apos- 
tolic Lord,  Pope  Zachary,  venerated  throughout  the 
whole  world,  and  with  great  care  these  were  plainly 
read,  and  also  openly  translated  into  our  own  lan- 
guage, according  as  he  himself  by  his  Apostolic  au- 
thority had  commanded".  The  papal  letters  are 
described  as  containing  a  fervent  admonition  to 
amendment  of  life,  addressed  to  the  F.ngliah  people 
of  every  rank  and  condition,  and  requiring  that  those 
who  contemned  these  warnings  ana  remained  obsti- 


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nate  in  their  malice  should  be  punished  by  sentence  of 
excommunication.  The  council  then  drew  up  thirty- 
one  canons  dealing  mostly  with  matters  of  ecclesias- 
tical discipline  and  liturgy. 

The  thirteenth  and  fifteenth  canons  are  note- 
worthy as  showing  the  close  union  of  the  Anglo-Saxon 
Church  with  the  Holy  See.  The  thirteenth  canon  is: 
""That  all  the  most  sacred  Festivals  of  Our  Lord 
made  Man,  in  all  things  pertaining  to  the  same,  viz. :  in 
the  Office  of  Baptism,  the  celebration  of  Masses,  in 
the  method  of  chanting,  shall  be  celebrated  in  one 
and  the  same  way,  namely,  according  to  .the  sample 
which  we  have  received  in  writing  from  the  Roman 
Church.  And  also,  throughout  the  course  of  the 
whole  year,  the  festivals  of  the  Saints  are  to  be  kept 
on  one  and  the  same  day,  with  their  proper  psalmody 
and  chant,  according  to  the  Martyrology  of  the  same 
Roman  Church."  The  fifteenth  canon  adds  that  in 
the  seven  hours  of  the  daily  and  nightly  Office  the 
clergy  "must  not  dare  to  sing  or  read  anything  not 
sanctioned  by  the  general  use,  but  only  that  which 
comes  down  by  authority  of  Holy  Scripture,  and 
which  the  usage  of  the  Roman  Church  allows".  The 
sixteenth  canon  in  like  manner  requires  that  the 
litanies  and  rogations  are  to  be  observed  by  the  clergy 
and  people  with  great  reverence  "  according  to  the  rite 
of  the  Roman  Church".  The  feasts  of  St.  Gregory 
and  of  St.  Augustine,  "who  was  sent  to  the  English 
people  by  our  said  Pope  and  father  St.  Gregory",  were 
to  be  solemnly  celebrated.  The  clergy  and  monks 
were  to  live  so  as  to  be  always  prepared  to  receive 
worthily  the  most  holy  Body  and  Blood  of  the  Lord, 
and  the  laity  were  to  be  exhorted  to  the  practice  of 
frequent  Communion  (Canons  xxii,  xxiii).  Persons 
who  did  not  know  Latin  were  to  join  in  the  psalmody  by 
intention,  and  were  to  be  taught  to  say,  in  the  Saxon 
tongue,  prayers  for  the  living  or  for  the  repose  of  the 
souls  of  the  dead  (Can.  xxvii).  Neither  clergynor  monks 
were  in  future  to  be  allowed  to  live  in  the  houses  of  the 
people  (Can.  xxix),  nor  were  they  to  adopt  or  imitate 
the  dress  which  is  worn  by  the  laity  (Can.  xxviii). 

(3)  The  record  of  the  Council  of  Clovesho  in  794 
consists  merely  in  a  charter  by  which  Offa,  King  of 
Mercia,  made  a  grant  of  land  for  pious  purposes. 
The  charter  states  that  it  has  been  drawn  up  "in  the 
general  synodal  Council  in  the  most  celebrated  place 
called  Clofeshoas".  At  or  about  the  time  when  the 
papal  legates  presided  at  the  Council  of  Chelsea  in  787. 
Una  had  obtained  from  Pope  Adrian  I  that  Lichfield 
should  be  created  an  archbishopric  and  that  the 
Mercian  sees  should  be  subjected  to  its  jurisdiction 
and  withdrawn  from  that  of  Canterbury.  Conse- 
quently at  this  Council  of  Clovesho  in  794,  Higbert  of 
Lichfield,  to  whom  the  pope  had  sent  the  pall,  signs 
as  an  archbishop. 

(4)  A  council  was  held  at  Clovesho  in  798  by  Arch- 
bishop Ethelheard  with  Kenulph,  King  of  Mercia,  at 
which  the  bishops  and  abbots  and  chief  men  of  the 
province  were  present.  Its  proceedings  are  related  in 
a  document  by  Archbishop  Ethelheard  (Lambeth 
MS.  1212,  p.  312;  Haddan  and  Stubbs,  III.  512).  He 
states  that  his  first  care  was  to  examine  diligently  "in 
what  way  the  Catholic  Faith  was  held  and  how  the 
Christian  religion  was  practised  amongst  them  ".  To 
this  inquiry,  they  all  replied  with  one  voice:  'Be  it 
known  to  your  Paternity,  that  even  as  it  was  for- 
merly delivered  to  us  by  the  Holy  Roman  and  Apostolic 
See.  by  the  mission  of  the  most  Blessed  Pope  Gregory, 
so  do  we  believe,  and  what  we  believe,  we  in  all  sin- 
cerity do  our  best  to  put  into  practice.'"  The  rest 
of  the  time  of  the  council  was  devoted  to  questions  of 
church  property,  and  an  agreement  of  exchange  of 
certain  lands  between  the  archbishop  and  the  Abbess 
Cynedritha. 

(5)  The  Council  of  Clovesho  in  803  is  one  of  the  most 
remarkable  of  the  series,  as  its  Acts  contain  the  dec- 
laration of  the  restitution  of  the  Mercian  sees  to  the 


f rovince  of  Canterbury  by  the  authority  of  Pope  Leo 
II.  In  798  King  Kenulph  of  Mercia  addressed  to 
the  pope  a  long  letter,  written  as  he  says  "  with  great 
affection  and  humility",  representing  the  disadvan- 
tages of  the  new  archbishopric  which  had  been  erected 
at  Lichfield  some  sixteen  years  previously  by  Pope 
Adrian,  at  the  prayer  of  King  Ona.  King  Kenulph 
in  this  letter  (Haddan  and  Stubbs,  III,  521)  submits 
the  whole  case  to  the  pope,  asking  his  blessing  and 
saying:  "  I  love  you  as  one  who  is  my  father,  and  I  em- 
brace you  with  the  whole  strength  of  my  obedience", 
and  promising  to  abide  in  all  things  by  his  decision. 
"  I  judge  it  fitting  to  bend  humbly  the  ear  of  our  obe- 
dience to  your  holy  commands,  and  to  fulfil  with  all 
our  strength  whatever  may  seem  to  your  Holiness  that 
we  ought  to  do."  Ethelheard,  Archbishop  of  Canter- 
bury, went  himself  to  Rome,  and  pleaded  for  the  resti- 
tution of  the  sees.  In  802  Pope  Leo  III  granted  the 
petition  of  the  king  and  the  archbishop,  and  issued  to 
the  latter  a  Bull  in  which  by  the  authority  of  Blessed 
Peter  he  restored  to  him  the  full  jurisdiction  enjoyed 
by  his  predecessors  The  pope  communicated  this 
judgment  in  a  letter  to  King  Kenulph  (Haddan  and 
Stubbs,  III,  538).  This  decision  was  duly  proclaimed 
in  the  Council  of  Clovesho  held  in  the  following  year. 
Archbishop  Ethelheard  declared  to  the  synod  that 
"by  the  co-operation  of  God  and  of  the  Apostolic 
Lord,  the  Pope  Leo",  he  and  his  fellow-bishops  unani- 
mously ratified  the  rights  of  the  See  of  Canterbury, 
and  that  an  archbishopric  should  never  more  be 
founded  at  Lichfield,  and  that  the  grant  of  the  pallium 
made  by  Pope  Adrian,  should,  "  with  the  consent  and 
permission  of  the  Apostolic  Lord  Pope  Adrian,  be 
considered  as  null,  having  been  obtained  surrepti- 
tiously and  by  evil  suggestion".  Higbert,  the  Arch- 
bishop of  Lichfield,  submitted  to  the  papal  judgment, 
and  retired  into  a  monastery,  and  the  Mercian  sees  re- 
turned to  the  jurisdiction  of  Canterbury. 

(6-7)  In  824  and  again  in  825  synods  were  held  at 
Clovesho,  "Beornwulf,  King  of  Mercia,  presiding  and 
the  Venerable  Archbishop  Wulf red  ruling  and  con- 
trolling the  Synod",  according  to  the  record  of  the 
first,  and  "  Wulfred  the  Archbishop  presiding,  and  also 
Beornwulf,  King  of  Mercia",  according  to  the  second. 
The  first  assembly  was  occupied  in  deciding  a  suit 
concerning  an  inheritance,  and  the  second  in  termina- 
ting a  dispute  between  the  archbishop  and  the  Abbess 
Cwenthrytha  (Haddan  and  Stubbs,  III,  593,  596). 

It  is  evident  from  the  records  that  the  councils  held 
at  Clovesho  and  those  generally  of  the  Anglo-Saxon 
period  were  mixed  assemblies  at  which  not  only  the 
bishops  and  abbots,  but  the  kings  of  Mercia  and  the 
chief  men  of  the  kingdom  were  present.  They  had 
thus  the  character  not  only  of  a  church  synod  but  of 
the  Witenagemot  or  assembly  fairly  representative  of 
the  Church  and  realm.  The  affairs  of  the  Church 
were  decided  by  the  bishops  presided  over  by  the  arch- 
bishop, while  the  king,  presiding  over  his  chiefs,  gave 
to  their  decisions  the  co-operation  and  acceptance  of 
the  State.  Both  parties  signed  the  decrees,  but  there 
is  no  evidence  of  any  ingerence  of  the  lay  power  in  the 
spiritual  legislation  or  judgments  of  the  Church. 
While  it  must  be  remembered  that  at  this  period  the 
country  was  not  yet  united  into  one  kingdom,  the 
councils  of  Clovesho,  as  far  as  we  may  judge  from 
their  signatures,  represented  the  primatial  See  of 
Canterbury  and  the  whole  English  Church  south  of 
the  Humber. 

Kemble,  Codex  Diplomatics  Mvi  Saxonici  (London,  1839- 
48);  Thorpe  ed..  The  Anglo-Saxon  Chronicle  (London.  1881); 
Bf.de,  Hittoria  Ecd.  Gent  is  Anglorum,  ed.  Plummer  (Oxford, 
1896);  Wilkins,  Concilia  Mama  Britannia  (London.  1737); 
Haddan  and  Stcbbs,  Councils  and  Ecclesiastical  Document* 
(Oxford,  1869-78);  Spelman,  Concilia,  decreta,  etc.,  in  re 
ecdetiarum  orbis  Brilannici  (London,  1639-64). 

J.  MoYEg. 

Olovio,  Giorgio  (known  as  Giulio),  a  famous 
Italian  miniaturist,  called  by  Vasari  "the  unique'* 


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and  "little  Michelangelo",  b.  at  Grizani,  on  the 
coast  of  Croatia,  in  1498;  d.  at  Rome,  1578.  His 
family  appear  to  have  come  from  Macedonia,  and  his 
original  name  was  perhaps  Glovic".  Coming  to  Italy 
at  the  age  of  eighteen,  he  soon  won  renown,  and  be- 
came a  protege^  of  Cardinal  Grimani,  for  whom  he 
engraved  medals  and  seals.  One  of  his  first  pictures 
was  a  Madonna  after  an  engraving  by  Albert  Durer. 
In  1524  Clovio  was  at  Buda,  at  the  court  of  King 
Louis  II,  for  whom  he  painted  the  "Judgment  of  Paris" 
and  "Lucretia".  In  1526  he  returned  to  Rome,  and 
a  year  later,  falling  into  the  hands  of  the  Constable 
Bourbon's  banditti,  he  made  a  vow  to  enter  religion 
if  he  could  escape  from  them.  He  accordingly  took 
orders  at  Mantua,  and  illustrated  several  manu- 
scripts for  his  convent,  adopting  in  religion  the  name 
Giulio,  perhaps  in  memory  of  Giulio  Romano,  who 
had  been  one  of  his  early  advisers.  Thanks  to  the 
intervention  of  Cardinal  Grimani,  he  was  soon  re- 
leased from  his  vows,  and  spent  several  years  in  the 
service  of  this  prelate,  for  whom  he  executed  some  of 
his  most  beautiful  works — a  Latin  missal,  1537  (in 
Lord  Hertford's  collection),  and  a  Petrarch  (in  the 
Trivulzio  Library  at  Milan).  He  was  at  Venice  in 
1538,  but  in  1540  was  summoned  to  Rome  by  Pope 
Paul  III.  Cosimo  II  then  lured  him  to  Tuscany, 
and  princes  disputed  over  his  achievements.  Philip 
II  ordered  from  Clovio  a  life  of  his  father,  Charles  V, 
in  twelve  scenes,  and  John  III  of  Portugal  paid  him 
2000  ducats  for  a  psalter,  but  a  prayer  book  which  he 
made  for  Cardinal  Farnese,  and  which  Vasari  calls  a 
"divine  work",  was  considered  Clovio 's  masterpiece. 
The  binding  was  made  after  a  design  by  Cellini. 
Clovio  died  in  Rome  at  the  age  of  eighty;  his  tomb 
is  to  be  seen  in  the  church  of  San  Pietro  in  Vincoli, 
and  his  works  are  preserved  in  all  the  libraries  of 
Europe,  especially  that  of  the  Vatican. 

This  famous  artist,  although  one  of  the  most  highly 
esteemed  in  his  own  line,  was  nevertheless  among 
those  who  helped  to  injure  it.  By  introducing  into 
it  the  ideas  and  monumental  style  of  the  Renaissance 
and  replacing  rich  costumes,  delicate  arabesques,  and 
Gothic  foliage  by  the  nude,  by  antique  ornaments, 
trophies,  medallions,  festoons,  etc.,  Clovio  contributed 
largely  to  the  decadence  of  the  charming  art  of  minia- 
ture-painting, and  his  example  of  extreme  elaboration 
was  imitated  throughout  Europe  at  a  time  when  print- 
ing had  not  yet  supplanted  manuscripts  for  editions  de 
luxe.  However  sumptuous  his  work,  it  lacked  the 
quality  which  distinguished  that  done  by  the  French 
illuminators  at  an  earlier  period  for  Charles  V  and  the 
Due  de  Berry. 

Vasari  fed.  Milanuu);  Sakcinski,  Leben  da  Giulio  Clovio 
(Agram,  1852);  Id.,  Geoy  Clovio  (Agram,  1878);  Behtoloth, 
Don  Giulio  Clovio,  prineipe  dei  miniatori  (Modena.  1882). 

Louis  Gillet. 


Clovis  (Chlodwig,  or  Chlodowech),  son  of  Chil- 
deric,  King  of  the  Salic  Franks,  b.  in  the  year  466 ;  d.  at 
Paris,  27  November,  511.  He  succeeded  his  father  as 
King  of  the  Franks' of  Tournai  in  481.  His  kingdom 
was  probably  one  of  the  States  that  sprang  from  the 
division  of  Clodion's  monarchy,  like  those  of  Cambrai, 
Tongres,  and  Cologne.  Although  a  pagan,  Childeric 
had  kept  up  friendly  relations  with  the  bishops  of 
Gaul,  and  when  Clovis  ascended  the  throne  he  re- 
ceived a  most  cordial  letter  of  congratulation  from 
St.  Remigiu8,  Archbishop  of  Reims.  The  young  king 
early  began  his  course  of  conquest  by  attacking  Sya- 
grius,  son  of  jEgidius  the  Roman  Count.  Having  es- 
tablished himself  at  Soissons,  he  acquired  sovereign 
authority  over  so  great  a  part  of  Northern  Gaul  as  to 
be  known  to  his  contemporaries  as  the  King  of  Sois- 
sons. Syagrius,  being-  defeated,  fled  for  protection 
to  Alaric  II,  King  of  the  Visigoths,  but  the  latter, 
alarmed  by  a  summons  from  Clovis,  delivered  Sya- 
grius  to  his  conqueror,  who  had  him  decapitated  in 


486.  Clovis  then  remained  master  of  the  dominions 
of  Syagrius  and  took  up  his  residence  at  Soissons.  It 
would  seem  as  if  the  episode  of  the  celebrated  vase  of 
Soissons  were  an  incident  of  the  campaign  against 
Syagrius,  and  it  proves  that,  although  a  pagan,  Clovis 
continued  his  father's  policy  by  remaining  on  amica- 
ble terms  with  the  Gaulish  episcopate.  The  vase, 
taken  by  the  Frankish  soldiers  while  plundering  a 
church,  formed  part  of  the  booty  that  was  to  be  di- 
vided among  the  army.  It  was  claimed  by  the  bishop 
(St.  Remigius?),  and  the  king  sought  to  have  it 
awarded  to  himself  in  order  to  return  it  intact  to  the 
bishop,  but  a  dissatisfied  soldier  split  the  vase  with  his 
battle-axe,  saying  to  the  king:  "  You  will  get  only  the 
share  allotted  you  by  fate. "  Clovis  did  not  openly  re- 
sent the  insult,  but  the  following  year,  when  review- 
ing his  army,  he  came  upon  this  same  soldier  and,  re- 
proving him  for  the  defective  condition  of  his  arms,  he 
split  his  skull  with  an  axe,  saying:  "  It  was  thus  that 
you  treated  the  Soissons  vase.  This  incident  has 
often  been  cited  to  show  that,  although  in  time  of  war 
a  king  has  unlimited  authority  over  his  army,  after 
the  war  his  power  is  restricted,  and  that  in  the  divis- 
ion of  booty  the  rights  of  the  soldiers  must  be  re- 
spected. 

After  the  defeat  of  Syagrius,  Clovis  extended  his 
dominion  as  far  as  the  Loire.  It  was  owing  to  the  as- 
sistance given  him  by  the  Gaulish  episcopate  that  he 
gained  possession  of  the  country.  The  bishops,  it  is 
quite  certain,  mapped  out  the  regime  that  afterwards 
prevailed.  Unlike  that  adopted  in  other  barbarian 
kingdoms  founded  upon  the  ruins  of  the  Roman  Em- 
pire, this  regime  established  absolute  equality  be- 
tween the  Gallo- Roman  natives  and  their  Germanic 
conquerors,  all  sharing  the  same  privileges.  Proco- 
pius,  a  Byzantine  writer,  has  given  us  an  idea  of  this 
agreement,  but  we  know  it  best  by  its  results.  There 
was  no  distribution  of  Gaulish  territory  by  the  vic- 
tors; established  in  the  Belgian  provinces,  they  had 
lands  there  to  which  they  returned  after  each  cam- 
paign. All  the  free  men  in  the  kingdom  of  Clovis, 
whether  they  were  of  Roman  or  of  Germanic  origin, 
called  themselves  Franks,  and  we  must  guard  against 
the  old  mistake  of  looking  upon  the  Franks  after  Clo- 
vis as  no  more  than  Germanic  barbarians. 

Master  of  half  of  Gaul,  Clovis  returned  to  Belgium 
and  conquered  the  two  Salic  kingdoms  of  Cambrai  and 
Tongres  (?),  where  his  cousins  Ragnacaire  and  Chara- 
de reigned.  These  events  have  been  made  known  to 
us  only  through  the  poetic  tradition  of  the  Franks, 
which  has  singularly  distorted  them.  According  to 
this  tradition  Clovis  called  upon  Chararic  to  assist  hira 
in  his  war  against  Syagrius,  but  Chararic 's  attitude 
throughout  the  battle  was  most  suspicious,  as  he  re- 
frained from  taking  sides  until  he  saw  which  of  the 
rivals  was  to  be  victorious.  Clovis  longed  to  have  re- 
venge. Through  a  ruse  he  obtained  possession  of 
Chararic  and  his  son  and  threw  them  into  prison; 
he  then  had  their  heads  shaved,  and  both  were  or- 
dained, the  father  to  the  priesthood  and  the  son  to  the 
diaconate.  When  Chararic  bemoaned  and  wept  over 
this  humiliation  his  son  exclaimed:  "The  leaves  of  a 
green  tree  have  been  cut,  but  they  will  quickly  bud 
forth  again;  may  he  who  has  done  this  perish  as 
quickly!"  This  remark  was  reported  to  Clovis,  and 
he  had  both  father  and  son  beheaded. 

Tradition  goes  on  to  say  that  Ragnacaire,  King  of 
Cambrai,  was  a  man  of  such  loose  morals  that  he 
hardly  respected  his  own  kindred,  and  Farron,  his 
favourite,  was  equally  licentious.  So  great  was  the 
king's  infatuation  for  this  man  that,  if  given  a  present, 
he  would  accept  it  for  himself  and  his  Farron.  This 
filled  his  subjects  with  indignation  and  Clovis,  to  win 
them  over  to  his  side  before  taking  the  field,  distrib- 
uted among  them  money,  bracelets,  and  baldrics,  all 
in  gilded  copper  in  fraudulent  imitation  of  genuine 
gold.    On  different  occasions  Ragnacaire  sent  out 


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spies  to  ascertain  the  strength  of  Clo vis's  army,  and 
upon  returning  they  said:  "It  is  a  great  reinforce- 
ment for  you  and  your  Farron."  Meanwhile,  Clovis 
advanced  and  the  battle  began.  Being  defeated, 
Ragnacaire  sought  refuge  in  flight,  but  was  overtaken, 
made  prisoner,  and  brought  to  Clovis,  his  hands 
bound  behind  him.  "Why",  said  his  conqueror, 
"have  you  permitted  our  blood  to  be  humiliated  by 
allowing  yourself  to  be  put  in  chains?  It  were  better 
that  you  should  die."  And,  so  saying,  Clovis  dealt 
him  his  death-blow.  Then,  turning  to  Richaire,  Rag- 
nacaire's  brother,  who  had  been  taken  prisoner  with 
the  king,  he  said:  "  Had  you  but  helped  your  brother, 
they  would  not  have  bound  him",  and  he  slew  Ri- 
chaire also.  After  these  deaths  the  traitors  discovered 
that  they  had  been  given  counterfeit  gold  and  com- 

Slained  of  it  to  Clovis,  but  he  only  laughed  at  them, 
lignomir,  one  of  Ragnacaire 's  brothers,  was  put  to 
death  at  Le  Mans  by  order  of  Clovis,  who  took  posses- 
sion of  the  kingdom  and  the  treasure  of  his  victims. 

Such  is  the  legend  of  Clovis;  it  abounds  in  all  kinds 
of  improbabilities,  which  cannot  be  considered  as  true 
history.  The  only  facts  that  can  be  accepted  are  that 
Clovis  made  war  upon  Kings  Ragnacaire  and  Chara- 
ric,  put  them  to  death,  and  seized  their  territories. 
Moreover,  the  author  of  this  article  is  of  the  opinion 
that  these  events  occurred  shortly  after  the  conquest 
of  the  territory  of  Syagrius,  and  not  after  the  war 
against  the  Visigoths,  as  has  been  maintained  by 
Gregory  of  Tours,  whose  only  authority  is  an  oral 
tradition,  and  whose  chronology  in  this  matter  is  de- 
cidedly misleading.  Besides,  Gregory  of  Tours  has 
not  given  us  the  name  of  Chararic  s  kingdom ;  it  was 
long  Delieved  to  have  been  established  at  Therouanne, 
but  it  is  more  probable  that  Tongrcs  was  its  capital 
city,  since  it  was  here  that  the  Franks  settled  on  gain- 
ing a  foothold  in  Belgium. 

In  492  or  493  Clovis,  who  was  master  of  Gaul 
from  the  Loire  to  the  frontiers  of  the  Rhenish  King- 
dom of  Cologne,  married  Clotilda,  the  niece  of  Gonde- 
bad,  King  of  the  Burgundians.  The  popular  epic  of 
the  Franks  has  transformed  the  story  of  this  marriage 
into  a  veritable  nuptial  poem,  the  analysis  of  which 
will  be  found  in  the  article  on  Clotilda.  Clotilda,  who 
was  a  Catholic,  and  very  pious,  won  the  consent  of 
Clovis  to  the  baptism  of  their  son,  and  then  urged 
that  he  himself  embrace  the  Catholic  Faith.  He  de- 
liberated for  a  long  time.  Finally,  during  a  battle 
against  the  Alemanni — which  without  apparent  rea- 
son has  been  called  the  Battle  of  Tolbiac  (Zttlpich) — 
seeing  his  troops  on  the  point  of  yielding,  he  invoked 
the  aid  of  Clotilda's  God,  and  promised  to  become  a 
Christian  if  only  victory  should  be  granted  him.  He 
conquered  and,  true  to  his  word,  was  baptized  at 
Reims  by  St.  Remigius,  bishop  of  that  city,  his  sister 
Al  bo  fled  is  and  three  thousand  of  his  warriors  at  the 
same  time  embracing  Christianity.  Gregory  of  Tours, 
in  his  ecclesiastical  history  of  the  Franks,  has  de- 
scribed this  event,  which  took  place  amid  great  pomp 
at  Christmas,  496.  "Bow  thy  head,  O  Sicambnan'  , 
said  St.  Remigius  to  the  royal  convert.  "Adore 
what  thou  hast  burned  and  burn  what  thou  hast 
adored."  According  to  a  ninth-century  legend  found 
in  the  life  of  St.  Remigius,  written  by  the  celebrated 
Hincmar,  himself  Archbishop  of  Reims,  the  chrism 
for  the  baptismal  ceremony  was  missing  and  was 
brought  from  heaven  in  a  vase  (ampulla)  borne  by  a 
dove.  This  is  what  is  known  as  the  Sainte  Ampoule 
of  Reims,  preserved  in  the  treasury  of  the  cathedral 
of  that  city,  and  used  for  the  coronation  of  the  kings 
of  France  from  Philip  Augustus  down  to  Charles  X. 

The  conversion  of  Clovis  to  the  religion  of  the 
majority  of  his  subjects  soon  brought  about  the 
union  of  the  Gal  lo- Romans  with  their  barbarian  con- 
querors. While  in  all  the  other  Germanic  kingdoms 
founded  on  the  ruins  of  the  Roman  Empire  the  dif- 
ference of  religion  between  the  Catholic  natives  and 


Arian  conquerors  was  a  very  active  cause  of  destruc- 
tion, in  the  Frankish  Kingdom,  on  the  contrary,  the 
fundamental  identity  of  religious  beliefs  and  the 
equality  of  political  rights  made  national  and  patri- 
otic sentiment  universal,  and  produced  the  most  per- 
fect harmony  between  the  two  races.  The  Frankish 
Kingdom  was  thenceforth  the  representative  and  de- 
fender of  Catholic  interests  throughout  the  West, 
while  to  his  conversion  Clovis  owed  an  exceptionally 
brilliant  position.  Those  historians  who  do  not  un- 
derstand the  problems  of  religious  psychology  have 
concluded  that  Clovis  embraced  Christianity  solely 
from  political  motives,  but  nothing  is  more  erroneous. 
On  the  contrary,  everything  goes  to  prove  that  his 
conversion  was  sincere,  and  the  opposite  cannot  be 
maintained  without  refusing  credence  to  the  most 
trustworthy  evidence. 

In  the  year  500  Clovis  was  called  upon  to  mediate 
in  a  quarrel  between  his  wife's  two  uncles,  Kings 
Gondebad  of  Vienne  and  Godegisil  of  Geneva.  He 
took  sides  with  the  latter,  whom  he  helped  to  defeat 
Gondebad  at  Dijon,  and  then,  deeming  it  prudent 
to  interfere  no  further  in  this  fratricidal  struggle,  he 
returned  home,  leaving  Godegisil  an  auxiliary  corps 
of  five  thousand  Franks.  After  Clovis's  departure 
Gondebad  reconquered  Vienne,  his  capital,  in  which 
Godegisil  had  established  himself.  This  reconquest 
was  effected  by  a  stratagem  seconded  by  treachery, 
and  Godegisil  himself  perished  on  the  same  occasion. 
The  popular  poetry  of  the  Franks  has  singularly  mis- 
represented this  intervention  of  Clovis,  pretending 
that,  at  the  instigation  of  his  wife  Clotilda,  he  sought 
to  avenge  her  grievances  against  her  uncle  Gondebad 
(see  Clotilda),  and  that  the  latter  king,  besieged  in 
Avignon  by  Clovis,  got  rid  of  his  opponent  through 
the  agency  of  Aredius,  a  faithful  follower.  But  in 
these  poems  there  are  so  many  fictions  as  to  render 
the  history  in  them  indistinguishable. 

An  expedition,  otherwise  important  and  profitable, 
was  undertaken  by  Clovis  in  the  year  506  against 
Alaric  II,  King  of  the  Visigoths  of  Aquitaine.  He 
was  awaited  as  their  deliverer  by  the  Catholics  of 
that  kingdom,  who  were  being  cruelly  persecuted  by 
Arian  fanatics,  and  was  encouraged  m  nis  enterprise 
by  the  Emperor  Anastasius,  who  wished  to  crush  this 
ally  of  Theodoric,  King  of  the  Ostrogoths.  Despite 
the  diplomatic  efforts  made  by  the  latter  to  prevent 
the  war,  Clovis  crossed  the  Loire  and  proceeded  to 
Vouilte,  near  Poitiers,  where  he  defeated  and  slew 
Alaric,  whose  demoralized  troops  fled  in  disorder. 
The  Franks  took  possession  of  the  Visigoth  Kingdom 
as  far  as  the  Pyrenees  and  the  Rhone,  but  the  part 
situated  on  the  left  bank  of  this  river  was  stoutly 
defended  by  the  armies  of  Theodoric,  and  thus  the 
Franks  were  prevented  from  seizing  Aries  and  Pro- 
vence. Notwithstanding  this  last  failure,  Clovis,  by 
his  conquest  of  Aquitaine,  added  to  the  Frankish 
crown  the  fairest  of  its  jewels.  So  greatly  did  the 
Emperor  Anastasius  rejoice  over  the  success  attained 
by  Clovis  that,  to  testify  his  satisfaction,  he  sent  the 
Frankish  conqueror  the  insignia  of  the  consular  dig- 
nity, an  honour  always  highly  appreciated  by  the 
barbarians. 

The  annexation  of  the  Rhenish  Kingdom  of  Cologne 
crowned  the  acquisition  of  Gaul  by  Clovis.  But  the 
history  of  this  conquest,  alBo,  has  been  disfigured  by 
a  legend  that  Clovis  instigated  Chloderic,  son  of  Sige- 
bert  of  Cologne,  to  assassinate  his  father,  then,  after 
the  perpetration  of  this  foul  deed,  caused  Chlodeiic 
himself  to  be  assassinated,  and  finally  offered  himself 
to  the  Rhenish  Franks  as  king,  protesting  his  inno- 
cence of  the  crimes  that  had  been  committed.  The 
only  historical  element  in  this  old  story,  preserved 
by  Gregory  of  Tours,  is  that  the  two  kings  of  Cologne 
met  with  violent  deaths,  and  that  Clovis,  their  rela- 
tive, succeeded  them  partly  by  right  of  birth,  partly 
by  popular  choice.    The  criminal  means  by  which  he 


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is  said  to  have  reached  this  throne  are  pure  creations 
of  the  barbarian  imagination. 

Master  now  of  a  vast  kingdom,  Clovis  displayed 
the  same  talent  in  governing  that  he  had  displayed 
in  conquering  it.  From  Pans,  which  he  had  finally 
made  his  capital,  he  administered  the  various  prov- 
"inces  through  the  agency  of  counts  (comitex)  estab- 
lished in  each  city  and  selected  by  him  from  the 
aristocracy  of  both  races,  conformably  to  the  prin- 
ciple of  absolute  equality  between  Romans  and  bar- 
barians, a  principle  which  dominated  his  entire  policy. 
He  caused  the  Salic  Law  (Lex  Salica)  to  be  reduced 
to  written  form,  revised  and  adapted  to  the  new 
social  conditions  under  which  his  fellow  barbari- 
ans were  subsequently  to  live.  Acknowledging  the 
Church  as  the  foremost  civilizing  force,  he  protected 
it  in  every  way  possible,  especially  by  providing  for 
the  National  Council  of  Orleans  (511),  at  which  the 
bishops  of  Gaul  settled  many  questions  pertaining  to 
the  relations  between  Church  and  State.  H agio- 
graphic  legends  attribute  to  Clovis  the  founding  of 
a  great  many  churches  and  monasteries  throughout 
France,  and  although  the  accuracy  of  this  claim 
cannot  be  positively  established,  it  is  nevertheless 
certain  that  the  influence  of  the  council  in  this  matter 
must  have  been  considerable.  However,  history  has 
preserved  the  memory  of  one  foundation  which  was 
undoubtedly  due  to  Clovis:  the  church  of  the  Apos- 
tles, later  of  Sainte-Genevieve,  on  what  was  then 
Mons  Lucotetius,  to  the  south  of  Paris.  The  king 
destined  it  as  a  mausoleum  for  himself  and  his  queen 
Clotilda,  and  before  it  was  completed  his  mortal 
remains  were  there  interred.  Clovis  died  at  the  age 
of  forty-five.  His  sarcophagus  remained  in  the  crypt 
of  Sainte-Genevieve  until  the  time  of  the  French 
Revolution,  when  it  was  broken  open  by  the  revolu- 
tionists, and  his  ashes  scattered  to  the  winds,  the 
sanctuary  of  the  beautiful  church  being  destroyed 
at  the  same  time. 

The  history  of  this  monarch  has  been  so  hopelessly 
distorted  by  popular  poetry  and  so  grossly  disfigured 
by  the  vagaries  of  the  barbarian  imagination  as  to 
make  the  portrayal  of  his  character  wellnigh  impos- 
sible. However,  from  authentic  accounts  of  him  it 
may  be  concluded  that  his  private  life  was  not  with- 
out virtues.  As  a  statesman  he  succeeded  in  accom- 
plishing what  neither  the  genius  of  Theodoric  the  Great 
nor  that  of  any  contemporary  barbarian  king  could 
achieve:  upon  the  ruins  of  the  Roman  Empire  he 
,  built  up  a  powerful  system,  the  influence  of  which 
dominated  European  civilization  during  many  cen- 
turies, and  from  which  sprang  France,  Germany, 
Belgium,  Holland,  and  Switzerland,  without  taking 
into  account  that  northern  Spain  and  northern  Italy 
were  also,  for  a  time,  under  the  civilizing  regime  of 
the  Frankish  Empire. 

Clovis  left  four  sons.  Theodoric,  the  eldest,  was 
the  issue  of  a  union  prior  to  that  contracted  with 
Clotilda,  who  was,  however,  the  mother  of  the  three 
others,  Clodomir,  Childebert,  and  Clotaire.  They 
divided  their  father's  kingdom  among  themselves, 
following  the  barbarian  principle  that  sought  promo- 
tion of  personal  rather  than  national  interests,  and 
looked  upon  royalty  as  the  personal  prerogative  of 
the  sons  of  kings.  After  the  death  of  Clovis  his 
daughter  Clotilda,  named  after  her  mother,  married 
Amalric,  King  of  the  Visigoths.  She  died  young,  be- 
ing cruelly  abused  by  t  his  Arian  prince,  who  seemed 
eager  to  wreak  vengeance  on  the  daughter  of  Clovis 
for  the  tragic  death  of  Alaric  II. 

Arndt  (ed.),  Gregory  op  Tours,  Hietoria  ccdesiaetica 
Francorum  in  Hon.  Germ.  Met.:  Script.  RR.  Merovingicarum; 
Jonoh anb,  Die  Geechichte  der  fr/inkiechen  Konige  ChCderich  una 
Chlodovich  (Ufittinnen.  1857),  tr.  by  Monod  an  Hietoire  critique 
dee  row  Ch&deric  ct  Clovis  (Paris,  1879);  R.wna,  Le  origini 
dell'  epopat  franeeee  (Florence,  1884);  Kurtb,  Hietoire  pollique 
dee  Mirovinoiens  (Paris,  1893);  Idem,  Clone  (Tours,  1896,  and 
Paris,  1901). 

GODEFBOID  KURTH. 


Oloyne  (Gael.  Clvain-vania,  Cave-meadow),  Dio- 
cese of  (Clonensis,  orCLOYNENSis),  comprises  the 
northern  half  of  County  Cork.  It  has  140  priests, 
47  parishes,  16  convents,  8  Brothers'  schools,  235 
primary  schools,  and,  for  higher  education,  St.  Col- 
man's  College  and  Loreto  Convent  (Fermoy),  besides 
high  schools  at  Queenstown  and  elsewhere.  St.  Col- 
man's  Cathedral,  Queenstown,  begun  in  1869  under 
Bishop  Keane,  continued  under  Bishop  McCarthy,  in 
1908  near  completion,  is  one  of  the  most  beautiful  of 
modern  Gothic  cathedrals.  The  medieval  diocesan 
cathedral,  used  by  Protestants  since  the  sixteenth 
century,  still  stands  at  Cloyne.  St.  Colman  Mac- 
Lenin  (560-601),  diverted  from  his  profession  of  poet- 
historian  by  Sts.  Ita  and  Brendan,  became  (560)  first 


Cathedral,  Clotnb 

Bishop  of  Cloyne,  where  he  got  a  royal  grant  of  land. 
Some  religious  poems,  notably  a  metrical  life  of  St. 
Senan,  are  attributed  to  him. 

Fergal,  Abbot-Bishop  of  Cloyne,  was  massacred  in 
888  by  the  Danes.  There  are  seven  recorded  devas- 
tations of  Cloyne  from  822  to  1 137.  The  ecclesiastical 
records  were  destroyed,  so  that  few  prelates'  names 
before  1137  are  known;  we  have  nearly  all  of  them 
since  that  year.  In  1152  (Synod  of  Kells)  Cloyne 
was  made  one  of  Cashel's  twelve  suffragan  sees. 
From  1265  to  1429  the  bishops  of  Cloyne  were  mostly 
Englishmen.  Effingham  (1284-1320)  probably  built 
Cloyne  cathedral.  Swafham  (1363-1376),  who  wrote 
"Contra  Wicklevistas "  and  "Conciones",  com- 
menced the  "Rotulus  Pipse  Clonensis",  the  rent-roll 
of  the  see.  Robbery  of  church  property  by  nobles 
impoverished  the  Sees  of  Cloyne  and  Cork,  which 
were  united  in  1429,  by  papal  authority,  undei 
Bishop  Purcell.  Blessed  Thaadeus  MacCarthy  was 
bishop  from  1490  to  1492.  The  last  Catholic  bishop 
who  enjoyed  the  temporalities  was  Benet  (1523 
1536).  Tiny,  appointed  in  1536  by  Henry  VIII. 
and  Tirry's  successor,  Skiddy,  are  ignored  in  the 
Consistonal  Acts.  Macnamara  succeeded  Benet; 
O'Heyne  succeeded  in  1540;  Landes  in  1568;  Tanner 
in  1574;  MacCreaghe  in  1580;  Tiny  in  1622;  Barry 
in  1647;  Creagh  in  1676;  Sleyne  in  1693;  MacCarthy 
in  1712;  MacCarthy  (Thaddeus)  in  1727.  The 
bishops  of  penal  times  were  ruthlessly  persecuted, 
and  some  suffered  cruel  imprisonment  or  died  in 
exile.  John  O'Brien,  author  of  an  Irish  dictionary, 
poems,  and  tracts,  was  Bishop  of  Cloyne  and  Ross 
(1748-1769).  He  died  in  exile  at  Lyons.  His  suc- 
cessors were  Matthew  MacKenna,  appointed  in  1769; 
William  Coppinger  in  1791;  Michael  Collins  in  1830; 
Bartholomew  Crotty  in  1833;  David  Walsh  in  1847. 
Since  the  separation  of  Ross  (1849)  the  bishops  of 
Cloyne  have  been:  Timothy  Murphy,  appointed  1849; 
William  Keane,  1857;  John  MacCarthy,  1874;  Robert 
Browne,  1894. 


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Over  a  century  ago,  when  persecution  relaxed 
jomewhat,  the  diocese,  despoiled  of  all  its  ancient 
churches,  schools,  and  religious  houses,  had  to  be 
fully  equipped  anew.  About  100  plain  churches 
were  erected  between  1800  and  1850.  Recently  a 
fourth  of  these  have  been  replaced,  especially  in 
towns,  and  the  new  structures  are  admirably  de- 
signed and  finished.  Between  1800  and  1907,  not- 
withstanding great  difficulties  and  loss  by  emigration, 
besides  103  parish  churches,  all  the  existing  schools, 
colleges,  religious  and  charitable  institutions  were 
built,  and  all  are  now  doing  useful  and  excellent  work. 

/if  Cork.  Clmm*.  nmd  fOiihlin.  1««4V 

Siladt,  Episcopal  Succession  in  England,  Scotland,  and  Ireland 
(Home,  1876);  Caulfield.  ed.,  Hotulus  Pipa  Clonensvs  (Cork, 
1869>:  Abchdall  (ed.  Mohan),  Monaslicon  Nibernicum 
(Dublin,  1873);  Irish  Catholic  Directory  (Dublin,  1907). 

John  O'Riordan. 


head  of  an  order  consisting  of  some  314  monasteries. 
These  were  spread  over  France,  Italy,  the  Empire, 
Lorraine,  England,  Scotland,  and  Poland.  Accord- 
ing to  the  "Bibliotheca  Cluniacensis"  (Paris,  1614) 
825  houses  owed  allegiance  to  the  Abbot  of  Cluny  in 
the  fifteenth  century.  Some  writers  have  given  the 
number  as  2000;  but  there  is  little  doubt  that  this  is 
an  exaggeration.  It  may  perhaps  include  all  those 
many  other  monasteries  which,  though  not  joining 
the  congregation,  adopted  either  wholly  or  in  part 
the  Cluny  constitutions,  such  as  Fleury,  Hirschau, 
Farfa,  and  many  others  that  were  subject  to  their 
influence. 

During  the  first  250  years  of  its  existence  Cluny 
was  governed  by  a  series  of  remarkable  abbots,  men 
who  have  left  their  mark  upon  the  history  of  Western 
Europe  and  who  were  prominently  concerned  with 


Abbey  of  Clunt  as  it  was  before  Destruction 
(From  "Hiatoire  Monumentale  de  la  France  "  by  Antbyme  Saint-Paul) 


Cluny,  Congregation  of  (Cluni,  Cluoni,  or 
Clugny),  the  earliest  reform,  which  became  prac- 
tically a  distinct  order,  within  the  Benedictine  fam- 
ily. It  originated  at  Cluny,  a  town  in  Sadne-et- 
Loire.  fifteen  miles  north-west  of  Macon,  where  in 
910  William  the  Pious,  Duke  of  Aquitaine,  founded 
an  abbey  and  endowed  it  with  his  entire  domain. 
Over  it  he  placed  St.  Berno,  then  Abbot  of  Gigny, 
under  whose  guidance  a  somewhat  new  and  stricter 
form  of  Benedictine  life  was  inaugurated.  The  re- 
forms introduced  at  Cluny  were  in  some  measure 
traceable  to  the  influence  of  St.  Benedict  of  Aniane, 
who  had  put  forward  his  new  ideas  at  the  first  great 
meeting  of  the  abbots  of  the  order  held  at  Aachen 
(Aix-la-Chapelle)  in  817,  and  their  development  at 
Cluny  resulted  in  many  departures  from  precedent, 
chief  among  which  was  a  highly  centralized  form  of 
government  entirely  foreign  to  Benedictine  tradition. 
The  reform  quickly  spread  beyond  the  limits  of  the 
Abbey  of  Cluny,  partly  by  the  founding  of  new 
nouses  and  partly  by  the  incorporation  of  those  al- 
ready existing,  and  as  all  these  remained  dependent 
upon  the  mother-house,  the  Congregation  of  Cluny 
came  into  being  almost  automatically.  Under  St. 
Berno 's  successors  it  attained  a  very  widespread  in- 
fluence, and  by  the  twelfth  century  Cluny  was  at  the 


all  the  great  political  questions  of  their  day.  Among 
these  were  Sts.  Odo,  Mayeul,  Odilo,  and  Hugh,  and 
Peter  the  Venerable.  Under  the  last  named,  the 
ninth  abbot,  who  ruled  from  1122  to  1156,  Cluny 
reached  the  zenith  of  its  influence  and  prosperity,  at 
which  time  it  was  second  only  to  Rome  as  the  chief 
centre  of  the  Christian  world.  It  became  a  home  of 
learning  and  a  training  school  for  popes,  four  of  whom, 
Gregory  VII  (Hildebrand),  Urban  II,  Paschal  II,  and 
Urban  V,  were  called  from  its  cloisters  to  rule  the 
Universal  Church.  In  England  the  Cluniac  houses 
numbered  thirty-five  at  the  time  of  the  dissolution. 
There  were  three  in  Scotland.  The  earliest  founda- 
tion was  that  of  the  priory  of  St.  Pancras  at  Lewes 
(1077),  the  prior  of  which  usually  held  the  position 
of  vicar-general  of  the  Abbot  of  Cluny  for  England 
and  Scotland.  Other  important  English  houses  were 
at  Castleacre,  Montacute,  Northampton,  and  Ber- 
mondsey. 

After  the  twelfth  century  the  power  of  Cluny  de- 
clined somewhat,  and  in  the  sixteenth  it  suffered 
much  through  the  civil  and  religious  wars  of  France 
and  their  consequences.  The  introduction  also  of 
commendatory  abbots,  the  first  of  whom  was  ap- 
pointed in  1528,  was  to  some  extent  responsible  for 
its  decline.    Amongst  the  greatest  of  its  titular  prel- 


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ates  were  Cardinals  Richelieu  and  Mazarin,  who 
tried  to  restore  it  to  some  of  its  former  greatness, 
though  their  efforts  did  not  meet  with  much  success. 
Claude  de  Vert,  Prior  of  Saint-Pierre,  Abbeville  (d. 
1708),  was  another  would-be  reformer  of  the  congre- 
gation, inspired  no  doubt  by  the  example  of  the 
Maurists. 

The  abbey-church  of  Cluny  was  on  a  scale  com- 
mensurate with  the  greatness  of  the  congregation, 
and  was  regarded  as  one  of  the  wonders  of  the  Middle 
Ages.  It  was  no  less  than  555  feet  in  length,  and  was 
the  largest  church  in  Christendom  until  the  erection 
of  St.  Peter's  at  Rome.  It  consisted  of  five  naves,  a 
narthex,  or  ante-church,  and  several  towers.  Com- 
menced by  St.  Hugh,  the  sixth  abbot,  in  1089,  it  was 
finished  and  consecrated  by  Pope  Innocent  II  in 
1131-32,  the  narthex  being  added  in  1220.  Together 
with  the  conventual  buildings  it  covered  an  area  of 
twenty-five  acres.  At  the  suppression  in  1790  it  was 
bought  by  the  town  and  almost  entirely  destroyed. 
At  the  present  day  only  one  tower  and  part  of  a  tran- 
sept remain,  whilst  a  road  traverses  the  site  of  the 
nave.  The  community  of  the  abbey,  which  had 
numbered  three  hundred  in  the  thirteenth  century, 
dwindled  down  to  one  hundred  in  the  seventeenth, 
and  when  it  was  suppressed,  in  common  with  all  the 
other  religious  houses  in  France,  its  monks  numbered 
only  forty. 

The  spirit  and  organization  of  the  congregation 
was  a  distinct  departure  from  Benedictine  tradition, 
though  its  monks  continued  all  along  to  be  recog- 
nized as  members  of  the  Benedictine  family.  Pre- 
vious to  its  inception  every  monastery  had  been  inde- 
pendent and  autonomous,  though  the  observance  of 
the  same  rule  in  all  constituted  a  bond  of  union;  but 
when  Cluny  began  to  throw  out  offshoots  and  to  draw 
other  houses  under  its  influence,  each  such  house,  in- 
stead of  forming  a  separate  family,  was  retained  in 
absolute  dependence  upon  the  central  abbey.  _  The 
superiors  of  such  houses,  which  were  usually  priories, 
were  subject  to  the  Abbot  of  Cluny  and  were  his 
nominees,  not  the  elect  of  their  own  communities,  as 
is  the  normal  Benedictine  custom.  Every  profession, 
even  in  the  most  distant  monastery  of  the  congrega- 
tion, required  his  sanction,  and  every  monk  had  to 
pass  some  years  at  Cluny  itself.  Such  a  system  cut 
at  the  root  of  the  old  family  ideal  and  resulted  in  a 
kind  of  feudal  hierarchy  consisting  of  one  great  cen- 
tral monastery  and  a  number  of  dependencies  spread 
over  many  lands.  The  Abbot  of  Cluny  or  his  repre- 
sentative made  annual  visitations  of  the  dependent 
houses,  and  he  had  for  his  assistant  in  the  government 
of  so  vast  an  organization  a  coadjutor  with  the  title 
of  Grand-Prior  of  Cluny.  The  abbot's  monarchical 
status  was  somewhat  curtailed  after  the  twelfth  cen- 
tury by  the  holding  of  general  chapters,  but  it  is  evi- 
dent that  he  possessed  a  very  real  power  over  the 
whole  congregation,  so  long  as  he  held  in  his  own 
hands  the  appointment  of  all  the  dependent  prion. 
(For  the  sources  of  information  as  to  the  rule,  govern- 
ment, and  conventual  observance  of  the  congregation, 
see  bibliography  at  end  of  this  article.)  With  regard 
to  the  Divine  Office,  the  monks  of  Cluny  conformed  to 
the  then  prevailing  custom,  introduced  into  the  mon- 
asteries of  France  by  St.  Benedict  of  Aniane,  of  adding 
numerous  extra  devotional  exercises,  in  the  shape  of 
psalms  (psalmi  familiares,  speciales,  prostrati,  and  pro 
tribulations)  and  votive  offices  (Our  Lady,  The  Dead, 
All  Saints,  etc.)  to  the  daily  canonical  hours  pre- 
scribed by  the  Benedictine  Rule. 

The  library  of  Cluny  was  for  many  centuries  one 
of  the  richest  and  most  important  in  France  and  the 
storehouse  of  a  vast  number  of  most  valuable  HSS. 
When  the  abbey  was  sacked  by  the  Huguenots,  in 
1662,  many  of  these  priceless  treasures  perished  and 
others  were  dispersed.  Of  those  that  were  left  at 
Cluny,  some  were  burned  by  the  revolutionary  mob 


at  the  time  of  the  suppression  in  1790,  and  others 
stored  away  in  the  Cluny.  town  hall.  -These  latter, 
as  well  as  others  tliat  had  passed  into  private  hands, 
have  been  gradually  recovered  by  the  French  Gov- 
ernment and  are  now  in  the  Bibhothe_que  Nationale 
at  Paris.  There  are  also  in  the  British  Museum, 
London,  about  sixty  charters  which  formerly  be- 
longed to  Cluny.  The  "Hdtel  de  Cluny"  in  Paris, 
dating  from  1334,  was  formerly  the  town  house  of 
the  abbots.  In  1833  it  was  made  into  a  public  mu- 
seum, but  apart  from  the  name  thus  derived,  it  pos- 
sesses practically  nothing  connected  with  the  abbey. 

For  the  rule,  constitutions,  etc.,  see  Bernard  op  Clunt, 
Ordo  Cluniacensis  in  Herhoott,  Vetus  Disciplina  Monastics 
(Paris,  1794);  and  Udalric  op  Clunt,  Consuetudines  Clunia- 
censes  in  P.  L.,  CXLIX  (Paris,  1882).  For  the  history  of  the 
Congregation,  etc.,  Dcckkt,  Charter*  and  Record)  of  Clunt 
(Lewes,  1890):  Maitland,  Dark  Ages  (London,  1845);  Ma- 
billon,  Annates  0.  S.  B.  (Paris,  1703-39).  III-V;  Saints- 
Marthk,  Gallia  Christiana  (Paris,  1728),  IV,  1117;  Helyot, 
Hist,  dts  ordres  religieux  (Paris,  1792),  V;  Mioni,  Diet,  des 
abbayes  (Paris,  1856);  Lavibse,  Hist,  de  France  (Paris,  1901), 


II,  2;  Lorain,  Hist,  de  Vabbaye  de  Clunv  (Paris,  1845); 
Chaiiplt,  Hist,  de  Cluny  (Macon,  1866);  Heiiibucheb,  Hie 
Orden  und  Kongregationen  aer  katholischen  Kirche  (Paderbora, 


1896),  I;  Herzoo  and  Hauck,  Realencyktopadie  (Leiptig, 
1898),  III;  Sackur,  Die  Cluniacenser  (Halle  a.  8.,  1892-94). 

G.  Cyprian  Alston. 

Olynn  (or  Clyn),  John,  Irish  Franciscan  and  an- 
nalist, b.  about  1300;  d.,  probably,  in  1349.  His 
place  of  birth  is  unknown,  and  the  date  given  is  only 
conjecture;  but,  as  he  was  appointed  guardian  of  the 
Franciscan  convent  at  Carrick  in  1336,  it  is  concluded 
that  he  was  then  at  least  30  years  of  age.  He  was 
afterwards  in  the  Franciscan  convent  at  Kilkenny, 
and  there  he  probably  died.  He  is  credited  by  Ware, 
in  "Writers  of  Ireland",  with  having  written  a  work 
on  the  kings  of  England  and  another  on  the  super- 
iors of  his  own  order;  but  these  works  have  not  been 

Fublished,  and  his  celebrity  rests  on  his  "Annals  of 
reland",  from  the  birth  of  Christ  to 'the  year  1349. 
Beginning  with  the  earliest  period,  and  written  in 
Latin,  the  entries  are  at  first  meagre  and  uninter- 
esting; but  from  1315  Clynn  deals  with  what  he  him- 
self saw,  and,  though  such  things  as  the  building  of  a 
choir  and  the  consecration  of  an  altar  would  interest 
only  his  own  order  and  time,  other  entries  throw 
much  light  on  the  general  history  of  the  country. 
Being  Anglo-Irish,  he  speaks  harshly  of  the  native 
chiefs;  but  neither  does  he  hesitate  to  condemn  the 
Anglo-Irish  lords,  their  impatience  of  restraint,  their 
contempt  for  the  Government  at  Dublin,  their  op- 
pression of  the  poor.  His  account  of  the  plague  m 
1348-9  is  vivid.  Surrounded  by  dead  and  dying,  he 
laid  down  his  pen,  wondering  if  any  of  the  sons  of 
Adam  would  be  spared,  and  the  scribe  who  copied  the 
work  adds  that  at  this  date  it  seems  the  author  died. 
His  "Annals"  were  edited  by  Richard  Butler  for  the 
Irish  Archajological  Society  (December,  1849). 

Ware-Harris,  Writers  of  Ireland  (Dublin,  1764);  Webb. 
Compendium  of  Irish  Biography  (Dublin,  1878). 

E.  A.  D' Alton. 

Coadjutor  Bishop.   See  Bishop. 

Coat  of  Anna.   See  Heraldry. 

Oobo,  Bernabe,  b.  at  Lopera  in  Spain,  1582;  d.  at 
Lima,  Peru,  9  October,  1657.  He  went  to  America  in 
1596,  visiting  the  Antilles  and  Venezuela  and  landing 
at  Luna  in  1599.  Entering  the  Society  of  Jesus, 
14  October,  1601,  he  was  sent  by  his  superiors  in 
1615  to  the  mission  of  Juli,  where,  and  at  Potosf. 
Cochabamba,  Oruro,  and  La  Paz,  he  laboured  until 
1618.  He  was  rector  of  the  college  of  Arequipa  from 
1618  until  1621,  afterwards  at  Pisco,  and  finally  at 
Callao  in  the  same  capacity,  as  late  as  1630.  He  was 
then  sent  to  Mexico,  and  remained  there  until  1650, 
when  he  returned  to  Peru.  Such  in  brief  was  the  life  of 
a  man  whom  the  past  centuries  have  treated  with 
unparalleled,  and  certainly  most  ungrateful,  neglect. 


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Father  Cobo  was  beyond  all  doubt  the  ablest  and  most 
thorough  student  of  nature  and  man  in  Spanish  Amer- 
ica during  the  seventeenth  century.  \et,  the  first, 
and  almost  only,  acknowledgment  of  his  worth  dates 
from  the  fourth  year  of  the  nineteenth  century.  The 
distinguished  Spanish  botanist  Cavanilles  not  only 
paid  a  handsome  tribute  of  respect  to  the  memory 
of  Father  Cobo  in  an  address  delivered  at  the  Royal 
Botanical  Gardens  of  Madrid,  in  1804,  but  he  gave 
the  name  of  Cobeea  to  a  genus  of  plants  belonging 
to  the  Bignoniaceffi  of  Mexico,  Cobcea  scandens  being 
its  most  striking  representative. 

Cobo's  long  residence  in  both  Americas  (sixty-one 
years),  his  position  as  priest  and,  several  times,  as 
missionary,  and  the  consequently  close  relations  in 
which  he  stood  to  the  Indians,  as  well  as  to  Creoles 
and  half-breeds,  gave  him  unusual  opportunities  for 
obtaining  reliable  information,  and  he  made  the 
fullest  use  of  these.  We  have  from  his  pen,  two 
works,  one  of  which  (and  the  most  important)  is, 
unfortunately,  incomplete.  It  is  also  stated  that 
he  wrote  a  work  on  botany  in  ten  volumes,  which, 
it  seems,  is  lost,  or  at  least  its  whereabouts  is  unknown 
to-day.  Of  his  main  work,  to  which  biographers 
give  the  title  of  "Historia  general  de  las  Indias", 
aud  which  he  finished  in  1653,  only  the  first  half  is 
known  and  has  appeared  in  print  (in  four  volumes, 
at  Seville,  1890  ana  years  succeeding).  The  remain- 
der, in  which  he  treats,  or  claims  to  have  treated,  of 
every  geographical  and  political  subdivision  in  detail, 
has  either  never  been  finished  or  is  lost.  His  other 
book  appeared  in  print  in  1882,  and  forms  part  of 
the  "History  of  the  New  World"  mentioned,  but 
he  made  a  separate  manuscript  of  it  in  1639,  and 
so  it  came  to  be  published  as  "Historia  de  la  fun- 
daci6n  de  Lima",  a  few  years  before  the  publica- 
tion of  the  principal  manuscript.  The  "History  of 
the  New  World"  places  Cobo,  as  a  chronicler  and 
didactic  writer,  on  a  plane  higher  than  that  occupied 
by  his  contemporaries  not  to  speak  of  his  prede- 
cessors. It  is  not  a  dry  and  dreary  catalogue  of 
events;  man  appears  in  it  on  a  stage,  and  that  stage 
is  a  conscientious  picture  of  the  nature  in  which  man 
lias  moved  and  moves.  The  value  of  this  work  for 
several  branches  of  science  (not  only  for  history) 
is  much  greater  than  is  believed.  The  book,  only 
recently  published,  is  very  little  known  and  appre- 
ciated. The  "History  of  the  New  World"  may,  in 
American  literature,  be  compared  with  one  work 
only,  the  "General  and  Natural  History  of  the 
Indies",  by  Oviedo.  But  Oviedo  wrote  a  full  cen- 
tury earlier  than  Cobo,  hence  the  resemblance  is 
limited  to  the  fact  that  both  authors  seek  to  include 
all  Spanish  America — its  natural  features  as  well 
as  its  inhabitants.  The  same  may  be  said  of  Gomara 
and  Acosta.  Cobo  enjoyed  superior  advantages  and 
made  good  use  of  them.  A  century  more  of  knowl- 
edge and  experience  was  at  his  command.  Hence 
we  find  in  his  book  a  wealth  of  information  which 
no  other  author  of  his  time  imparts  or  can  impart. 
And  that  knowledge  is  systematized  and  in  a  meas- 
ure co-ordinated.  On  the  animals  and  plants  of  the 
new  continent,  neither  Nieremberg,  nor  Hernandez, 
nor  Monardes  can  compare  in  wealth  of  information 
with  Cobo.  In  regard  to  man,  his  pre-Columbian 
past  and  vestiges,  Cobo  is,  for  the  South  American 
west  coast,  a  source  of  primary  importance.  We  are 
astonished  at  his  many  and  close  observations  on 
customs  and  manners.  His  descriptions  of  some  of 
the  principal  ruins  in  South  America  are  usually 
very  correct.  In  a  word  it  is  evident  from  these 
two  works  of  Cobo  that  he  was  an  investigator  of 
great  perspicacity  and,  for  his  time,  a  scientist  of 
unusual  merit. 

Torres  Sii.DAMA.NDO,  Antiouos  Jeeuitat  del  Peru  (Lima, 
1882);  Cabanilles,  Ducurto  eobre  alaunot  boldnicot  ripailolet 
iei  tigto  XVII  in  the  Analet  de  hulorta  natural  (Madrid,  1804). 

Ad.  F  Bandeuer 


Ooccaleo,  Viatoua,  a  Capuchin  friar,  so  called  from 
his  birthplace,  Coccaglio  in  Lombardy,  date  of  birth 
unknown;  d.  1793.  For  a  time  he  was  lector  in  theol- 
ogy and  wrote  several  works  that  give  him  a  place 
among  the  noteworthy  theologians  in  a  period  of  theo- 
logical decline.  These  are:  "Tentamina  theologico- 
scholastica"  (Bergamo,  1768-74);  "Tentaminum 
theologicorum  in  moral  ibus Synopsis"  (Venice,  1791); 
"Instituta  moralia"  (Milan,  1760).  His  defence  of 
papal  supremacy,  "Italus  ad  Justinum  Febronium" 
(Lucca,  1768;  Trent,  1774),  is  one  of  the  principal 
apologies  against  Febronius.  Besides  writing  several 
works  against  Jansenism,  he  took  part  in  the  discus- 
sion concerning  the  devotion  to  the  Sacred  Heart  and 
the  sanctification  of  Holy  Days,  made  famous  by  the 
Synod  of  Pistoja  (1786),  and  published:  "Riflessioni 
sopra  l'origine  e  il  fine  della  divozione  del  S.  Cuore  di 
Gesu"  (Naples,  1780);  "Riposta  sul  dubbio,  se  la  sold 
Messa  basti  a  santificare  le  feste"  (Bologna,  1781\ 
To  these  may  be  added  his  studies  on  the  text  and 
meaning  of  the  poem  of  Prosper  of  Aquitaine,  "  Contra 
Ingratos"  (2  vols.,  Brescia,  1756  and  1763)  and  his 
work  on  the  philosophic  spirit  of  Prosper's  epigrams 
(Brescia,  1760). 

John  or  Ratisbon,  Appendix  ad  BMiothec  Script.  Capuo- 
einorum  (Rome,  1852),  40;  Scbeeben,  Dogmatik,  I,  455. 

John  M.  Lenhart. 

Oochabamba,  Diocese  of  (Cocabambensis). — 
The  city  from  which  this  diocese  takes  its  name  is  the 
capital  of  the  department  of  Cochabamba,  Bolivia. 
Founded  in  1563  it  was  called  originally  Oropesa.  It 
is  situated  on  the  Rio  de  la  Rocha  and  is  the  second 
largest  city  and  one  of  the  most  important  commercial 
centres  of  the  republic.  According  to  the  census  of 
1902,  the  population  is  over  40,000,  of  whom  practi- 
cally all  are  Catholics. 

TTie  Diocese  of  Cochabamba  was  erected  by  a  Bull 
of  Pius  IX,  25  June,  1847,  and  is  a  suffragan  of  Char- 
cas  (La  Plata).  It  was  the  fourth  diocese  established 
in  Bolivia,  the  Archdiocese  of  Charcas  (La  Plata)  and 
the  Dioceses  of  La  Paz  and  Santa  Cruz  having  been 
created  early  in  the  seventeenth  century.  It  com- 
prises the  department  of  Cochabamba  and  part  of  the 
adjoining  department  of  Beni.  The  population, 
mostly  Catholic,  in  1902  was  over  330,000.  Besides 
a  number  of  schools  and  charitable  institutions  the 
diocese  has  55  parishes,  80  churches  and  chapels,  and 
160  priests. 

Konvermliom-Lcx.  (St.  Louis,  Missouri,  1903),  a.  v.;  Oer- 
archia  Catlolica  (Rome,  1908). 

Oochem,  Martin  or,  a  celebrated  German  theolo- 
gian, preacher  and  ascetic  writer,  b.  at  Cochem,  a  small 
town  on  the  Moselle,  in  1630;  d.  in  the  convent  at  Wag- 
hausel,  10  September,  1712.  He  came  of  a  family 
devotedly  attached  to  the  Faith,  and  while  still  young 
entered  the  novitiate  of  the  Capuchins,  where  he  dis- 
tinguished himself  by  his  fervour  and  his  fidelity  to 
the  religious  rule.  After  his  elevation  to  the  priest- 
hood, he  was  assigned  to  a  professorship  of  theology,  a 
position  which  for  several  years  he  filled  most  credit- 
ably. However,  it  was  in  another  sphere  that  he  was 
to  exercise  his  zeal  and  acquire  fame.  Of  the  evils 
which  befell  Europe  in  consequence  of  the  Thirty 
Years  War,  the  plague  was  by  no  means  the  least,  and 
when,  in  1666,  it  made  its  appearance  in  the  Rhenish 
country,  such  were  its  ravages  that  it  became  neces- 
sary to  close  the  novitiates  and  houses  of  study.  Just 
at  this  crisis,  Father  Martin  was  left  without  any 
special  charge  and,  in  company  with  his  fellow  monks, 
he  devoted  himself  to  the  bodily  and  spiritual  com- 
fort of  the  afflicted.  What  most  distressed  him  was 
the  religious  ignorance  to  which  a  large  number  of  the 
faithful  had  fallen  victims  on  account  of  being  deprived 
of  their  pastors.  To  combat  this  sad  condition,  hi 
resolved  to  compose  little  popular  treatises  on  th ) 
truths  and  duties  of  religion,  and  in  1666  he  published 


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at  Cologne  a  resume'  of  Christian  doctrine  that  was 
very  well  received.  It  was  a  revelation  to  his  supe- 
riors, who  strongly  encouraged  the  author  to  continue 
in  this  course. 

Thenceforth  Father  Martin  made  a  specialty  of 
popular  preaching  and  religious  writing  and,  in  the 
Archdioceses  of  Trier  and  Ingelheim,  which  he  trav- 
ersed thoroughly,  multitudes  pressed  about  him,  and 
numerous  conversions  followed.  The  zealous  priest 
continued  these  active  ministrations  up  to  the  time  of 
his  death,  and  even  when  he  had  passed  his  eightieth 
year  he  still  went  daily  to  the  chapel  of  his  convent, 
where,  with  the  aid  of  an  ear-trumpet,  he  heard  the 
confessions  of  the  sinners  who  flocked  to  him.  The 
intervals  between  missions  he  devoted  to  his  numer- 
ous writings,  the  most  voluminous  of  which  is  an  ec- 
clesiastical history  in  2  vols,  fol.,  composed  for  apolo- 
getic purposes  and  provoked  by  the  attacks  made 
upon  the  Church  by  Protestantism.  However,  the 
author  brought  it  down  only  to  the  year  1 100.  Father 
Martin's  other  works  embrace  a  great  variety  of  sub- 
jects: the  life  of  Christ,  legends  of  the  saints,  edifying 
narratives,  the  setting  forth  of  certain  points  in  Chris- 
tian asceticism,  forms  of  prayer,  methods  to  be  fol- 
lowed for  the  worthy  reception  of  the  sacraments,  etc. 
These  widely  different  themes  have  as  points  of  simi- 
larity a  pleasing,  graceful  style,  great  erudition,  and  a 
truly  seraphic  eloquence.  They  bespeak  for  their 
author  sincere  piety  and  deep  religious  sentiment, 
coupled  with  an  intimate  knowledge  of  the  popular 
heart  and  the  special  needs  of  the  time.  But  the  best 
known  of  all  the  learned  Capuchin's  works  is  unques- 
tionably "Die  heilige  Messe  ,  upon  which,  according 
to  his  own  statement,  he  spent  three  entire  years, 
perusing  Holy  Writ,  the  councils.  Fathers  and  Doc- 
tors of  the  Church,  and  the  lives  of  the  saints,  in  order 
to  condense  into  a  small  volume  a  properly  abridged 
account  of  the  Holy  Sacrifice.  As  soon  as  it  appeared 
this  book  proved  a  delight  to  the  Catholics  of  Ger- 
many, nor  has  it  yet  lost  any  of  its  popularity,  and, 
since  its  translation  into  several  languages,  it  may  be 
said  to  have  acquired  universal  renown. 

It  demanded  a  great  expenditure  of  energy  on  the 
part  of  the  worthy  religious  to  bring  these  underta- 
kings to  a  successful  issue.  Even  when  in  his  convent 
he  spent  most  of  the  day  in  directing  souls  and  follow- 
ing the  observances  prescribed  by  the  Capuchin  Rule, 
hence  it  was  time  set  aside  for  sleep  that  tie  was  wont 
to  give  to  his  literary  labours.  Sometimes  after  the 
Office  of  Matins  he  would  obtain  permission  of  the 
superior  to  go  to  Frankfort  to  confer  with  his  publisher 
and,  this  accomplished,  he  would  return  on  foot  to  his 
convent  at  Konigstein,  catechizing  little  children, 
hearing  confessions,  and  visiting  the  sick  along  the 
way.  While  still  in  the  midst  of  his  labours  he  was 
attacked  by  an  illness  to  which  he  soon  succumbed, 
at  the  age  of  eighty-two.  The  works  published  dur- 
ing Father  Martin's  lifetime  are:  "Die  Kirchenhis- 
torie  nach  der  Methode  des  Baronius  und  Raynaldus 
bis  1100"  (Dillingen,  1693):  "Die  christliche  Lehre"; 
"Heilige  Geschichten  und  Exempel";  "  Wohlriechen- 
der  Myrrhengarten"  (Cologne,  1693);  "Buchlein 
fiber  den  Ablass"  (Dillingen,  1693)  •  "  Exorcismen  und 
ffir  Kranke"  (Frankfort,  1695) ;  " Goldener  Himmels- 
schlussel"  (Frankfort,  1695);  "Gebetbuch  filr  Solda- 
ten"  (Augsburg,  1698);  "Anmuthungen  wahrend  der 
heiligen  Messe  (Augsburg,  1697) ; "  Die  Legenden  der 
Heiligen"  (Augsburg,  1705) ; "  Leben  Christi"  (Frank- 
fort, 1689;  Augsburg,  1708);  "Gebete  unter  der  heili- 
gen Messe"  (Augsburg,  1698);  "Kern  der  heiligen 
Messe"  (Cologne,  1699);  " Liliengarten"  (Cologne, 
1699);  "Gebetbuch  fur  heilige  Zeiten"  (Augsburg, 
1704) ; "  Die  heilige  Messe  f  Or  die  Weltleute  "  (Cologne, 
1704);  "Traktat  fiber  die  gottlichen  Vortrefnich- 
keiten"  (Mainz,  1707);  "Geistlicher  Baumgarten" 
(Mainz  and  Heidelberg,  1709) ;  "  Neue  mystische  Gold- 
gruben"  (Cologne,  1709);  "  Exemepelbuch "  (Augs- 


burg, 1712).  This  list  does  not  include  all  the  author's 
writings.  In  1896  there  appeared  a  small  work  never 
before  published,  "Das  Gebet  des  Herzens",  which 
at  the  end  of  its  third  year  went  into  a  seventh  edition. 

Ilo,  Oeitt  dee  heiligen  Francucus  Seraphicue  (Augsburg, 
1883);  Eludes  trancitcame*  (Paris),  III,  448;  AnaUcla  Ord. 
Min.  Cap.,  XXIII,  278;  Sister  Maria  Bernasdinb,  Martin 
von  Coehem,  tein  Leben,  tein  Wirken,  trine  Zeit  (Mainz,  1886). 

F.  Candide. 

Cochin,  Diocese  or  (Cochinensib),  on  the  Mala- 
bar coast,  India.  The  diocese  was  erected  and  con- 
stituted a  suffragan  of  the  Diocese  of  Goa,  of  which  it 
had  previously  formed  a  part,  by  the  Bull "  Pro  excel- 
lent prominentia"  of  Paul  IV,  4  Feb.,  1558  (cf.  Bul- 
larium  Patronatus  Portugallue  Regum,  I,  193).  It 
was  later  reorganized  according  to  the  Concordat  of 
23  June,  1886,  between  Leo  XIII  and  King  Luiz  I  of 
Portugal,  and  the  Constitution  "Humanse  Salutis 
Auctor"  of  the  same  pope,  1  Sept.,  1886.  It  is  suf- 
fragan to  the  patriarchal  See  of  Goa  (cf.  Julio  Biker, 
Colleccao  de  Tractados,  XIV,  1 12-437).  The  diocese 
consists  of  two  strips  of  territory  along  the  sea-coast, 
the  first  about  fifty  miles  long,  by  eight  in  its  broadest 
part,  the  second  thirty  miles  in  length.  There  are 
two  important  towns,  Cochin  and  AlTeppi  (Alapalli), 
in  which  the  higher  educational  and  charitable  insti- 
tutions of  the  diocese  are  situated. 

I.  History. — The  chief  religions  professed  in  Mala- 
bar at  the  arrival  of  the  Portuguese  were:  Hinduism, 
Christianity  (the  Christians  of  St.  Thomas  or  Nesto- 
rians),  Islam,  and  Judaism,  the  last  represented  by 
a  large  colony  of  Jews.  From  these  the  Catholic 
community  was  recruited,  mostly  from  the  Nesto- 
rians  and  the  Hindus.  Islam  also  contributed  a  fair 
share,  especially  when  Portugal  was  supreme  on  this 
coast;  among  the  JewB  conversions  were  rare.  To 
Portugal  belongs  the  glory  of  having  begun  regular 
Catholic  missionary  work  in  India,  and  Cochin  has 
the  honour  of  being  the  cradle  of  Catholicism  in  India. 
The  first  missionaries  to  India  were  eight  Franciscan 
friars,  who  set  sail  from  Lisbon  on  the  fleet  of  Pedro 
Alvarez  Cabral  (q.  v.),  9  March,  1500:  Father  Hen- 
rique de  Coimbra,  Superior;  Fathers  Gaspar,  Fran- 
cisco da  Cruz,  Simao  de  Guimaraens,  Luiz  do  Salva- 
dor, Masseu,  Pedro  Netto,  and  Brother  JoSo  da 
Vitoria.  Three  of  them  were  slain  at  Calicut  in  the 
massacre  of  16  Nov.,  1500.  The  survivors  arrived 
at  Cochin  on  or  about  the  26th  of  that  month,  and 
settled  there  (except  the  superior,  who  went  back 
with  the  fleet  to  obtain  more  help  for  the  mission), 
thus  laying  the  foundation  of  the  Diocese  of  Cochin 
(Histor.  Seraf.  Chron.  da  Ordem  de  S.  Francisco  na 
Provincia  de  Portugal,  III,  489,  494,  495).  They 
were  followed  by  large  contingents  of  zealous  mis- 
sionaries, who  worked  from  the  city  of  Cochin  as  a 
centre.  The  harvest  of  souls  was  rich,  the  Christians 
multiplied  along  the  coast  and  in  the  interior,  and  in 
course  of  time  a  bishop  was  assigned  to  them. 

The  Nestorian  Christians  in  the  vicinity  of  Cochin 
naturally  attracted  the  attention  of  the  missionaries, 
and  Fathers  Simao  de  Guimaraens  and  Luiz  do  Sal- 
vador were  soon  occupied  in  refuting  their  errors  and 
reforming  their  discipline  and  customs  (Hist.  Seraf., 
Ill,  497).  These  two  missionaries  were  the  pioneers 
of  the  Faith  among  the  Nestorian  Christians.  Mem- 
bers of  the  same  order  continued  this  missionary 
work  till  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth  century,  when 
these  missions  were  handed  over  to  the  Jesuits,  who 
continued  the  good  work  with  such  earnestness  and 
zeal  that  most  of  the  Nestorian  Christians  were  con- 
verted before  1600.  The  chief  public  record  of  their 
conversion  is  to  be  found  in  the  proceedings  of  the 
Synod  of  Diamper  (or  Udiamperur),  held  in  June, 
1599,  by  Aleixo  de  Menezes,  Archbishop  of  Goa, 
Metropolitan  and  Primate  of  the  East  ("Bull.  Patron. 
Port,  reg.",  a  collection  of  papal  and  royal  documents 
pertaining  to  the  Portuguese  missions  in  India,  App. 


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tern.  I,  147  eqq.;  see  also  "Subeidium  ad  Bull.  Patr. 
Port.",  Alleppi,  1903).  In  December,  1502,  the 
Nestorian  or  Syrian  Christians  (they  used  the  Syrian 
language  in  their  liturgy)  presented  to  Vasco  da 
Gama,  who  had  arrived  at  Cochin,  the  sceptre  of  their 
former  kings,  and  applied  to  him  for  assistance  against 
their  Mohammedan  neighbours.  Gama  formally  ac- 
cepted the  sceptre  in  the  name  of  the  King  of  Portu- 
gal. The  Syrian  bishop  of  those  Christians  promised 
obedience  to  the  pope  through  the  Franciscan  mis- 
sionaries, and  two  Nestorian  priests  accompanied 
Gama  to  Lisbon  en  route  for  Rome.  Thus  began  the 
protectorate  of  the  Portuguese  over  the  Syrian  Chris- 
tians, a  protectorate  which  lasted  for  160  years  (cf. 
JoSo  de  Barras,  "Asia",  Dec.  I,  bk.  V,  ch.  viii;  also 
"  Historia  Serafica  ").  Till  1542  the  Franciscans  were 
the  only  regular  missionaries  in  India,  though  they 
had  the  co-operation  of  some  secular  priests,  as  Father 
Pedro  Gonsalves,  Vicar  of  Santa  Cruz  church  in  the 
city  of  Cochin,  and  Father  Miguel  Vaz,  a  zealous 
preacher  of  the  Faith,  as  well  as  of  some  isolated  mem- 
bers of  other  religious  communities,  who  had  come 
out  as  chaplains  to  the  fleets  ("Commentarios  do 
Grande  Affonso  d'Albuquerque ",  3d  ed.,  1774,  I,  ch. 
v,  19-20,  and  "Ethiopia  Oriental",  II,  bk.  II,  ch.  i). 

Among  the  pioneer  priests  of  Cochin  mention 
should  be  made  of  the  Franciscans  Jo&o  d'Elvas  and 
Pedro  d'Amarante,  who  till  1507  preached  the  Gospel 
at  Vypeen,  Palliport,  Cranganore,  and  other  impor- 
tant places;  Father  Manuel  de  S.  Mathias,  with  his 
eleven  companions,  who  laboured  for  the  conversion 
of  the  pagans  at  Porrocad,  Quilon,  Trivellam,  and 
elsewhere;  Father  Vincent  de  Lagos,  who  in  1540 
established  the  college  of  Cranganore  to  train  the 
Nestorian  Christians  in  the  purity  of  Catholic  Faith, 
a  college  highly  praised  by  St.  Francis  Xavier,  and 
the  first  built  in  India.  In  1 542  it  had  eighty  students 
(Amado,  Hist,  da  Egreja  em  Portugal  e  colonias, 
Vol.  VII,  Pt.  II,  117-21). 

After  St.  Francis  Xavier's  arrival  in  India,  6  May, 
1542,  the  Society  of  Jesus  quickly  spread  over  India, 
and  the  members  were  always  most  successful  in  the 
missions  under  their  charge.  St.  Francis  often  visited 
Cochin,  where  the  citizens  gave  him  the  church  of 
Madre  de  Deus,  and  asked  Turn  to  establish  in  the 
city  a  residence  of  the  Society.  It  was  accordingly 
founded  by  Father  Balthazar  Gago,  S.  J.,  in  1550. 
In  the  same  year  Father  Nicolao  Lancelot,  S.  J.,  built 
the  residence  and  college  of  Quilon,  and  Affonso 
Cipriano,  8.  J.,  the  residence  of  Mylapore;  soon  after 
the  residence  and  college  of  Punicail  were  established, 
and  the  residence  of  Manar.  In  1560  the  King  of 
Portugal  built  for  the  Society  of  Jesus  the  college  of 
Cochin,  and  in  1562  a  novitiate  of  the  Society  was 
established  there.  In  1601  the  Jesuit  Province  of 
Malabar  was  founded,  and  Cochin  was  made  the  resi- 
dence of  the  provincial.  Among  the  early  Jesuits 
must  be  mentioned  in  addition  to  St.  Francis  Xavier, 
foremost  of  missionaries,  Fathers  Mansilha,  Criminal, 
B.  Nunes,  H.  Henriques,  F.  Peres,  F.  Rodrigues; 
Brothers  Adam  Francisco,  N.  Nunes.  Later,  the 
Dominicans,  Augustinians,  and  other  orders  followed 
the  Society  of  Jesus  to  India.  The  Dominicans  built 
their  monastery  and  college  at  Cochin  in  1553;  some 
years  later  their  example  was  followed  by  the  Augus- 
tinians, and  still  later  by  the  Capuchins.  Cochin  thus 
became  the  stronghold  of  the  Faith,  and  it  was  the 
missionaries  of  Cochin  who  carried  the  Gospel  through- 
out all  Southern  India  and  Ceylon,  everywhere  estab- 
lishing missions,  and  building  churches,  charitable  and 
educational  institutions,  all  of  which  were  endowed 
by  the  kings  of  Portugal. 

Apart  from  the  heroic  zeal  of  the  priests,  the  most 
powerful  element  in  the  propagation  of  the  Faith  was 
the  protection  the  Portuguese  Government  always 
accorded  to  the  converts.  It  provided  them  with 
good  situations,  employing  them  in  civil  offices,  freed 


them  from  the  molestations  of  their  masters,  elevated 
them  in  the  social  scale,  exempted  them  from  the 
operation  of  Hindu  law,  appointed  for  them  a  judicial 
tribunal  composed  of  Catholics,  which  in  rural  dis- 
tricts was  presided  over  by  the  local  priest.  It  in- 
duced the  rajahs  to  treat  the  converts  kindly,  and 
obliged  them  to  allow  their  converted  subjects  all  the 
civil  rights,  e.  g.  of  inheritance,  which  their  Hindu 
relatives  enjoyed.  (' '  ColleccSo  de  Tractados  ",  treaties 
made  with  the  rajahs  of  Asia  and  East  Africa,  passim 
in  the  first  thirteen  vols.;  also  "Archivo  Portuguez 
Oriental".  Nova  Goa,  1861,  Fasc.  Ill,  parts  I  and  II 
■passim;  "Oriente  Conquistado",  Bombay  reprint, 
1881, 1,  II;  P.  Jarric,  S.  J.,  "Thesaurus  Rerum  Indi- 
carum", Cologne,  1615, 1,  III,  on  the  Malabar  Missions 
of  the  Society.) 

The  above-mentioned  Bull  of  Paul  IV,  by  which 
the  diocese  was  constituted,  raised  the  collegiate 
church  of  the  Holy  Cross  (Santa  Cruz),  the  parish 
church  of  Cochin,  to  the  dignity  of  cathedral  of  the 
diocese,  and  established  therein  a  chapter  consisting  of 
five  dignitaries  and  twelve  canons.  At  the  same  time 
the  pope  gave  the  patronage  of  the  new  diocese  and  see 
to  the  kings  of  Portugal  (Bull.  Patr.  Port.  Reg.,  1, 194). 

Until  1506  Hindu  law,  which  was  rigorously  ob- 
served, forbade  the  use  of  lime  and  stone  in  other 
constructions  than  temples.  Hence  the  early  Portu- 
guese, to  avoid  displeasing  the  rajah,  budt  their 
houses  of  wood.  Finally  the  viceroy,  Francisco  de 
Almeida,  induced  the  Rajah  of  Cochin  to  permit  him 
the  use  of  lime  and  stone,  and  on  3  May,  1506,  the 
first  stone  for  the  fortress  and  city  was  laid  by  the 
viceroy  with  great  pomp.  It  was  the  feast  of  the 
Finding  of  the  Holy  Cross,  which  thus  became  the 
patronal  feast  of  the  city,  and  gave  to  the  parish 
church  its  title.  The  church  of  the  Holy  Cross  (Santa 
Cruz)  was  begun  in,  or  rather  before,  1506,  for  in  1505 
we  find  Portuguese  soldiers  contributing  towards  the 
construction  of  the  church  of  Cochin  1000  xerafins 
(about  $150,  a  large  sum  four  hundred  years  ago), 
the  result  of  an  auction  of  the  rich  booty  of  a  naval 
combat  (Caspar  Correa,  "Lendas  da  India",  I,  522; 
II,  182).  Some  years  later  this  church  was  raised  to 
collegiate  rank,  endowed  by  the  king,  and  provided 
with  a  vicar  and  six  beneficed  ecclesiastics.  It  was 
a  magnificent  building,  the  mother  church  of  the 
ancient  Diocese  of  Cochin,  which  the  Malabar,  Coro- 
mandel  and  Fishery  Coasts,  and  Ceylon  once  obeyed, 
and  under  whose  teaching  and  discipline  they  flour- 
ished. There  are  now  not  less  than  eleven  bishoprics  in 
the  territory  of  the  original  Diocese  of  Cochin.  The 
first  Bishop  of  Cochin  was  the  Dominican,  Father  Jorge 
Themudo,  an  illustrious  missionary  on  this  coast. 
The  Brief  "Pastoralis  officii  cura  nos  admonet"  of 
Gregory  XIII,  13  Dec,  1572,  permitted  the  Bishop 
of  Cochin,  on  occasion  of  the  vacancy  of  the  See  of 
Goa,  to  take  possession  of  that  see  and  administer 
it  till  the  Holy  See  provided  for  the  vacancy.  This 
is  why  many  bishops  of  Cochin  were  appointed 
archbishops  of  Goa. 

In  1577  Brother  Jo&o  Gonsalves,  S.  J.,  engraved  at 
Cochin,  for  the  first  time,  the  Malealam  type,  from 
which  was  printed  the  first  Malealam  book,  "Out- 
lines of  Christian  Doctrine  ".written  in  Portuguese  by 
St.  Francis  Xavier  for  the  use  of  children.  In  1578 
Fr.  JoSo  de  Faria,  8.  J.,  engraved  at  Punicail  the  Tamil 
type,  with  which  the  "Flos  Sanctorum"  was  printed 
in  Tamil  for  the  Fishery  Coast  (Paulinus  a  a.  Bar- 
tholomew, "India  Orient.  Christiana",  Rome,  1794, 
1 79  sqq.;"  Oriente  Conquistado",  Vol.  I,  Pt.  I,  Cong. 
I,  Div.  I,  §  23). 

Cochin  was  taken,  6  Jan. ,  1663,  by  the  Dutch,  after  a 
siege  of  six  months.  The  city  was  reduced  in  size; 
the  clergy  were  expelled;  the  monasteries  and  col- 
leges, bishop's  palace  and  2  hospitals,  13  churches  and 
chapels,  were  razed  to  the  ground.  The  church  of 
St.  Francis  of  Assisi,  belonging  to  the  Franciscan 


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monastery,  was  spared  by  the  conquerors  and  con- 
verted to  their  own  religious  use.  When  the  English 
expelled  the  Dutch,  20  Oct.,  1795,  they  kept  this 
church  for  the  same  purpose ;  it  stands  to-day  a  wit- 
ness to  the  events  of  the  past  four  centuries,  and  is 
considered  the  oldest  existing  church  in  India.  The 
magnificent  cathedral  was  turned  by  the  Dutch  into  a 
warehouse  for  merchandise.  In  1806  it  was  blown  up 
by  the  English. 

From  1663  until  the  diocese  was  reorganized  in 
1886,  the  bishops  of  Cochin  resided  at  Quilon.  In 
1896  work  was  begun  on  the  Cathedral  of  the  Holy 
Cross  of  Cochin  by  Bishop  Ferreira,  amid  great  sacri- 
fices. In  April,  1897,  when  almost  complete,  the 
building  collapsed,  entailing  a  heavy  loss.  Bishop 
Ferreira  died  at  Goa,  4  May,  the  same  year.  Bishop 
Oliveira  Xavier  took  charge  of  the  diocese  in  March, 
1898,  removed  the  debris  of  the  fallen  building  and 
successfully  carried  the  work  to  completion.  The 
cathedral  was  opened  for  Divine  worship,  9  Aug.,  1903. 
Brother  Moscheni,  the  famous  Italian  painter  of 
India,  belonging  to  the  Jesuit  mission  of  Mangalore,  was 
secured  to  decorate  the  church,  but  had  hardly  finished 
the  sanctuary  when  he  died,  1 4  Nov. ,  1 905.  The  cathe- 
dral was  consecrated  19  Nov.,  1905,  by  Bishop  Pereira 
of  Damaun,  Archbishop  ad  honorem  of  Cranganore. 

II.  Religious  Conditions. — The  Church  of  Cochin 
has  suffered  some  rigorous  persecutions.  The  most 
severe  was  that  of  1780,  commenced  by  Nagam  Pillay, 
Dewan  of  Travancore,  in  which  20,000  converts  flea 
to  the  mountains,  to  escape  his  cruelties,  and  many 
died  as  martyrs.  Father  Joao  Falcad,  S.  J.,  was  the 
only  priest  left  to  console  the  sufferers.  There  were 
other  less  severe  persecutions  in  1787,  1809,  and  1829 
(Paulinus  a  S.  Bartholomax),  "India  Orient.  Chris- 
tiana", 165  sqq. ;  also  "Church  History  of  Travan- 
core", Madras,  1903,  Introduction,  55).  In  a  general 
way  there  has  always  been  a  kind  of  mild  persecution 
or  animosity  on  the  part  of  Hindu  Governments  and 
authorities  against  Christians.  The  growth  of  the 
Catholic  Church  is  at  present  affected  especially  by 
the  "  Law  of  Disability  in  force  in  the  Native  States  of 
Malabar,  by  which  a  convert  becomes  a  stranger  to  his 
family,  and  forfeits  all  rights  of  inheritance.  The 
government  schools,  in  which  the  young  are  reared  in 
religious  indifferentism,  form  also  a  remarkable  hin- 
drance to  conversions,  especially  among  the  higher 


III.  Statistics. — In  all,  twenty  Bishops  of  Cochin 
have  actually  taken  possession  of  the  see  ("  Mitras 
Lusitanas  no  Oriente  ,  I,  III;  "Annuario  da  Arch,  de 
Goa",  1907).  The  total  population  of  the  diocese  is 
398,000;  Catholics,  97,259.  The  number  of  conver- 
sions averages  300  a  year.  The  diocese  contains  30 
parishes,  9  missions,  77  churches  and  chapels,  62 
secular  priests  (58  natives  of  India),  4  Jesuits;  8 
Anglo-vernacular  parochial  schools,  with  an  attend- 
ance of  480  boys  and  128  girls,  77  vernacular  paro- 
chial schools,  with  an  attendance  of  6592.  The  Sis- 
ters of  the  Canossian  Congregation  number  15  in  two 
convents.  The  following  educational  and  charitable 
institutions  are  at  Cochin:  Santa  Cruz  High  School 
for  boys,  under  the  Jesuit  Fathers,  and  St.  Mary's 
High  School  for  girls  under  the  Canossian  Sisters, 
botn  of  which  prepare  students  for  the  Indian  univer- 
sities; they  have  an  average  daily  attendance  respec- 
tively of  335  and  153;  at  Alleppi  the  Jesuit  Fathers 
conduct  the  Leo  XIII  High  School  for  boys,  with  an 
average  daily  attendance  of  380;  an  orphanage  with 
16  orphans;  a  catechumenate  with  5  catechumens;  a 
printing  office;  an  industrial  school.  They  also  have 
charge  of  the  preparatory  seminary  of  the  diocese,  in 
which  20  students  are  now  enrolled.  For  philosophy 
and  theology  students  are  sent  either  to  the  patri- 
archal seminary  at  Rachol,  Goa,  or  to  the  papal  sem- 
inary at  Kandy,  Ceylon;  at  the  former  there  are  now 
6,  at  the  latter  5,  students  from  Cochin.   The  Canos- 


sian Sisters  at  Alleppi  conduct  the  following  institu- 
tions for  girls:  St.  Joseph's  Intermediate  School,  at- 
tendance 160;  a  normal  training  school,  attendance  7; 
a  technical  school,  attendance  29;  an  orphanage  with 
56  orphans;  a  catechumenate,  attendance  21,  and  a 
dispensary  for  the  benefit  of  the  poor.  The  religious 
associations  of  the  diocese  are  as  follows:  confraterni- 
ties, 64;  congregations  of  the  Third  Order  of  St.  Fran- 
cis, 3;  Association  of  the  Holy  Family,  1 ;  Conferences 
of  St.  Vincent  de  Paul,  2;  Society  for  the  relief  of  the 
Souls  in  Purgatory,  2;  Sodalities  of  the  Children  of 
Mary,  6;  Misericordia  Confraternity,  1;  The  Apostle- 
ship  of  Prayer  is  established  in  all  the  parish  churches, 
and  the  Association  of  Christian  Doctrine  in  all 
churches  and  chapels  of  the  diocese.  (See  Goa; 
Portugal;  India.) 

Besides  documents  mentioned  above  see  also  Madras  Cath. 
Directory  (1908) :  Miixbauer,  Kathol.  Mini,  in  Oetindim  (Frei- 
burg, 1852) ;  de  Silva,  The  Cath.  Ch.  in  India  (Bombay,  1885) ; 
Werner,  Or*.  Ten-arum  (Freiburg,  1890). 

J.  MONTBIRO  D'AODTAR. 

Cochin,  Jacques-Denis,  preacher  and  philanthro- 
pist, b.  in  Paris,  1  January,  1726;  d.  there  3  June,  1783. 
His  father, Claude-Denis  Cochin  (d.  1786),  wasa  famous 
botanist.  Jacques-Denis  followed  a  course  of  theo- 
logical studies  in  the  Sorbonne  and  was  graduated 
with  the  degree  of  Doctor.  In  1755  he  was  ordained 
priest.  The  next  year  he  was  given  charge  of  the  par- 
ish of  Saint- Jacques-du-Haut- Pas.  There  he  spent 
his  whole  life  working  for  the  material  as  well  as  the 
spiritual  betterment  of  his  people.  He  won  great 
fame  for  the  unction  and  strength  of  his  preaching. 
His  published  works  include:  Four  books  of  Sunday 
sermons  (Paris,  1786-1808);  "Exhortations  on  the 
Feasts,  Fasts  and  Ceremonies  of  the  Church  "  (Paris, 
1778);  "Retreat  Exercises"  (Paris,  1778);  "Spiritual 
Writings",  a  posthumous  work  published  t>y  his 
brother  (Paris,  1784).  Cochin  is  noted  especially  for  his 
philanthropy.  The  needs  of  his  own  parish  suggested 
the  foundation  of  a  hospital.  The  idea,  conceived  in 
1780,  resulted  in  the  completion  of  a  building  of  which 
the  Sisters  of  Charity  took  charge.  The  inscription  on 
the  building,  Pauper  clamavit  el  Dominus  exaudivii 
turn,  is  an  index  of  Cochin's  intentions.  He  devoted 
his  whole  fortune  to  the  work.  The  hospital  was  in- 
augurated with  thirty-eight  beds;  to-day  the  number 
is  nearly  four  hundred.  It  was  originally  called  H6- 
pital  Saint- Jacques.  In  1801  the  General  Council 
of  the  Paris  hospitals  gave  it  the  name  of  its  charitable 
founder,  which  it  still  preserves. 

J.  B.  Delattnay. 

Cochin,  Pierre-Suzanne- Augustin,  b.  in  Paris,  12 
Dec.,  1823;  d.  at  Versailles,  13  March,  1872.  He  took 
an  early  interest  in  economical  and  political  questions 
and  contributed  articles  to  the  "  Annates  de  Charity" 
and  "Le  Correspondant".  In  1850  he  was  elected 
vice-mayor,  and  in  1853  mayor  of  the  tenth  district 
of  Paris.  His  publications  won  for  him  membership 
in  the  Academie  des  sciences  morales  et  politique* 
(1864).  He  was  at  that  time  prominent  among  the 
"  Liberal  Catholics",  an  ardent  friend  of  Montalembert 
and  Lacordaire,  and  was  supported  by  his  party  for 
the  office  of  deputy  of  Paris.  He  received  6000 
votes,  but  his  democratic  opponent  won  by  an  over- 
whelming majority.  Among  his  many  religious, 
pedagogical,  and  sociological  works  we  may  name: 
'  Essai  sur  la  vie,  les  m£thodes  d'instruction  et  d'eclu- 
cation,  et  les  Itablissements  de  Pestalozzi"  (Paris, 
1848);  "Lettre  sur  l'6tat  du  pauperisrae  en  Angle- 
terre"  (Paris,  1854);  "Progres  de  la  science  et  de 
1'industrie  au  point  de  vue  chr^tien"  (Paris,  1854); 
"Abolition  de  l'esclavage"  (Paris,  1861),  crowned  by 
the  French  Academy;  "Quelques  mots  sur  la  vie  de 
J&us  de  Renan"  (1863);  "Condition  des  ouvriers 
francais"  (1862);  "  Esperannes  chr£tiennes  "  (post- 
humous publication).  J.  B.  Dblaunay. 


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OO-OONSXOEATORS 


Oochin  Chin*.  See  French  Indo-China. 

Cochlseus,  Johann  (properly  Dobeneck),  but- 
named  Cochlseus  (from  cochlea,  a  snail  shell)  after  his 
birthplace  Wendelstein,  near  Schwabach.  humanist 
and  Catholic  controversialist,  b.  1470;  d.  11  Jan., 
1552,  in  Breslau.  His  early  education  he  received  at 
the  house  of  his  uncle,  Hirspeck.  About  1500  he  be- 
gan his  humanistic  studies  under  Grienniger  at  Nu- 
remberg. From  1504  he  pursued  his  studies  at  Co- 
logne and  there  relations  sprang  up  between  Cochise  ua 
and  the  champions  of  humanism.  In  1510  he  ob- 
tained the  recto  rate  in  the  Latin  school  of  St.  Law- 
rence in  Nuremberg,  where  the  "Quadrivium  Gram- 
mat  ices"  (1511  ana  repeatedly  afterwards)  and  the 
"Tetrachordum  Musices"  appeared.  At  Nuremberg 
be  became  an  intimate  friend  of  Pirkheimer.  With 
the  latter's  three  nephews  he  went  to  Bologna  to  con- 
tinue his  humanistic  and  legal  studies.  His  main  ob- 
ject, however,  was  to  pursue  a  course  of  theology,  in 
which  he  obtained  his  doctorate  in  1517,  and  then  by 
the  advice  of  Pirkheimer  went  to  Rome.  There,  under 
the  influence  of  the  Oratorio  del  Divino  Amore,  Coch- 
heus  turned  his  attention  to  the  cultivation  of  a  religious 
life.  Ordained  at  Rome,  he  went  to  Frankfort,  and 
after  some  hesitation,  arising  no  doubt  from  consid- 
eration for  his  friends,  he  entered  the  arena  as  the  op- 
ponent of  the  Lutheran  movement.  His  first  works 
were  "De  Utroque  Sacerdotio"  (1520)  and  several 
smaller  writings  published  in  rapid  succession.  In  1521 
he  met  the  nuncio  Aleander  at  Worms  and  worked 
untiringly  to  bring  about  the  reconciliation  of  Luther. 
During  the  following  years  he  wrote  tracts  against 
Luther's  principal  theses  on  the  doctrine  of  justifica- 
tion, on  the  freedom  of  the  will,  and  on  the  teaching  of 
the  Church  (especially  the  important  work,  "De  Gratia 
Sacramentorum",  1522;  "De  Baptismo  parvulorum", 
1523;  "A  Commentary  on  154  Articles^';  etc.).  Lu- 
ther, to  the  vexation  of  Cochlseus  wrote  in  answer  only 
a  single  work,  "Ad  versus  Anna  turn  Virum  Cocleum  . 

After  a  short  sojourn  at  Rome  Cochise  us  accom- 
panied Compeggio  to  the  negotiations  at  Nuremberg 
and  Ratisbon.  The  Lutheran  movement  and  the 
Peasants'  War  drove  him  to  Cologne  in  1525.  From 
there  he  wrote  against  the  rebellion  and  Luther,  its 
real  author.  In  1526  he  received  a  canonry  at  May- 
ence  and  accompanied  Cadinal  Albrecht  of  Branden- 
burg to  the  Diet  of  Speyer.  After  Emser's  death 
Cochlseus  took  his  place  as  secretary  to  Duke  George 
of  Saxony,  whom  he  defended  against  an  attack  of 
Luther  based  on  the  false  charge  of  an  alliance  be- 
tween the  Catholic  princes  at  Breslau  (cf .  The  Affair  of 
Otto  v.  Pack).  -  Conjointly  with  Duke  George  he  la- 
boured strenuously  m  1530  to  refute  the  Augsburg 
Confession,  and  later  directed  against  Melanchthon, 
its  author,  his  bitter  "Philippic®".  Because  of  a 
pamphlet  against  Henry  VIII  of  England  he  was 
transferred  m  1535  to  a  canonry  in  Meissen.  After 
the  duke's  death,  owing  to  the  advance  of  the  Reform- 
ation, his  further  stay  in  Saxony  became  quite  impos- 
sible. For  the  time  being  he  found  a  refuge  as  canon 
first  at  Breslau  and  later  at  Eichstatt.  With  indomi- 
table ardour  he  published  pamphlet  after  pamphlet 
against  Luther  and  Melanchthon,  against  Zwingli, 
Butzer,  Bullinger  Cordatus,  Ossiander,  etc.  Almost 
all  of  these  publications,  however,  were  written  in 
haste  and  bad  temper,  without  the  necessary  revision 
and  theological  thoroughness,  consequently  they  pro- 
duced no  effect  on  the  masses.  His  greatest  work 
against  Luther  is  his  strictly  historical  "  Comments ria 
de  Actia  et  Scriptis  M.  Luther"  (extending  to  his 
death),  an  armoury  of  Catholic  polemics  for  all  suc- 
ceeding time.  Forced  to  resign  his  benefice  at  Eich- 
statt in  1548,  Cochlseus  remained  for  a  short  time  in 
Mayence  to  edit  a  work  of  Abbot  Conrad  Braun.  In 
1549,  however,  he  returned  to  Breslau  where  he  died 
*horUy  after    Naturally  of  a  quiet  and  studious  dis- 


position he  was  drawn  into  the  arena  of  polemics  by 
the  religious  schism.  There  he  developed  a  produc- 
tivity and  zeal  unparalleled  by  any  other  Catholic  theo- 
logian of  his  time.  He  did  not,  however,  possess  the 
other  requisites  for  success  in  the  same  degree.  Among 
his  two  hundred  and  two  publications  (catalogued  in 
Spahn,  p.  341  sq.)  are  to  be  found,  besides  tracts  bear- 
ing on  the  topics  of  the  day,  also  editions  of  ecclesias- 
tical writers  and  historical  publications.  Among  these 
latter  the  work  "  Histoid*  Hussitarum  XII  Libriw 
(1549)  is  of  great  value  even  to-day  because  of  the 
authorities  used  therein. 

De  Weldioe-Khemer,  De  Joannit  Cochlai  Vitd  el  Scripti* 


(Monster,  1865);  Otto,  Johannes  Cochlaus  (Breslau.  1874); 
Gess,  Johannes  Cochlaus  (Berlin,  1898);  Schlecht,  IV  Coch- 
Imusbrieje  in  Histor.  Jahrbuch  XX  (1899),  768  sq. 

Joseph  Saubb. 


Oo-consecratorg  are  the  bishops  who  assist  the 
presiding  bishop  in  the  act  of  consecrating  a  new 
bishop.  It  is  a  very  strict  rule  of  the  Church  that 
there  should  be  two  such  assistant  bishops,  or  three 
bishops  in  all — though  an  exception  is  made  for  mis- 
sionary countries  where  it  is  practically  impossible  to 
bring  so  many  bishops  together,  the  Holy  See  there 
allowing  two  priests  to  act  as  assistants  to  the  conse- 
crator.  The  part  assigned  by  the  Roman  Pontifical 
in  its  present  form  to  the  assistant  bishops  is,  after 
helping  to  place  the  book  of  the  Gospels  on  the  shoul- 
ders of  the  elect,  to  join  the  consecrator  in  laying 
hands  on  his  head,  and.  in  saying  over  him  the  words 
Accipe  SpirUum  Sanctum.  But  it  is  the  consecrator 
alone  who,  with  extended  hands,  says  the  Eucharistic 
prayer,  which  constitutes  the  "essential  form"  of  the 
rite.  In  the  Oriental  rites,  Uniat  and  schismatic,  no 
words  of  any  kind  are  assigned  to  the  assistant  bish- 
ops; this  was  also  the  case  with  the  ancient  Western 
rites,  the  words  Accipe  SpirUum  Sanctum  being  a  late 
medieval  addition. 

History  or  the  Usage. — In  the  earliest  times  the 
ideal  was  to  assemble  as  many  bishops  as  possible  for 
the  election  and  consecration  of  a  new  bishop,  and  it  be- 
came the  rule  that  the  comprovincials  at  least  should 
participate  under  the  presidency  of  the  metropolitan  or 
primate.  But  this  was  found  impracticable  in  a  matter 
of  such  frequencyjso  in  the  Council  of  Nicaea  we  find  it 
enacted  that  "a  bishop  ought  to  be  chosen  by  all  the 
bishops  of  his  province,  but  if  that  is  impossible  because 
of  some  urgent  necessity,  or  because  of  the  length  of 
the  journey,  let  three  bishops  at  least  assemble  and  pro- 
ceed to  the  consecration,  having  the  written  permis- 
sion of  the  absent"  (can.  iv).  There  was,  indeed,  one 
exception,  which  is  referred  to  in  the  letter  of  Pope 
Siricius  to  the  African  bishops  (386),  "That  a  single 
bishop,  unless  he  be  the  Bishop  of  Rome,  must  not 
ordain  a  bishop ".  This  exception  has  long  since  been 
discontinued,  but  it  bears  witness  to  the  reason  for  which 
the  intervention  of  several  bishops  was  ordinarily  re- 
quired, a  reason  expressly  stated  by  St.  Isidore  (about 
601)  in  his  "De  Eccles.  Off."  (Bk.  II,  ch.  v,  no.  11  in 
P.  L.,  LXXXIII.  785):  "[The  custom]  that  a  bishop 
should  not  be  ordained  by  one  bishop,  but  by  all  the 
comprovincial  bishops,  is  known  to  nave  been  insti- 
tuted on  account  of  heresies,  and  in  order  that  the 
tyrannical  authority  of  one  person  should  not  attempt 
anything  contrary  to  the  faith  of  the  Church."  Such 
a  consideration  was  not  applicable  to  the  case  of  the 
Bishop  of  Rome.  In  these  provisions  of  the  earlier 
councils  the  conditions  of  the  time  were  presupposed. 
Gradually  other  conditions  supervened,  and  the  right 
of  appointing  to  the  episcopate  was  reserved  to  the 
metropolitans  in  the  case  of  simple  bishops,  and  to  the 
Holy  See  in  the  case  of  metropolitans,  and  finally  in 
all  cases  to  the  Holy  See.  But  the  practice  of  requir- 
ing at  least  three  bishops  for  the  consecration  cere- 
mony, though  no  longer  needed  for  its  ancient  purpose, 
has  always  been  retained  as  befitting  the  solemnity  of 
the  occasion. 


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CODEX 


The  Mode  op  Their  Co-operation. — The  ques- 
tion has  been  raised,  Do  the  co-consecrators  equally 
with  the  consecrator  impart  the  sacramental  gift 
to  the  candidate?  That  they  do  has  been  contended 
on  the  ground  of  a  well-known  passage  in  Martene's 
"De  Antiquis  Ecclesise  Ritibus"  (II,  viii,  art.  10), 
in  which  ne  says  that  "beyond  the  possibility 
of  a  doubt  they  are  not  witnesses  only  but  co-opera- 
tors." But  Martene's  reference  to  Ferrandus's 
"Breviatio  Canonum"  (P.  L..  LXVII,  948),  and 
through  Ferrandus  to  the  decree  of  Nicaea  and  the 
words  of  St.  Isidore  already  quoted,  shows  that  his 
meaning  is  that  they  are  not  mere  witnesses  to  the 
fact  that  the  consecration  has  taken  place,  but,  by 
taking  part  in  it,  make  themselves  responsible  for  its 
taking  place.  Moreover,  though  Gasparri  (De  Sacra 
Ordinatione,  II,  265)  thinks  otherwise,  it  is  not  easy 
to  see  how  the  assistant  bishops  can  be  said  to  comply 
with  the  essentials  of  a  sacramental,  administration. 
They  certainly  do  not  in  the  use  of  the  Oriental  rites, 
nor  did  they  in  the  use  of  the  ancient  Western  rite, 
for  they  pronounced  no  words  which  partook  of  the 
nature  of  an  essential  form.  And,  though  in  the 
modern  rite  they  say  the  words  Accipe  Spiritum 
Sanctum,  which  approximate  to  the  requirements  of 
such  a  form,  it  is  not  conceivable  that  the  Church  by 
receiving  these  words  into  her  rite  wished  to  transfer 
the  office  of  essential  form  from  the  still-persisting 
Eucharistic  Preface,  which  had  held  it  previously 
and  was  perfectly  definite,  to  new  words  which  by 
themselves  are  altogether  indefinite. 

Besides  the  authors  quoted,  see  Thoicassin,  Vetus  et  nova 
Ecdesia  ZHsciplinat  II,  pt,  II.  Bk  II,  ch.  iv;  Duchesne,  Ori- 
gincs  du  culte  chretien  (Paris,  1903);  Pontificate  Romanum,  ed. 
Catalani  (Paris,  1801);  Martinucci,  Manuale  ««.  Ccerimoni- 
arum  (Rome,  1869);  Kenrick,  Form  of  the  Consecration  of  a 
Bishop  (Baltimore,  1886);  Woods,  Episcopal  Consecration  in 
the  Anglican  Church  in  The  Messenger  (New  York.  November, 
1907);  Bernard,  Court  de  Liturgie  romaine:  Le  Pontifical 
(Paris.  1902)1,318-22.  SYDNEY  F.  SMITH. 

Oocussus  (Cocusus,  Cocussus,  Cucusus),  a  titular 
see  of  Armenia.  It  was  a  Roman  station  on  the  road 
from  Cilicia  to  Cesarea,  and  belonged  first  to  Cappa- 
docia  and  later  to  Armenia  Secunda.  St.  Paul  the 
Confessor,  Patriarch  of  Constantinople,  was  exiled 
thither  by  Const  ant ius  and  put  to  death  by  the  Arians 
in  350  (Socrates,  Hist,  ecci.,  II,  xxvi).  It  was  also 
the  place  of  exile  to  which  St.  John  Chrysostom  was 
banished  by  Arcadius;  his  journey,  often  interrupted 
by  fever,  lasted  seventeen  days  (Sozomen,  Hist,  eccl., 
VIII,  xxii).  The  great  doctor  was  received  most 
kindly  by  the  bishop  and  a  certain  Dioscurus.  He 
lived  three  years  at  Cocussus  (404-407),  and  wrote 
thence  many  letters  to  the  deaconess  Olympias  and 
his  friends.  The  Greek  panegyric  of  St.  Gregory  the 
Illuminator,  Apostle  of  Armenia,  attributed  to  St. 
John  Chrysostom  (Migne,  P.  G.,  LXIII,  943),  is  not 
authentic;  an  Armenian  text,  edited  by  Alishan 
(Venice,  1877) ,  may  be  genuine.  Cocussus  appears  in 
the  "Synecdemus"  of  Hierocles  and  in  the  "Notitiffl 
episcopatuum ",  as  late  as  the  twelfth  century,  as  a 
suffragan  of  Melitene.  The  name  of  St.  John  Chrys- 
ostom s  host  is  unknown.  Bishop  Domnus  was  rep- 
resented at  Chalcedon  in  451.  Longinus  subscribed 
the  letter  of  the  bishops  of  Armenia  Secunda  to  Em- 
peror Leo  in  458.  John  subscribed  at  Constantinople 
in  553  for  his  metropolitan.  Another  John  was  pres- 
ent at  the  Trullan  Council  in  692  (Lequien,  I,  452). 
The  army  of  the  first  crusaders  passed  by  Cocussus. 
In  the  thirteenth  and  fourteenth  centuries  there  were 
Armenian  bishops  of  Cocussus.  It  is  to-day  a  village 
called  Guksun  by  the  Turks,  Kokison  by  the  Arme- 
nians, in  the  caza  of  Hadjin,  vilayet  of  Adana.  The 
site  is  most  picturesque,  but  the  climate  is  very  severe 
during  winter,  owing  to  the  altitude,  4000  feet  above 
the  level  of  the  sea. 

Ramsat.  Hist.  Geoor.  of  Asia  Minor,  passim;  Aubiian, 
Stssouan  (Venice,  1899),  217-21.  „  „ 

S.  PfcTRIDKS. 


Code  of  Justinian.   See  Law. 

Oodez,  the  name  given  to  a  manuscript  in  leal 
form,  distinguishing  it  from  a  roll.  The  codex  seems 
to  have  come  into  use  about  the  beginning  of  the 
fourth  century;  the  material  ordinarily  employed  in  it 
was  parchment,  but  discovery  has  shown  that  papyrus 
was  sometimes  used  in  the  making  of.  codices,  though 
really  too  brittle  to  be  a  satisfactory  material.  The 
great  MSS.  of  the  Bible  are  in  codex  form  and  gener- 
ally of  parchment;  hence  the  name,  Codex  Vahcanut 
etc.  For  convenience'  sake,  we  group  here  the  four 
great  codices  of  the  Greek  Bible,  Vaticanus,  Sinai ti- 
cus,  Alexandrinus,  and  Ephraemi,  together  with  the 
Greek  Codex  Beza,  so  remarkable  for  its  textual  pecu- 
liarities; also,  Codex  Amiatinus,  the  greatest  MS.  of 
the  Vulgate.  For  other  codices,  see  Manuscripts  op 
the  Bible,  or  the  particular  designation,  as  Armagh, 
Book  op;  Kells,  Book  of;  etc. 

Oodez  Alexandrinus,  a  most  valuable  Greek 
manuscript  of  the  Old  and  New  Testaments,  so  named 
because  it  was  brought  to  Europe  from  Alexandria 
and  had  been  the  property  of  the  patriarch  of  that  see. 
For  the  sake  of  brevity,  Walton,  in  his  polyglot  Bible, 
indicated  it  by  the  letter  A  and  thus  set  the  fashion 
of  designating  Biblical  manuscripts  by  such  symbols. 
Codex  A  was  the  first  of  the  great  uncials  to  become 
known  to  the  learned  world.  When  Cyril  Lucar, 
Patriarch  of  Alexandria,  was  transferred  in  1621  to 
the  Patriarchate  of  Constantinople,  he  is  believed  to 
have  brought  the  codex  with  him.  Later  he  sent  it 
as  a  present  to  King  James  I  of  England;  James  died 
before  the  gift  was  presented,  and  Charles  I,  in  1627, 
accepted  it  in  his  stead.  It  is  now  the  chief  glory  of 
the  British  Museum  in  its  MS.  department  and  is  on 
exhibition  there. 

Codex  A  contains  the  Bible  of  the  Catholic  Canon, 
including  therefore  the  deutero-canonical  books  and 

Sortions  of  books  belonging  to  the  Old  Testament, 
loreover,  it  joins  to  the  canonical  books  of  Macha- 
beea,  the  apocryphal  III  and  IV  Machabees,  of  very 
late  origin.  To  the  New  Testament  are  added  the 
Epistle  of  St.  Clement  of  Rome  and  the  homily 
which  passed  under  the  title  of  II  Epistle  of  Clement 
— the  only  copies  then  known  to  be  extant.  These 
are  included  in  the  list  of  N.-T.  books  which  is  pre- 
fixed and  seem  to  have  been  regarded  by  the  scribe  as 
part  of  the  New  Testament.  The  same  list  shows 
that  the  Psalms  of  Solomon,  now  missing,  were  ori- 
ginally contained  in  the  volume,  but  the  space  which 
separates  this  book  from  the  others  on  the  list  indi- 
cates that  it  was  not  ranked  among  New-Testament 
books.  An  "Epistle  to  Marcellinus"  ascribed  to  St. 
Athanasius  is  inserted  as  a  preface  to  the  Psalter,  to- 
gether with  Eusebius's  summary  of  the  Psalms;  Ps. 
cli  and  certain  selected  canticles  of  the  O.  T.  are 
affixed,  and  liturgical  uses  of  the  psalms  indicated. 
Not  all  the  books  are  complete.  In  the  O.  T.  there 
is  to  be  noted  particularly  the  lacuna  of  thirty  psalms, 
from  1, 20,  to  lxxx,  11;  moreover,  of  Gen.,  xiv,  14-17: 
xv,  1-5,  16-19;  xvi,  6-9;  III  (I)  K.,  xii,  20— xiv,  9. 
The  New  Testament  has  lost  the  first  twenty-five 
leaves  of  the  Gospel  of  St.  Matthew,  as  far  as  chapter 
xxv,  6,  likewise  the  two  leaves  running  from  John,  vi, 
50,  to  viii,  52  (which,  however,  as  the  amount  of  space 
shows,  omitted  the  formerly  much  disputed  passage 
about  the  adulterous  woman),  and  three  leaves  con- 
taining II  Cor.,  iv,  13 — xii,  6.  One  leaf  is  missing 
from  I  Clem.,  and  probably  two  at  the  end  of  II  Clem. 
Codex  A  supports  the  Sixtine  Vulgate  in  regard  to  the 
conclusion  of  St.  Mark  and  John,  v,  4,  but,  like  all 
Greek  MSS.  before  the  fourteenth  century,  omits  the 
text  of  the  three  heavenly  witnesses,  I  John,  v,  7. 
The  order  of  the  O.-T.  books  is  peculiar  (see  Swete, 
"Introd.  to  O.  T.  in  Greek").  In  the  N.  T.  the  order 
is  Gospels,  Acts,  Catholic  Epistles,  Pauline  Epistles, 


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OODEX 


A!UINlONCSa)KCNMMIH() 


Apocalypse,  with  Hebrews  placed  before  the  Pastoral 
Epistles.  Originally  one  large  volume,  the  codex  is 
now  bound  in  four  volumes,  bearing  on  their  covers 
the  arms  of  Charles  I.  Three  volumes  contain  the 
Did  Testament,  and  the  remaining  volume  the  New 
Testament  with  Clement.  The  leaves,  of  thin  vellum, 
12}  inches  high  by  10  inches  broad,  number  at  present 
773,  but  were  originally  822,  according  to  the  ordinary 
reckoning.  Each  page  has  two  columns  of  49  to  51 
lines. 

The  codex  is  the  first  to  contain  the  major  chapters 
with  their  titles,  the  Ammonian  Sections  and  the 
Eusebian  Canons  complete  (Scrivener).  A  new  para- 
graph is  indicated  by  a  large  capital  and  frequently 
By  spacing,  not  by  beginning  a  new  line;  the  enlarged 
capital  is  placed  in  the  margin  of  the  next  line,  though, 
curiously,  it  may  not 
correspond  to  the  be- 
ginning of  the  para- 
graph or  even  of  a 
word.  The  manu- 
script is  written  in 
uncial  characters  in  a 
hand  "at  once  firm, 
elegant,  simple";  the 
greater  part  of  Volume 
III  is  ascribed  by 
Gregory  to  a  different 
hand  from  that  of  the 
others;  two  hands  are 
discerned  in  the  N. 
T.  by  Woide,  three 
by  Sir  E.  Maunde 
Thompson  and  Ken- 
yon — experts  differ 
on  these  points.  The 
handwriting  is  gener- 
ally judged  to  belong 
to  the  Tjeginning  or 
middle  of  the  fifth 
century  or  possibly 
to  the  late  fourth.  An 
Arabic  note  states 
that  it  was  written  by 
Thecla  the  martyr; 
and  Cyril  Lucar  the 
Patriarch  adds  in  his 
note  that  tradition 
says  she  was  a  noble 
Egyptian  woman  and 
wrote  the  codex 
shortly  after  the  Nicene  Council.  But  nothing  is 
known  of  such  a  martyr  at  that  date,  and  the  value  of 
this  testimony  is  weakened  by  the  presence  of  the 
Eusebian  Canons  (d.  340)  and  destroyed  by  the  in- 
sertion of  the  letter  of  Athanasius  (d.  373).  On  the 
other  hand,  the  absence  of  the  Euthalian  divisions  is 
regarded  by  Scrivener  as  proof  that  it  can  hardly  be 
later  than  450.  This  is  not  decisive,  and  Gregory 
would  bring  it  down  even  to  the  second  half  of  the  fifth 
century.  The  character  of  the  letters  and  the  history 
of  the  manuscript  point  to  Egypt  as  its  place  of  origin. 

The  text  of  Codex  A  is  considered  one  of  the  most 
valuable  witnesses  to  the  Septuagint.  It  is  found, 
however,  to  bear  a  great  affinity  to  the  text  embodied 
in  Origen's  Hexapla  and  to  have  been  corrected  in 
numberless  passages  according  to  the  Hebrew.  The 
text  of  the  Septuagint  codices  is  in  too  chaotic  a  con- 
dition, and  criticism  of  it  too  little  advanced,  to  per- 
mit of  a  sure  judgment  on  the  textual  value  of  the  great 
manuscripts.  The  text  of  the  New  Testament  here 
is  of  a  mixed  character.  In  the  Gospels,  we  have  the 
best  example  of  the  so-called  Syrian  type  of  text,  the 
ancestor  of  the  traditional  and  less  pure  form  found 
in  the  textus  receptus.  The  Syrian  text,  however,  is 
rejected  by  the  great  majority  of  scholars  in  favour 
of  tine  "neutral"  type,  best  represented  in  the  Codex 
IV.— 6 


Vaticanus.  In  the  Acts  and  Catholic  Epistles,  and 
still  more  in  St.  Paul's  Epistles  and  the  Apocalypse. 
Codex  A  approaches  nearer,  or  belongs,  to  the  neutral 
type.  This  admixture  of  textual  types  is  explained 
on  the  theory  that  A  or  its  prototype  was  not  copied 
from  a  single  MS.,  but  from  several  MSS.  of  varying 
value  ana  diverse  origin.  Copyist's  errors  in  this 
codex  are  rather  frequent. 

Codex  Alexandrinus  played  an  important  part  in 
developing  the  textual  criticism  of  the  Bible,  par- 
ticularly of  the  New  Testament.  Grabe  edited  the 
Old  Testament  at  Oxford  in  1707-20,  and  this  edition 
was  reproduced  at  Zurich  1730-32,  and  at  Leipzig, 
1750-51,  and  again  at  Oxford,  by  Field,  in  1859; 
Woide  published  the  New  Testament  in  1786,  which 
B.  H.  Cowper  reproduced  in  1860.    The  readings  of 

Codex  A  were  noted 
in  Walton's  Polyglot, 
1657,  and  in  every 
important  collation 
since  made.  Baber 
published  an  edition 
of  the  Old  Testament 
in  facsimile  type  in 
1816-28;  but  all  pre- 
vious editions  were 
superseded  by  the 
magnificent  photo- 
graphic facsimile  of 
both  Old  and  New 
Testaments  produced 
by  the  care  of  Sir  E. 
Maunde  Thompson 
(theN.T.  in  1879,  the 
O.T.  in  1881 -83),  with 
an    introduction  in 


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y  i  O  MM  WOVeXC  I  I'M  rJ  MXf  fy  p , ^ 

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feu  v<JJ~|^GV^*,"^,'s^,  *  °"'  rpiitjKe 
jkyroN  o-i  iOYKCmc  i  feviiON' 

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rciuo 

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O'l  IZ<&I  *  MtlXiri-OX|U)N  IO 

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mi  i^p  r  MO  J  VI  I  MCx-ti'weNiij>- 
*-Y'  uVi  tvri>wxi'i'J)MC,OMfVi^. 
TOONOM XVY •  IYY> •  COyC 1 1 1  CO** 
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•^H *| *|  I  KX-M^hn  I >>-T**  X '  x> Y 


Codex  Alexandrinub.  I  John,  v,  9-15.  IV-V  Century. 
MS.  in  British  Museum 


which  the  editor  gives 
the  best  obtainable  de- 
scription of  the  codex 
(London,  1879-80). 

Westcott  and  Hort 
The  New  Testament  in  the 
Original  Greek  (New 
York,  1887);  Nestle, 
Textual  Criticism  of  the 
Greek  New  Testament 
(London,  1801):  Greg- 
ory, Canon  and  Text  of 
the  Sew  Testament  (New 
York,  1907);  Kentos. 
Handbook  to  the  Textual 
Criticism  of  the  New  Testa- 
ment (London,  1901); 
Swete,  Introduction  to 
the  Old  Testament  in  Greek  (Cambridge,  1900);  Idem,  Old  Testa- 
ment in  Greek  (Cambridge,  1894):  Scrivener-Mim-eh,  Intro- 
duction to  Ou  Criticism  of  the  New  Testament  (London,  1894). 

John  F.  Fenion. 

Oodex  Amlatinns,  the  most  celebrated  manuscript 
of  the  Latin  Vulgate  Bible,  remarkable  as  the  best 
witness  to  the  true  text  of  St.  Jerome  and  as  a 
fine  specimen  of  medieval  calligraphy,  now  kept  at 
Florence  in  the  Bibliotheca  Laurentiana.  The  sym- 
bol for  it  is  written  am  or  A  (Wordsworth).  It  is  pre- 
served in  an  immense  tome,  measuring  in  height  and 
breadth  19J  inches  by  13|  inches,  and  in  thickness  7 
inches — so  impressive,  as  Hort  says,  as  to  fill  the 
beholder  with  a  feeling  akin  to  awe.  Some  consider 
it,  with  White,  as  perhaps  "the  finest  book  in  the 
world";  still  there  are  several  manuscripts  which  are 
as  beautifully  written  and  have  besides,  like  the 
Book  of  Kelts  or  Book  of  Lindisfarne,  those  exquisite 
ornaments  of  which  Amiatinus  is  devoid.  It  contains 
1029  leaves  of  strong,  smooth  vellum,  fresh-looking 
to-day,  despite  their  great  antiquity,  arranged  in 
quires  of  four  sheets,  or  quaternions.  It  is  written 
in  uncial  characters,  large,  clear,  regular,  and  beauti- 
ful, two  columns  to  a  page,  and  43  or  44  lines  to  a 
column.  A  little  space  is  often  left  between  words, 
but  the  writing  is  in  general  continuous.    The  text  is 


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OODKX 


divided  into  sections,  which  in  the  Gospels  correspond 
closely  to  the  Ammonian  Sections.  There  are  no 
marks  of  punctuation,  but  the  skilled  reader  was 
guided  into  the  sense  by  stichometric,  or  verse-like, 
arrangement  into  cola  and  commata,  which  corre- 
spond roughly  to  the  principal  and  dependent  clauses 
of  a  sentence.  This  manner  of  writing  the  scribe  is 
believed  to  have  modelled  upon  the  great  Bible 
of  Cassiodorus  (q.  v.),  but  it  goes  back  perhaps  even 
to  St.  Jerome;  it  may  be  shown  best  by  an  example: — 

QUIA  IN  POTESTATE  ERAT 

8ERMO  IP8IUS 
ET  IN  STNAOOGA  ERAT  HOMO  HABENS 

D.EMONIUM  1NMUNDUM 
ET  EXCLAMAVIT  VOCE  MAGNA 

DICENS 

SINE  QUID  NOBIS  ET  TIBI  1HU 

NAZARENE  VENI8TI  PERDERE  NOS 
SCIO  TE  QUI  SIS  SCS  DI 
ET  INCREPAVIT  ILLI  IHS  DICENS 

It  will  be  noticed  that  the  section  "  Et  in"  and  the 
cola  begin  at  about  the  same  perpendicular  line,  the 
commata  begin  further  in  under  the  third  or  second 
letter,  and  so  likewise  does  the  continuation  of  a 
colon  or  comma  which  runs  beyond  a  single  line 
(see  facsimile  page).  This  arrangement,  besides 
aiding  the  intelligence  of  the  text,  gave  a  spacious, 
varied,  and  rather  artistic  appearance  to  the  page. 
The  initial  letter  of  a  section  was  often  written  in  ink 
of  a  different  colour,  and  so  also  was  the  first  line  of 
a  book.  Beyond  that  there  was  no  attempt  at 
decorating  the  text. 

The  codex  (or  pandect)  is  usually  said  to  contain  the 
whole  Bible;  but  it  should  be  noted  that  the  Book  of 
Baruch  is  missing,  though  the  Epistle  of  Jeremias, 
usually  incorporated  with  it,  is  here  appended  to  the 
Book  of  Jeremias.  Besides  the  text  of  the  Scriptural 
books,  it  contains  St.  Jerome's  "Prologus  Galeatus" 
and  his  prefaces  to  individual  books;  the  capitula,  or 
summaries  of  contents;  and,  in  the  first  quaternion, 
certain  materials  which  have  been  much  discussed 
and  have  proved  of  the  greatest  service  in  tracing  the 
history  of  the  codex,  among  them  dedicatory  verses, 
a  list  of  the  books  contained  in  the  codex,  a  picture 
of  the  Tabernacle  (formerly  thought  to  be  Solomon's 
Temple),  a  division  of  the  Biblical  books  according  to 
Jerome,  another  according  to  Hilary  and  Epiphanius, 
and  a  third  according  to  Augustine.  Part  of  Solo- 
mon's prayer  (III  K.,  viii,  22-30)  in  an  Old  Latin 
text  is  reproduced  at  the  end  of  Ecclesiasticus.  A 
Greek  inscription  at  the  beginning  of  Leviticus,  re- 
cording that  "the  Lord  Servandus  prepared"  this 
codex  or  part  of  it,  has  entered  largely  into  the  dis- 
cussion of  its  origin. 

The  recovery  of  the  history  of  Codex  Amiatinus, 
which  has  important  bearings  upon  the  history  of 
the  Vulgate  itself  and  of  the  text  of  the  Bible,  was 
due  to  the  labours  of  many  scholars  and  the  insight 
of  one  man  of  genius,  de  Rossi.  At  the  beginning  of 
the  pandect,  as  we  have  mentioned,  there  are  certain 
dedicatory  verses;  they  record  the  gift  (of  the  codex) 
to  the  venerable  convent  of  St.  Saviour  by  a  certain 
Peter  who  was  abbot  from  the  extreme  territory  of 
the  Lombards.    The  Latin  text  is  as  follows: — 

ci.vosrr.ir  ad  eximii  merit© 

VENF.RABILE  SALVATORIS 
QUEM  CAPUT  ECCLESI.E 

DEDICAT  ALTA  FIDES 
PZTRUS  LASOORARDORCX 

EXTREMIS  DE  FINIB.  ABBAS 
DEVOTI  AFFECTUS 

PIG  NORA  MITTO  MEI 

St.  Saviour's  is  the  name  of  the  monastery  on 
Monte  Amiata  (whence  Amiatinus)  near  Siena;  here 
this  codex  was  kept  from  the  ninth  century  till  the 


year  1786,  when  it  was  brought  to  Florence  after  the 
suppression  of  the  monastery.  Naturally,  the  codex 
was  supposed  to  be  a  gift  to  this  house,  but  nothing 
was  known  of  the  donor.  Bandini,  the  librarian  of 
the  Laurentiana,  into  whose  hands  the  codex  came, 
noticed  that  the  names  of  neither  the  donor  nor  of 
the  recipient  belonged  to  the  original  dedication. 
They  were  written  in  a  different  hand  over  parte 
of  the  original  inscription,  as  betrayed  by  evident 
signs  of  erasure.  The  letters  italicized  above  were 
by  the  second  hand,  while  the  initial  letter  c  of  the 
first  line  and  the  e  in  the  fifth  were  original.  Ban- 
dini noticed,  also,  that  cenobium  replaced  a  shorter 
word  and  that  the  last  five  letters  of  salvaioris  were 
written  on  parchment  that  had  not  been  erased,  and 
so  that  the  ten  letters  of  this  word  replaced  five  of 
the  original  word.  The  metre  also  was  entirely  at 
fault.  The  clue  for  reconstructing  the  original  lines 
he  found  in  the  expression  caput  ecclesuB,  which  he 
judged  referred  to  St.  Peter.  And  as  in  the  Middle 
Ages  a  favourite  title  for  the  Apostolic  See  was  culmen 
apostolicum,  he  reconstructed  the  line  in  this  fashion: — 

CULMEN  AD  EXIMII  MERITO  VENERABILE  PETRI 

This  conjecture  produced  a  correct  hexameter  verse, 
retained  the  original  initial  c,  supplied  a  word  of 
proper  length  at  the  beginning  and  another  at  the 
end,  and  afforded  a  sense  fitting  in  perfectly  with  the 
probabilities  of  the  case.  In  the  fifth  line,  instead  of 
Petrus  Langobardorum,  Bandini  suggested  Servandus 
Latii,  because  of  the  inscription  about  Servandus 
mentioned  above.  This  Servandus  was  believed  to 
be  the  friend  of  St.  Benedict,  to  whom  he  made  a 
visit  at  Monte  Cassino  in  641;  he  was  abbot  of  a 
monastery  near  the  extremity  of  Latium. 

These  conjectures  were  accepted  by  the  learned 
world ;  Tischendorf ,  for  instance,  writing  seventy-five 
years  later,  said  Bandini  had  so  well  proved  his  case 
that  no  doubt  remained.  Accordingly,  it  was  settled 
that  the  Codex  Amiatinus  dated  from  the  middle  of 
the  sixth  century,  was  the  oldest  manuscript  of  the 
Vulgate,  and  was  written  in  Southern  Italy.  A  few 
protests  were  raised,  however;  that,  for  instance,  of 
Paul  de  Lagarde.  He  had  edited  St.  Jerome's  trans- 
lation of  the  Hebrew  Psalter,  using  freely  for  that 
purpose  a  codex  of  the  ninth  century;  Amiatinus  he 
judged,  with  a  not  unnatural  partiality,  to  be  "in  all 
probability"  from  the  hand  of  the  scribe  of  his  ninth- 
century  Psalter,  written  "at  Reichenau  on  the  Lake 
of  Constance".  But,  to  quote  Corssen,  it  was  G.  B. 
de  Rossi,  "that  great  Roman  scholar,  whose  never- 
failing  perspicacity  and  learning  discovered  at  onoe 
the  birthplace  of  our  famous  manuscript"  (Academy, 
7  April,  1888). 

De  Rossi  followed  Bandini  in  his  reconstruction  of 
the  first  verse,  but  he  thought  it  unlikely  that  an 
abbot,  presenting  a  book  to  the  pope  at  Rome,  should 
speak  of  "the  extreme  limits  of  Latium",  really  but 
a  short  distance  from  Rome.  Anziani,  the  librarian 
of  the  Laurentiana,  pointed  out  to  him  that  the  space 
erased  to  make  room  for  Petrus  Langobardorum  was 

S -eater  than  called  for  by  the  conjecture  of  Bandini. 
e  Rossi  was  at  the  time  engaged  on  an  inquiry  into 
the  ancient  history  of  the  Vatican  Library,  and, 
recalling  a  passage  of  Bede,  he  divined  that  the  lost 
name  was  Ceoljridus.  The  erasures,  which  were 
irregular,  seeming  to  follow  the  letters  very  closely, 
corresponded  perfectly  to  this  conjecture.  He  pro- 
posed then  the  verse: — 

CEOLFRIDUS  BRITONUM  EXTREMIS  DE  FINn,.  ABBAS 

The  phrase  exactly  suited  an  abbot  from  the  end  of 
the  world,  as  England  was  then  regarded  and  styled; 
and  the  story  of  Ceolfrid  made  de  Rossi's  conjecture 
acceptable  at  once,  especially  to  English  scholars. 
Ceolfrid  was  the  disciple  of  Benedict  Biscop  (q.  v.), 
who  founded  the  monasteries  of  Wearmouth  ana  Jar- 


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...    <  -  -   <\  ^m* 

eTcuc^pRoiecisseT  ilkci^t 
taeakJNr&co  iNarediuoo 
exaxxBiLLo  NvbiUque 

eTjivcTUsesT  p\aORisiocr)Nm* 
fcoNLoqueBXNTUR 
\di  s  a  icea>  Oicesnres 
quoOcsr  bbcueRi3ua> 

C[Ul\  INpoi^TXTeeTUf  RTUTC 
ICDpeRXTSpiRITl  BUS 

uuLc;\bxtur  pximQeiUp 

CODEX  AMIATINUS 

SECTION  OP  A  COLUMN.    LUKE,  IV,  32-37 
Tin  CENTURY.     MS.  IN  THE  BIBLIOTHECA  LAURENT! ANA,  FLORENCE 

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row  in  Northumberland  towards  the  end  of  the  seventh 
century.  England,  in  those  days,  was  the  most  de- 
voted daughter  of  the  Roman  See,  and  Abbot  Bene- 
dict was  enthusiastic  in  his  devotion.  His  monas- 
teries were  dependent  directly  on  Rome.  Five  times 
during  his  life  ne  journeyed  to  Rome,  usually  bringing 
back  with  him  a  library  of  books  presented  by  the 
pope.  Ceolfrid,  who  had  accompanied  him  on  one  of 
these  visits,  became  his  successor  in  686  and  inherited 
his  taste  for  books ;  Bede  mentions  three  pandects  of 
St.  Jerome's  translation  which  he  had  made,  one  of 
which  he  determined  in  his  old  age,  in  716,  to  bring 
to  the  church  of  St.  Peter  at  Rome.  He  died  on  the 
way,  but  his  gift  was  carried  to  the  Holy  Father,  then 
Gregory  II.  This  codex  de  Rossi  identified  with  Ami- 
atinus. 

This  conjecture  was  hailed  by  all  as  a  genuine  dis- 
covery of  great  importance.  Berger,  however,  ob- 
jected to  Britonum,  suggesting  Anglorum.  Hort  soon 
placed  the  matter  beyond  the  possibility  of  doubt. 
In  an  anonymous  life  of  Ceolfrid,  the  chief  source  of 
Bede's  information,  which,  though  twice  published, 
had  been  overlooked  by  all,  Hort  found  the  story 
about  Ceolfrid  journeying  to  Rome  and  carrying  the 
pandect  inscribed  with  the  verses: — 

Corpus  ad  eximii  merito  venerabilb  Petri 
Dedicat  ecclesle  quem  caput  alt  a  fides 
Ceolfridus,  Anglorum  extimis  DE  F1NIBUS  ABBAS 

— etc.  Despite  the  variations,  there  could  be  no  doubt 
of  their  identity  with  the  dedicatory  verses  of  Amia- 
tinus;  Corpus  was  of  course  the  original,  not  CiUmen, 
and  Anglorum,  not  Britonum;  the  other  differences 
were  perhaps  due  to  a  lapse  of  memory,  or  this  version 
may  represent  the  original  draft  of  the  dedication. 
De  Rossi's  chief  point  was  proved  right.  It  estab- 
lished the  fact  that  Amiatinus  originated  in  Northum- 
berland about  the  beginning  of  the  eighth  century, 
having  been  made,  as  Bede  states,  at  Ceolfrid's  order. 
It  does  not  follow,  however,  that  the  scribe  was  an 
Englishman;  the  writing  and  certain  peculiarities  of 
orthography  have  led  some  to  believe  him  an  Italian. 
We  know  that  these  two  monasteries  had  brought  over 
a  Roman  musician  to  train  the  monks  in  the  Roman 
chant,  and  they  may  also,  for  a  similar  purpose,  have 
procured  from  Italy  a  skilled  calligrapher.  The  hand- 
writing of  Amiatinus  bears  a  strong  resemblance  to 
some  fragments  of  St.  Luke  in  a  Durham  MS.,  to  N.-T. 
fragments  bound  up  with  the  Utrecht  Psalter,  and  to 
the  Stonyhurst  St.  John;  these  facts,  together  with 
Bede's  statement  that  Ceolfrid  had  three  pandects 
written,  indicate  that ' '  there  was  a  large  and  flourishing 
school  of  calligraphy  at  Wearmouth  or  J  arrow  in  the 
seventh  and  eighth  centuries,  of  which  till  lately  we 
had  no  knowledge  at  all"  (White).  This  conclusion 
is  confirmed  by  peculiarities  in  the  text  and  in  certain 
of  the  summaries. 

The  contents  of  the  first  quaternion  of  Amiatinus 
coincide  so  remarkably  with  descriptions  of  the  cele- 
brated Codex  Grandior  of  Cassiodorus  that  it  has  been 
supposed  the  leaves  were  transferred  from  it  bodily; 
the  conjecture  has  been  rendered  more  credible  by  the 
fact  that  this  codex  was  actually  seen  in  England  by 
Bede,  perhaps  before  Amiatinus  was  carried  to  Rome. 
Moreover,  the  contents  of  our  codex  do  not  correspond 
exactly  to  the  list  prefixed  which  purports  to  give  the 
contents.  These  reasons,  however,  would  only  prove 
that  the  Codex  Grandior  served  as  the  model,  which 
seems  indubitable;  while,  on  the  other  hand,  weighty 
reasons  have  been  urged  against  the  other  attractive 
hypothesis  (see  White  and  de  Rossi). 

Despite  the  lowering  of  its  date  by  a  century  and  a 
half,  Amiatinus  holds  the  first  place  for  purity  of  text 
among  the.  manuscripts  of  the  Vulgate.  Its  excel- 
lence is  best  explained  on  the  ground  that  its  proto- 
type was  an  ancient  Italian  manuscript,  perhaps  one 
of  those  brought  from  Rome  by  Benedict  Biscop,  per- 


haps one  brought  by  Adrian,  abbot  of  a  monastery 
near  Naples,  when  in  668  he  accompanied  Benedict  and 
Theodore  to  England.  It  is  remarkable  that  Amiatinus 
and  the  other  Northumbrian  codices  are  nearest  in 
text  to  Italian  MSS.,  especially  to  Southern  Italian, 
and  to  MSS.  betraying  Italian  descent.  The  group  to 
which  it  belongs  bears  the  closest  relationship  to  the 
best-esteemed  Greek  MSS.  extant,  tt,  B.  (Cf.  Manu- 
scripts or  the  Bible;  Criticism,  Biblical,  sub-title 
Textual.)  In  the  Old  Testament,  the  text  is  not  of 
equal  purity  throughout;  Berger,  e.  g.,  notes  the  in- 
feriority of  Wisdom  and  Ecclesiasticus,  and  Tischen- 
dorf  of  Machabees.  The  Psalter  does  not  present  the 
Vulgate  text,  but  St.  Jerome's  translation  from  the 
Hebrew  (cf.  Psalter;  Vulgate).  The  excellence  of 
the  Amiatine  text  is  not  a  new  discovery:  it  was  well 
known  to  the  Sixtine  revisers  of  the  Vulgate,  who  used 
it  constantly  and  preferred  it,  as  a  rule,  to  any  other. 
To  this  is  largely  due  the  comparative  purity  of  the 
official  Vulgate  text  and  its  freedom  from  so  many  of 
the  corruptions  found  in  the  received  Greek  text, 
which  rests,  as  is  well  known,  on  some  of  the  latest 
and  most  imperfect  Greek  MSS. 

White,  The  Codex  Amiatinue  and  lie  Birthplace  in  Studio 
BMiea  (Oxford,  1890),  II:  Wordsworth  and  White,  Novum 
Tettammtum  Latine  (Oxford.  1898);  de  Rossi,  La  Bibbia 
Offerta  da  Ceolfrido  (Rome.  1887,  containing  a  photographio 
facsimile  of  the  dedicatory  verses);  Berger,  Hietoire  de  la 
Vulgate  (Paris,  1893);  Batiffoi,  in  Viooeroux,  Diet,  de  la 
Bible  ,'Paris,  1892).  s.  v.  Amiatinus,  with  facsimile  of  part  of  a 
page  of  St.  Luke.  A  series  of  letters  to  the  Academy,  1886-89, 
by  Wordsworth,  Hort,  Corssen.  Sandav,  Hamann,  Browne, 
etc.,  constitute  the  most  exhaustive  discussion.  The  text  of 
the  N.  T.  was  published  by  Teschendorf  (1850,  1854)  and  by 
Treoeixes  (1857);  O.  T.  not  yet  published,  but  collated  in 
Hetse  and  Tischendorf,  Biblia  Latino  (Leipzig.  1873).  The 
P&Ueographical  Society  has  published  two  facsimile  pages. 

John  F.  Fenlon. 

Oodex  Beza  (Codex  Cantabrigiensis),  one  of  the 
five  most  important  Greek  New  Testament  MSS., 
and  the  most  interesting  of  all  on  account  of  its  pecu- 
liar readings;  scholars  designate  it  by  the  letter  D 
(see  Criticism,  Biblical,  sub-title  Textual).  It  re- 
ceives its  name  from  Theodore  Beza,  the  friend  and  suc- 
cessor of  Calvin,  and  from  the  University  of  Cambridge, 
which  obtained  it  as  a  gift  from  Beza  in  1581  and  still 
possesses  it.  The  text  is  bilingual,  Greek  and  Latin. 
The  manuscript,  written  in  uncial  characters,  forms  a 
quarto  volume,  of  excellent  vellum,  10  x  8  inches, 
with  one  column  to  a  page,  the  Greek  being  on  the 
left  page  (considered  the  place  of  honour),  the  paral- 
lel Latin  facing  it  on  the  right  page.  It  has  been 
reproduced  in  an  excellent  photographic  facsimile, 
published  (1899)  by  the  University  of  Cambridge. 

The  codex  contains  only  the  Four  Gospels,  in  the 
order  once  common  in  the  West,  Matthew,  John, 
Luke,  Mark,  then  a  few  verses  (11-15),  in  Latin  only, 
of  the  Third  Epistle  of  St.  John,  and  the  Acts.  There 
are  missing,  however,  from  the  MS.  of  the  original 
scribe,  in  the  Greek,  Matt.,  i,  1-20;  [iii,  7-16};  vi,  20- 
ix,  2;  xxvii,  2-12:  John  i,  16— iii,  26;  [xvin,  14-xx, 
13];  [Mk.  xvi,  15-20];  Acts,  viii,  29-x,  14;  xxi,  2-10, 
16-18;  xxii,  10-20;  xxii,  29-xxviii,  31;  in  the  Latin, 
Matt.,  i,  1-11;  pi,  21-iii,  7];  vi,  8-viii,  27;  xxvi,  65- 
xxvii,  1;  John,  i,  1— iii,  16;  [xviii,  2-xx,  1];  [Mk.,  xvi, 
6-20];  Acts,  viii,  20-x,  4;  xx,  31-xxi,  2,  7-10;  xxii, 
2-10;  xxiii,  20-xxviii,  31.  The  passages  in  brackets 
have  been  supplied  by  a  tenth-century  hand.  It  will 
be  noticed  that  St.  Luke's  Gospel  alone,  of  the  books 
contained,  is  preserved  complete.  The  condition  of 
the  book  shows  a  gap  between  the  Gospels  and  Acts; 
and  the  fragment  of  III  John  indicates  that,  as  in 
other  ancient  MSS.,  the  Catholic  Epistles  were  placed 
there.  The  fact  that  the  Epistle  of  Jude  does  not 
immediately  precede  Acts  is  regarded  as  pointing  to 
its  omission  from  the  codex;  it  may,  however,  have 
been  placed  elsewhere.  We  cannot  tell  whether  the 
MS.  contained  more  of  the  New  Testament,  and  there 
is  no  indication  that  it  was,  like  the  other  great  uncial 


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MS8.,  ever  joined  to  the  text  of  the  Old  Testament. 
Besides  the  hand  of  the  original  scribe,  there  are  cor- 
rections in  several  different  hands,  some  probably 
contemporary  with  the  original,  later  liturgical  anno- 
tations and  the  sortes  sanctorum,  or  formulae  for  tel.ing 
fortunes;  all  these ^are  important  for  tracing  the  his- 
tory of  the  MS. 

Beza  wrote  in  the  letter  accompanying  his  gift 
that  the  MS.  was  obtained  from  the  monastery  of  St. 
Irenseus  in  Lyons,  during  the  war  in  1562.  Lyons 
was  sacked  by  the  Huguenots  in  that  year  and  this 
MS.  was  probably  part  of  the  loot.  The  reformer  said 
it  had  lam  in  the  monastery  for  long  ages,  neglected 
and  covered  with  dust;  but  his  statement  is  rejected 
by  most  modern  scholars.  It  is  claimed,  in  fact,  that 
this  codex  is  the  one  which  was  used  at  the  Council  of 
Trent  in  1546  by  William  Dupr6  (English  writers  per- 
sist in  calling  this  Frenchman  a  Prato),  Bishop  of 
Clermont  in  Auvergne,  to  confirm  a  Latin  reading  of 
John,  xxi,  si  eum  volo  manere,  which  is  found  only  in 
the  Greek  of  this  codex.  Moreover,  it  is  usually  iden- 
tified with  Codex  f?,  whose  peculiar  readings  were 
collated  in  1546  for  Stephens'  edition  of  the  Greek 
Testament  by  friends  of  his  in  Italy.  Beza  himself, 
after  having  first  denominated  liis  codex  Lugdunensis, 
later  called  it  Claromonlanus,  as  if  it  came  not  from 
Lyons,  but  from  Clermont  (near  Beauvais,  not  Cler- 
mont of  Auvergne).  All  this,  throwing  Beza's  orig- 
inal statement  into  doubt,  indicates  that  the  MS.  was 
in  Italy  in  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth  century,  and 
has  some  bearing  upon  the  locality  of  the  production. 

It  has  commonly  been  held  that  the  MS.  originated 
in  Southern  France  about  the  beginning  of  the  sixth 
century.  No  one  places  it  at  a  later  date,  chiefly  on 
the  evidence  of  the  handwriting.  France  was  chosen, 
partly  because  the  MS.  was  found  there,  partly  be- 
cause churches  in  Lyons  and  the  South  were  of  Greek 
foundation  and  for  a  long  time  continued  the  use  of 
Greek  in  the  Liturgy,  while  Latin  was  the  vernacular 
— for  some  such  community,  at  any  rate,  this  bilin- 
gual codex  was  produced — and  partly  because  the 
text  of  D  bears  a  remarkable  resemblance  to  the  text 
quoted  by  St.  Irenseus,  even,  says  Nestle,  in  the  mat- 
ter of  clerical  mistakes,  so  that  it  is  possibly  derived 
from  his  very  copy.  During  the  past  five  years,  how- 
ever, the  opinion  of  the  best  English  textual  critics 
has  been  veering  to  Southern  Italy  as  the  original 
home  of  D.  It  is  pointed  out  that  the  MS.  was  used 
by  a  church  practising  the  Greek  Rite,  as  the  liturgi- 
cal annotations  concern  the  Greek  text  alone;  that 
these  annotations  date  from  the  ninth  to  the  eleventh 
century,  exactly  the  period  of  the  Greek  Rite  in 
Southern  Italy,  while  it  had  died  out  elsewhere  in 
Latin  Christendom,  and  show  that  the  Byzantine 
Mass-lections  were  in  use,  which  cannot  have  been 
the  case  in  Southern  France.  The  corrections,  too, 
which  concern  the  Greek  text  and  but  rarely  the 
Latin,  the  spelling,  and  the  calendar  all  point  to 
Southern  Italy.  These  arguments,  however,  touch 
only  the  home  of  the  MS.,  not  its  birthplace,  and 
MSS.  have  travelled  from  one  end  of  Europe  to  the 
other.  Ravenna  and  Sardinia,  where  Greek  and 
Latin  influences  also  met,  have  likewise  been  sug- 
gested. It  can  only  be  said  that  the  certainty  with 
which  till  recently  it  was  ascribed  to  Southern  France 
has  been  shaken,  and  the  probabilities  now  favour 
Southern  Italy. 

Following  Scrivener,  scholars  universally  dated  it 
from  the  beginning  of  the  sixth  century,  but  there  is 
a  tendency  now  to  place  it  a  hundred  years  earlier. 
Scrivener  himself  admitted  that  the  handwriting  was 
not  inconsistent  with  this  early  date,  and  only  as- 
signed it  a  later  date  by  reason  of  the  Latinity  of  the 
annotations.  But  the  corrupt  Latin  is  not  itself  in- 
compatible with  an  earlier  date,  while  the  freedom 
with  which  the  Latin  N.  T.  text  is  handled  indicates 
a  time  when  the  Old  Latin  version  was  still  current. 


It  probably  belongs  to  the  fifth  century.  Nothing 
necessitates  a  later  date. 

The  type  of  text  founfi  in  D  is  very  ancient,  yet  it 
has  survived  in  this  one  Greek  MS.  alone,  though  it  is 
found  also  in  the  Old  Latin,  the  Old  Syriac,  and  the 
Old  Armenian  versions.  It  is  the  so-called  Western 
Text,  or  one  type  of  the  Western  Text.  All  the 
Fathers  before  the  end  of  the  third  century  used 
a  similar  text  and  it  can  be  traced  back  to  sub- 
Apostolic  times.  Its  value  is  discussed  elsewhere. 
D  departs  more  widely  than  any  other  Greek  codex 
from  the  ordinary  text,  compared  with  which  as  a 
standard,  it  is  characterized  by  numerous  additions, 
paraphrastic  renderings,  inversions,  and  some  omis- 
sions. (For  collation  of  text,  see  Scrivener,  Bezse 
Codex,  pp.  xlix-lxiii;  Nestle,  Novi  Test.  Graci  Sup- 
plementum,  Gebhardt  and  Tischendorf  ed.,  Leipzig, 
1896.)  One  interpolation  is  worth  noting  here.  Al- 
ter Luke,  vi,  5,  we  read:  "On  the  same  day  seeing 
some  one  working  on  the  Sabbath,  He  said  to  him: 
'O  man,  if  you  know  what  you  do,  blessed  are  you; 
but  if  you  do  not  know,  you  are  cursed  and  a  trans- 
gressor of  the  law'."  The  most  important  omission, 
probably,  is  the  second  mention  of  the  cup  in  Luke's 
account  of  the  Last  Supper. 

The  Latin  text  is  not  the  Vulgate,  nor  yet  the  Old 
Latin,  which  it  resembles  more  closely.  It  seems  to 
be  an  independent  translation  of  the  Greek  that  faces 
it,  though  the  fact  that  it  contains  two  thousand  varia- 
tions from  its  accompanying  Greek  text  have  led  some 
to  doubt  this.  Of  this  number,  however,  only  seven 
hundred  and  sixteen  are  said  to  be  real  variant  read- 
ings, and  some  of  these  are  derived  from  the  Vulgate. 
If  the  translation  be  independent,  both  the  Vulgate 
and  Old  Latin  have  influenced  it  greatly;  as  time 
went  on,  the  influence  of  the  Vulgate  grew  and  proba- 
bly extended  even  to  modifications  of  the  Greek  text. 
Chase,  however,  traces  many  of  the  variants  to  an 
original  Syriac  influence.  The  text,  which  was  in  so 
great  honour  in  the  Early  Church,  possesses  a  fasci- 
nation for  certain  scholars,  who  occasionally  prefer  its 
readings;  but  none  professes  to  have  really  solved  the 
mystery  of  its  origin. 

Scrivener,  Beta  Codex  text,  introduction,  and  notes  (Cam- 
bridge 1864);  Idem,  An  Introduction  to  the  Textual  Criticism 
of  the  New  Testament  (London,  1894);  Harris.  Study  of  Codex 
Beza,  in  the  Cambridge  Texts  and  Studies  (Cambridge,  1893); 
Idem,  Four  Lectures  on  the  Western  Text  (London,  1804);  Idem, 
The  Annotators  of  the  Codex  Beza  (London,  1001);  Westcott 
and  Hort,  Greek  New  Testament  (New  York),  II;  Chase,  The 
Old  Syriac  Element  in  the  Text  of  Codex  Beta  (London.  1893); 
Idem,  The  Syro-Latin  Texts  of  the  Gospels  (London,  1895); 
Burkiit,  The  Date  of  Codex  Beta,  in  The  Journal  of  Theolog- 
ical Studies  (July,  1902);  valuable  studies  by  Lake  and 
Briohtman.  ibid.,  vol.  1:  Blass,  Philology  of  the  tjospets 
(London.  1898);  Idem.  Acta  Apontolorum  (Blaas's  reoonstnur 
•ion  of  Western  Text  of  Acts)  (I.eiozig.  189fi);  Weiss.  Dit 
Coilex  D  in  der  Apostelgeschichte  (I^ipzig.  1897). 

John  F.  Fenlon. 

Codes  Oanonum. 

Ancient. 


See  Canons,  Collection  of 


Oodex  Ephrami  Kescriptus  (symbol  C),  last  in 
the  group  of  the  four  great  uncial  MSS.  of  the  Greek 
Bible,  received  its  name  from  the  treatises  of  St. 
Ephraem  the  Syrian  (translated  into  Greek)  which 
were  written  over  the  original  text.  This  took  place 
in  the  twelfth  century,  the  ink  of  the  Scriptural  text 
having  become  partially  effaced  through  fading  or 
rubbing.  Several  Biblical  codices  are  palimpsests 
(see  Manuscripts  of  the  Bible),  of  which  Codex 
Ephrsemi  is  the  most  important.  After  the  fall  of 
Constantinople  it  was  brought  to  Florence;  thence  it 
was  carried  to  Paris  by  Catherine  de'  Medici,  and  has 
passed  into  the  possession  of  the  National  Library. 

Through  Pierre  Alix,  Montfaucon,  and  Boivin,  atten- 
tion was  called  to  the  underlying  text,  and  some  of  its 
readings  given  to  the  world.  The  first  complete  col- 
lation of  the  N.  T.  was  mode  by  Wetstein  (1716). 
Tischendorf  published  the  N.  T.  in  1843  and  the 


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O.  T.  in  1845.  The  torn  condition  of  many  leaves,  the 
faded  state  of  the  ink,  and  the  covering  of  the 
original  writing  by  the  later  made  the  decipherment 
an  extremely  difficult  task ;  some  portions  are  hope- 
lessly illegible.  Tischendorf,  then  a  young  man,  won 
his  reputation  through  this  achievement.  His  results, 
however,  have  not  been  checked  by  other  scholars, 
and  so  cannot  yet  be  accepted  without  caution. 

The  codex,  of  good  vellum,  measures  12}  inches  by 
9  inches;  there  is  but  one  column  to  a  page,  C  being 
the  earliest  example  of  this  kind.  The  writing  is  a 
little  larger  than  that  of  X,  A,  and  B ;  the  first  hand 
inserted  no  breathings  or  accents,  and  onb/  an  occa- 
sional apostrophe.  The  period  is  marked  by  a  single 
point.  Large  capitals  are  frequent,  as  in  A.  The 
margin  of  the  Gospels  contains  the  Ammonian  Sec- 
tions, but  not  the  numbers  of  the  Eusebian  Canons, 
which  were  probably  written  in  vermilion  and  have 

"To^eeTi  xn  xiahx-» 
thn  to>  n  <:  xk€  y 
o  m  6  ki  cd      e.  yxe 
ciNCDcnenoiH 

MCNCUNl  NXMIMi 
7AM  H  CXXeyOM  CNK 
O  E  XC I  \€  I  XN  XCX 

\€froN  nxpxxxu. 

|XHONTeC6XOHr 

XKplKIXJHCAXTpT 
OM  €N€  YAJeCTCD* 

TO)  e  cjd  M.e  TX€  yxx 

R I XC  K  XrkfcO  yc  KXi 

rxpoec  h  mcd  h  r\yr 

KXTXNXXICKON-  1 

h  cbi  xx^excbi  XH^ 

NtTCUTH  #<J>|XO 
KNlXMMH^ni^" 


another.  "Sometimes",  says  Kenyon,  "it  agrees 
with  the  neutral  group  of  manuscripts,  sometimes 
with  the  Western,  not  unfrequently  with  the  Alexan- 
drian and  perhaps  oftenest  with  the  Syrian".  From 
certain  displacements  in  the  Apocalypse,  Hort  infers 
that  the  book  was  copied  from  a  codex  of  small  leaves. 
Such  an  exemplar  would  not  be  used  in  church  serv- 
ices and  would  have  no  guarantee  of  a  good  text.  Pos- 
sibly the  rest  of  the  MS.  was  copied  from  similar 
codices. 

Tischendorf,  Codex  Bphrwmi  Syri  Retcriptut  (Letpmz. 
1843-1845);  Swete,  Old  Testament  in  Creek  (Cambridge,  1891), 
II,  pp.  xiii,  xiv.  See  also  bibliography  of  Codex  Alexan- 
drine. 

John  F.  Fenlon. 

Codex  Sinai ticus  (symbol  tt,  though  Swete  and 
a  few  other  scholars  use  S),  a  Greek  manuscript  of  the 
Old  and  New  Testaments,  of  the  greatest  antiquity 

TM I N  TON  AO  TO  N 

■yoyeycD  n  xn  xoe 

CJDfOyNT€CTMN<K 
BXCINTMCXNXOJi 
d>HCM  IMCICeXlTH 
hlCTIH 

IcxcexeecKxicH 
m  eroN  oxytock 
e  i  croyc  Ki  cd  n  x« 
A.ixxxxicnoiKi 

XAICKXI  XCNXlCHi 

nxpx4>ereceei<x 

XONrxfXXf  ITIR€ 

B  xi  oyce  eTH  n  kht 

XI  XN  Oy  S  PCD  MX'IM 
GNOlCOYKCDd>€ 

XHejHCXNOirtcri 

nXTOYNT€C 


Codex  Binaiticds,  Hebrews,  xn,  27-xm,  2,  and  xui,  7-9,  IV  Century. 
MS.  in  Imperial  Library,  St.  Petersburg 


faded  away.  The  Euthalian  chapters  are  missing; 
the  subecnptioiis  are  brief.  From  these  indications 
and  the  character  of  the  writing,  Codex  C  is  placed  in 
the  first  half  of  the  fifth  century,  along  with  A.  Tisch- 
endorf distinguished  two  scribes  (contemporaries), 
one  for  0.  T..  the  other  for  N.  T.,  and  two  correctors, 
one  (C*)  of  the  sixth,  the  other  (C*)  of  the  ninth  cen- 
tury; he  conjectured  that  Egypt  was  the  place  of 
origin.  With  the  exception  of  Tischendorf  no  modern 
has  really  studied  the  MS.- 

Originally  the  whole  Bible  seems  to  have  been  con- 
tained in  it.  At  present,  of  the  O.  T.  only  some  of  the 
Hagiographa  survive,  in  an  imperfect  state,  namely 
nearly  all  of  Ecclesiastes,  about  half  of  Ecclesiasticus 
and  Wisdom,  with  fragments  of  Proverbs  and  Canti- 
cles— in  all  64  leaves.  About  two-thirds  of  the  N.  T. 
(145  leaves)  remain,  including  portions  of  all  the 
books  except  II  Thess.  and  II  John;  no  book  is  com- 
plete. The  text  of  C  is  said  to  be  very  good  in  Wis- 
dom, very  bad  in  Ecclesiasticus,  two  books  for  which 
its  testimony  is  important.  The  N.  T.  text  is  very 
mixed ,  the  scribe  seems  to  have  had  before  him  MSS. 
of  different  types  and  to  have  followed  now  one  now 


and  value;  found  on  Mount  Sinai,  in  St.  Catherine's 
Monastery,  by  Constantine  Tischendorf.  He  was 
visiting  there  in  1844,  under  the  patronage  of  Fred- 
erick Augustus,  King  of  Saxony,  when  he  discovered 
in  a  rubbish  basket  forty-three  leaves  of  the  Septua- 
gint,  containing  portions  of  1  Par.  (Chron.),  Jer., 
Neh.,  and  Esther;  he  was  permitted  to  take  them. 
He  also  saw  the  books  of  Isaias  and  I  and  IV  Mach., 
belonging  to  the  same  codex  as  the  fragments,  but 
could  not  obtain  possession  of  them;  warning  the 
monks  of  their  value,  he  left  for  Europe  and  two  years 
later  published  the  leaves  he  had  brought  with  him 
.under  the  name  of  Codex  Friderico-Augustaiius,  after 
his  patron.  They  are  preserved  at  Leipzig.  On  a 
second  visit,  in  1853,  he  found  only  two  short  frag- . 
ments  of  Genesis  (which  he  printed  on  his  return)  and 
could  learn  nothing  of  the  rest  of  the  codex.  In  1859 
he  made  a  third  visit,  this  time  under  the  patronage 
of  the  Czar,  Alexander  II.  This  visit  seemed  likewise 
fruitless  when,  on  the  eve  of  his  departure,  in  a  chance 
conversation  with  the  steward,  he  learned  of  the  ex- 
istence of  a  manuscript  there;  when  it  was  shown  to 
him,  he  saw  the  very  manuscript  he  had  sought  con- 


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taining,  beyond  all  his  dreams,  a  great  part  of  the  Old 
Testament  and  the  entire  New  Testament,  besides  the 
Epistle  of  Barnabas,  and  part  of  the  "Shepherd"  of 
Hernias,  of  which  two  works  no  copies  in  the  original 
Greek  were  known  to  exist.  Thinlcing  it  "a  crime  to 
ileep  ",  Teschendorf  spent  the  night  copying  Barnabas; 
Ve  had  to  leave  in  the  morning,  after  failing  to  per- 
suade the  monks- to  let  him  have  the  manuscript.  At 
Cairo  he  stopped  at  a  monastery  belonging  to  the 
same  monks  (they  were  of  the  Orthodox  Greek 
Church)  and  succeeded  in  having  the  manuscript  sent 
to  him  there  for  transcription ;  and  finally,  in  obtain- 
ing it  from  the  monks  as  a  present  to  the  Czar,  Tisch- 
endorf's  patron  and  the  protector  of  their  Church. 
Years  later,  in  1869,  the  Czar  rewarded  the  two  mon- 
asteries with  gifts  of  money  (7000  and  2000  roubles 
each)  and  decorations.  The  manuscript  is  treasured 
in  the  Imperial  Library  at  St.  Petersburg.  Tischen- 
dorf  published  an  account  of  it  in  1860;  and,  under 
the  auspices  of  the  czar,  printed  it  in  facsimile  in 
1862.  Twenty-one  lithographic  plates  made  from 
photographs  were  included  in  this  edition,  which  was 
issued  in  four  volumes.  The  following  year  he  pub- 
lished a  critical  edition  of  the  New  Testament.  Fi- 
nally, in  1867,  he  published  additional  fragments  of 
Genesis  and  Numbers,  which  had  been  used  to  bind 
other  volumes  at  St.  Catherine's  and  had  been  dis- 
covered by  the  Archimandrite  Porfirius.  On  four  dif- 
ferent occasions,  then,  portions  of  the  original  manu- 
script have  been  discovered;  they  have  never  been 
published  together  in  a  single  edition. 

The  Codex  Sinaiticus,  which  originally  must  have 
contained  the  whole  Old  Testament,  has  suffered 
severely  from  mutilation,  especially  in  the  historical 
books  from  Genesis  to  Esdras  (inclusive) ;  the  rest  of 
the  O.  T.  fared  much  better.  The  fragments  and 
books  extant  are:  several  verses  from  Gen.,  xxiii  and 
xxiv,  and  from  Num.,  v,  vL  vii;  I  Par.,  ix,  27-xix, 
17;  Esdras,  ix,  9  to  end;  Nehemias,  Esther,  Tobias, 
Judith,  Joel,  Abdias,  Jonas,  Nahum,  Habacuc,  Sopho- 
nias,  Aggeus,  Zacharias,  Malachias,  Isaias,  Jeremias, 
Lamentations,  i,  1-ii,  20;  I  Mach.,  IV  Mach.  (apocry- 
phal, while  the  canonical  II  Mach.  and  the  apocryphal 
III  Mach.  were  never  contained  in  this  codex).  A 
curious  occurrence  is  that  Esdras,  ix,  9,  follows  I  Par., 
xix,  17  without  any  break;  the  note  of  a  corrector 
shows  that  seven  leaves  of  I  Par.  were  copied  into  the 
Book  of  Esdras,  probably  by  a  mistake  in  the  binding 
of  the  MS.  from  which  K  was  copied.  Our  Esdras  is 
called  in  this  codex,  as  in  many  others,  Esdras  B .  This 
may  indicate  that  it  followed  Esdras  A,  as  the  book 
called  by  Jerome  III  Esdras  (see  Esdras)  is  named  in 
ancient  codices;  the  proof  is  by  no  means  sure,  how- 
ever, as  IV  Mach.  is  here  designated  Mach.  D,  as  was 
usual,  although  the  second  and  third  books  of  Mach. 
were  absent  from  the  MS .  The  New  Testament  is  com- 

f)lete,  likewise  the  Epistle  of  Barnabas;  six  leaves  fol- 
owing  Barnabas  are  lost,  which  probably  also  con- 
tained uncanonical  literature:  the  "Shepherd"  of 
Hermas  is  incomplete,  and  we  cannot  tell  whether  other 
works  followed.  In  all,  there  are  346$  Heaves.  The 
orderof  theN.  T.  is  to  be  noted,  St.  Paul's  Epistles  pre- 
ceding Acts ;  Hebrews  following  II  Thess.  The  manu- 
script is  on  good  parchment ;  the  pages  measure  about 
15  inches  by  13$  inches;  there  are  four  columns  to  a 
page,  except  in  the  poetical  books,  which  are  written 
stichometrically  in  two  columns  of  greater  width; . 
there  are  48  lines  to  a  column,  but  47  in  the  Catholic 
Epistles.  The  four  narrow  columns  give  the  page  the 
appearance  of  an  ancient  roll ;  it  is  not  impossible,  as 
Kenyon  says,  that  it  was  in  fact  copied  from  a  papyrus 
roll.  It  is  written  in  uncial  characters,  well  formed, 
without  accents  or  breathings,  and  with  no  punctua- 
tion except  (at  times)  the  apostrophe  and  trie  single 
point  for  a  period.  Teschendorf  judged  that  there 
were  four  hands  engaged  in  the  writing  of  the  manu- 
script; in  this  he  has  been  generally  followed.  He 


has  been  less  happy  in  obtaining  acceptance  of  his 
conjecture  that  one  of  these  scribes  also  wrote  the 
New  Testament  of  the  Vatican  Codex.  He  recog- 
nized seven  correctors  of  the  text,  one  of  them  con- 
temporaneous with  the  writing  of  the  MS.  The 
Ammonian  Sections  and  the  Eusebian  Canons  are  in- 
dicated in  the  margin,  probably  by  a  contemporary 
hand;  they  seem  to  have  been  unknown  to  the 
scribe,  however,  who  followed  another  division.  The 
clerical  errors  are  relatively  not  numerous,  in  Greg- 
ory's judgment. 

In  age  this  manuscript  ranks  alongside  the  Codex 
Vaticanus.  Its  antiquity  is  shown  by  the  writing,  by 
the  four  columns  to  a  page  (an  indication,  probably, 
of  the  transition  from  the  roll  to  the  codex  form  of 
MS.),  by  the  absence  of  the  large  initial  letters  and  of 
ornaments,  by  the  rarity  of  punctuation,  by  the  short 
titles  of  the  books,  the  presence  of  divisions  of  the  text 
antedating  Eusebius,  the  addition  of  Barnabas  and 
Hermas,  etc.  Such  indications  have  induced  experts 
to  place  it  in  the  fourth  century,  along  with  B  and 
some  time  before  A  and  C;  this  conclusion  is  not  seri- 
ously questioned,  though  the  possibility  of  an  early 
fifth-century  date  is  conceded.  Its  origin  has  been 
assigned  to  Rome,  Southern  Italy,  Egypt,  and  Cajsa- 
rea,  tut  cannot  be  determined  (rvenyon,  Handbook  to 
the  Textual  Criticism  of  the  N.  T.,  London,  1901, 
p.  56  sqq.).  It  seems  to  have  been  at  one  time  at 
Cifisarea;  one  of  the  correctors  (probably  of  seventh 
century)  adds  this  note  at  the  end  of  Esdras:  "This 
codex  was  compared  with  a  very  ancient  exemplar 
which  had  been  corrected  by  the  hand  of  the  holy 
martyr  Pamphilus  [d.  309];  which  exemplar  contained 
at  the  end  the  subscription  in  his  own  hand:  'Taken 
and  corrected  according  to  the  Hexapla  of  Origen: 
An  to  ni  us  compared  it:  I,  Pamphilus,  corrected  it'." 
Pamphilus  was, with  Eusebius,  thefounder  of  thelibrary 
at  Ciesarea.  Some  are  even  inclined  to  regard  K  as  one 
of  the  fifty  MSS.  which  Constantine  bade  Eusebius  of 
Caesarea  to  have  prepared  in  331  for  the  churches  of 
Constantinople ;  but  there  is  no  sign  of  its  having  been 
at  Constantinople.  Nothing  is  known  of  its  later  his- 
tory till  its  discovery  by  Tischendorf.  The  text  of  X 
bears  a  very  close  resemblance  to  that  of  B,  though  it 
cannot  be  descended  from  the  same  immediate  ances- 
tor. In  general,  B  is  placed  first  in  point  of  purity 
by  contemporary  scholars  and  X  next.  This  is  especi- 
ally true,  for  the  N.  T.,  of  the  Gospels.  The  differ- 
ences are  more  frequent  in  the  O.  T.  where  K  and 
A  often  agree. 

The  editions  of  Tischendobt  (see  above);  Swete,  Introduc- 
tion to  the  Old  Testament  in  Greek  (Cambridge,  1900);  see  also 
works  on  N.-T.  criticism  mentioned  under  Codex  Alexan- 
dbinvs. 

John  F.  Fenlon. 

Oodez  Vaticanus  (Codex  B),  a  Greek  manuscript, 
the  most  important  of  all  the  manuscripts  of  Holy 
Scripture.  It  is  so  called  because  it  belongs  to  the 
Vatican  Library  (Codex  Vaticanus,  1209). 

This  codex  is  a  quarto  volume  written  in  uncial 
letters  of  the  fourth  century,  on  folios  of  fine  parch- 
ment bound  in  quinterns.  Each  page  is  divided  into 
three  columns  of  forty  lines  each,  with  from  sixteen 
to  eighteen  letters  to  a  line,  except  in  the  poetical 
books,  where,  owing  to  the  stichometric  division  of 
the  lines,  there  are  but  two  columns  to  a  page.  There 
are  no  capital  letters,  but  at  times  the  first  letter  of  a 
section  extends  over  the  margin.  Several  hands 
worked  at  the  manuscript;  the  first  writer  inserted 
neither  pauses  nor  accents,  and  made  use  but  rarely 
of  a  simple  punctuation.  Unfortunately,  the  codex 
is  mutilated;  at  a  later  date  the  missing  folios  were 
replaced  by  others.  Thus,  the  first  twenty  original 
folios  are  missing;  a  part  of  folio  178,  and  ten  folios 
after  fol.  348;  also  the  final  quinterns,  whose  number 
it  is  impossible  to  establish.  There  are  extant  in  all 
759  original  folios. 


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OODBZ 


The  Old  Testament  (Septuagint  Version,  except 
Daniel,  which  is  taken  from  the  Version  of  Theodo- 
tion)  takes  up  617  folios.  On  account  of  the  afore- 
mentioned lacume,  the  Old  Testament  text  lacks  the 
following  passages:  Gen.,  i-xlvi,  28;  II  Kings,  ii;  5-7, 
10-13;  Pss.  cv,  27-cxxxvii,  6.  The  order  of  the 
books  of  the  Old  Testament  is  as  follows:  Genesis  to 
Second  Paralipomenon,  First  and  Second  Esdras, 
Psalms,  Proverbs,  Ecclesiastes,  Canticle  of  Canticles, 
Job,  Wisdom,  Ecclesiasticus,  Esther,  Judith,  Tobias, 
the  Minor  Prophets  from  Osee  to  Malachy,  Isaias, 
Jeremias,  Baruch,  Lamentations  and  Epistle  of  Jere- 
inias,  Ezechiel,  Daniel;  the  Vatican  Codex  does  not 
contain  the  Prayer  of  Manasses  or  the  Books  of 
Machabees.  The  New  Testament  begins  at  fol.  618. 
Owing  to  the  loss  of  the  final  quinterns,  a  portion  of 
the  Pauline  Epistles  is  missing:  Heb.,  ix,  14-xiii,  25, 
the  Pastoral  Letters,  Epistle  to  Philemon;  also  the 


discovered  by  him,  is  rightly  considered  to  be  the 
oldest  extant  copy  of  the  Bible.  Like  the  Codex 
Sinaiticus  it  represents  what  Westcott  and  Hort  call 
a  "neutral  text",  i.  e.  a  text  that  antedates  the  modi- 
fications found  in  all  later  manuscripts,  not  only  the 
modifications  found  in  the  less  ancient  Antiochene 
recensions,  but  also  those  met  with  in  the  Eastern  and 
Alexandrine  recensions.  It  may  be  said  that  the 
Vatican  Codex,  written  in  the  first  half  of  the  fourth 
century,  represents  the  text  of  one  of  those  recensions 
of  the  Bible  which  were  current  in  the  third  century, 
and  that  it  belongs  to  the  family  of  manuscripts  made 
use  of  by  Origen  in  the  composition  of  his  Hexapla. 

The  originalhome  of  the  Vatican  Codex  is  uncertain. 
Hort  thinks  it  was  written  at  Rome;  Rendel  Harris, 
Armitage  Robinson,  and  others  attribute  it  to  Asia 
Minor.  A  more  common  opinion  maintains  that  it 
was  written  in  Egypt.    Armitage  Robinson  believes 


e  i  *  g  e-r  h  e  u   e  kx  I 
enojHce.MTonowHN- 

6  N  CO  hi  OMK^J,  ,  0  yjjj? 

N€/rrx'n'H  irn'onrtoNf  h 
p  e  nttcd.n  \o'rtu  N  Y"n* 
jfiffiM  l  b  Y  to  y  n  fo^hn 

Toy e*c to  matg c-^r 
KY^Mo^xiceeicW 

-j-oV  &  vci\ea)CNXii;Y 

X  O  A  O  W  QCOP  TO)  6  MOM*. 

t.i  ~rpy  K.yed5 1  o  pkhcxc 

k?f  Toy  TOHTP       H  V 
ICaITHM  KKfM^NAYR'. 
nXfepiT-XNO'MIMXKr' 

eylcf  xHA.yi  j  oj  h  ro'y 
m  e  m  o  i  x.e-r<3  yaxoy^' 


Codex  Vaticanob,  III  Esdras  (Apocryphal),  i,  46-49  and  j,  52-54,  IV  Ckntory.    MS.  in  Vatican  Library 


.T"  a  n?  o  c  Txr  a  ianui  fcx 
cxi  e  nxyroycToyc 
k  ac  ij±  e  i  c-pcb  nxaxm'i 
<X>  N  OYToi  A/1  eKT^iHK 

TOyCNeANtCKoyfiY 

•j-jiiMeN  rb  M<^»Tr  a.  nep 
K  y  kx  co  To (  y  x  r  \o  y  f  e  P-7 

KAIpYJCecbeiCANTri  ; 

MeAKiicKaYK^inAP 
©€N  oYKif  n? €CKyf-y 

KTX  f  M  e  CO  Te'j»  o  yAX  A.  a. 
h  AM  TA C  n  X  P  €  JbwCO  KX  N_ 

eicTACXciKcKyTUJ' 
k xi  n kMTatai  epcAc x*y 
H  ToyKYjXM  efAAxtf 

TKM  61  KPXK^  ITACKIl! ••< 

ToycTOYKy  kaitac 
an  xxxKo'MTecxn  hnt 

KXN€|CKXKYX-cE)NA»CAI 


Apocalypse.  It  is  possible  that  there  may  also  be 
some  extra-canonical  writings  missing,  like  the  Epistle 
of  Clement.  The  order  of  the  New  Testament  books 
is  as  follows:  Gospels,  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  Catholic 
Epistles,  St.  Paul  to  the  Romans,  Corinthians  (I— II), 
Galatians,  Ephesians,  Philippians,  Thessalonians  (I- 
II),  Hebrews. 

In  the  Vatican  Codex  we  find  neither  the  Ammonian 
Sections  nor  the  Eusebian  Canons  (q.  v.).  It  is,  how- 
ever, divided  into  sections,  after  a  manner  that  is 
common  to  it  with  the  Codex  Zacynthius  (Cod.  3),  an 
eighth-century  Scriptural  manuscript  of  St.  Luke. 
The  Acts  of  the  Apostles  exhibit  a  special  division  into 
thirty-six  chapters.  The  Catholic  Epistles  bear  traces 
of  a  double  division,  in  the  first  and  earlier  of  which 
some  believe  that  the  Second  Epistle  of  Peter  was 
wanting.  The  division  of  the  Pauline  Epistles  is  quite 
peculiar:  they  are  treated  as  one  book,  and  numbered 
continuously.  It  is  clear  from  this  enumeration  that 
in  the  copy  of  the  Scriptures  reproduced  by  the  Vati- 
can Codex  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews  was  placed 
between  the  Epistle  to  the  Galatians  and  the  Epistle 
to  the  Ephesians. 

The  Vatican  Codex,  in  spite  of  the  views  of  Teschen- 
dorf, who  he'd  for  the  priority  of  the  Codex  Sinaiticus, 


that  both  the  Vaticanus  and  the  Sinaiticus  were  origi- 
nally together  in  some  ancient  library.  His  opinion 
is  based  on  the  fact  that  in  the  margins  of  both  manu- 
scripts is  found  the  same  special  system  of  chapters 
for  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  taken  from  the  division 
of  Euthalius,  and  found  in  two  other  important  codices 
(Amiatinus  and  Fuldensis)  of  the  Latin  Vulgate. 
Tischendorf  believed  that  three  hands  had  worked  at 
the  transcription  of  the  Vatican  Codex.  He  identified 
(?)  the  first  band  (B1),  or  transcriber,  of  the  Old  Testa- 
ment with  the  transcriber  of  a  part  of  the  Old  Testa- 
ment and  some  folios  of  the  New  Testament  in  the 
Codex  Sinaiticus.  This  primitive  text  was  revised, 
shortly  after  its  original  transcription,  with  the  aid  of 
a  new  manuscript,  by  a  corrector  (B — For  the  Old 
Testament  B"  is  quoted  by  Swete  as  B*).  Six  centu- 
ries after  (according  to  some),  a  third  hand  (B*,  B') 
retraced  the  faded  letters,  leaving  but  very  little  of 
the  original  untouched.  According  to  Fabiani,  how- 
ever, this  retracing  was  done  early  in  the  fifteenth 
century  by  the  monk  Clemens  {qui  stzculo  XV  ineunte 
floruisse  videtur).  In  modern  times  (fifteenth-six- 
teenth century)  the  missing  folios  were  added  to  the 
codex,  in  order,  as  Tregelles  conjectures,  to  prepare  it 
for  use  in  the  Vatican  Library.    Old  catalogues  show 


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that  it  was  there  in  the  fifteenth  century.  The  addi- 
tion to  the  New  Testament  was  listed  by  Scrivener  as 
Cod.  263  (in  Gregory,  293)  for  the  Epistle  to  the 
Hebrews,  and  Cod.  91 ,  for  the  Apocalypse.  Napoleon 
I  had  the  codex  brought  to  Paris  (where  Hug  was 
enabled  to  study  it),  but  it  was  afterwards  returned 
to  the  Holy  See,  with  some  other  remnants  of  Roman 
booty,  and  replaced  in  the  Vatican  Library.  There 
are  various  collations,  editions,  and  studies  of  the 
Vatican  Codex.  The  collations  are:  (1)  that  of 
Bartolocci  (Giulio  di  S.  Anastasia),  formerly  librarian 
of  the  Vatican;  it  was  done  in  1669  and  is  preserved 
in  MS. — Gr.  Suppl.  63  of  the  Bibliotheque  Nationale — 
at  Paris  (quoted  under  the  tigla:  Blc);  (2)  that  of 
Birch  (Ben)  published  at  Copenhagen  in  1798  for  the 
Acts  of  the  Apostles  and  the  Epistles,  in  1800  for  the 
Apocalypse,  in  1801  for  the  Gospels ;  (3)  that  executed 
for  Bentley  (Btly)  by  the  Abbate  Mico  about  1720  on 
the  margin  of  a  copy  of  the  Greek  New  Testament 
which  was  published  at  Strasburg,  1524,  by  Cephakeus: 
this  copy  is  among  Bentley's  books  in  the  library  of 
Trinity  College,  Cambridge--the  collation  itself  was 
published  in  Ford's  appendix  to  Woide's  edition  of 
the  Codex  Alexandrinus  in  1799;  (4)  a  list  of  the 
alterations  executed  by  the  original  copyist  or  by  his 
correctors,  edited  at  the  request  of  Bentley  by  the 
Abbate  Rulotta  with  the  aid  of  the  Abbate  de  Stosch 
(Rlt);  this  list  was  supposed  to  have  perished,  but  it 
is  extant  among  the  Bentley  papers  in  the  library  of 
Trinity  College,  Cambridge,  under  the  sigla:  B.  17.20; 
(5)  in  1860  Alford,  and  in  1862  Cure,  examined  a 
select  number  of  the  readings  of  the  Vatican  Codex, 
and(published  the  results  of  their  labours  in  the  first 
volume  of  Alford's  Greek  Testament.  Many  other 
scholars  have  made  special  collations  for  their  own 
purposes,  e.  g.  Tregelles,  Tischendorf,  Alford,  etc. 
Among  the  works  written  on  the  Vatican  Codex  we 
may  indicate:  Bourgon,  "Letters  from  Rome"  (Lon- 
don, 1861).  In  the  second  volume  of  the  Catalogue 
of  Vatican  Greek  MSS.,  executed  according  to  the 
modern  scientific  method  for  the  cataloguing  of  the 
Vatican  Library,  there  is  a  description  of  the  Codex 
Vaticanus. 

As  to  the  editions  of  this  codex,  the  Roman  edition 
of  the  Septuagint  (1687)  was  based  on  the  Vaticanus. 
Similarly,  the  Cambridge  edition  of  Swete  follows  it 
regularly  and  makes  use  of  the  Sinaiticus  and  the 
Alexandrinus  only  for  the  portions  that  are  lacking 
in  the  Vaticanus.  The  first  Roman  edition  appeared 
in  1868,  under  the  names  of  Mai  and  Vercellone,  and, 
under  the  same  names,  a  second  Roman  edition  in 
1869.  Both  editions  were  severely  criticized  by 
Tischendorf  in  the  edition  he  brought  out  at  Leipzig 
in  1867,  "Novum  Testaraentum  Vaticanum,  post  A. 
Maii  aliorumque  imperfectos  labores  ex  ipso  codice 
editum",  with  an  appendix  (1869).  The  third  Roman 
edition  (Verc.)  appeared  under  the  names  of  Vercel- 
lone (died  1869)  and  Cozza-Luzi  (died  1905)  in  1868- 
81 ;  it  was  accompanied  by  a  photographic  reproduc- 
tion of  the  text:  "Bibliorum  So.  Grsecorum  Cod.  Vat. 
1209,  Cod.  B,  denuo  phototypice  expressus,  jussu  et 
curd  prsesidum  Bibliothecse  Vaticane"  (Milan,  1904- 
6).  This  edition  contains  a  masterly  anonymous 
introduction  (by  Giovanni  Mercati),  in  which  the 
writer  corrects  many  inexact  statements  made  by 
previous  writers.  Until  recently  the  privilege  of  con- 
sulting this  ancient  manuscript  quite  freely  and  fully 
was  not  granted  to  all  who  sought  it.  The  material 
condition  of  the  Vatican  Codex  is  better,  generally 
speaking,  than  that  of  its  contemporaries;  it  is  fore- 
seen, however,  that  within  a  century  it  will  have 
fallen  to  pieces  unless  an  efficacious  remedy,  which  is 
being  earnestly  sought  for,  shall  be  discovered. 

The  Biblical  Dictionary  of  Viqocroox  and  Hastings; 
Introductions  of  Corn  fly,  Brioos.  Strack;  Tischendorf, 
Synapsis  Evangelica  (7th  ed.,  Leipzig.  1898);  Idem,  Prolego- 
mena lo  the  New  Tettament  (20th  ed.,  or  cditio  octavo  motor, 
Leipiig,  I860;  editio  octavo  minor,  Leipiig,  1872),  revised  after 


Tischendorf'a  death  by  Gregory  (Leipiig,  1884);  Swete.  The 
Old  Tettament  in  Greek,  I.  p.  xvii;  Westcott  and  Hoht,  The 
New  Tettament  in  Greek,  introd.,  p.  50;  Alford,  The  Greek 
Tettament  (Cambridge,  1898),  I,  107;  Abmttage  Robinson, 
Euthaliana,  ch.  xxxvii. 

U.  Benigni. 

Codrington,  Thomas  (d.  1691?),  Catholic  divine, 
chiefly  known  for  his  attempt  to  introduce  into  Eng- 
land the  "  Institute  of  Secular  Priests  Living  in  Com- 
munity", founded  in  Bavaria  by  Bartholomaus 
Holzhauser.  He  was  educated  ana  ordained  priest 
at  Douai,  where  he  taught  humanities  for  a  time. 
Later  on  he  lived  with  Cardinal  Howard  at  Rome, 
acting  as  his  chaplain  and  secretary.  He  returned 
to  England  in  July,  1684,  and  on  the  accession  of 
James  II  in  the  following  year,  he  was  appointed  one 
of  the  royal  chaplains  and  preachers  in  ordinary. 
While  he  was  in  Rome  he  had  joined  the  institute 
above  mentioned,  in  which  Cardinal  Howard  took  a 
great  personal  interest,  and  his  return  to  England 
seemed  to  the  superior,  Father  Hofer,  a  favourable 
opportunity  for  extending  the  institute.  Accord- 
ingly Mr.  Codrington  and  his  companion,  Mr.  John 
Morgan,  were  appointed  procurators  to  introduce  the 
institute  into  England.  The  object  of  the  society, 
the  constitutions  of  which  had  been  approved  by 
Innocent  XI  in  1680,  was  to  encourage  community- 
life  among  the  secular  clergy.  This  was  to  be  attained 
by  priests  residing  together,  and  doing  their  work 
from  a  common  centre,  all  being  subject  to  the  bishop. 
In  this  work  he  received  much  assistance  from  Car- 
dinal Howard,  who  addressed  letters  both  to  the 
secular  clergy  and  to  the  dean  of  the  chapter,  exhort- 
ing all  English  priests  to  join  the  institute.  Even 
bel  ore  leaving  Rome  he  had  been  active  in  propa- 
gating the  institute,  and  had,  with  his  colleagues, 
endeavoured  not  only  to  introduce  it  into  all  the 
English  colleges  abroad,  but  even  to  make  it  obliga- 
tory on  the  superiors  by  a  decree.  Some  progress  was 
in  fact  made,  but  before  much  could  be  effected  the 
Revolution  took  place,  and  in  1688  James  II  fled  from 
England.  Mr.  Codrington  followed  his  patron  abroad 
to  Saint-Germain,  where  he  continued  to  act  as 
chaplain  until  his  death,  which  took  place  about  1 691 . 
For  some  years  strenuous  efforts  were  made  to  spread 
the_  institute  in  England,  and  in  1697  special  consti- 
tutions, designed  to  meet  the  peculiar  circumstances 
of  English  priests,  were  published  with  a  preface, 
which  shows  that  several  of  the  leading  missioners 
had  joined  it.  The  chapter,  however,  were  unre- 
lenting, on  the  ground  that  it  was  unsuitable  in  Eng- 
land and  would  lead  to  dissensions  among  the  clergy, 
and  ultimately  Bishop  Giffard  suppressed  it.  Mr. 
Codrington  published  a  sermon  preached  before  the 
king  and  queen,  28  Nov.,  1686,  and  another  preached 
before  the  queen-dowager,  6  Feb.,  1687.  The  former 
of  these  was  republished  in  the  1741  reprint  entitled 
"Catholic  Sermons". 

Dodd,  Church  Hillary,  III,  484;  Giixow,  BM.  Did.  Eng. 
Cath..  I,  520  (London,  1885);  Cooper  in  DM.  Nat.  Biog.,  XI. 
210  (London,  1887);  Kirk,  Biographiet  of  English  Catholics 
(London,  1908). 

Edwin  Burton. 

Oo -education. — The  term  is  now  generally  reserved 
to  the  practice  of  educating  the  sexes  together;  but 
even  in  this  sense  it  has  a  variety  of  meanings,  (a) 
Mere  juxtaposition;  this  implies  the  use  of  the  same 
buildings  and  equipment  under  the  same  teaching 
staff  for  the  education  of  both  sexes,  but  does  not 
oblige  the  sexes  to  follow  the  same  methods  or  to  live 
under  the  same  regimen,  (b)  Co-ordinate  education; 
the  students  are  taught  by  the  same  methods  and  the 
same  teachers  and  are  governed  by  the  same  general 
administration ;  but  each  sex  has  its  own  classes  and, 
in  the  case  of  a  university,  its  separate  college,  (c) 
Identical  education ;  both  sexes  are  taught  "  the  same 
things,  at  the  same  time,  in  the  same  place,  by  the 


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same  faculty,  with  the  same  methods  and  under  the 
same  regimen.  This  admits  age  and  proficiency,  but 
not  sex,  as  a  factor  in  classification ' '  (Clarke,  op.  cit.  be- 
low, p.  121).  It  is  in  this  third  and  narrowest  sense 
that  co-education  has  been  the  subject  of  widespread 
discussion  for  some  time  past.  In  the  United  States 
especially  the  practice  has  grown  rapidly  during  the 
last  fifty  years,  while  in  European  countries  it  has  de- 
veloped more  slowly. 

Extent. — Elementary  Schools. — At  present  co-edu- 
cation is  practically  universal  in  the  elementary 
grades  of  the  public  schools  of  the  United  States.  It 
also  prevails  to  a  large  extent  in  the  elementary  grades 
of  private  and  denominational  schools,  including  those 
which  are  under  Catholic  direction,  notably  the  pa- 
rochial schools. — Secondary  Schools. — According  to 
the  Commissioner's  Report  for  1905-6,  there  were  in 
the  United  States  40  public  high  schools  for  boys  only, 
with  22,044  students,  and  29  schools  for  girls  only, 
with  23,203  students ;  while  the  co-educational  high 
schools  numbered  7,962  having  on  their  rolls  283,264 
boys  and  394,181  girls;  the  difference  indicated  by 
these  last  figures  is  noteworthy.  During  the  same 
year  there  were  under  private  direction  304  high 
schools  for  boys  only,  with  22,619 students;  600  high 
schools  for  girls  only,  with  27,081  students;  while  the 
private  co-educational  schools  numbered  725  with  an. 
attendance  of  26,487  boys  and  25,568  girls.  From 
these  statistics  it  appears  that  even  in  private  high 
schools  the  number  of  boys  is  larger  where  co-education 
prevails  than  it  is  in  schools  exclusively  for  boys;  and 
that  the  number  of  girls  in  co-educational  schools  is  not 
very  far  below  the  number  in  schools  exclusively  for 
arte. — Higher  and  Technical  Educational  Institutions. — 
Of  622  universities,  colleges,  and  technological  schools 
reporting  to  the  United  States  Bureau  of  Education 
for  the  year  ended  June,  1906,  there  were  for  men  only, 
158;  for  women  only,  129;  for  both  men  and  women, 
335.  Comparison  with  earlier  statistics  shows  a  de- 
cided advance  in  co-education.  In  1889-90  the 
women  in  co-educational  colleges  numbered  8075,  in 
schools  of  technology,  707,  and  in  colleges  for  women 
only,  1979;  the  men  in  all  colleges  numbered  44,926. 
In  1905-6  there  were  31,443  women  in  co-educational 
colleges  and  6653  in  colleges  for  women  only;  the 
number  of  men  students  was  97,738. 

The  tendency  in  Europe,  generally  speaking,  is  to  ad- 
mit women  to  university  courses  of  study,  but  under 
restrictions  which  vary  considerably  from  one  country 
to  another.  In  Germany,  women,  for  the  most  part, 
attend  the  university  as  "hearers",  not  as  matricu- 
lated students.  The  custom  in  England  is  that  women 
should  reside  in  colleges  of  their  own  while  receiving 
the  benefit  of  university  education.  There  is  also 
considerable  variety  in  the  regulations  concerning  the 
granting  of  degrees  to  women.  Replies  to  an  inquiry 
issued  by  the  English  Department  of  Education  in 
1897,  with  later  revision  (United  States  Commission- 
er's Report  for  1904,  chap,  xx),  showed  that  of  112 
universities  on  the  Continent,  in  Great  Britain,  and  in 
the  British  colonies,  86  made  no  distinction  between 
men  and  women  students,  6  admitted  women  by 
courtesy  to  lectures  and  examinations,  20  permitted 
them  to  attend  some  lectures  only;  of  these  20  uni- 
versities, 14  were  German  and  6  Austrian.  The  pro- 
portion of  women  students  to  the  total  enrollment  in 
tiie  universities  of  Central  Europe  is  shown  in  the  fol- 
lowing table: — 

Austria  .Total  No.  of  Students,  22.749;  Women,  1.323 

Fmnce   33.C18;       „  1,922 

Germany   fil.535;       „  1,938 

Switzerland   -    .,       ..        9,483;      .,  2,594 

In  England,  provision  for  the  higher  education  of 
women  began  with  the  founding  of  Queen's  College, 
London  (1848)  and  Bedford  College  (1849).  In  1878 
the  University  of  London  admitted  women  to  exam- 
inations and  degrees.   The  Honour  degree  examina- 


tions of  Cambridge  were  opened  to  women  (students 
of  Girton  and  Newnham  colleges)  in  1881 ;  some  of  the 
Oxford  examinations  were  opened  to  women  (stu- 
dents of  Somerville  College  and  Lady  Margaret  Hall) 
in  1884;  the  Scottish  universities  admitted  women  in 
1892;  the  University  of  Durham  in  1895;  the  Uni- 
versity of  Wales  from  its  foundation  in  1893.  In  Ire- 
land, both  the  Royal  University  and  Trinity  College, 
Dublin,  receive  women  students.  It  should,  how- 
ever, be  noted  that  the  number  of  women  following 
university  courses  in  England  is  still  comparatively 
small.  In  1905-6,  the  colleges  mentioned  above  in 
connexion  with  Oxford  had  in  residence  136  students, 
and  those  at  Cambridge,  316.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
movement  is  stronger  in  some  of  the  recently  founded 
universities.  Thus  the  institutions  for  women  affili- 
ated with  the  London  University  (Bedford,  Halloway, 
Westfield,  and  Royal  Free  Hospital)  in  1905  -6  num- 
bered 628  students.  It  may  therefore  be  said  that  co- 
education in  Europe,  though  it  has  made  a  beginning, 
is  by  no  means  so  prominent  a  feature  of  the  schools  as 
it  is  in  the  United  States.  Its  growth  and  effects  are 
for  this  reason  best  studied  in  American  institutions ; 
and  in  these  the  historical  facts  are  the  more  impor- 
tant inasmuch  as  they  are  said  to  furnish  ample  justi- 
fication of  the  policy. 

Causes. — The  explanation  of  these  facts  is  to  be 
sought  in  a  variety  of  conditions,  some  of  which  are 
naturally  connected  with  the  general  development  of 
the  country  while  others  may  be  called  artificial,  in  the 
sense  that  they  are  the  application  of  theories  or  poli- 
cies rather  than  direct  responses  to  needs,  or  final  solu- 
tions of  problems.  Thus  it  is  significant  that  co-edu- 
cation has  found  its  stronghold  in  the  Northern,  Cen- 
tral, and  Western  States  of  the  Union  which  profited 
most  by  the  Congressional  land  grants  of  1787  and 
1862  and  by  similar  grants  on  the  part  of  the  several 
States.  It  was  easy  to  argue,  on  the  basis  of  demo- 
cratic principles,  that  institutions  supported  by  public 
funds  should  offer  the  same  advantages  to  all  citizens. 
From  the  founding  of  Oberlin  College,  Ohio  (1833), 
which  was  the  first  institution  of  its  class  to  introduce 
co-education  (1837),  the  policy  spread  at  such  a  rate 
that  by  1880  more  than  half  the  colleges,  and  by  1900 
nearly  three-fourths,  had  adopted  it.  In  the  more 
conservative  East  segregation  was  the  general  prac- 
tice until  the  last  quarter  of  the  nineteenth  century. 
But  the  precedent  established  by  Boston  University 
(1869)  and  by  Cornell  (1872)  was  soon  followed  by 
many  other  Eastern  institutions. 

A  still  more  powerful  factor  has  been  the  public 
high  school,  which  since  1850  has  held  an  important 
place  in  the  educational  system.  Some  schools  of 
this  class,  notably  those  in  the  West,  were  co-educa- 
tional from  the  start;  others  were  opened  at  first  for 
boys  only,  but  eventually  they  admitted  girls  on 
the  same  terms;  this  was  the  case  in  the  larger  cities 
of  the  East.  In  1891,  only  15  out  of  628  leading 
cities  of  the  country  had  separate  high  schools,  in  1901 
the  number  had  fallen  to  12.  The  growth  of  these 
schools  coincided  with  the  movement  in  favour  of 
higher  education  for  women.  The  leaders  of  this 
movement  insisted  on  the  right  of  women  to  have 
equal  advantages  with  men  in  the  line  of  education ; 
they  quite  overlooked  or  disregarded  the  fact  that 
equality  in  this  case  does  not  mean  identity.  But  any 
defect  in  their  reasoning  on  the  subject  was  more  than 
compensated  for  by  their  enthusiasm  and  perseverance. 
Their  efforts,  however,  were  in  accordance  with  the 
demands  made  by  industrial  changes.  The  introduc- 
tion of  labour-saving  machinery  which  gradually 
brought  about  the  factory  organization  of  industry, 
took  from  woman,  one  by  one,  ner  traditional  employ- 
ments in  the  home  and  compelled  her  to  seek  new  oc- 
cupations in  fields  hitherto  occupied  exclusively  by 
man:  hence  the  very  natural  demand  for  equal  educa- 
tional opportunities,  not  merely  to  secure  the  more 


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complete  development  of  woman's  faculties,  but  also 
as  a  necessary  means  to  equip  her  for  her  new  position. 
The  demand  of  course  grew  more  imperative  as  the 
professions  were  opened  to  women.  Once  it  was  ad- 
mitted that  a  woman  might,  for  instance,  take  up  the 
practice  of  medicine,  it  was  quite  obvious  as  a  matter 
of  public  policy  that  she  should  receive  the  training 
given  to  every  physician.  How  fully  her  claims  have 
been  recognized  will  appear  from  statistics  given  above 
of  the  growth  of  universities,  colleges,  ana  schools  of 
technology  since  1889. 

The  rapid  spread  of  co-education  aroused  intense 
interest  not  only  among  educators  but  also  in  the 
mind  of  the  public  at  large.  The  subject  was  dis- 
cussed from  every  point  of  view,  moral,  medical,  and 
economic,  no  less  than  educational.  Special  inquiries 
were  sent  out  by  school  committees,  State  boards,  and 
the  United  States  Bureau  of  Education,  with  a  view 
to  obtaining  statistics  and  expressions  of  opinion. 
Replies  to  these  inquiries  served  as  a  basis  for  numer- 
ous reports,  such  as  that  of  the  Boston  School  Com- 
mittee (Document  19,  1890)  and  that  of  the  Commis- 
sioner of  Education  based  on  the  inquiry  of  1891. 
(See  Commissioner's  Report  for  1900-1901,  chap, 
xxviii.)  The  outcome  of  the  discussion  may  be  sum- 
marized as  follows:  (1)  the  tendency  towards  co-edu- 
cation as  a  universal  policy  was  freely  admitted  by  all 
parties;  (2)  considerable  divergence  of  opinion  was 
manifested  as  to  the  wisdom  of  co-education,  particu- 
larly in  secondary  schools;  (3)  in  many  cases  the 
issue  was  obscured  by  treating  co-education  as  though 
it  were  synonymous  with  the  higher  education  of 
women. 

In  order  to  set  this  phase  of  the  question  in  a  some- 
what clearer  light,  it  should  be  noted  first  of  all  that 
the  reasons  advanced  in  favour  of  the  higher  educa- 
tion of  women,  valid  as  they  certainly  are,  do  not  of 
themselves  require  that  this  education  shall  be  identi- 
cal with  that  given  to  men.  Passing  over  for  the 
present  the  question  whether  both  sexes  should  study 
the  same  subjects  by  identical  methods  for  the  same 
length  of  time,  or  even  supposing  that  this  question 
should  be  answered  in  the  affirmative,  one  is  not 
thereby  compelled  to  admit  that  co-education  is  the 
only  acceptable  policy.  The  efficient  work  of  those 
colleges  which  are  exclusively  for  women  tells  strong- 
ly in  favour  of  separate  education.  On  the  other  hand, 
it  should  be  remarked  that  the  unification  of  the 
schools  into  a  system  does  not  necessarily  imply  co- 
education all  the  way  through.  While  endorsing  the 
practice  in  the  elementary  school  for  certain  reasons 
and  in  the  university  for  other  reasons,  one  may  con- 
sistently refuse  to  approve  its  introduction  in  the  sec- 
ondary school.  A  third  consideration  turns  on  the 
moral  factor.  This  is,  and  always  has  been,  of  para- 
mount importance  in  Catholic  education.  Whatever 
advantages  of  an  intellectual  sort  may  be  claimed  for 
the  co-educational  school,  these  must,  from  theCatholic 
point  of  view,  be  waived  if  they  cannot  be  obtained 
without  danger  to  morality.  This  view  of  course  is 
shared  by  many  non-Catholic  parents  and  teachers, 
some  of  whom  have  made  it  the  basis  of  their  criticism 
of  co-education.  Doubtless,  too,  it  would  have  counted 
for  more  in  the  discussion  if  the  whole  problem  of 
moral  education  had  received  the  attention  bestowed 
in  late  years  on  everything  pertaining  to  purely  intel- 
lectual culture.  Where  that  problem  is  overlooked  or 
lightly  dismissed,  some  of  the  most  serious  objections 
to  co-education  naturally  lose  their  force,  while  too 
much  weight  is  attached  to  some  of  the  reasons  on  the 
opposite  side. 

Practice  and  Attitude  or  Catholic  Schools. — 
As  noted  above  co-education  prevails  in  most  of  the 
Catholic  elementary  schools.  That  women  should 
also  share  in  the  advantages  of  higher  education  is 
quite  in  keeping  with  Catholic  policy.  An  instance  of 
this  is  the  authorization  granted  by  Rome  for  women 


to  follow,  under  requisite  conditions,  courses  at  the 
English  universities  (Decision  of  Propaganda,  13 
July,  1907).  Another  is  furnished  by  such  institu- 
tions as  the  Anna-Stift,  a  university  school  for  Cath- 
olic teaching  sisters  founded  at  the  University  of 
Minister  in  1899  to  meet  the  wishes  of  the  German 
bishops.  Instruction  is  given  by  university  profes- 
sors not  in  the  halls  of  the  university  but  in  the  insti- 
tute itself,  an  arrangement  that  is  equivalent  to  what 
has  been  mentioned  above  as  co-ordinate  education. 
(See  Engelkemper  in  Cath.  Univ.  Bulletin,  May, 
1908.)  But  in  secondary  schools,  the  Catholic  policy 
is  decidedly  opposed  to  co-education.  The  high 
schools,  academies,  and  colleges  for  boys  are  altogether 
separate  from  those  for  girls.  Boys  are  taught  by 
male  teachers,  girls  by  women,  usually  religious. 
Nothing  in  fact  so  strongly  emphasizes  the  Catholic 
attitude  in  this  matter  as  the  work  of  various  orders  of 
men  established  to  teach  boys,  and  of  no  less  various 
orders  of  women  to  teach  girls.  This  is  the  century- 
old  practice  of  the  Church,  and  it  is  observed  in  all 
countries.  Catholics,  moreover,  have  followed  with 
interest  the  discussions  concerning  co-education;  and 
though  in  many  other  respects  they  have  adopted  in 
their  own  work  the  methods  approved  by  experience 
in  non-Catholic  schools,  they  have  not  been  convinced 
.  by  the  arguments  advanced  in  favour  of  the  co-educa- 
tional plan. 

From  the  viewpoint  of  economy  co-education 
might  seem  the  wiser  plan ;  but  as  a  matter  of  fact,  by 
increasing  the  number  of  pupils  in  each  class  it  throws 
a  heavier  burden  on  the  teacher  and  it  makes  difficult 
if  not  impossible  that  individual  instruction,  the  need 
of  which  is  now  so  generally  recognized.  A  saving 
that  impairs  the  efficiency  of  the  school  is  hardly  de- 
sirable. The  advantage  also  that  is  claimed  on  the 
score  of  improved  discipline,  is  more  apparent  than 
real.  While  the  boys  probably  part  with  some  of 
their  roughness  it  is  by  no  means  certain  that  the  deli- 
cacy of  feeling  and  the  refinement  of  manner  that  are 
expected  in  girls,  gain  much  by  the  association. 
Moreover,  if  there  is  a  demand  for  better  discipline, 
the  right  way  to  meet  it  is  to  train  teachers  more  thor- 
oughly in  the  art  of  school  management.  A  skilful 
teacher  will  easily  control  a  class  either  of  boys  or  of 
girls  by  arousing  and  maintaining  their  interest  in 
what  is  really  the  work  of  the  school.  On  the  other 
hand,  it  can  do  no  harm  to  young  people,  especially 
boys,  to  cultivate  betimes  a  spirit  of  obedience  to  law 
for  its  own  sake,  and  not  merely  teach  them  to  behave 
themselves  out  of  deference  for  the  opposite  sex. 
There  is  no  doubt  a  decided  benefit  to  be  gotten  from 
social  intercourse,  provided  this  is  accompanied  by 
the  proper  conditions.  The  place  for  it  is  in  the  home, 
under  the  supervision  of  parents,  who  will  see  to  it 
that  their  children  have  the  right  kind  of  associates, 
and  will  not  leave  them  to  the  chance  companionships 
which  the  mixed  school  affords.  It  has  often  been 
held  that  the  co-educational  system  extends  to  the 
school  the  "good  effects  that  flow  from  the  mutual  in- 
fluence of  mingling  the  sexes  in  the  family  circle": 
but  this  contention  evidently  overlooks  the  profound 
difference  between  the  home  situation  which  asso- 
ciates children  by  natural  ties  of  kindred,  and  the  situ- 
ation in  school  where  these  ties  do  not  exist.  And  it 
further  forgets,  apparently,  that  the  home  influence 
itself  has  latterly  been  weakened  in  many  ways  and  by 
various  causes;  how  far  co-education  has  contributed 
to  this  result  is  of  course  another  question.  At  any 
rate,  it  avails  nothing  to  argue  that  because  boys  and 
girls  live  together  in  the  same  family,  it  is  more  nat- 
ural that  they  should  be  educated  in  the  same  classes. 
When  appeal  is  taken  to  the  "natural"  order  of 
things,  tne  decision  is  plainly  in  favour  of  separate 
schools. 

On  physiological  grounds,  identical  education  pre- 
sents serious  difficulties.    As  no  arrangement  has 


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been  devised,  and  aa  none  can  be  devised,  to  make  the 
conditions  of  study  exactly  the  same  for  both  sexes, 
co-education  really  means  that  girls  are  subjected  to  a 
regimen  intended  and  conducted  for  boys.  To  the 
physical  strain  which  is  thus  imposed  on  them,  girls  as 
a  rule  are  not  equal ;  in  particular  they  are  apt  to  suf- 
fer from  that  very  rivalry  which  is  often  cited  as  a  de- 
sirable feature  of  the  mixed  school.  If  education  is 
to  take  as  its  first  principle  conformity  to  nature,  it 
must  certainly  make  allowance  for  differences  of  or- 
ganism and  function.  This  need  becomes  the  more 
imperative  in  proportion  as  the  dependence  of  mind 
upon  organic  processes  is  more  fully  realized  and 
turned  to  practical  account  in  educational  work.  It 
then  appears  beyond  question  that  from  a  psychologi- 
cal standpoint  woman  should  have  a  different  training 
from  that  which  men  receive.  There  is  no  question 
here  as  to  the  superiority  or  inferiority  of  eitner  sex, 
nor  will  it  profit  to  say  that  "soul  has  no  gender". 
The  fact  is  that  each  sex  has  its  own  mental  constitu- 
tion and  its  special  capacities.  To  develop  these  is 
the  work  of  education;  but  this  does  not  mean  that 
unlike  natures  shall  be  moulded  into  a  superficial  resem- 
blance to  each  other.  Even  if  it  were  desirable  to 
have  the  finished  product  exactly  the  same  in  both 
sexes,  it  does  not  follow  that  this  result  is  to  be  ob- 
tained by  subjecting  men  and  women  to  the  same  dis- 
cipline. Educationists  are  agreed  that  the  need  of 
the  developing  mind  is  the  first  tuing  to  be  consulted 
in  framing  methods  and  in  organizing  the  work  of  the 
school.  They  rightly  condemn  not  only  a  system 
which  treats  the  boy  as  though  he  were  a  man,  but  also 
any  feature  of  method  that  fails  to  secure  adaptation, 
even  in  detail,  of  the  teaching  to  the  present  condition 
of  the  pupil's  mind.  Yet  many  of  them,  strangely 
enough,  insist  that  the  same  training  shall  be  given  to 
boys  and  girls  in  the  secondary  schools,  that  is  at  a 
period  which  is  chiefly  characterized  by  the  manifesta- 
tion of  profound  mental  differences  between  one  sex 
and  the  other.  The  attempt  now  so  generally  made 
to  obviate  the  physiological  and  psychological  diffi- 
culties of  co-education  by  adapting  the  work  of  the 
school  to  the  capacities  and  requirements  of  girls,  can 
evidently  have  but  one  result,  and  that  not  a  desirable 
one,  so  far  as  boys  are  concerned. 

It  must  further  be  pointed  out  on  vocational 
grounds  that,  since  woman's  work  in  the  world  is  nec- 
essarily different  from  man's,  there  should  be  a  corre- 
sponding difference  in  the  preparation.  Here  again  it 
is  singular  that  while  the  whole  trend  of  our  schools  is 
towards  specialization  in  view  of  the  needs  of  after-life, 
no  such  consideration  should  be  had  for  diversity  of 
calling  based  on  diversity  of  sex.  The  student  is  en- 
couraged to  take  up  as  early  as  possible  the  special 
lines  of  work  that  fit  him  for  his  chosen  career  in  busi- 
ness, in  literary  work,  or  in  any  of  the  professions ;  yet 
for  the  essential  duties  of  life,  widely  different  as  these 
are,  men  and  women  receive  an  identical  education. 
However  great  be  the  share  which  woman  is  to  take 
in  "the  public  expression  of  the  ideal  energies,  for 
morality  and  religion,  for  education  and  social  re- 
forms, and  their  embodiment,  not  in  the  home,  but  in 
the  public  consciousness" — it  still  remains  true  that 
her  success  as  a  supporter  of  these  ideal  endeavours  is 
closely  bound  up  with  the  right  discharge  of  those  du- 
ties which  are  at  once  the  lot  and  the  privilege  of  her 
sex.  Any  influence  that  tends  to  make  those  duties 
less  sacred  to  her  or  less  attractive,  is  a  menace  to  her 
individual  perfection  and  may  lead  to  far-reaching 
calamity.  The  lowering  of  sex  tension,  which  is  the 
strongest  argument  brought  forward  to  support  co- 
education from  the  view-point  of  morality,  turns  out 
on  closer  inspection  to  be  a  fatal  objection;  it  proves 
too  much.  The  "  indifference ' '  which  it  is  said  to  pro- 
duce has  its  consequences  beyond  the  limit  of  school- 
life,  and  these  if  left  to  work  out  their  own  results 
would  be,  as  they  undoubtedly  are  in  many  instances, 


antagonistic  to  the  essential  interests  of  family  and 
home,  and  eventually  of  the  national  life  as  well. 

The  element  of  religious  instruction,  essential  to 
Catholic  schools,  has  a  peculiar  significance  in  the 
present  problem.  It  not  only  gives  free  scope  to  ideal 
and  testhetic  tendencies,  but  it  also  provides  effectual 
safeguards  against  the  dangers  to  which  adolescence 
is  exposed.  As  President  Hall  has  said,  "  every  glow 
of  aesthetic  appreciation  for  a  great  work  of  art,  every 
thrill  aroused  by  an  act  of  sublime  heroism,  every 
pulse  of  religious  aspiration  weakens  by  just  so  much 
the  potential  energy  of  passion  because  it  has  found 
its  kinetic  equivalent  in  a  higher  form  of  expression" 
(Pedagogical  Seminary,  March,  1908).    The  "pro- 

Shylactic  value"  of  religious  training  is,  from  the 
atholic  point  of  view,  far  greater  than  that  of  the 
conditions  which  co-education  involves  and  on  which 
it  depends  for  the  development  of  character  and 
morals.  But  this  value  of  course  can  be  got  only  by 
teaching  religion  with  the  same  thoroughness  and  the 
same  perfection  of  method  that  characterizes  the  teach- 
ing of  other  subjects,  and  in  such  a  way  as  to  make 
the  duties  which  religion  imposes  on  both  the  sexes 
not  merely  pleasing  items  of  knowledge,  but  also  vital 
elements  in  habit  and  action.  (See  Education; 
Schools.) 

For  extended  bibliographies  see  V.  S.  Commissioner' g  Report 
for  1900-01.  xxviii;  ibid,  for  1903,  xx;  Clarke,  Sex  in  Educa- 
tion (Boston,  1873);  Van  de  Wacher,  Woman't  UnfUnete  for 
Higher  Education  (New  York,  1903);  Bbons,  Veber  die  gemein- 
same  Erriehungbexder  Oeechlechter  an  den  hfiheren  Schulen  (Ham- 
burg.  1889);  Harris,  Coeducation  of  the  Sere*  in  Report  on 
Public  School*  of  St.  Louie,  Mo.,  1872-3;  De  Oaumo,  Differ- 
entiation in  the  Hiohcr  Education  of  Women  in  Educ.  Rev.,  25, 
301;  Shields,  The  Education  of  Our  Girts  (New  York,  1907). 

Thomas  E.  Shields. 

Ooeffeteau,  Nicolas,  preacher  and  controver- 
sialist, b.  1574,  at  Chateau-du-Loir,  province  of  Maine, 
France;  d.  Paris,  21  April,  1623.  He  entered  the 
Dominican  convent  of  Sens,  1588,  and  after  his  pro- 
fession, 1590,  was  sent  to  St-Jacques,  the  house  of 
studies  at  Paris.  There  in  1595  he  began  to  teach 
philosophy.  On  4  May,  1600,  he  received  the  doctor- 
ate and  was  appointed  regent  of  studies,  which  posi- 
tion he  filled  until  1606  and  again  from  1609  to  the 
spring  of  1612.  He  also  served  two  terms  as  prior  and 
was  vicar-general  of  the  French  congregation  from 
1606  to  1609.  At  this  time  Coeffeteau  had  already 
acquired  distinction  by  his  preaching  at  Blois,  Char- 
tres,  Angers,  and  in  Paris.  Queen  Margaret  of  Va- 
lois  had  made  him  her  almoner  in  1602,  and  in  1608 
he  received  the  appointment  of  preacher  in  ordinary 
to  King  Henry  IV.  In  June,  1617,  he  was  proposed 
by  Louis  XIII  and  confirmed  by  Pope  Paul  V  as  titu- 
lar Bishop  of  Dardania  and  Administrator  of  the  Dio- 
cese of  Metz.  By  his  vigilance  and  zealous  preaching 
he  checked  the  spread  of  Calvinistic  errors,  renewed 
and  re-established  Divine  services,  and  restored  eccle- 
siastical discipline,  especially  in  .the  great  abbeys  of 
Metz  and  in  the  monasteries  of  the  diocese.  After 
four  years  he  was  transferred,  22  Aug.,  1621.  to  the 
Diocese  of  Marseilles ;  but  ill-health  kept  him  from  his 
see.  He  secured  Francois  de  Lomenie  as  his  coadjutor, 
but  he  himself  remained  at  Paris  until  his  death.  He 
was  buried  in  St.  Thomas's  chapel  of  the  convent  of 
St-Jacques.  Coeffeteau's  writings  are  chiefly  polemi- 
cal. Five  treatises  on  the  Eucharist  were  occasioned 
by  a  controversy  with  Pierre  du  Moulin,  Calvinist 
minister  of  Charenton.  Another  series  on  ecclesiasti- 
cal and  pontifical  authority  was  prompted  by  the 
action  of  the  French  Protestants  in  relation  to  political 
and  religious  disturbances  in  England.  At  the  re- 
quest of  Gregory  XV,  Coeffeteau  wrote  a  refutation  of 
Hie  "De  Republica  Christiana"  by  the  apostate  Arch- 
bishop of  Spalato,  Marc'  Antonio  de  Dominis.  In  all 
these  writings,  at  a  time  in  which  partisanship  was 
wont  to  be  violent,  Coeffeteau  maintained  an  equable 
temper  and  a  praiseworthy  spirit  of  moderation, 


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always  handling  his  subjects  objectively  and  dispas- 
sionately. His  erudition  was  extraordinary  ana  he 
was  possessed  of  a  rare  and  penetrating  critical  judg- 
ment. On  the  question  of  papal  power  and  author- 
ity, Coeffeteau's  position  is  described  as  that  of  a  mod- 
ified Gallicanism.  He  held  that  the  infallibility  of  the 
pope  or  of  an  oecumenical  council  was  restricted  to 
matters  of  faith  and  did  not  bear  upon  questions  of 
fact  or  of  persons.  A  council,  he  held,  was  not  supe- 
rior to  a  pope  except  in  the  case  of  schism,  when  it 
could  depose  the  doubtful  incumbent  to  elect  one 
whose  right  and  authority  would  be  beyond  question. 
In  this  Coeffeteau  differed  from  the  Sorbonne,  which 
asserted  the  council's  superiority  in  all  cases.  Be- 
sides being  called  the  father  of  French  eloquence, 
Coeffeteau  was  a  recognized  master  of  the  French 
language.  He  was  the  first  to  use  it  as  a  means  of 
theological  expression,  and  the  purity  of  his  diction, 
especially  in  his  historical  writings  and  translations, 
is  admitted  and  commended  by  many  excellent 
authorities. 

Quetif-Echard,  Scriptores  Ord.  Prod.,  II,  434;  Coulon  in 
Vacant.  Diet,  de  thiol,  cath.  (Paris,  1906).  fuse.  XVIII,  ool. 
267;  Urbain,  Nicolas  Coeffeteau  (Paris,  1894). 

John  R.  Volz. 

Ooelchu,  also  Coloa,  Colcu  (Lat.  Colcus),  a  dis- 
tinguished Abbot  of  the  School  of  Clonmacnoise  in  Ire- 
land, who  flourished  during  the  latter  half  of  the 
eighth  century.  He  had  been  a  student  of  this  school, 
and  had  devoted  himself  especially  to  the  study  of  St. 
Paul,  whom  he  looked  upon  as  his  special  patron. 
Coelchu  was  remarkable  for  his  learning,  and  was 
surnamed  the  Scribe,  and  also  the  Wise.  Colgan  (Acta 
Sanctorum  Hibernise)  mentions  one  tract  from  the  pen 
of  Coelchu  which  was  then  extant,  and  which  was  en- 
tirely of  a  devotional  character.  He  is  generally  as- 
sumed to  be  the  person  with  whom  Alcuin  apparently 
had  some  correspondence.  A  letter  of  Alcuin's  to 
him  has  been  published  by  Ussher  (Sylloge,  Ep.  xviii) 
and  republished  by  Colgan.  It  is  headed  "Albini 
Magistri  ad  Colcum  lectorem  in  Scotia.  Benedicto 
magistro  et  pio  patri  Colcu  Alcuinus  humilis  levita 
salutem".  There  can  hardly  be  any  doubt  that  the 
Colcu  spoken  of  was  the  Abbot  of  Clonmacnoise,  and 
that  the  writer  of  the  letter  was  Alcuin,  not  Albin  the 
companion  of  Clement,  though  there  is  no  reason  for 
concluding  from  the  style  of  the  address  that  Alcuin 
had  ever  been  a  student  of  Coelchu's  at  Clonmacnoise. 
In  this  letter  Alcuin  gives  Coelchu  an  account  of  the 
state  of  religion  on  the  Continent,  mentions  Joseph, 
one  of  Coelchu's  pupils  then  in  France,  speaks  of  dis- 
putes between  King  Charles  and  Offa  of  Mercia,  on  ac- 
count of  which  he  himself  was  likely  to  be  sent  as 
negotiator  into  England.  This  clearly  proves  that  the 
letter  was  written  shortly  before  790.  He  sends  Coel- 
chu presents  of  money  from  King  Charles  and  from 
himself  for  the  monastery  of  Clonmacnoise  and  for  other 
monks  in  Ireland,  and  asks  their  prayers  for  himself 
and  the  king.  There  is  another  reference  to  Coelchu 
in  Alcuin's  letter  to  Joseph,  mentioned  already  in  the 
letter  to  Coelchu.  Though  Coelchu  was  spoken  of  as 
the  Scribe  or  Doctor  of  all  the  Irish,  none  of  his  writ- 
ings have  come  down  to  us. 

Co  loan.  Acta  SS.  Hibernitr  (Louvain,  1645),  20  Feb..  378; 
Ubbher,  Syllope  (Dublin,  1632),  Ep.  xviii;  Ware-Harris. 
Writers  of  Wand  (Dublin,  1739-64),  511;  Mabillon,  Annalts 
O.  S.  B.,  ad  annum  790:  La  nig  an,  Ecclesiastical  History  of  Ire- 
land (Dublin,  1829),  III,  228-232. 

James  MacCaffrby. 

Ooelde, Theodore  (TheodoreofMOnster;  Theo- 
dore of  OsnabrWck;  Derick,  Dederick,  or  Diete- 
rich,.  Colde),  Friar  Minor  and  missionary,  b.  at 
Miinster,  in  1435;  d.  at  Louvain,  11  December,  1515. 
He  was  a  different  person  from  the  Dominican,  Theo- 
dore of  MQnster,  and  from  the  Augustinian,  Theodore 
of  Osnabriick;  and  was  called  Theodore  von  Monster 
(Theodoricus  a  Monasterio)  from  the  place  of  his 


birth;  and  Theodore  von  Osnabriick  from  his  father's 
native  town.  Coelde  made  his  first  studies  at  Cologne, 
and  entered  the  Order  of  the  Hermits  of  St.  Augustine 
at  an  early  age.  In  1454  he  was  received  into  the 
Franciscan  Oraer  in  the  Netherlands.  When  the 
plague  broke  out  at  Brussels  in  1489,  Coelde  went 
about  administering  the  last  sacraments  to  the  dying; 
and  when  the  sacristan  accompanying  him  fell  a 
victim  to  the  plague,  Coelde  attached  the  lantern  to 
his  girdle,  and,  with  the  pyx  in  one  hand  and  the  bell 
in  the  other,  continued  his  ministrations.  Before 
the  end  of  the  plague,  more  than  thirty-two  thousand 
had  received  the  last  rites  of  the  Church  from  the 
heroic  friar.  In  1470  Coelde  composed  a  brief,  popu- 
lar treatise  on  the  truths  of  the  Catholic  Faith,  entitled 
"  Kerstenspiegel "  or  "Christenspiegel"  (The  Chris- 
tian's Mirror),  which  is  considered  to  be  the  first 
German  catechism.  It  went  through  thirty-two  edi- 
tions in  Low  German  and  two  in  High  German,  and 
came  to  be  used  throughout  Germany  and  the  Nether- 
lands as  the  principal  work  of  popular  instruction  in 
religious  matters.  At  the  request  of  his  friend  and 
admirer,  Archbishop  Hermann,  he  wrote  a  series  of 
meditations  on  the  sufferings  of  Christ,  which  appeared 
probably  about  the  same  time  as  the  "Christen- 
spiegel". In  1618  the  remains  of  Coelde  were  ex- 
humed, and,  after  the  suppression  of  the  Franciscan 
convent  at  Louvain,  were  transferred  to  Saint-Trond, 
where  they  now  repose  behind  the  high  altar. 

8 ch lager,  Beilraqe  zur  OeschicMe  tier  kolnischm  Frem- 
xiskaner-Ordensprovinz  (Cologne,  1904),  190.  passim;  Schoot- 
ens,  Martyrciogium  Minorilico-Bcloicum  (Hoogstraeten,  1902), 

211,213.  Stephen  M.  Donovan. 

Ooello,  Alonzo  Sanchez.  See  Sanchez-Coello, 
Alonzo. 

Ooemgen  (or  Kevin),  Saint,  Abbot  of  Glenda- 
lough,  Ireland,  b.  about  498,  the  date  being  very  ob- 
scure; d.  3  June,  618;  son  of  Coemlog  and  Coemell. 
His  name  signifies  f  air-begotten.  He  was  baptized  by 
St.  Cronan  and  educated  by  St.  Petroc,  a  Briton. 
From  his  twelfth  year  he  studied  under  monks,  and 
eventually  embraced  the  monastic  state.  Subse- 
quently he  founded  the  famous  monastery  of  Glen- 
dalough (the  Valley  of  the  Two  Lakes),  the  parent  of 
several  other  monastic  foundations.  After  visiting 
Sts.  Columba,  Comgall,  and  Cannich  at  Usneach 
(Usny  Hill)  in  Westmeath,  he  proceeded  to  Clonmac- 
noise, where  St.  Cieran  had  died  three  days  before, 
in  544.  Having  firmly  established  his  community, 
he  retired  into  solitude  for  four  years,  and  only  re- 
turned to  Glendalough  at  the  earnest  entreaty  of  his 
monks.  He  belonged  to  the  second  order  of  Irish 
saints  and  probably  was  never  a  bishop.  So  nu- 
merous were  his  followers  that  Glendalough  became 
a  veritable  city  in  the  desert.  His  festival  is  kept 
throughout  Ireland.  Glendalough  became  an  episco- 
pal see,  but  is  now  incorporated  with  Dublin.  St. 
Kevin's  house  and  St.  Kevin's  bed  of  rock  are  still  to 
be  seen;  and  the  Seven  Churches  of  Glendalough  have 
for  centuries  been  visited  by  pilgrims. 

O'Hanlon,  Lives  of  Irish  Saints  (Dublin,  1875),  VI,  28  sqq.; 
Healy,  Ireland's  Ancient  Schools  and  Scliolars  (Dublin,  1890); 
Lanigan,  Ecclesiastical  Hist,  of  Ireland  (Dublin,  1829),  II; 
Olden  in  Diet.  Nat.  Bioa.,  s.  v. 

Columba  Edmonds. 

Ooenred  (or  Cenred,  also  CoenrjED,  Coinred. 
Kenred,  and  Chrenrf.d),  King  of  Mercia  (reignrd 
704-709);  date  of  birth  and  death  unknown.  He 
was  the  son  of  King  Wulfhcre  and  his  Queen  Eormcn- 
gild.  When  Wulfhere  died,  in  C75,  Coenred  was  prob- 
ably too  young  to  succeed,  and  his  unci?  JSthclred 
ascended  the  throne.  The  A.  S.  Chronicle  speaks  of 
Coenred  becoming  King  of  the  Southumbrians  (a 
name  very  rarely  used)  in  702,  and  succeeding  to  the 
throne  of  Mercia  in  704,  when  jEthelred  retired  to  the 
cloister.  Southumbria  probably  designates  the  north- 


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era  portion  of  Mercia,  which  ^Ethelred  recovered  from 
Northumbria.  It  is  inferred  that  the  people  of  this 
region  rebelled  against  iEthelred  and  chose  Coenred 
for  their  king,  and  later  induced  JSthelred  to  resign 
the  whole  of  Mercia  in  favour  of  Coenred  in  704.  A 
reaction  against  the  Southumbrians  took  place  in  709, 
when  Coenred  abdicated  in  favour  of  Coelred,  the  son 
<>f  ^Ethelred.  Coenred  then  accompanied  Offa,  King 
of  the  East  Saxons,  to  Rome,  where  he  received  the 
monastic  habit  from  Pope  Constantine.  -  He  was 
present  at  a  council  of  the  Mercian  clergy  in  705,  and 
his  name  appears  on  several  charters  granting  lands 
to  Waldhere,  Bishop  of  London,  to  Cuthsw^h,  Abbess 
of  Worcester,  and  also  to  the  Abbey  of  Evesham.  It 
does  not  appear  that  he  was  ever  married.  A  great 
lover  of  peace,  and  of  a  pious  disposition,  he  was  more 
suited  for  the  cloister  than  the  throne.  St.  Bede  tells 
us  that  he  befriended  St.  Wilfrid  when  in  exile,  and 
relates  in  detail  his  efforts  to  convert  to  a  better  life 
one  of  his  chief  nobles,  who  finally  died  in  despair. 

Linoaed,  Hiet.  of  England,  I,  iii;  Anglo-Saxon  Chronicle  ad 
am.  lot.  70k,  709;  Bede,  Eeal.  Hut.,  bit.  V.  jriii,  six.  xxiv; 
William  or  Malmesbory,  Oest.  Reg.  (Eng.  Hist.  Sac.),  i,  iii; 
Idem.  Oest.  Pont..  239,  317,  351-2,  386;  Haddan  and  Stdbbs, 
Council*.  Ill,  273. 

G.  E.  Hind. 

Oobut  d'Alene  Indiana,  a  small  tribe  of  Salishan 
stock  formerly  ranging  along  (he  lake  and  river  of  the 
same  name  in  Northern  Idaho,  U.  S.  A.,  and  now 
residing  upon  a  reservation  established  in  1873  within 
the  same  boundaries.  The  name  by  which  they  are 
commonly  known,  signifying  "awl  heart",  is  said, 
although  doubtfully,  to  have  been  originally  a  nick- 
name given  by  the  French  traders  to  a  chief  of  the 
tribe  noted  for  his  stinginess.  They  call  themselves 
Skits  wish.  When  first  noticed  by  the  American  ex- 
plorers, Lewis  and  Clark,  in  1805,  the  Coeur  d'Alene 
were  a  wandering,  poverty-stricken  people,  dwelling 
in  mat-covered  communal  nouses  on  the  border  of  the 
lake,  and  subsisting  chiefly  upon  fish  and  wild  roots. 
In  disposition  they  were  peaceful,  brave  and  honest, 
and  at  a  later  period,  having  acquired  through  the 
French  and  Iroquois  employees  of  the  Hudson  Bay 
Company  an  idea  of  the  Catholic  religion,  many  of 
them,  as  well  as  the  Flatheads,  Nez  Perces,  and  others, 
voluntarily  adopted  a  system  of  Christian  prayers  and 
church  forms.  In  1841  the  Jesuit,  Nicholas  Point,  a 
companion  of  De  Smet,  established  the  Sacred  Heart 
(now  De  Smet)  mission  among  them,  with  such  won- 
derful success  that  within  ten  years  the  .  entire  tribe 
had  become  Christian,  civilized,  and  comfortably  self- 
supporting. 

In  his  official  report  to  the  Indian  Office  in  1854. 
Governor  Stevens  of  Washington  says:  "It  is  indeed 
extraordinary  what  the  good  fathers  have  done  at  the 
Coeur  d'Alene  mission.  They  have  a  splendid  church 
nearly  finished  by  the  labours  of  the  fathers,  laymen, 
and  Indians;  a  large  barn;  a  horse  mill  for  flour;  a 
small  range  of  buildings  for  the  accommodation  of  the 
priests  and  laymen;  a  store  room;  a  milk  or  dairy 
~wm;  a  cook  room,  and  good  arrangements  for  their 
pigs  and  cattle.  They  are  putting  up  a  new  range  of 
quarters,  and  the  Indians  have  some  twelve  comforta- 
ble log  cabins.  The  church  was  designed  by  the  supe- 
rior of  the  mission,  Pere  A  vile,  a  man  of  skill  as  an 
architect,  and  undoubtedly,  judging  from  his  well- 
thumbed  books,  of  various  accomplishments.  Pere 
Gazzoli  showed  me  several  designs  for  the  altar,  all  of 
them  characterized  by  good  taste  and  harmony  of 
proportion.  The  church,  as  a  specimen  of  architect- 
ure, would  do  credit  to  anyone,  and  has  been  faith- 
fully sketched  by  our  artist,  Mr.  Stanley.  The  mas- 
sive timbers  supporting  the  altar  were  from  larch 
trees  five  feet  in  diameter,  and  were  raised  to  their 
place  by  the  Indians,  simply  with  the  aid  of  a  pulley 
and  rope.  They  have  a  large  cultivated  field  of  some 
200  acres,  and  a  prairie  of  from  2000  to  3000  acres. 


They  own  a  hundred  pigs,  eight  yoke  of  oxen,  twenty 
cows,  and  a  liberal  proportion  of  horses,  mules,  and 
young  animals.  The  Indians  have  learned  to  plough, 
sow,  till  the  soil  generally,  milk  cows,  and  do  all  the 
duties  incident  to  a  farm.  They  are  some  of  them 
expert  wood  cutters,  and  I  saw  some  thirty  or  forty 
Indians  at  work  getting  in  the  harvest. "  All  this  in 
thirteen  years  in  the  heart  of  the  wilderness,  two 
thousand  miles  from  the  frontier  town  of  St.  Louis! 

The  mission  still  continues  to  mould  the  tribal  life, 
and  official  reports  show  that  the  same  high  standard 
is  maintained,  each  year  showing  an  advance  in  pros- 
perity and  general  intelligence.  The  tribe  is  increas- 
ing, and  numbered  492  souls  in  1906. 

Annual  Report  of  the  Commission  of  Indian  Affaire  (Wash- 
ington, 1831-1906);  Lewis  and  Clark,  Original  Journal* 
(New  York,  1905);  Moonet,  art.  iii— ion*  in  Handbook  of 
American  Indian*  (Washington,  1907);  Shea,  Catholic  Mis- 
sions  (New  York,  1855);  Dm  Suet,  Oregon  Mieeion*  (New 
York,  1847);  Stevens,  in  Report  of  Commission  of  Indian 
Affair*  (Washington,  1854). 

Jambs  Moonet. 

Coffin  (alias  Hatton),  Edward,  English  Jesuit  and 
missionary,  b.  at  Exeter,  1570;  d.  17  April,  1626,  at 
Saint-Oner's  College.  After  studies  at  Reims  and 
Ingolstadt.  he  was  ordained  at  the  English  College, 
Rome,  and  sent  to  England.  In  1598  he  entered  the 
Society.  On  his  way  to  the  novitiate  in  Flanders,  he 
was  seized  by  the  Dutch,  near  Antwerp,  and  taken 
to  England,  where  he  was  imprisoned  for  five  years. 
Banished  from  England  in  1603,  he  acted  for  twenty 
years  as  confessor  at  the  English  College,  Rome.  He 
volunteered  for  England  again,  but  died  on  the 
journey.  He  wrote  the  preface  to  Father  Persons 's 
"Discussion  of  Mr.  Barlowe's  Answer"  (Saint-Omer, 
1612);  Refutation  of  Hall,  Dean  of  Worcester's  "  Dis- 
course for  the  Marriage  of  Ecclesiastical  Persons" 
(1619);  "Art  of  Dying  Well",  from  the  Latin  of 
Bellarmine  (1621);  "True  Relation  of  Sickness  and 
Death  of  Cardinal  Bellarmine",  by  C.  E.  of  the  So- 
ciety of  Jesus  (1622),  tr.  into  Latin,  "  De  Morte",  etc. 
(Saint-Omer,  1623  8vo.);  "Marci  Antonii  de  Dom- 
inis  Palinodia"  (Saint-Omer,  1623),  tr.  by  Dr. 
Fletcher  in  1827  as  "  My  Motives  for  Renouncing  the 
Protestant  Religion":  "De  Martyrio  PP.  Roberts, 
Wilson  et  Napper"  (Stonyhurst  MSS.,  Anglia,  III, 
n.  103). 

Oliver,  Cotttdanea  S.  J.,  66;  Folet,  Record*,  I,  69;  VI,  178. 
and  677;  VII  (i).  146;  Morris,  Trouble*.  I,  166;  Douay  Diaries, 

Sp.  18,  207.  213;  Sohhervooel,  Bibliothrque,  II,  ool.  1270; 
illow,  Bibl.  Diet.  Eng.  Caih.,  I,  622;  Cooper  in  Diet.  Nat. 
Biog. ,  a.  v. 

Patrick  Ryan. 

Coffin,  Robert  Aston,  ecclesiastical  writer  and 
bishop,  b.  at  Brighton,  England,  19  July,  1819;  d.  at 
Teignmouth,  Devonshire,  6  April,  1885.  He  re- 
ceived his  secondary  education  at  Harrow  and  in  1837 
went  to  Christ  Church,  Oxford,  where  he  took  his 
B.A.  degree  with  honours  in  1840.  He  then  prepared 
himself  for  the  ministry  and,  having  received  Anglican 
orders  from  the  Bishop  of  Oxford,  he  was  appointed  in 
1843  vicar  of  St.  Mary  Magdalen,  Oxford.  While  at 
Oxford  he  had  become  a  follower  of  Dr.  Newman,  and 
like  so  many  others  who  had  joined  the  Oxford  or 
Tractarian  Movement  he  left  the  Anglican  Church  and 
was  received  into  the  Catholic  Church  at  Prior  Park 
on  the  feast  of  St.  Francis  Xavier,  3  Dec.,  1845,  two 
months  after  the  reception  of  Dr.  Newman.  Having 
spent  a  year  as  tutor  in  the  family  of  Mr.  Ambrose  de 
Lisle,  he  followed  Newman  to  Rome  to  prepare  him- 
self for  the  priesthood,  and  was  ordained  31  Oct., 
1847,  by  the  cardinal  vicar.  In  the  meantime  Dr. 
Newman  had  been  authorized  by  Pius  IX  to  found  the 
Oratory  of  St.  Philip  Neri  in  England.  When,  in 
June,  1848,  the  Oratory  was  established,  Father  Cof- 
fin with  other  convert  priests  joined  it,  and  he  was 
appointed  superior  of  St.  Wilfrid's,  Cotton  Hall.  The 
next  year  he  followed  a  strong  attraction  he  had  felt 


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since  his  conversion  for  the  Congregation  of  the  Most 
Holy  Redeemer,  left  the  Oratory,  and  entered  the 
Redemptorist  novitiate  at  Saint-Trond,  in  Belgium. 
Having  made  his  profession  on  2  February,  1852,  he 
returned  to  England  and  began  his  long  and  fruitful 
career  as  a  zealous  Redemptorist  missionary.  From 
1855  to  1865  he  was  rector  of  St.  Mary's,  Clapham, 
and  from  the  latter  year  till  1882  he  held  the  office  of 
provincial  of  the  English  Redemptorists.  These 
offices,  however,  did  not  prevent  him  from  zealously 
labouring  with  pen  and  tongue,  for,  from  1852  to 
1872,  he  was  almost  constantly  engaged  in  giving 
missions  and  clergy  retreats  throughout  England, 
Ireland,  and  Scotland,  and  in  publishing  many  asceti- 
cal  books. 

After  the  death  of  Dr.  Danell,  the  second  Bishop  of 
South  wark,  Father  Coffin  was  chosen  as  his  successor, 
and  was  consecrated  in  Rome  by  Cardinal  Howard, 
in  the  church  of  S.  Alfonso,  11  June,  1882,  taking 
possession  of  his  see  on  27  July.  After  an  illness  of 
several  months,  borne  with  great  fortitude,  Bishop 
Coffin  died  at  Teignmouth,  in  the  house  of  the  Re- 
demptorists which  ne  himself  had  founded  when  pro- 
vincial. "Although  his  name  was  at  no  time  con- 
spicuously before  the  world,  his  influence  had  been 
widely  and  deeply  felt,  and  few  ecclesiastics  in  Eng- 
land were  held  in  greater  esteem  or  affection.  By  the 
publication  of  many  of  the  works  of  St.  Alphonsus,  by 
his  labours  as  a  preacher  and  missionary  in  his  younger 
days,  by  his  numerous  retreats,  especially  to  the 
clergy,  and  still  more  by  his  government  of  the  Prov- 
ince of  the  Congregation  of  the  Most  Holy  Redeemer 
in  England,  Scotland,  and  Ireland  during  nearly 
twenty  years,  he  performed  a  quiet,  solid  and  endur- 
ing wort  which  will  be  felt  for  many  generations" 
(''The  Tablet",  London).  Among  his  publications 
are  the  following  English  translations  of  the  Italian 
works  of  St.  Alphonsus:  "The  Glories  of  Mary"  (Lon- 
don, 1852,  1868);  "The  Mysteries  of  the  Faith: 
The  Incarnation"  (London,  1854):  "The  Christian 
Virtues"  (London,  1854);  "The  Mysteries  of  the 
Faith:  The  Eucharist"  (London,  1855);  "Visits  to 
the  Most  Holy  Sacrament"  (London.  1855);  "The 
Eternal  Truths"  (London,  1857);  "A  Devotion  in 
Honour  of  St.  Joseph"  (London,  1860);  "The  Mys- 
teries of  the  Faith:  The  Redemption"  (London, 
1861);  "Hymns  and  Verses  on  Spiritual  Subjects" 
(London,  1863).  He  also  published  a  translation  of 
"The  Oratory  of  the  Faithful  Soul"  by  Blosius  (Lon- 
don, 1848),  and  several  pastoral  letters. 

Gillow,  BM.  Diet,  of  Eng.  Cath..  s.  v.;  The  Tablet  (London, 
11  April,  1885).  B.  GULDNER. 

Oogitosus,  an  Irishman,  an  author,  and  a  monk  of 
Kildare;  the  date  and  place  of  his  birth  and  of  his 
death  are  unknown;  it  is  uncertain  even  in  what  cen- 
tury he  lived.  In  the  one  work  which  he  wrote,  his 
life  of  St.  Brigid,  he  asks  a  prayer  pro  me  nepote  cui- 
palrili,  from  which  both  Ware  ana  Ussher  conclude  that 
he  was  a  nephew  of  St.  Brigid,  and,  accordingly,  he 
is  put  down  by  them  among  the  writers  of  the  sixth 
century.  But  the  word  nepos  may  also  be  applied  to 
one  who,  like  the  prodigal,  nad  lived  riotously,  and  it 
may  be,  that  Cogitosus,  recalling  some  former  lapses 
from  virtue,  so  uses  the  word  of  himself.  At  all 
events,  his  editor,  Vossius,  is  quite  satisfied  that  Cogi- 
tosus was  no  nephew  of  St.  Brigid,  because  in  two 
genealogical  menologies  which  Vossius  had,  in  which 
were  enumerated  the  names  of  fourteen  holy  men  of 
that  saint's  family,  the  name  of  Cogitosus  is  not  to  be 
found.  Nor  did  the  latter  live  in  the  sixth  century, 
because  he  speaks  of  a  long  succession  of  bishops  and 
abbesses  at  Kildare,  showing  that  he  writes  of  a  period 
long  after  the  time  of  St.  Brigid,  who  died  in  525,  and 
of  St.  Conleth,  who  died  a  few  years  earlier.  Besides 
this,  the  description  of  the  church  of  Kildare  belongs 
to  a  much  later  time ;  and  the  author  calls  St.  Conleth 


an  archbishop,  a  term  not  usual  in  the  Western  Church 
until  the  opening  of  the  ninth  century.  On  the  other 
hand,  he  describes  Kildare  before  it  was  plundered  by 
the  Danes,  in  835,  and  before  St.  Brigid's  remains 
were  removed  to  Down.  The  probability  therefore  is 
that  he  lived  and  wrote  the  life  of  St.  Brigid  about  the 
beginning  of  the  ninth  century.    His  work  is  a  pane- 

Syric  rather  than  a  biography.  He  gives  so  few 
etails  of  the  saint's  life  that  he  omits  the  date  and 

Clace  of  her  birth  and  the  date  of  her  death ;  nor  does 
e  make  mention  of  any  of  her  contemporaries,  if  we 
except  St.  Conleth,  the  first  Bishop  of  Kildare,  and 
Macaille  from  whom  she  received  the  veil.  He  gives 
the  names  of  her  parents,  but  is  careful  to  conceal  the 
fact  that  she  was  illegitimate,  and  that  her  mother 
was  a  slave.  On  the  other  hand,  he  dwells  with  evi- 
dent satisfaction  on  her  piety,  her  humility,  her  char- 
ity, her  zeal  for  religion,  the  esteem  in  which  she  was 
held  by  all.  And  he  narrates  at  length  the  many 
miracles  she  wrought,  and  tells  of  the  numbers  who 
came  as  pilgrims  to  Kildare,  attracted  by  her  fame. 
In  his  anxiety  to  exalt  her  he  says  she  had  as  abbess 
authority  over  all  the  abbesses  of  Ireland,  although 
as  a  matter  of  fact  she  could  govern  only  those  who 
followed  her  rule;  and  his  statement  that  she  ap- 
pointed the  Bishop  of  Kildare  could  not,  of  course, 
mean  that  she  conferred  any  jurisdiction.  Cogitosus 
writes  in  fairly  good  Latin,  much  better  indeed  than 
might  be  expected  in  that  age,  and  his  description  of 
the  church  of  Kildare  with  its  interior  decorations  is 
specially  interesting  for  the  history  of  early  Irish  art 
and  architecture. 

L  \nigan.  Ecclesiastical  History  (Dublin,  1822);  Mionk.  P. 
L.,  LXXII;  Healy,  Ancient  Schools  and  Scholars  (Dublin. 
1896);  Ware  and  Harris,  Writers  of  Ireland  (Dublin,  1764). 

E.  A.  D'Alton. 

Oogolludo,  Diego  Lopez  de,  one  of  the  chief  histo- 
rians of  Yucatan.  His  work,  the  "Historia  de  Yuca- 
tan", which  appeared  at  Madrid  in  1688,  and  was  re- 
printed in  1842  and  1867,  is  an  important  work,  full 
of  information  personally  gathered  at  a  time  when 
older  sources,  written  and  oral,  that  have  now  partly 
disappeared,  were  accessible.  Cogolludo  consulted 
and  used  the  writings  of  Bishop  Diego  de  Landa  to  a 
considerable  extent,  but  many  of  his  statements  must 
be  taken  with  cautious  criticism.  He  was  a  native  of 
Alcala  de  Henares  in  Spain,  and  took  the  habit  of  St. 
Francis  at  the  convent  of  San  Diego,  31  March,  1629. 
He  emigrated  to  Yucatan,  where  ne  became  succes- 
sively lecto*  in  theology,  guardian,  and  finally  pro- 
vincial of  his  order. 

Bbkistain  de  Souza,  Biblioteca  hixpano-americana  (Mexico, 
1816-1828  :  2nd  ed.  Ameoameca,  1883) ;  Squier,  Monograph  of 
Authors  (New  York,  1861);  Brassbdr  de  Bourbooro,  Rela- 
tion des  chases  de  Yucatan  par  Dieao  de  Landa  (1860);  Steph- 
ens, Incidents  of  Travel  in  Yucatan  (New  York,  1843);  Bande- 
libr,  Notes  on  the  Bibliography  of  Yucatan  and  Central  America 
(Proceedings  of  the  Antiquarian  Society,  Worcester,  1880); 
Ancona,  Hiatoria  de  Yucatan  (Menda,  1875);  Bancroft,  The 
Native  Races  of  the  Pacific  States  (New  York,  1875). 

Ad.  F.  Bandeueh. 

Cohen,  Hermann,  a  Discalccd  Carmelite  (Augus- 
tin-Marie  of  the  Blessed  Sacrament,  generally  known 
as  Father  Hermann),  b.  at  Hamburg,  Germany,  10 
November,  1820;  d.  at  Spandau,  20  January,  1871. 
The  son  of  a  Jewish  merchant,  he  devoted  himself  to 
music,  which  he  studied  under  Liszt  at  Paris,  where 
he  joined  a  brilliant  but  frivolous  circle,  to  the  detri- 
ment of  his  morals.  One  day,  in  May,  1847,  while 
leading  the  choir  at  Benediction  in  the  church  of 
Sainte -Valerie,  he  felt  himself  touched  by  Divine 
grace,  and,  after  a  short  sojourn  at  Ems,  resolved  to 
become  a  Christian.  Baptized  28  August,  he  insti- 
tuted with  De  la  Bouillerie  the  pious  practice  of  the 
nocturnal  adoration;  he  entered  the  Carmelite  no- 
vitiate at  Broussey,  made  his  profession  7  October, 
1850,  and  was  ordained  priest  19  April  of  the  following 
year.  His  fiery  eloquence  and  the  stir  caused  by  his 


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conversion  made  him  a  favourite  preacher,  notwith- 
standing insufficient  studies.  He  was  instrumental 
in  the  foundation  of  convents  at  Bagn6res-dc-Bigorre 
(1853),  Lyons  (1857),  the  "Desert"  of  Tarasteix  near 
Lourdes  (1857),  and  in  London  (1862),  where  he  had 
been  known  during  his  artistic  career.  After  some 
years  spent  in  England  he  went  on  a  preaching  tour 
through  Germany  and  France  and  ultimately  retired 
to  Tarasteix.  At  the  outbreak  of  the  Franco-German 
War  he  fled  to  Switzerland,  and  later  on  took  charge  of 
the  lazaretto  at  Spandau,  where  he  contracted  small- 
pox. He  was  buried  in  St.  Hedwig's  church,  Berlin. 
Among  his  works  are  "LeCatholicisme  en  Angleterre", 
a  speech  delivered  at  Mechlin,  also  in  English  (Paris, 
1864);  "Gloire  a  Marie"  (1849);  "Amour  a  Jesus" 
(1851);  "Fleurs  du  Carmel";  " Couronnement  de  la 
Madonne";  "Thabor"  (1870),  five  collections  of  sa- 
cred songs  with  accompaniment,  pious  but  somewhat 
shallow;  this  also  holds  good  of  his  mass  (1856). 

GiBokRis,  Conversion  du  pianisle  Hermann  (Paris,  1861); 
Mobbac,  Hermann  au  Saint  Desert  de  Tarasteix  (Paris,  1875); 
Stltain,  Vie  du  R.  P.  Hermann  (Paris,  1881);  tr.  German 
(Aachen,  1881);  Italian  (Turin,  1883). 

B.  Zimmerman. 

Coimbatore  (Koimbatur),  ■  Diocese  of  (Coimba- 
turensib). — The  city  of  Coimbatore  is  the  capital  of 
the  district  of  Coimbatore  in  Madras,  British  India, 
situated  on  the  River  Novel.  Its  population  in  1901 
was  53,080;  of  these  3,000  are  Catholics.  The  dio- 
cese embraces  the  Collectorate  of  Coimbatore  (except 
the  Taluk  of  the  Collegal),  the  Nilgiris  with  the  south- 
eastern Wynaad,  the  Taluks  of  PaJghat,  Collancodoo, 
Tamalpuram,  and  part  of  Wallavanad,  the  Chittur 
Taluks,  and  the  Nelliampathy  Hills  in  the  Cochin 
territory.  In  1846  Coimbatore  was  separated  from 
the  Vicariate  Apostolic  of  Pondicherry,  and  in  1850 
was  made  a  vicariate  Apostolic.  On  1  Sept.,  1886, 
it  was  constituted  a  diocese,  and  the  Right  Rev.  Joseph 
Louis  Bardon,  Bishop  of  Telmessus,  who  had  been 
vicar  Apostolic,  was  chosen  as  its  first  bishop. 

The  total  population  of  the  diocese  is  2,500,000,  of 
whom  37,080  are  Catholics.  There  are  41  European 
and  13  native  priests.  In  the  ecclesiastical  seminary 
are  14  students.  The  diocese  has  2  religious  com- 
munities of  men  and  3  of  women.  There  are  for  boys 
a  second-grade  college,  a  middle  school,  and  a  high 
school;  and  for  girls  eighteen  convent  schools.  There 
are  also  67  elementary  schools,  with  4239  pupils. 
There  are  2  hospitals,  4  orphanages,  and  an  industrial 
school. 

The  Madras  Catholic  Directory,  for  1907;  The  Statesman's 
Year  Boot  (London,  1906);  Konversations-Vsxikm  (St.  Louis, 
1905). 

Leo  A.  Kelly. 

Ooimbra,  Diocese  or  (Conimbricenbis),  in  Portu- 
gal, suffragan  of  Braga,  in  the  province  of  Beira. 
The  cathedral  city  has  13,369  inhabitants.  The  first 
known  bishop  was  Lucentius,  who  assisted  (563)  at 
the  First  Council  of  Braga,  the  metropolitan  See  of 
Ooimbra,  until  the  latter  was  attached  to  the  ecclesi- 
astical province  of  Merida  (650-62).  Titular  bishops 
of  Ooimbra  continued  the  succession  under  the  Arab 
conquest,  one  of  whom  witnessed  the  consecration  of 
the  church  of  Santiago  de  Compos  tela  in  876.  The 
see  was  re-established  in  1088,  after  the  reconquest 
of  the  city  by  the  Christians  (1064).  The  first 
bishop  of  the  new  series  was  Martin.  Among  the 
more  famous  bishops  have  been  Pedro  (1300), 
chancellor  of  King  Diniz,  and  Manoel  de  Menezes 
(1573-78),  rector  of  the  university,  who  fell  with 
I)om  Sebastian  on  the  field  of  Kassr-el-Kebir.  The 
old  cathedral  of  Ooimbra,  built  in  the  first  half  of  the 
twelfth  century,  partly  at  the  expense  of  Bishop 
Miguel  and  his  chapter,  is  a  remarkable  monument 
of  Romanesque  architecture;  the  new  cathedral,  a 
Renaissance  building  dating  from  1580,  is  of  little 
interest.   The  episcopal  palace  was  also  built  in  the 


sixteenth  century.  The  principal  monastery  of  the 
diocese  is  that  of  Santa  Cruz,  founded  in  1131  by 
Alfonso  VII,  and  for  some  time  the  most  important  in 
the  kingdom  by  reason  of  its  wealth  and  privileges. 
Its  prior  was  authorized  by  Anastasius  IV  and  Celes- 
tine  IN  to  wear  the  episcopal  insignia.  In  1904  the 
diocese  had  a  population  of  875,853,  divided  among 
308  parishes. 

Florez,  Espatia  Sagrada  (Madrid,  1759),  XIV,  71-96; 
Boroes  di  Figubikxdo,  Coimbra  antiga  e  moderna  (Lisbon, 
1886). 

University  op  Coimbra. — The  earliest  certain 
information  concerning  a  university  in  Portugal  dates 
from  1288,  when  the  Abbot  of  Alcobaza,  several 
priors  of  convents,  and  parish  priests  made  known  to 
Nicholas  IV  that  they  had  obtained  from  King 
Diniz  the  foundation  of  a  "Studium  Generale"  at 
Lisbon,  and  had  arranged  among  themselves  to  defray 
the  salaries  of  the  doctors  and  masters  from  the 
revenues  of  their  monasteries  and  churches;  they 
besought  the  pope  to  confirm  this  agreement  and  to 
protect  the  work  they  were  undertaking  "for  the 
service  of  God  and  the  glory  of  their  country".  In  a 
Bull  of  9  August,  1290,  addressed  to  the  "University 
of  the  masters  and  students  of  Lisbon",  the  pope 
acceded  to  their  request  and  expressed  his  satisfac- 
tion with  the  creation  of  this  new  seat  of  studies. 
This  Bull  "sanctions  taxation  of  lodgings  in  the 
Paris  and  Bologna  fashion,  grants  dispensation  from 
residence  to  masters  and  students  and  authorizes  the 
Bishop  of  Lisbon  (or,  sede  vacante,  the  Vicar-capit- 
ular) to  confer  the  jus  ubique  docendi  on  all  faculties 
except  Theology."  Frequent  quarrels  between  the 
students  and  the  citizens  led  the  King  of  Portugal  to 
request  the  pope  to  transfer  the  new  school  to  Coimbra, 
a  more  tranquil  place,  and  to  grant  at  the  same  time 
to  the  new  foundation  all  the  "privileges"  of  the 
former  one.  The  transfer  took  place  15  February, 
1308,  on  which  date  King  Diniz  issued  the  charter  of 
foundation,  quite  similar  to  that  of  Alfonso  the  Wise 
for  the  University  of  Salamanca  in  Castile.  The 
sciences  then  taught  at  Coimbra  were  canon  and 
civil  law,  medicine,  dialectic,  and  grammar.  Theol- 
ogy was  taught  in  the  convents  of  the  Dominicans 
and  the  Franciscans.  For  reasons  unknown  to  us, 
the  university  was  again  moved  to  Lisbon  in  1339, 
by  order  of  Alfonso  IV;  In  1354  it  returned  to 
Coimbra,  only  to  be  again  transferred  to  Lisbon  in 
1377.  From  this  time  until  its  final  transfer  to 
Coimbra  in  1537,  the  university  enjoyed  greater 
prosperity.  At  the  beginning  of  the  fifteenth  century 
theology  appears  regularly  as  one  of  the  sciences 
taught  there. 

During  the  reign  of  John  III  (1521-57)  important 
reforms  were  carried  out,  and  the  university  reached 
the  acme  of  its  career.  The  faculties  hitherto  widely 
scattered  in  different  edifices  were  brought  together 
under  one  roof  in  the  "Palacio  del  Rey",  and  new  and 
illustrious  professors  were  invited  from  Castile;  for 
the  faculty  of  theology,  Alfonso  de  Prado  and  Anto- 
nio de  Fonseca,  the  latter  a  doctor  of  Paris;  for  the 
faculty  of  law,  the  famous  canonist  Martin  de  Aspil- 
cueta  (Doctor  Navarrus),  Manuel  de  Costa,  and 
Antonio  Suarez,  all  three  from  Salamanca;  and  for 
medicine,  Francisco  Franco  and  Rodrigo  Reinoso. 
The  classical  languages  and  literatures  were  taught 
in  the  Colegio  de  las  Artes,  as  a  preparation  for  the 
graver  studies  of  the  university;  this  college  was  at 
first  quite  independent  of  the  latter,  but  was  event- 
ually incorporated  with  it  and  confided  to  the  Jesuits. 
One  of  its  first  professors  was  the  Scotch  Latinist, 
George  Buchanan,  later  a  follower  of  John  Knox  and 
a  re  viler  of  Mary  Stuart.  The  colleges  of  Sao  Pedro 
and  Sao  Paulo  were  founded  for  graduates  (doctors) 
who  purposed  to  devote  themselves  to  teaching; 
other  colleges  were  founded  for  the  students  of  various 
religious  orders  in  which  they  might  follow  the  corn- 


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mon  life  while  pursuing  their  studies  at  the  university. 
New  reforms  were  inaugurated*  in  1770,  when  (23 
December)  King  Jose  I,  on  the  initiative  of  the 
Marquis  de  Pombal,  appointed  a  commission  to  con- 
sider the  reorganization  of  the  university.  The 
commission  advised  the  creation  of  two  new  faculties, 
mathematics  and  natural  philosophy,  leaving  intact 
the  older  faculties  of  theology,  canon  law,  civil  law, 
and  medicine.  New  professors  were  brought  from 
Italy,  Michele  Franzim  for  mathematics,  and  Domen- 
ico  Vandelli  for  natural  history.  The  former  Jesuit 
college,  confiscated  at  the  time  of  the  expulsion  of  the 
Society  from  Portugal,  was  turned  over  to  the  faculty 
of  medicine  for  its  clinics  and  laboratories.  The 


deeply  religious,  but  his  religion  was  tinctured  witn 
the  evils  of  the  day,  Gallicanism  and  Jansenism.  It 
was  Colbert  who  suggested  to  Louis  XIV  the  conven- 
ing of  the  famous  Assembly  of  the  Clergy  in  1682 
which  formulated  the  four  propositions  of  Gallican- 
ism. In  the  conflicts  which  arose  between  the  court 
of  France  and  Rome  Colbert  used  his  influence  against 
Rome.  Protestants  looked  to  him  as  to  their  protec- 
tor. The  Jansenist  De  Bourseys  was  his  evil  genius 
as  well  as  his  informant  on  religious  questions.  In- 
fluenced by  De  Bourseys,  he  failed  to  see  the  real  dan- 
ger of  Jansenism,  and  by  treating  it  with  levity,  gave 
it  encouragement.  The  Colbert  family  gave  to  the 
Church  a  number  of  nuns  and  ecclesiastics.  Charles 


University  or  Coimbra 


laboratories  for  physics,  chemistry,  and  natural  his- 
tory were  also  located  there;  finally  a  botanical  gar- 
den was  added.  At  the  end  of  the  eighteenth  century 
metallurgy  was  taught  by  Jose  Bonifacio  de  Andrade, 
and  hydraulics  by  Manoel  Pedro  de  Mello,  both 
scholars  of  repute.  In  1907  the  University  of  Coim- 
bra  had  five  faculties,  theology,  law,  medicine,  mathe- 
matics, and  philosophy.  Its  professors  numbered 
(1905-06)  68,  and  its  students  2916.  The  library 
now  contains  about  100,000  volumes.    (See  Conim- 

BRICENSES.) 

Dbnifle,  Die  Enttlehung  der  UniveniUUen  da  MittelaUen 
bit  1IO0  (Berlin,  1885),  519  -534;  Viscondb  de  Villa-Major, 
Etposicao  succinta  da  organisacao  actual  da  Univerndade  de 
Coimbra,  etc.  (Coimbra,  1878);  Braoa,  Hietoria  da  Univer- 
tidade  de  Coimbra  (Lisbon,  1892-1002),  I-IV;  Minbrva,  Jahr- 
buch  der  gclchrten  Welt  (Strasburg,  1907). 

Eduardo  de  Hinojosa. 

Oola  di  Rienai.    See  Rienzi. 

Colbert,  Jean-Baftiste,  Marquis  de  Seignelay, 
statesman,  b.  at  Reims,  France,  1619;  d.  at  Paris, 
1683.  Noticed  by  Mazarin  and  recommended  by  him 
to  Louis  XIV  he  became  at  the  latter's  death,  con- 
troller of  finances.  Through  the  control  of  finances  he 
organized  nearly  every  public  service  in  France.  Of 
him,  Mme.  de  Sevign6  said:  "M.  de  Colbert  thinks  of 
finances  only  and  never  of  religion."  This  should 
not,  however,  be  taken  too  literally.    Colbert  was 


Gerinsays:  "His  sisters  controlled  the  great  abbeys 
of  Sainte-Marie  de  Chaillot,  of  Sainte-Claire  de  Reims 
and  of  the  LeLys  near  Melun.  One  of  his  brothers 
(Nicolas,  1627-1676)  Bishop  of  Lucon  and  afterwards 
of  Auxerre,  having  died,  he  caused  to  be  appointed 
in  his  place  his  cousin  Andre  (1647-1702)  who  was  a 
member  of  the  assembly  of  1682,  with  another  of  his 
cousins,  Colbert  de  St.  Pouange,  Bishop  of  Montau- 
ban. "  This  passage  omits  the  following  three  best 
known  kinsmen  of  the  great  Colbert. 

II.  — Jacques-Nicolas  Colbert  (1655-1707), 
Archbishop  of  Rouen.  Fisquet  (La  France  pontifi- 
cale,  Rouen,  p.  253)  describes  him  as  a  worthy  and 
learned  prelate  giving  his  principal  care  to  the  training 
of  his  clerics.  C.  Gerin  (loc.  cit.,  p.  188),  however,  re- 
proaches him  for  being  worldly,  a  spendthrift,  and,  in 
spite  of  his  pompous  declarations  of  orthodoxy,  no  less 
sympathetic  to  Jansenism  than  his  cousin,  the  Bishop 
of  Montepellier. 

III.  — Charles-Joachim  Colbert  (1667-1738), 
Bishop  of  Montepellier,  and  a  militant  Jansenist.  He 
first  appeared  to  submit  to  the  Bull  "Vineam  Dom- 
ini" of  Innocent  XI,  1705,  but  when  Clement  XI 
issued  the  Bull  "Unigenitus",  1713,  he  openly  sided 
with  the  appellants  Soanen  of  Senez,  de  la  Broue  of 
Mirepoix,  and  Langle  of  Boulogne.  The  works  pub- 
lished under  his  name  (Montepellier,  1740)  are  prob- 


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ably,  at  least  in  part,  from  the  pen  of  his  advisers, 
Gaultier  and  Croz,  who  are  moreover  charged  with 
the  perversion  of  their  master.  In  1702,  one  of  his 
priests,  the  Oratorian  Pouget,  published,  at  his  re- 
quest, the  "Catechisme  de  Montpellier"  a  remarka- 
ble book  but  tinctured  with  Jansenism  and  condemned 
by  the  Holy  See,  1712  and  1721. 

IV. — Michel  Colbert  (1633-1702),  an  ascetic 
writer  and  superior  of  the  Premonst  rants.  His  elec- 
tion was  somewhat  irregular  and  had  to  be  validated 
by  papal  rescript.  He  is  the  author  of  "  Lettres  d'un 
Abbe1  a  ses  religieux"  and  " Let tre  de  Consolation". 

FlaqCET,  La  France  pontificate  (Paris,  s.  d.)  under  the  vari- 
ous dioceses  referred  to  above;  Gerin,  Recherche*  eur  Vaeeem- 
bice  da  etergi  de  less  (Paris,  1868);  Besoioxe,  Vie  dee  Quoin 
cv/que*  engages  dan*  la  cause  de  Port-Royal  (Cologne,  1750); 
Clement,  Hutoire  de  Colbert  (Paris,  1876);  Ramn,  Mtmoire* 


(Paris,  1805);  Jal,  Diet,  critique  (Paris,  1807);  Gau< 
Rrc.  HiM.Ecd. _(Lo_uvain,  1903),  III,  988;  W  axeman,  Europe 


Jauckie  in 


(New  York,  1905),  202. 


J.  F.  SOLLIER. 


Oole,  Henry,  confessor  of  the  Faith,  b.  at  Gods- 
hill,  Isle  of  Wight,  about  1500;  d.  in  the  Fleet  Prison, 
February,  1579  or  1580.  He  was  educated  at  Win- 
chester and  New  College,  Oxford,  admitted  a  per- 
petual fellow  there  (1523),  received  the  degree  of 
B.C.L.  (1525),  and  then  went  to  Italy  for  seven 
years,  residing  chiefly  at  Padua.  During  his  career 
he  was  successively  prebendary  of  Yatminster  (1539), 
rector  of  Chelmsford,  Essex,  prebendary  of  Holborn, 
Sweting  (1541),  and  Wenlakesbarn  (1542),  warden  of 
New  College  (1542-51),  and  rector  of  Newton  Longue- 
ville  in  Buckinghamshire.  Created  a  D.C.L.  at  Oxford 
(1540),  he  resigned  his  fellowship  the  same  year.  At 
first  he  conformed  to  the  Protestant  religion,  but  af- 
terwards saw  his  error,  returned  to  the  Catholic  Faith 
about  1547,  and  eventually  resigned  all  his  prefer- 
ments. In  Mary's  reign  he  became  Archdeacon  of 
Ely,  a  canon  of  Westminster  (1554),  vicar-general 
of  Cardinal  Pole  (1557),  and  a  judge  of  tie  archiepisco- 
pal  Court  of  Audience.  He  was  one  of  the  commis- 
sioners who  restored  Tunstal  and  Bonner  to  then- 
bishoprics,  a  disputant  against  Cranmer,  Ridley,  and 
Latimer  at  Oxford  (1554),  a  delegate  for  the  visitation 
of  Oxford  (1556),  and  Visitor  of  All  Souls  College  in 
1558,  in  which  year  he  received  the  rectory  of  W  roth- 
am,  and  was  sent  to  Ireland  with  a  commission  for 
the  suppression  of  heresy  there.  Cardinal  Pole  ap- 
pointed Cole  one  of  his  executors.  During  Elizabeth  'a 
reign  he  remained  true  to  the  Catholic  Faith  and  took 
part  in  the  discussions  begun  at  Westminster  in  1559. 
Then  began  his  sufferings:  first,  he  was  fined  500 
marks  (SI 600),  then  deprived  of  all  his  preferments, 
committed  to  the  Tower  (20  May,  1560),  and  finally 
removed  to  the  Fleet  (10  June),  where  he  remained 
for  nearly  twenty  years,  until  his  death.  He  wrote: 
letters  to  Dr.  Starkey  and  Sir  Richard  Morysin 
from  Padua,  1530,  and  Paris,  1537;  "Disputation 
with  Cranmer,  Ridley  and  Latimer  at  Oxford",  in 
Fox's  "Acts  and  Monuments";  "Sum  and  effect  of 
his  sermon  at  Oxford  when  Archbishop  Cranmer  was 
burnt",  in  Fox's  "Acts  and  Monuments";  "Answer 
to  the  first  proposition  of  the  Protestants  at  the  dis- 
putation before  the  Lords  at  Westminster,  1559",  in 
Burnet's  "Hist.  Reform.  Records";  "Copie  of  a  Ser- 
mon at  Paule's  Crosse  1560"  (London,  1560);  "Let- 
ters to  John,  Bishop  of  Sarum"  (London,  1560); 
"Answers  to  certain  parcels  of  the  Letters  of  the 
Bishop  of  Sarum",  in  Jewel's  works. 

Wood,  Athena  Oxonientet,  ed.  Buss  (London,  1813),  I, 
450;  Cooper,  Athena  Cantabrigienae*  (Cambridge,  1868-61),  I, 
417;  Rashdall,  Hit  lory  of  New  College  (London,  1901),  109, 
110;  Dodd,  Church  History  of  England,  ed.  Tiesnet  (London, 
1830-43).  II,  136,  137,  obai,  cccxvi;  III,  159. 

G.  E.  Hind. 

•I 

Coleman,  Edward,  controversialist  politician,  and 
secretary  of  the  Duchess  of  York,  date  of  birth  un- 
known; executed  at  Tyburn,  3  December,  1678.  He  was 
IV.—  7 


the  son  of  a  Suffolk  clergyman  and,  after  a  distin- 
guished career  at  Cambridge,  became  a  Catholic  and 
was  employed  by  the  Duchess  of  York.  As  her  secre- 
tary he  became  acquainted  with  continental  states- 
men from  whom  he  sought  pecuniary  help  when  in 
difficulties.  In  1675  he  offered  his  services  in  favourof 
Catholicism  to  Pere  La  Chaise,  the  confessor  of  Louis 
XIV;  again  in  1676  he  was  in  communication  with 
Father  Saint-Germain,  offering  his  assistance  to  pre- 
vent a  rupture  between  England  and  France.  These 
attempts  to  procure  money  failed,  but  he  succeeded 
later  in  obtaining  £3500  from  three  successive  French 
ambassadors  whom  he  supplied  with  daily  informa- 
tion regarding  the  proceedings  of  Parliament.  He 
became  a  suspected  character,  and  on  the  discovery 
of  the  Titus  Oates  Plot,  conceived  in  1678  for  the  ruin 
of  the  Duke  of  York  whose  Catholicity  was  suspected, 
Coleman  was  named  as  one  of  the  conspirators.  Con- 
scious of  his  innocence  he  took  no  steps  to  protect 
himself,  allowed  his  papers  to  be  seized,  and  gave  him- 
self up  for  examination.  He  was  tried  28  Nov.,  1678, 
being  accused  of  corresponding  with  foreign  powers 
for  the  subversion  of  the  Protestant  religion,  and  of 
consenting  to  a  resolution  to  murder  the  king.  His 
defence  was  that  he  had  only  endeavoured  to  procure 
liberty  of  conscience  for  Catholics  constitutionally 
through  Parliament,  and  had  sought  money  abroad 
to  further  this  object.  He  denied  absolutely  any 
complicity  with  the  plot  against  the  king's  life.  His 
foreign  correspondence  of  1675  and  1676,  when  ex- 
amined, proved  him  to  be  an  intriguer,  but  contained 
nothing  that  could  connect  him  in  any  way  with  de- 
signs on  the  king's  life.  However,  m  spite  of  the 
flagrantly  false  testimony  of  Oates  and  Bedloe,  he  was 
found  guilty,  drawn  to  Tyburn,  and  there  executed. 
He  was  a  good  linguist,  writer,  and  controversialist. 
His  controversy  with  Drs.  Stillingfleet  and  Burnet 
resulted  in  the  conversion  of  Lady  Tyrwhit  to  the 
Catholic  religion.  His  writings  were:  "Reasons  for 
Dissolving  Parliament" ;  "TwoLetterstoM.LaChaise, 
the  French  King's  Confessor"  (London,  1678,  re- 
printed in  Cobbett's  "  Parliamentary  History  ") ;  "  The 
Tryal  of  Edward  Coleman"  etc.  (London,  1678); 
"Legacies;  a  Poem",  etc.  (London,  1679). 

Linoard,  Hut.  of  England  (ed.  1854),  IX,  175,  177,  178, 
191;  Giixow,  Bibl.  Diet,  of  Englith  Cath.,  s.  v. 

G.  E.  Hind. 

Coleridge,  Henry  James,  writer  and  preacher, 
b.  20  September,  1822,  in  Devonshire,  England;  d. 
at  Roehampton,  13  April,  1893.  He  was  the  son  of 
Sir  John  Taylor  Coleridge,  a  Judge  of  the  King's 
Bench,  and  brother  of  John  Duke,  Lord  Coleridge, 
Chief  Justice  of  England.  His  grandfather,  Captain 
James  Coleridge,  was  brother  to  Samuel  Taylor  Cole- 
ridge, the  poet  and  philosopher.  He  was  sent  to  Eton 
at  the  age  of  thirteen,  and  thence  to  Oxford,  having 
obtained  a  scholarship  at  Trinity  College.  His  uni- 
versity career  was  distinguished:  in  1844  he  took  the 
highest  honours  in  the  classical  schools,  and  was  elected 
to  a  fellowship  at  Oriel,  then  the  blue  ribbon  of  the 
university.  _  In  1848  he  received  Anglican  orders. 
The  Tractarian  movement  being  then  at  its  height, 
Coleridge,  with  many  of  his  tutors  and  friends,  joined 
its  ranks  and  was  an  ardent  disciple  of  Newman  till 
his  conversion.  He  was  one  of  those  who  started 
"The  Guardian"  newspaper  as  the  organ  of  the  High 
Church  party,  being  for  a  time  its  Oxford  sub-editor. 
Gradually  various  incidents,  the  secession  of  Newman, 
Dr.  Hampden's  appointment  as  Regius  Professor  of 
Theology,  the  condemnation  and  suspension  of  Dr. 
Pusey,  the  condemnation  and  deprivation  of  W.  G. 
Ward,  and  ttye  decision  in  the  celebrated  Gorham  case, 
seriously  shook  his  confidence  in  the  Church  of  Eng- 
land. In  consequence  Dr.  Hawkins,  Provost  of  Oriel, 
declined  to  admit  him  as  a  college  tutor,  and  he  there- 
fore accepted  a  curacy  at  Alphington,  a  parish  recently 


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separated  from  that  of  Ottery  St.  Mary,  the  home  of 
his  family,  where  his  father  had  built  for  him  a  house 
and  school.  Here,  with  most  congenial  work,  he  was 
in  close  connexion  with  those  to  whom  he  was  already 
bound  by  a  singular  affection.  His  doubts  as  to  his 
religious  position  continued,  however,  to  grow,  and 
early  in  1852  he  determined  that  he  could  no  longer 
remain  in  the  Anglican  Communion. 

On  Quinquagesima  Sunday  (February  22)  he  bade 
farewell  to  Alphington,  and  in  April,  after  a  retreat  at 
Clapham  under  the  Redemptorist  Fathers,  he  was  re- 
ceived into  the  Catholic  Church.  Determined  to  be 
a  priest,  he  proceeded  in  the  following  September  to 
Rome  and  entered  the  Accademia  dei  Nobili,  where 
he  had  for  companions  several  of  his  old  Oxford  friends, 
and  others,  including  the  future  Cardinals  Manning 

and  Vaughan.    He  was   

ordained  in  1856  and  six 
months  later  took  the  de- 
gree of  D.D.  In  the  sum- 
mer of  1857  he  returned 
to  England,  and  on  the 
7th  of  September  entered 
the  Jesuit  novitiate,  which 
was  then  at  Beaumont 
Lodge,  Old  Windsor,  his 
novice  master  being  Father 
Thomas  Tracy  Clarke,  for 
whom  to  the  end  of  his  life 
he  entertained  the  highest 
admiration  and  esteem. 
In  1859  he  was  sent  to 
the  Theological  College  of 
St.  Beuno's,  North  Wales, 
as  professor  of  Scripture, 
ana  remained  there  until, 
in  1865,  he  was  called  to 
London  to  become  the  first 
Jesuit  editor  of  "The 
Month",  a  magazine 
started  under  other  man- 
agement in  the  previous 
year.  Then  commenced 
a  course  of  indefatigable 
literary  labour  by  which 
he  is  best  known.  Besides 
the  editorship  of  "The 
Month",  to  which,  after 
the  death  of  Father  Wil- 
liam Maher,  in  1877,  he 
added  that  of  "The  Mes- 
senger", and  for  which 
he  was  one  of  the  most  prolific  writers.  Father 
Coleridge  projected  and  carried  on  the  well  known 
Quarterly  Series  to  which  he  himself  largely  con- 
tributed, both  with  his  great  work  "The  Public  Life 
of  Our  Lord"  and  others,  such  as  "The  Life  and 
Letters  of  St.  Francis  Xavier"  and  "The  Life  and 
Letters  of  St.  Teresa".  Worthy  of  mention  also  is 
his  Harmony  of  the  Gospels,  "Vita  Vitas  Nostras", 
a  favourite  book  for  meditation,  published  also  in  an 
English  version.  Studies  based  on  the  New  Testa- 
ment were  his  work  of  predilection,  a  taste  which  seems 
to  have  been  acquired,  at  least  in  part,  from  his  old 
Oxford  tutor,  Isaac  Williams.  For  a  time  he  was  also 
superior  of  his  religious  brethren  in  Farm  Street,  Lon- 
don. In  1881  failing  health  obliged  him  to  resign 
"The  Month"  to  another  Oxonian,  Father  Richard 
F.  Clarke,  but  he  continued  to  labour  on  "The  Life 
of  Our  Lord",  which  he  earnestly  desired  to  finish. 
In  1890  a  paralytic  seizure  compelled  him  to  withdraw 
to  the  novitiate  at  Roehampton,  where,  with  indom- 
itable spirit,  he  succeeded  in  completing  his  magnum 
opus  before  passing  away. 

The  chief  sources  for  his  me  are  articles  in  The  Month,  June. 
1893,  by  his  friend  James  Patterson,  Bishop  of  Emmaus,  ana 
Father  Richard  F.  Clarxb.  8.  J.  g  _ 

John  Gerard. 


,  Joannes  Couetvs 

CJws  colis&rmat  at  cults  Co^W^  ZJprOrtr 
n?  dofUs  inkr  jtcfljjuma  Jim*  nfit* 


Oolet,  John,  Dean  of  St.  Paul's  Cathedral  and 
founder  of  St.  Paul's  School,  London;  b.  in  London, 
1467;  d.  there  18  Sept.,  1519.  He  was  the  eldest  son 
of  Sir  Henry  Colet,  twice  Lord  Mayor  of  London. 
Having  finished  his  schooling  in  London,  he  was  sent 
to  Oxford,  but  no  particulars  of  bis  life  there  have 
been  preserved,  not  even  the  name  of  his  college. 
While  at  Oxford  he  determined  to  become  a  priest 
and  even  before  ordination  obtained  through  family 
influence  much  preferment,  including  the  livings  of 
St.  Mary  Dennington,  Suffolk,  St.  Dunstan,  Stepney, 
and  benefices  in  the  counties  of  Huntingdon,  North- 
ampton, York,  and  Norfolk.  In  1493  he  Degan  a  tour 
through  France  and  Italy,  studying  as  he  went  and  ac- 
quiring that  love  of  the  new  learning  which  marked 
his  after-life.  Returning  to  England  in  1496,  he  pre- 
pared  for  ordination,  and 
became  deacon  on  17  Dec., 
1497,  and  priest  on  25 
March,  1497-8.  He  lec- 
tured at  Oxford  on  St. 
Paul's  Epistles,  introduc- 
ing a  new  treatment  by 
abandoning  the  purely 
textual  commentary  then 
usual,  in  favour  of  a  study 
of  the  personality  of  St. 
Paul  and  of  the  text  as  a 
whole.  In  1498  he  met 
Erasmus  at  Oxford,  with 
whom  he  immediately  be- 
came intimate,  arousing  in 
him  especially  a  distrust  of 
the  later  schoolmen.  Colet 's 
lectures  on  the  New  Testa- 
ment continued  for  five 
years,  until  in  1504  he  was 
made  Dean  of  St.  Paul's, 

{>roceeding  D.D.  before  he 
eft  Oxford.  In  London 
he  became  the  intimate 
friend  and  spiritual  adviser 
of  Sir  Thomas  More.  At 
the  death  of  his  father  in 
1505  he  inherited  a  for- 
tune, which  he  devoted  to 
public  purposes.  His  ad- 
ministration of  the  cathe- 
dral was  vigorous,  and  in 
1509  he  began  the  founda- 
tion of  the  great  school  with 
which  his  name  will  ever 
be  associated.  The  cost  of  the  buildings  and  en- 
dowments is  estimated  at  forty  thousand  pounds 
in  present  value.  The  object  was  to  provide  a 
sound  Christian  education.  Greek  was  to  be  at 
least  of  equal  importance  with  Latin.  William  Lilly 
was  the  first  head  master,  but  Colet  exercised  a 
close  personal  supervision  over  the  school,  even 
composing  some  of  the  textbooks.  In  1512  he  was 
accused  of  advanced  views  and  was  in  difficulties  with 
his  bishop,  but  on  the  trial  Archbishop  Warham  dis- 
missed the  charges  as  frivolous.  It  may  well  be  that 
Colet,  irritated  by  obvious  abuses  and  not  seeing  how 
far  the  reaction  would  go,  used  language  on  certain 
points  which  in  the  light  of  after-events  is  regrettable, 
out  there  can  be  no  doubt  as  to  his  own  orthodoxy  and 
devotion.  In  1518  he  completed  the  revised  statutes 
of  his  school.  At  his  death  the  following  year  he  was 
buried  in  St.  Paul's  Cathedral.  His  school  remained 
on  its  original  site  until  1884,  when  it  was  removed  to 
Hammersmith. 

Colet's  works  are:  "Convocation  Sermon  of  1512"; 
"  A  righte  fruitfull  admonition  concerning  the  order 
of  a  good  Christian  man's  life"  (1534);  "Joannis 
Coleti  Theologi  olim  Decani  Divi  Pauli  £ditio" 
(1527,  and  often  reprinted),  the  original  of  almost 


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all  Latin  Grammars  of  the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth 
centuries;  "Opus  de  Sacramentia  Eccleaia"  (1867), 
which  with  the  following  treatises,  long  preserved 
in  MS.,  was  finally  edited  by  the  Rev.  J.  H.  Lup- 
ton,  sur-master  of  the  school;  two  treatises  on 
the  "Hierarchies"  of  Dionysius  (1869);  "An  Expo- 
sition of  St.  Paul's  Epistle  to  the  Romans"  (1873); 
"An  Exposition  of  St.  Paul's  first  Epistle  to  the 
Corinthians" (1874);  "Letters  to  Radulphus"  on  the 
Mosaic  account  of  the  Creation,  and  some  minor  works 
(1876);  "Statutes  of  St.  Paul's  School"  {often  re- 
printed). Pitts  (de  Aug.  Scriptoribus,  Paris,  1610) 
gives  several  additional  works  by  Colet.none  of  which 
are  extant.  Many  of  his  letters  are  in  the  works  of 
Erasmus. 

The  account  of  Co  let  by  Erasmus  in  Epittola  (Leyden) ,  III, 
cccxxxv,  tr.  Lupton  (London,  1883),  was  the  foundation  of 
most  of  his  biographic*  published  before  the  end  of  the  seven- 
teenth century.  Since  then  there  have  been  several  lives  pub- 
lished, none  by  a  Catholic  writer. — Knight,  Life  of  John 
Colet  (London,  1724;  republished  Oxford,  1823:  written  with 
strong  Protestant  bias);  Sskbohu,  Oxford  Reformer*:  Colet, 
Erasmus  and  More  (London,  1807);  Lofton,  Life  of  John 
Colet  (London,  1887).  For  a  bibliography  see  Lupton,  In- 
troduction to  Colet's  Letter)  to  Radulphus;  Gardiner  Register 
of  St.  Paul's  School  (London,  1884);  Lee  in  Diet.  Nat.  Bioa. 
(London,  1887),  XI,  321-328,  with  account  of  various  Colet 
HSS.  still  existing. 

Edwin  Burton. 


Ooleti  (Coletti),  Nicola,  priest  and  historian,  b.  at 
Venice,  1680;  d.  in  the  same  city,  1765.  He  studied 
at  Padua,  where  he  received  the  degree  of  Doctor. 
He  was  sent  to  the  church  of  San  Moise  at  Venice,  and 
there  devoted  himself  to  historical  and  antiquarian 
research.  His  first  work  of  importance  was  a  new 
edition  of  Ughelli's  "Italia  Sacra"  published  in  ten 
volumes  from  1717  to  1722.  Besides  correcting 
many  errors,  Coleti  continued  Ughelli's  history  to  the 
beginning  of  the  eighteenth  century.  Coleti  then 
undertook  the  compilation  of  his  large  work  entitled 
"Collectio  Conciliorum".  Up  to  this  time  there  had 
been  two  standard  histories  of  the  councils,  that  of 
Labbe  and  Cossart  (Paris,  1671-72),  and  that  of  Har- 
douin  (Paris,  1716).  Baluze  had  begun  a  similar 
work,  but  only  the  first  volume  had  appeared.  Co- 
leti's  collection  was  based  on  that  of  Labbe,  though  he 
availed  himself  of  the  labours  of  Baluze  and  Har- 
douin.  The  work  was  published  by  his  brother  Sebas- 
tiano  at  Venice  from  1728  to  1733  in  twenty-three  vol- 
umes. The  last  two  were  called  "  Apparatus  primus ' ' 
and  "Apparatus  secundus",  containing  the  indexes, 
for  which  the  collection  was  especially  valuable. 
Other  works  of  Coleti's  were  "Series  episcoporum 
Cremonensium  aucta"  (Milan,  1749);  "Monuments 
ecclesis  Veneto  S.  Moisis"  (1758) — this  is  valuable  to 
the  historian  for  the  ancient  documents  it  makes 
known.  Coleti  also  annotated  a  manuscript  of  Maf- 
fei  now  preserved  in  the  Biblioteca  Vallicellana  at 
Rome  and  bearing  the  title:  " Supplementum  Aca- 
cianum  monumenta  nunquam  edita  continent,  qua; 
marchio  Scipio  Maffeius  a  vetustissimis  Veronesis  cap- 
ituli  codicibus  emit  atque  illustravit,  editum  Venetiis 
apud  Sebastian  um  Coleti  anno  1 728  ".  In  addition  to 
the  above,  two  posthumous  dissertations,  said  to  have 
been  published  oy  his  brothers,  have  been  attributed 
to  Coleti,  but  the  only  mention  of  them  is  found  in  an 
old  catalogue. 

Vacant,  Diet,  de  thiol,  oath.,  s.  v.;  Hurter,  Nomendator; 
Richard  and  Oiraud,  Biblioteca  Sacra,  s.  v.;  Dandolo,  La 
caduta  delta  repubUca  di  Venecia  (Venice,  1866). 

Leo  A.  Kelly. 

Colette  (diminutive  of  Nicolbtta,  Coletta), 
Saint,  founder  of  the  Colettine  Poor  Clares  (Clar- 
isses),  b.  13  Jan.,  1381,  at  Corbie  in  Picardy,  France; 
d.  at  Ghent,  6  March,  1447.  Her  father,  Robert 
BoeQet,  was  the  carpenter  of  the  famous  Benedictine 
Abbey  of  Corbie;   her  mother's  name  was  Mar- 


guerite Moyon.  Colette  joined  successively  the  Be- 
guines,  the  Benedictines,  and  the  Urbanist  Poor 
Clares.  Later  she  lived  for  a  while  as  a  recluse.  Hav- 
ing resolved  to  reform  the  Poor  Clares,  she  turned  to 
the  antipope,  Benedict  XIII  (Pedro  de  Luna),  then 
recognized  by  France  as  the  rightful  pope.  Benedict 
allowed  her  to  enter  the  order  of  Poor  Clares  and  em- 
powered her  by  several  Bulls,  dated  1406,  1407,  1408, 
and  1412  to  found  new  convents  and  complete  the  re- 
form of  the  order.  With  the  approval  of  the  Countess 
of  Geneva  and  the  Franciscan  Henri  de  la  Beaume,  her 
confessor  and  spiritual  guide.  Colette  began  her  work 
at  Beaume,  in  the  Diocese  of  Geneva.  She  remained 
there  but  a  short  time  and  soon  opened  at  Besancon 
her  first  convent  in  an  almost  abandoned  house  of 
Urbanist  Poor  Clares.  Thence  her  reform  spread  to 
Auxonne  (1410),  to  Poligny,  to  Ghent  (1412),  to 
Heidelberg  (1444),  to  Amiens,  etc.  To  the  seventeen 
convents  founded  during  her  lifetime  must  be  added 
another  begun  by  her  at  Pont-a-Mousson  in  Lorraine. 
She  also  inaugurated  a  reform  among  the  Franciscan 
friars  (the  Coletani),  not  to  be  confounded  with  the  Ob- 
servants. These  Coletani  remained  obedient  to  the  au- 
thority of  the  provincial  of  the  Franciscan  convents, 
and  never  attained  much  importance  even  in  France. 
In  1448  they  had  only  thirteen  convents,  and  together 
with  other  small  branches  of  the  Franciscan  Order 
were  suppressed  in  1517  by  Leo  X.  In  addition  to  the 
strict  rules  of  the  Poor  Clares,  the  Colettines  follow 
their  special  constitutions  sanctioned  in  1434  by  the 
General  of  the  Franciscans,  William  of  Casale,  ap- 
proved in  1448  by  Nicholas  V,  in  1458  by  Pius  II,  and 
in  1482  by  Sixtus  IV. 

St.  Colette  was  beatified  23  January,  1740,  and  can- 
onized 24  May,  1807.  She  was  not  only  a  woman  of 
sincere  piety,  but  also  intelligent  and  energetic,  and 
exercised  a  remarkable  moral  power  over  all  her  asso- 
ciates. She  was  very  austere  and  mortified  in  her 
life,  for  which  God  rewarded  her  by  supernatural 
favours  and  the  gift  of  miracles.  For  the  convents 
reformed  by  her  she  prescribed  extreme  poverty,  to  go 
barefooted,  and  the  observance  of  perpetual  fast  and 
abstinence.  The  Colettine  Sisters  are  found  to-day, 
outside  of  France,  in  Belgium,  Germany,  Spain,  Eng- 
land, and  the  United  States. 

Bizouard,  Hist,  de  Sainte  Colette  et  des  Clarisses  en  Bourgoone 
(Besancon,  1890):  Germain,  Sainte  Colette  de  Corbie  (Paris, 
1903);  Pidodx,  Sainte  Colette  in  La  Saints  (Paris,  1907,  2d 
ed.);  de  Serent  in  Etudes  franciscames  (Paris,  1907),  XVII; 
Seluer,  Vie  de  Sainte  Colette  (Paris,  1864,  1861),  tr.  St.  Clare. 
St.  Colette,  and  the  Poor  Clares  (Dublin,  1864);  Analecta  BoUand 
(1904),  VII,  1004. 1013-16.  For  the  contemporary  accounts  of 
her  life  see  Acta  SS.,  I,  539-89. 

Michael  Bihl. 

Oolgan,  John,  hagiographer  and  historian,  b.  in 
County  Donegal,  Ireland,  aoout  the  beginning  of  the 
seventeenth  century;  d.  probably  in  1657.  Having 
joined  the  Franciscan  Order  he  was  sent  to  study  in 
the  Irish  Franciscan  College  of  St.  Anthony  of  Padua 
at  Louvain.  Here  he  is  said  to  have  acted  as  pro- 
fessor of  theology  for  some  time,  but  he  soon  forsook 
the  professorial  chair  in  order  to  devote  himself  to  the 
Irish  studies  for  which  that  college  is  justly  famous. 
Father  Hugh  Ward  (d.  1635)  had  projected  a  com- 
plete history  of  the  Irish  saints,  and  for  this  purpose 
had  sent  some  of  his  brethren,  notably  Michael 
O'Clery,  to  Ireland  to  collect  materials.  Ward  died 
before  he  could  make  any  progress  in  his  work,  but 
the  materials  that  had  been  gathered  remained. 
Colgan,  being  a  competent  master  of  the  Irish  lan- 
guage, had  thus  ready  at  hand  a  collection  of  manu- 
scripts unequalled  in  the  department  of  Irish  hagi- 
ology.  He  undertook  a  great  work,  to  be  published 
in  six  volumes,  dealing  with  the  whole  range  of  Irish 
ecclesiastical  history  and  antiquities.  In  1645  he 
published  at  Louvain  the  third  volume  of  this  series 
(Acta  Sanctorum  Hibernia,  etc.),  containing  the 


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lives  of  the  Irish  saints  whose  feasts  occur  in  the  cal- 
endar for  the  months  of  January,  February,  and 
March.  The  lives  of  the  saints  whose  feasts  occur  in 
the  succeeding  months  were  to  have  been  published 
in  the  last  three  volumes  of  the  series.  Wadding,  in 
his  "Annales  Minorum",  informs  us  that  the  volume 
dealing  with  the  saints  for  April,  May,  and  June  was 
in  the  press  at  Colgan's  death ;  this  seems  incorrect, 
since,  if  the  work  had  been  so  far  advanced,  it  would 
have  been  published  by  some  one  of  the  many  com- 
petent colleagues  who  assisted  Colgan. 

The  second  volume  of  the  series,  entitled  "Trias 
Thaumaturga",  etc.,  appeared  at  Louvain  in  1647. 
It  deals  with  the  three  great  national  saints  of  Ire- 
land, Patrick,  Brigid,  andColumbcille.  In  it  are  con- 
tained seven  of  the  ancient  lives  of  St.  Patrick,  five 
of  St.  Columba,  and  six  of  St.  Brigid.  For  a  long  time 
the  "Trias  Thaumaturga"  was  nearly  the  only  source 
of  information  on  St.  Patrick,  and  even  since  the 
Whitley  Stokes  edition  of  the  "Vita  Tripartita" 
(Rolls  Series),  Colgan's  work  cannot  be  dispensed 
with.  It  should  be  noted  that  Colgan  gives  a  Latin 
version  of  the  "Vita  Tripartita"  which  represents  a 
different  text  from  that  edited  by  Stokes;  Colgan's 
manuscript  seems  to  have  entirely  disappeared.  Be- 
sides the  "Lives"  in  the  "Trias  Thaumaturga",  there 
are  also  contained  in  this  volume  many  valuable 
"Appendices",  dealing  with  the  ecclesiastical  antiqui- 
ties of  Ireland,  and  critical  and  topographical  notes, 
which,  though  not  always  correct,  are  of  invaluable 
assistance  to  the  student.  In  1656  he  published  at 
Antwerp  a  life  of  Duns  Scotus,  in  which  he  undertook 
to  prove  that  this  great  Franciscan  doctor  was  born  in 
Ireland,  and  not  in  Scotland,  as  was  then  frequently 
asserted.  In  the  "Bibliotheca  Franciscana"  Colgan 
is  said  to  have  died  in  1647,  but  this  is  evidently  a 
mistake,  as  a  note  in  his  work  on  Duns  Scotus  proves 
clearly  that  he  was  alive  in  1655. 

Colgan's  work  on  Irish  hagiology  is  of  undoubted 
value.  Though  unfortunately  of  very  weak  constitu- 
tion, he  was  a  man  of  great  ability  and  industry,  and 
with  a  sound  critical  sense.  His  knowledge  of  the 
Irish  language  enabled  him  to  turn  to  good  account 
the  vast  collection  of  manuscripts  (now  unfortunately 
for  the  greater  part  lost)  which  had  been  collected  at 
the  instigation  of  Ward,  while  his  acquaintance  with 
the  traditions  existing  among  the  native  Irish  of  his 
time,  about  the  various  names  of  persons  and  places, 
gave  him  an  advantage  over  writers  of  the  present 
day.  It  must  be  remembered,  however,  that  Colgan, 
though  a  fluent  Irish  speaker,  had  not,  and  from  the 
nature  of  things  could  not  have,  a  knowledge  of  the 
grammatical  forms  of  Old  and  Middle  Irish.  Hence 
his  judgments  about  the  dating  of  the  manuscripts 
and  about  the  meaning  of  certain  difficult  expressions 
ought  not  to  be  put  forward  as  irreversible.  In  other 
words,  Colgan  should  be  judged  by  the  criteria  of  his 
time;  from  this  point  of  view  his  work  on  the  eccle- 
siastical history  of  Ireland  is  unequalled.  But  his 
opinions  are  not  decisive  evidences  of  truth  at  the 
present  day,  especially  when  pitted  against  the  views 
of  the  most  skilled  students  of  Old  and  Middle  Irish 
grammar  and  texts.  His  principal  works  are:  "Acta 
Sanctorum  veteris  et  majoris  Scotice  seu  Hibernias, 
Sanctorum  Insula,  partim  ex  variis  per  Europam 
MS.  Codicibus  exscripta,  partim  ex  antiquis  monu- 
mentis  et  probatis  Auctoribus  eruta  et  congesta; 
omnia  Notis  et  Appendicibus  illustrata.  Tomus 
primus  qui  de  Sacns  Hiberniae  Antiquitatibus  est 
tertius,  Januarium,  Februarium  et  Martium  com- 
plectens"  (Louvain,  1645);  "Triadis  Thaumaturgse, 
seu  Divorum  Patncii  Columbte  et  Brigid®,  trium 
Veteris  et  Majoris  Scotise,  seu  Hibernise,  Sanctorum 
Insula,  communium  Patronorum  Acta,  Tomus  Se- 
cundus  Sacrarum  ejusdem  Insults  Antiquitatum" 
(Louvain,  1647);  "Tractatus  de  Vita,  Patria,  Scriptis 
Johannis  Scoti,  Doctoris  Subtilis"  (Antwerp,  1655). 


Besides  these  he  left  in  manuscript  "De  Apostolatu 
Hibernorum  inter  exteras  Gentes  cum  Indice  Alpha- 
betico  de  exteris  Sanctis"  (852  pages) :  "  De  Sanctis  in 
Anglia,  Britannia  Aremorica,  in  reliqua  Gallia,  in 
Belgio"  (1068  pages);  "De  Sanctis  in  Lotharingik  et 
Burgundia,  in  Germania  ad  senestram  et  dexteram 
Rheni,  in  Italia"  (920  pages).  Some  of  these  in- 
valuable manuscripts,  though  eagerly  sought  for,  have 
not  yet  been  traced  (see  Gilbert,  National  MSS.  of 
Ireland,  London,  1884;  or  Doherty,  op.  cit.  below, 
81-82). 

Waddino-Sbaralea,  Seriptoret  Ordmi*  Minorum  (ed.  Rome, 
1806:  Quar&cchi,  1908  sqq.);  Bibliotheca  Univerta  Franciscana 
(Madrid,  1732);  Ware-Harris,  Writer*  of  Ireland  (Dublin, 
1746);  Doherty,  Init-Owen  and  TirconneU,  being  tome  account 
of  Antiquities  and  Writers  of  the  County  of  Donegal  (Dublin, 
1895),  49-52,  71-106;  Hyde,  A  Literary  History  of  Ireland 
(\ew  York.  1902). 

James  MacCaffrey. 
Oolgan,  Joseph.   See  Madras,  Archdiocese  of. 

Oolima,  Diocese  op  (Colimensis). — The  city  of  Co- 
lima, the  capital  of  the  State  of  the  same  name  m  Mex- 
ico, is  situated  on  the  Colima  River,  at  an  altitude  of 
1400  feet,  and  was  founded  in  the  year  1522  by  Gon- 
zalo  de  Sandoval.  Its  population  in  1000  was  20,698. 
The  Diocese  of  Colima  was  erected  by  Leo  XIII,  11 
December,  1881,  by  the  Constitution  Si  principum". 
Before  its  erection  as  a  diocese,  Colima  formed  part  of 
the  Archdiocese  of  Guadalajara  (Guadalaxara),  of 
which  it  is  now  a  suffragan.  It  includes  all  the  State 
of  Colima  and  the  southern  part  of  the  State  of  Jalisco. 
The  population  in  1901  numbered  72,500,  many  of 
whom  are  Indians. 

Gerarchia  Catt.  (Rome,  1908);  Konver sat  ions-Lex.  (St.  Louis, 
Missouri,  1903),  s.  v. 

Colin,  Frederic-Louis,  Superior  of  the  Sulpicians 
in  Canada,  b.  at  Bourges,  France,  in  1835;  d.  at 
Montreal,  27  November,  1902.  After  pursuing  a 
course  of  scientific  studies  he  entered  the  Seminary 
of  SaintrSulpice  at  Paris  where  he  was  ordained  priest 
in  1859.  Transferred  to  Canada  in  1862  he  at  first 
took  up  parochial  work ;  later  he  became  successively 
professor  of  theology  and  director  of  the  higher  sem- 
inary at  Montreal.  From  1881  until  his  death  he  was 
superior  of  the  priests  of  Saint-Sulpice  in  Canada. 
Colin  distinguished  himself  both  as  an  orator  and  as  a 
man  of  action.  Many  of  his  sermons  have  been 
printed;  among  them  are  one  to  the  papal  zouaves 
returning  from  Rome  (1871),  and  a  funeral  oration 
on  Mgr.  Bo  urge  t  (1885).  For  twenty  years  Father 
Colin  was  the  promoter  in  Montreal  of  higher  educa- 
tion for  the  clergy  and  laity.  For  the  clergy  he 
founded  the  Canadian  College  at  Rome  (1885),  in- 
tended to  enable  young  Canadian  priests  to  pursue  a 
higher  course  of  ecclesiastical  studies  by  attending 
the  Roman  universities;  besides  this  he  established 
the  seminary  of  philosophy  at  Montreal  (1892). 

For  the  benefit  of  laymen  Colin  established,  despite 
many  obstacles,  the  Laval  University.  Aided  by  Fer- 
dinand Brunetiere,  on  whom  he  exercised  a  salutary 
influence,  he  advocated  the  erection  of  a  chair  of 
French  literature  to  be  occupied  by  a  lecturer  from 
France,  and  he  himself  defrayed  the  costs.  In  this 
way  he  quickened  interest  in  the  French  language 
and  literature  among  the  intelligent  classes  of  Canada 
and  introduced  the  custom  of  calling  on  French  and 
Belgian  specialists  for  the  higher  scientific  and  com- 
mercial instruction  of  young  French-Canadians.  To 
Father  Colin  is  also  due  the  practice  of  inviting  a 
preacher  from  abroad  to  deliver  the  Lenten  sermons 
at  Notre-Dame  of  Montreal.  His  wise  advice  was 
also  much  sought  for  by  the  ecclesiastical  and  civil 
authorities. 

L'Vniven  (Paris,  15  Jan..  1903);  Brunetiebe  in  he  Gauloit 
(30  Dec..  1902);  Bulletin  trimettriel  da  ancient  Aevst  do  Sai»t- 
Sulpice  (February,  1903);  Semaine  religieute  dt  Montreal  (S 
andl3  Dec.,  1902). 

A.  FOTJBNET. 


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Colin,  Jban-Clattdb-Marie,  a  French  priest, 
founder  of  the  Marists,  b.  at  Saint-Bonnet-le-Troncy, 
now  in  the  Diocese  of  Lyons,  7  Aug.,  1790;  d.  at  Notre- 
Dame-de-la-Neyliere  (Rh6ne)  28  Feb.,  1875.  After 
his  preliminary  studies  at  St-Jodard,  Alix,  and  Ver- 
rieres,  he  entered  the  Grand-Seminaire  de  Saint- 
Irenfe,  at  Lyons,  and  was  ordained  priest  in  1816. 
The  idea  of  a  religious  society  dedicated  to  the  Blessed 
Virgin  originated  with  a  group  of  seminarians  at 
Saint-Irenee.  Although  the  most  retiring  and  mod- 
est of  die  group,  Colin  became  the  real  founder. 
While  serving  as  assistant  pastor  at  Cerdon,  then  in 
the  Diocese  of  Lyons,  he  drew  up  provisional  rules 
which  met  the  warm  approval  of  such  men  as  Bigex, 
Bishop  of  Pignerol,  Bonald,  Bishop  of  Puy,  Frays- 
sinous,  minister  of  ecclesiastical  affairs,  etc.  The 
town  of  Cerdon  having  passed  to  the  newly  reorga- 
nized Diocese  of  Belley,  Colin  obtained  from  its  bishop, 
Mgr.  Devie,  permission  to  take  a  few  companions  and 
preach  missions  in  the  neglected  Darts  of  the  diocese. 
Their  number  increased,  and  in  spite  of  the  opposition 
of  the  bishop,  who  wished  to  make  the  society  a  dioc- 
esan congregation,  Colin  obtained  (1836)  from  Greg- 
ory XVI  the  canonical  approbation  of  the  Society  of 
Mary  as  an  order  with  simple  vows.  In  the  same  year 
Father  Colin  was  chosen  superior  general. 

During  the  eighteen  years  of  his  administration 
(1836-1854)  Colin  showed  great  activity,  organizing 
the  different  branches  of  his  society,  founding  in  France 
missionary  houses  and  colleges,  and  above  all  sending 
to  the  various  missions  of  Oceanica,  which  had  been 
entrusted  to  the  Marists,  as  many  as  seventy-four 
priests  and  forty-three  brothers,  several  of  whom 
gave  up  their  lives  in  the  attempt  to  convert  the  na- 
tives. In  1854  he  resigned  the  office  of  superior 
general  and  retired  to  Notre-Dame-de-la-Neyliere, 
where  he  spent  the  last  twenty  years  of  his  life  revising 
and  completing  the  constitutions  of  the  Society,  im- 
pressing on  them  the  spirit  of  the  Blessed  Virgin,  a 
spirit  of  humility,  self-denial,  and  unwavering  loyalty 
to  the  Holy  See,  of  which  he  was  himself  a  perfect 
model.  Two  years  before  his  death  he  had  the  joy  of 
seeing  the  Constitutions  of  the  Society  of  Mary  defin- 
itively approved  by  the  Holy  See,  28  Feb.,  1873. 
The  cause  of  the  beatification  of  Father  Colin  is  now 
(1908)  before  the  Congregation  of  Rites. 

he  Trtt-RMrend  Pin  Colin  (Lyons,  1898);  Le  Tnt-RMrend 
Phv  Colin  (Lyons,  1900);  Summarium  proeenu*  ordmarii  in 
causd  J.  C.  it.  Colin  (Rome,  1905). 

J.  F.  Sollies. 

Coliseum,  The,  known  as  the  Flavian  Amphithea- 
tre, commenced  a.  d.  72  by  Vespasian,  the  first  of  the 
Flavian  emperors,  dedicated  by  Titus  a.  d.  80. 
The  great  structure  rises  in  four  stories,  each  story 
exhibiting  a  different  order  of  architecture;  the  first 
Doric,  the  second  Ionic,  the  third  Corinthian,  the 
fourth  Composite.  The  material  is  the  famous  trav- 
ertine. The  site  was  originally  a  marshy  hollow, 
bounded  by  the  Cselian,  the  Oppian,  the  Velian,  ana 
the  Palatine  Hills,  which  Nero  had  transformed  into 
the  fish-pond  of  his  Golden  House.  Its  form  is  that 
of  an  ellipse,  790  feet  in  circumference,  its  length  620, 
its  width  525,  and  its  height  157  feet.  The  arena,  in 
which  took  place  the  gladiatorial  combats  (ludi  gladi- 
atorii)  and  fights  with  the  wild  beasts,  for  which  the 
Coliseum  was  erected,  was  of  wood,  covered  with 
sand.  Surrounding  the  arena  was  a  low  wall,  sur- 
mounted by  a  railing  high  enough  to  protect  the  audi- 
ence from  danger  of  invasion  by  the  furious,  non- 
human  contestants.  As  an  additional  security 
against  this  peril,  guards  patrolled  the  passageway 
between  this  wall  and  the  podium,  or  marble  terrace, 
on  which  were  the  seats  of  the  senators,  the  members 
of  the  sacred  colleges,  and  other  privileged  spectators. 
From  the  southern  side  of  the  podium  projected  the 
suggestion,  or  imperial  gallery,  for  the  accommodation 
Of  the  emperor  and  his  attendants.   Next  to  these 


sat  the  Vestals.  Baektif  ths- podium-  twenty.  We're,  of 
seats  were  reserved  for  the  three  divisions  of  the 
equestrian  order;  the  upper  tiers  of  seats  were  occu- 
pied by  the  ordinary  citizens.  Last  of  all  was  a 
Corinthian  colonnade  in  which  the  lower  orders  were 
accommodated  with  standing  room  only.  The  Coli- 
seum, according  to  the  "  Chronographia  "  of  354,  could 
contain  87,000  spectators.  Professor  Huelaen  (quoted 
by  Lanciani),  however,  has  calculated  that  it  will 
seat  not  more  than  45,000  people.  From  the  external 
cornice  projected  a  circle  of  pine  masts,  from  which 
awnings  could  readily  be  suspended  over  parts  of  the 
audience  for  the  moment  exposed  to  the  sun's  rays; 
the  imperial  gallery  was  covered  with  a  special  can- 
opy. The  arena  was  never  shaded.  Nothing  is 
known  of  the  architect  of  the  Coliseum,  although  an 
inscription,  afterwards  shown  to  be  a  forgery,  attrib- 
uted its  design  to  a  Christian.  - 

The  Coliseum  in  the  Middle  Ages.— Although 
seriously  damaged  by  two  earthquakes  in  the  fifth 
century,  it  is  generally  held  that  the  Coliseum  was 
practically  intact  in  the  eighth  century  when  Bede 
wrote  the  well-known  lines: 

Quandiu  stabit  coliseus,  stabit  et  Roma; 

Quando  cadit  coliseus,  cadet  et  Roma; 

Quando  cadet  Roma,  cadet  et  mundus. 
(While  stands  the  Coliseum,  Rome  shall  stand;  when 
falls  the  Coliseum,  Rome  shall  fall;  when  Rome  falls, 
the  world  shall  fall.)  Lanciani  attributes  the  col- 
lapse of  the  western  portion  of  the  shell  to  the  earth- 
quake of  September.  1349,  mentioned  by  Petrarch. 
Towards  the  end  of  the  eleventh  century  it  came  into 
the  hands  of  the  Frangipani  family,  with  whose  palace 
it  was  connected  by  a  series  of  constructions.  Dur- 
ing the  temporary  eclipse  of  the  nobility  in  the  four- 
teenth century,  while  the  popes  resided  in  Avignon,  it 
became  the  property  of  the  municipality  of  Rome 
(1312).   The  last  shows  seen  in  the  Coliseum  were 

f'ven  in  the  early  part  of  the  sixth  century,  one  by 
utaricus  Cilica,  son-in-law  of  Theodoric,  in  519,  ana 
a  second  in  523  by  Anicius  Maxim  us.  The  story  of  a 
bull-fight  in  1332,  in  which  eighteen  youths  of  the 
Roman  nobility  are  said  to  have  lost  their  lives,  is 
apocryphal  (Delehaye,  L' Amphitheatre  Flavien,  5). 
In  1386  the  municipality  presented  a  third  of  the 
Coliseum  to  the  "Compagnia  del  Salvatore  ad  sancta 
sanctorum"  to  be  used  as  a  hospital,  which  trans- 
action is  commemorated  by  a  marble  bas-relief  bust 
of  Our  Saviour,  between  two  candles,  and  the  arms  of 
the  municipality,  above  the  sixty-third  and  sixty- 
fifth  arches.  During  the  next  four  centuries  the 
enormous  mass  of  stone  which  had  formed  the  west- 
ern part  of  the  structure  served  as  a  quarry  for  the 
Romans.  Besides  other  buildings,  four  churches 
were  erected  in  the  vicinity  from  this  material.  One 
document  attests  that  a  single  contractor  in  nine 
months  of  the  year  1452  carried  off  2522  cartloads  of 
travertine  from  the  Coliseum.  This  contractor  was 
not  the  first,  however,  to  utilize  the  great  monument 
of  ancient  Rome  as  a  quarry;  a  Brief  of  Eugenius  IV 
(1431-47),  cited  by  Lanciani,  threatens  dire  penalties 
against  those  who  would  dare  remove  from  the  Coli- 
seum even  the  smallest  stone  (vel  minimum  dicti 
colisei  lapidem).  The  story  of  Cardinal  Farnese  who 
obtained  permission  from  his  uncle,  Paul  III  (1534- 
49),  to  take  from  the  Coliseum  as  much  stone  as  he 
could  remove  in  twelve  hours  is  well  known;  his  emi- 
nence had  4000  men  ready  to  take  advantage  of  the 
privilege  on  the  day  appointed.  But  a  new  tradition, 
which  gradually  took  nold  of  the  public  mind  during 
the  seventeenth  century,  put  an  end  to  this  vandal- 
ism, and  effectually  aided  in  preserving  the  most  im- 
portant existing  monument  of  imperial  Rome. 

The  Coliseum  and  the  Martyrs. — Pope  St.  Pius 
V  (1566-72)  is  said  to  have  recommended  persons 
desirous  of  obtaining  relics  to  procure  some  sand 
from  the  arena  of  the  Coliseum,  which,  the  pope  de- 


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OOLLADO 


•ftkiwl,«w£s  hrfpregmrted  "witti1  the  blood  of  martyrs. 
The  opinion  of  the  saintly  pontiff,  however,  does  not 
seem  to  have  been  shared  by  his  contemporaries. 
The  practical  Sixtus  V  (1586-90)  was  only  prevented 
by  death  from  converting  the  Coliseum  into  a  manu- 
factory of  woollen  goods.  In  1671  Cardinal  Altieri 
regarded  so  little  the  Coliseum  as  a  place  consecrated 
by  the  blood  of  Christian  martyrs  that  he  authorized 
its  use  for  bull-fights.  Nevertheless  from  the  middle 
of  the  seventeenth  century  the  conviction  attributed 
to  St.  Pius  V  gradually  came  to  be  shared  by  the 
Romans.  A  writer  named  Martinelli,  in  a  work  pub- 
lished in  1653,  put  the  Coliseum  at  the  head  of  a  list  of 
places  sacred  to  the  martyrs.  Cardinal  Carpegna 
(d.  1670)  was  accustomed  to  stop  his  carriage  when 
passing  by  the  Coliseum  and  make  a  commemoration 
of  the  martyrs.  But  it  was  the  act  of  Cardinal  Altieri, 
referred  to  above,  which  indirectly  effected  a  general 
change  of  public  opinion  in  this  regard.  A  pious 
personage,  Carlo  Tomassi  by  name,  aroused  by  what 
ne  regarded  as  desecration,  published  a  pamphlet 
calling  attention  to  the  sanctity  of  the  Coliseum  and 
protesting  against  the  intended  profanation  author- 
used  by  Altieri.  The  pamphlet  was  so  completely 
successful  that  four  years  later,  the  jubilee  year  of 
1675,  the  exterior  arcades'were  closed  by  order  of  Clem- 
ent X;  from  this  time  the  Coliseum  became  a  sanc- 
tuary. At  the  instance  of  St.  Leonard  of  Port  Mau- 
rice, Benedict  XIV  (1740-58)  erected  Stations  of  the 
Cross  in  the  Coliseum,  which  remained  until  Febru- 
ary, 1874,  when  they  were  removed  by  order  of  Com- 
mends to  re  Rosa.  St.  Benedict  Joseph  Labre  (d. 1 783) 
passed  a  life  of  austere  devotion,  living  on  alms, 
within  the  walls  of  the  Coliseum.  "Pius  VII  in 
1805,  Leo  XII  in  1825,  Gregory  XVI  in  1845,  and 
Pius  IX  in  1852,  contributed  liberally  to  save  the 
amphitheatre  from  further  degradation,  by  support- 
ing the  fallen  portions  with  great  buttresses"  (Lan- 
ciani).  Thus  at  a  moment  when  the  Coliseum  stood 
in  grave  danger  of  demolition  it  was  saved  by  the 
pious  belief  which  placed  it  in  the  category  of  monu- 
ments dearest  to  Christians,  the  monuments  of  the 
early  martyrs.  Yet,  after  an  exhaustive  examina- 
tion of  the  documents  in  the  case,  the  learned  Bollan- 
dist,  Father  Delehaye,  S.  J.,  arrives  at  the  conclusion 
that  there  are  no  historical  grounds  for  so  regarding  it 
(op.  cit.).  In  the  Middle  Ages,  for  example,  when  the 
sanctuaries  of  the  martyrs  were  looked  upon  with  so 
great  veneration,  the  Coliseum  was  completely  neg- 
lected: its  name  never  occurs  in  the  itineraries,  or 

glide-books,  compiled  for  the  use  of  pilgrims  to  the 
temalCity.  The  "MirabiliaRomse",  the  first  manu- 
scripts of  which  date  from  the  twelfth  century,  cites 
among  the  places  mentioned  in  the  "  Passions  of  the 
martyrs  the  Circus  Flaminius  ad  pontem  Judteorum, 
but  in  this  sense  makes  no  allusion  to  the  Coliseum. 
We  have  seen  how  for  more  than  a  century  it  served 
as  a  stronghold  of  the  Frangipani  family;  such  a  dese- 
cration would  have  been  impossible  had  it  been  popu- 
larly regarded  as  a  shrine  consecrated  by  the  blood, 
not  merely  of  innumerable  martyrs,  but  even  of  one 
hero  of  the  Faith.  The  intervention  of  Eugenius 
IV  was  based  altogether  on  patriotism;  as  an  Italian 
the  pope  could  not  look  on  passively  while  a  great 
memorial  of  Rome's  past  was  being  destroyed. 
"Nam  demoliri  urbis  monumenta  nihil  afiud  est  quam 
ipsius  urbis  et  totius  orbis  excellentiam  diminuere." 

Thus  in  the  Middle  Ages  no  tradition  existed  in 
Rome  which  associated  the  martyrs  in  any  way  with 
the  Coliseum;  it  was  only  in  the  seventeenth  century, 
and  in  the  manner  indicated,  that  it  came  to  be  re- 
garded with  veneration  as  a  scene  of  early  Christian 
heroism.  Indeed,  little  attention  was  paid  by  the 
Christians  of  the  first  age  to  the  actual  place  of  a 
martyr's  sufferings;  the  sand  stained  with  his  blood 
was,  when  possible,  gathered  up  and  treasured  as  a 
precious  rehc,  but  that  was  all.   The  devotion  of  the 


Christian  body  centred  wholly  around  the  place  where 
the  martyr  was  interred.  Father  Delehaye  calls  at- 
tention to  the  fact  that  although  we  know  from  trust- 
worthy historical  sources  of  the  execution  of  Chris- 
tians m  the  garden  of  Nero,  yet  popular  tradition 
preserved  no  recollection  of  an  event  so  memorable 
(op.  cit.,  37).  The  Acts  of  Roman  Martyrs,  it  is  true, 
contain  indications  as  to  the  places  where  various 
martyrs  suffered :  in  amphttheatro,  in  TeUure,  etc.  But 
these  Acts  are  often  merely  pious  legends  of  the  fifth, 
sixth,  and  following  centuries  built  up  by  unknown 
writers  on  a  few  reliable  historical  facts.  The  decree 
formerly  attributed  to  Pope  Gelasius  (492-96)  bears 
witness  to  the  slight  consideration  in  which  this  class 
of  literature  was  held  in  the  Roman  Church;  to  read  it 
in  the  churches  was  forbidden,  and  it  was  attributed 
to  unknown  writers,  wholly  unqualified  for  their  self- 
imposed  task  (secundum  antiquam  consuetudinem, 
singulari  cautela,  in  sancta  Romana  ecclesia  non 
leguntur,  quia  et  eorum  qui  conscripsere  nomina 

C'tus  ignorantur,  et  ab  inndelibus  et  idiotis  super- 
aut  minus  apta  quam  rei  ordo  fuerit  esse  putan- 
tur.— Thiel,  Epist.  Rom.  Pont.,  I,  458).  The 
evidence,  therefore,  which  we  possess  in  the  Roman 
Acts  in  favour  of  certain '  martyrs  suffering  in  the 
Coliseum  is,  for  these  reasons  among  others,  regarded 
by  Father  Delehaye  as  inconclusive.  He  does  not 
deny  that  there  may  have  been  martyrs  who  suffered 
in  the  Coliseum,  but  we  know  nothing  on  the  subject 
one  way  or  the  other.  (Je  ne  veux  pas  nier  qu'il  y  ait 
eu  dee  martyrs  de  l'amphith&tre  Flavien;  mais  nous 
ne  savons  pas  non  plus  s'il  y  en  a  eu,  et  en  tout  cas 
leurs  noms  nous  sont  inconnus. — Op.  cit.,  37.)  It  is, 
of  course,  probable  enough  that  some  of  the  Christians 
condemned  ad  bestias  suffered  in  the  Coliseum,  but 
there  is  just  as  much  reason  to  suppose  that  they  met 
their  death  in  one  of  the  other  places  dedicated  to  the 
cruel  amusements  of  imperial  Rome;  for  instance,  in 
the  Circus  Flaminius,  the  Gainum,  the  Circus  of  Ha- 
drian, the  Amphitheatrum  Castrense,  and  the  Stadium 
of  Domitian.  Even  as  regards  St.  Ignatius  of  An- 
tioch,  the  evidence  that  he  was  martyred  in  the  Coli- 
seum is  far  from  decisive;  the  terms  employed  by  St. 
John  Chrysostom  and  Evagrius  in  reference  to  this 
matter  convey  no  precise  meaning  (Delehaye,  op.  cit., 
43).  The  same  is  true  of  the  term  used  by  Theodoret 
in  reference  to  the  death  of  St.  Telemachus,  who 
sacrificed  his  life  to  put  an  end  to  the  bloody  specta- 
cles which,  as  late  as  the  early  fifth  century,  took 
place  in  Rome.  There  is  no  reason  to  doubt  the  fact 
of  the  heroic  death  of  St.  Telemachus,  but  there  is,  on 
the  other  hand,  no  clear  proof  that  its  scene  was  the 
Coliseum.  Theodoret,  the  only  writer  who  records 
the  incident,  says  that  it  happened  eb  to  aritiar 
(in  the  stadium),  a  different  place  from  the  Coliseum. 

Delehaye,  L'amphilhiAtre  Flavien  (Brussels,  1897); 
Lanciani,  Ruins  ana  Excavation*  of  Ancient  Rome  (Boston, 
1897);  Pabkeb,  The  Flavian  Amphitheatre  (London,  1876); 
Gobi,  Le  memorie  storiehe  dell'  anfiieatro  Flaviano  (Rome, 
1874);  von  Rbdhont.  Gtsch.  der  Stadt  Rom  (Berlin,  1867-70), 
passim;  Gregobovius,  History  of  the  City  of  Rome  in  the 
Middle  Ages,  tr.  Hamilton  (London.  1894-1902). 

Maurice  M.  Hassett. 

Oollado,  Diego,  missionary,  b.  in  the  latter  part  of 
the  sixteenth  century  at  Miajadas,  in  the  province  of 
Estremadura,  Spain.  He  entered  the  Dominican  Or- 
der at  Salamanca  about  1600,  and  in  1619  went  to 
Japan,  where  the  Christians  were  suffering  persecu- 
tion. After  the  martyrdom  of  Luis  Flores,  a  fellow- 
Dominican,  in  1622,  Collado  repaired  to  Rome,  and 
later  to  Spain,  in  the  interests  of  the  Oriental  missions. 
He  obtained  important  concessions,  though  not  with- 
out incurring  some  animosity.  Bearing  Apostolic 
and  royal  letters,  he  returned  to  the  Orient  in  1635. 
The  following  year  he  endeavoured  to  establish  in  the 
Philippines  an  independent  convent  devoted  solely  to 
the  Chinese  and  Japanese  missions,  but,  owing  to  the 
opposition  of  the  Spanish  civil  authorities,  his  effort 


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COLLECT 


-was  unsuccessful.  Recalled  to  Spain,  he  was  ship- 
wrecked, in  1638,  on  his  way  to  Manila.  He  could 
have  saved  himself,  but  he  remained  with  the  unfor- 
tunates among  his  fellow- voyagers,  hearing  their  con- 
fessions and  preparing  them  for  death.  The  follow- 
ing are  his  more  important  writings:  "Are  gram- 
matica  japonicse  lingua"  (Rome,  1631, 1632);  "Dic- 
tionarium  sive  thesauri  lingua  japonic®  compendium  " 
(Rome,  1632);  "Modus  confitendi  et  examinandi 
poenitentem  japonensem  formula  suamet  lingua  ja- 
ponica"  (Rome,  1631,  1632);  "Formula  protestands 
fidei"  (Rome);  "Historia  eclesidstica  de  loe  sucesos 
de  la  cristianidad  del  Jap6n  desde  el  afio  de  MDCII, 
que  entr6  en  el  la  orden  de  predicadores  hasta  el  de 
MDCXXI  por  el  P.  H^acintho  Orfanel,  afiadida  hasta 
el  fin  del  afio  MDCXXII  por  el  Padre  Fray  Diego 
Collado"  (Madrid,  1632,  1633);  " Dictionarium  ling- 
ua sinensis  cum  explicatione  latina  et  hispanica  char- 
actere  sinensi  et  latino"  (Rome,  1632). 

Qcfcnr  a«d  E chard,  Script.  Ord.  Prod.,  II,  497. 

John  R  Volz. 
Collation,  Right  of.   See  Benefice. 
OoQationes  Patrum.    See  Cassian,  John. 

Collect,  the  name  now  used  only  for  the  short 
prayers  before  the  Epistle  in  the  Mass,  which  occur 
Again  at  Lauds,  Terce,  Sext,  None,  and  Vespers.  The 
word  coliecta  corresponds  to  the  Greek  <riia£it.  It  is 
A  noun,  a  late  form  for  collectio  (so  missa  for  missio, 
obUUa  for  ablatio,  ascensa,  in  the  Gelasian  Sacramen- 
tary,  for  ascensio,  etc.).  The  original  meaning  seems 
to  have  been  this:  it  was  used  for  the  service  held  at  a 
certain  church  on  the  days  when  there  was  a  station 
somewhere  else.  The  people  gathered  together  and 
became  a  "collection"  at  tuis  first  church;  after  cer- 
tain prayers  had  been  said  they  went  in  procession  to 
the  station-church.  Just  before  they  started  the 
•celebrant  said  a  prayer,  the  oratio  ad  collectam  (ad  coL- 
iectionem  populi) ;  the  name  would  then  be  the  same 
as  oratio  super  populum,  a  title  that  still  remains  in 
our  Missal,  in  Lent  for  instance  after  the  Post-Com- 
munion. This  prayer,  the  collect,  would  be  repeated 
At  the  beginning  of  the  Mass  at  the  station  itself 
(Bona,  Rer.  liturg.,  II,  5).  Later  writers  find  other 
meanings  for  the  name.  Innocent  HI  says  that  in 
this  prayer  the  priest  collects  together  the  prayers  of 
all  the  people  (Be  Sacr.  altaris  myst.,  II,  27;  see  also 
Benedict  XIV,  De  SS.  Missa:  sacr.,  II,  5).  The  Secret 
and  Post-Communion  are  also  collects,  formed  on  the 
same  model  as  the  one  before  the  Epistle.  Now  the 
name  is  only  used  for  the  first  of  the  three.  Originally 
there  was  only  one  collect  (and  one  Secret  and  Post- 
Communion)  for  each  Mass.  The  older  sacramen- 
taries  never  provide  more  than  one.  Amalarius  of 
Metz  (d.  847)  says  (De  officiis  eccl.,  in  P.  L.,  CV,  985 
eqq.)  that  in  his  time  some  priests  began  to  say  more 
than  one  collect,  but  that  at  Rome  only  one  was  used. 
Micrologus  [De  eccl.  observ.,  probably  by  Bernold  of 
Constance  (d.  1100),  in  P.  L.,  CLI,  973  sqq.]  defends 
the  old  custom  and  says  that  "one  Prayer  should  be 
said,  as  one  Epistle  and  one  Gospel".  However,  the 
number  of  collects  was  multiplied  till  gradually  our 
present  rule  was  evolved. 

The  way  in  which  our  collects  are  now  said  at  Mass 
is  the  fragment  of  a  more  elaborate  rite.  Of  this 
longer  rite  we  still  have  a  vestige  on  Good  Friday. 
The  celebrant,  after  greeting  the  people  (Dominus 
vobiscum),  invited  them  to  pray  for  some  intention: 
Oremus,  diledissimi  nobis,  etc.  The  deacon  said: 
Flectamus  genua,  and  all  knelt  for  a  time  in  silent 
prayer.  The  subdeacon  then  told  them  to  stand  up 
again  (Levate),  and,  all  standing,  the  celebrant  closed 
the  private  prayers  with  the  short  form  that  is  the 
collect.  Of  this  rite— except  on  Good  Friday — the 
shortening  of  the  Mass,  which  has  affected  all  its  parts, 
has  only  left  the  greeting  Oremus  and  the  collect  itself. 


Here,  as  always,  it  is  in  Holy  Week  that  we  find  the 
older  form.  It  should  be  noted,  then,  that  the  Oremus 
did  not  refer  immediately  to  the  collect,  but  rather  to 
the  silent  prayer  that  went  before  it.  This  also  ex- 
plains the  shortness  of  the  older  collects.  They  are 
not  the  prayer  itself,  but  its  conclusion.  One  short 
sentence  summed  up  the  petitions  of  the  people.  It 
is  only  since  the  original  meaning  of  the  collect  has 
been  forgotten  that  it  has  become  itself  a  long  petition 
with  various  references  and  clauses  (compare  the  col- 
lects for  the  Sundays  after  Pentecost  with  those  for 
the  modern  feasts).  On  all  feast-days  the  collect 
naturally  contains  a  reference  to  the  event  whose 
memory  we  celebrate.  Its  preparation  is  the  kissing  of 
the  altar  and  the  Dominus  vobiscum.  Before  inviting 
the  people  to  make  this  prayer  the  celebrant  greets 
them,  and,  before  turning  his  back  to  the  altar  in  order 
to  do  so,  he  salutes  it  in  the  usual  way  by  kissing  it. 
The  form  Dominus  vobiscum  is  the  common  greeting 
in  the  West.  It  occurs  in  the  Gallican,  Milanese,  and 
Mozarabic  Liturgies  under  the  form:  Dominus  sit 
semper  vobiscum.  Gennanus  of  Paris  notes  it  as  the 
priest's  (not  bishop's)  greetine  (P.  L.,  LXXVII,  89). 
It  is  taken  from  the  Bible,  when  Boos  came  from 
Bethlehem  he  said,  "The  Lord  be  with  you",  to  the 
reapers  (Ruth,  ii,  4),  and  St.  Gabriel  used  the  same 
form  to  Our  Lady  at  the  Annunciation  (Luke,  i,  28; 
cf.  II  Thess.,  iii,  16).  A  bishop  here  says,  Paxvobis, 
unless  the  Mass  has  no  Gloria,  in  which  case  his  greet- 
ing is  the  same  as  that  of  the  priest  (Ritus  celebr., 
V,  1).  This  distinction  is  as  old  as  the  tenth  century 
(Ordo  Rom.,  XIV,  79,  notes  it).  The  Pax  is  a  joyful 
and  solemn  greeting  to  be  left  out  on  days  of  penance. 
Its  connexion  with  the  Gloria,  that  has  just  ijone  be- 
fore (et  in  terra  pax  hominibus),  is  obvious.  The  greet- 
ing of  peace  (tlpi/rv  xaatr)  is  the  common  one  in  the 
Eastern  liturgies.  In  either  case  the  answer  is:  Et 
cum  spiritu  too.  This  is  a  Hebraism  that  occurs  con- 
stantly in  both  the  Old  and  the  New  Testament. 
"Thy  spirit"  simply  means  "thee"  (cf.  e.  g.  Dan., 
iii,  86;  Gal.,  vi,  18;  Phil.,  iv,  23;  Philem.,  25).  Nefesh 
(Heb.),  Nafs  (Ar.),  with  a  pronominal  suffix,  in  all 
Semitic  languages  means  simply  the  person  in  ques- 
tion. The  Eastern  liturgies  nave  the  same  answer, 
KtU  fterA.  roO  rrei/tarit  eov  (and  with  thy  spirit),  as  in 
the  Apostolic  Constitutions  (Brightman,  Eastern  Lit. 
3,  13),  or  ml  t<?  Treiinrl  <rov  (ibid.,  49,  137,  etc.). 

At  the  Dominus  vobiscum  the  celebrant,  facing  the 
people,  extends  and  then  again  joins  his  hands.  It 
is  here  a  gesture  of  greeting.  With  folded  hands  he 
turns  back  to  the  altar  and  goes  to  the  Missal  at  the 
Epistle  side.  Here,  again  extending  and  joining  the 
hands  and  bowing  towards  the  cross,  he  sings  or  says 
Oremus,  and  then,  with  uplifted  hands  (not  above  the 
shoulder,  Ritus  Celebr.,  V,  1),  goes  on  at  once  with  the 
collect  or  collects.  The  present  rule  about  the  collects 
is  this:  on  doubles  only  one  collect  is  said  (that  of  the 
feast),  unless  any  other  feast  be  commemorated,  or  the 
pope  or  bishop  order  an  oratio  imperata.  The  im- 
perata  is,  moreover,  omitted  on  doubles  of  the  first 
class,  Palm  Sunday,  Maundy  Thursday,  the  eves  of 
Christmas,  Easter,  and  Whitsunday,  in  Requiems,  and 
solemn  votive  Masses.  On  doubles  of  the  second  class 
it  is  left  out  in  high  and  sung  Masses,  and  may  be  said 
at  the  others  or  not,  at  the  celebrant's  discretion. 
For  a  very  grave  cause  an  imperata  may  be  ordered 
to  be  said  always,  even  on  these  occasions.  It  always 
comes  last  (De  Herdt,  I,  72).  The  collect  of  the 
Blessed  Sacrament,  to  be  said  when  it  is  exposed,  and 
that  for  the  pope  or  bishop  on  the  anniversary  of  their 
election,  coronation,  or  consecration,  are  particular 
cases  of  imperata.  The  rules  for  commemoration  of 
feasts,  octaves,  ember  days,  and  ferias  of  Advent  and 
Lent  are  given  in  the  rubrics  of  the  Missal  (Rubr. 
Gen.,  VII ;  cf .  De  Herdt,  1, 70-71).  On  semi-doubles, 
Sundays,  and  days  within  an  octave,  three  collects 
must  be  said;  but  on  Passion  Sunday,  on  Sundays 


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within  an  octave  and  throughout  the  octaves  of  Eas- 
ter and  Whitsunday  there  are  onlv  two  (Rubr.  Gen., 
IX ;  De  Herdt,  I,  75,  where  the  rules  for  these  collects 
will  be  found).  But  in  these  cases  the  number  may 
be  greater,  if  there  are  commemorations.   On  sim- 

Kles,  ferias,  and  in  Requiems  and  (not  solemn)  votive 
[asses,  the  celebrant  may  also  add  collects,  as  he 
chooses,  provided  the  total  number  be  an  uneven  one 
and  do  not  exceed  seven  (Rubr.  Gen.,  IX,  12:  De 
Herdt,  I,  83). 

The  rule  about  the  uneven  numbers,  on  which  the 
S.  Congr.  Rit.  has  insisted  several  times  (2  December, 
1684  ;  2  September,  1741;  30  June,  1896),  is  a  curious 
one.  The  limit  of  seven  prevents  the  Mass  from  being 
too  long.  In  any  case  the  collect  of  the  day  always 
comes  first.  It  has  Oremus  before  it  and  the  long 
conclusion  (Per  Dominum  etc.).  The  second  collect 
has  a  second  Oremus,  and  all  that  follow  are  joined 
together  without  intermediate  ending  nor  Oremus  till 
the  last,  which  again  has  the  long  conclusion.  This 
separates  the  collect  of  the  day  from  the  others  and 
gives  it  a  special  dignity,  as  a  remnant  of  the  old  prin- 
ciple that  it  alone  should  be  said.  The  conclusions  of 
the  collects  vary  according  to  their  form  and  refer- 
ences (Rubr.  Gen.,  IX,  17).  The  people  (choir  or 
server)  answer  Amen.  During  the  conclusions  the 
celebrant  folds  his  hands  and  bows  towards  the  cross 
at  the  words  Dominum  nostrum  Jesum  Christum.  It 
should  be  noted  that  the  great  majority  of  the  collects 
are  addressed  to  God  the  Father  (so  all  the  old  ones; 
the  common  form  is  to  begin:  Deus,  out);  a  few  later 
ones  (as  on  Corpus  Christi,  for  example)  are  addressed 
to  God  the  Son,  none  to  the  Holy  Ghost.  At  low 
Mass  collects  are  said  aloud  so  that  they  can  be  heard 
by  the  people,  at  high  (or  sung)  Mass  they  are  sung 
to  the  festive  tone  on  doubles,  semi-doubles,  and  Sun- 
days. On  simples,  ferias,  and  in  Masses  for  the  dead, 
they  have  the  simple  ferial  tone  (entirely  on  one  note, 
fa).  The  rules  of  the  tones,  with  examples,  are  in  the 
"  Csremoniale  Episcoporum  ",  I,  xxvii.  At  high  Mass 
the  deacon  and  subdeacon  stand  in  a  straight  line 
behind  the  celebrant  (the  deacon  on  the  top  step,  the 
subdeacon  in  piano)  with  joined  hands.  At  the  col- 
lects, in  high  Mass,  the  people  should  stand.  This  is 
the  old  position  for  public  prayer;  originally  the  sub- 
deacon explicitly  told  them  to  do  so  (Levate).  The 
custom  of  standing  during  the  collects,  long  neglected, 
is  now  being  happily  revived.  At  low  Mass  they  kneel 
all  the  time  except  during  the  Gospel  (Rubr.  Gen., 
XVII,  2). 

Rubrica  pmtroUs  Miualu,  VII,  IX,  XVI,  XVII;  Ritus  cele- 
brandi,  V;  CaeremoniaU  Episcoporum,  I,  xxvii;  Benedict  XIV, 
De  SS.  Misses  Sacrificio,  II,  v;  Gum,  Das  hrilioe  Messopfer 
(Freiburg  im  Br.,  1887),  II,  1 39,  374-399.  See  also  the  sacra- 
raentaries,  texts,  and  commentaries  quoted  in  the  article  Canon 
op  the  Mass. 

Adrian  Fortescue. 

Oollectarinm  (sometimes  Collectarius,  Collec- 
taneum,  Orationaus,  Capitulare),  the  book  which 
contains  the  Collects.  In  the  Proprium  de  Tempore 
of  the  Roman  Missal  the  title  Statio,  with  the  name 
of  some  saint  or  mystery,  is  frequently  prefixed  to 
the  Introit  of  the  Mass.  It  signifies  that  in  early 
times,  probably  down  to  the  fourteenth  century,  the 
clergy  and  people  celebrated  on  those  days  the  Divine 
mysteries  in  the  churches  dedicated  in  honour  of  that 
saint  or  mystery.  Before  going  in  procession  to  the 
statio  they  assembled  in  some  nearby  church  to  re- 
ceive the  pontiff,  who  recited  a  prayer  which  was 
called  the  Collect.  This  name  was  given  to  the 
prayer  either  because  it  was  recited  for  the  assembled 
people,  or  because  it  contained  the  sum  and  substance 
of  all  favours  asked  by  the  pontiff  for  himself  and  the 
people,  or  because  in  an  abridged  form  it  represented 
the  spirit  and  fruit  of  the  feast  or  mystery.  In  course 
of  time  it  was  used  to  signify  the  prayers,  proper, 
votive,  or  prescribed  by  the  ecclesiastical  superiors 
(imperata:),  recited  before  the  Epistle,  as  well  as  the 


Secrets  and  the  Poet-Communions.  Later  it  was  ap- 
plied to  the  prayers  said  at  Divine  Office  or  any  litur- 
gical service. 

Zaccama,  BMiotheea  Rituals*  (Rome,  1776),  I;  Bernard. 
Court  de  Liturgy*  Romaine:  La  lieu*  (Paris,  1898),  II:  Van 
deb  Stappen,  Sacra  Liturgia  (Mechlin,  1902),  II:  Carpo, 
Compendiosa  BMiotheea  Lituroica  (Bologna,  1879);  Gihr, 
The  Holy  Sacrifice  of  the  Man,  tr.  (St.  Louis,  Missouri,  1903). 

A.  J.  ScHULTE. 

Collections. — The  offerings  of  the  faithful  in  their 
special  relation  to  the  Holy  Sacrifice  of  the  Mass  will 
claim  fuller  and  more  general  treatment  under  Offer- 
tort  and  Mass  Stipend.  We  will  confine  ourselves 
here  to  the  particular  development  which  took  the 
form  of  a  contribution  in  money,  corresponding  par- 
ticularly to  what  is  conveyed  t>y  the  French  word 
quite.  Of  collections  for  general  church  purposes  we 
find  mention  already  in  the  days  of  St.  Paul,  for  we 
read  in  I  Cor.,  xvi,  1-2:  "Now  concerning  the  collec- 
tions that  are  made  for  the  saints,  as  I  nave  given 
order  to  the  churches  of  Galatia,  so  do  ye  also.  On 
the  first  day  of  the  week  let  every  one  of  you  put  apart 
with  himself,  laying  up  what  it  shall  well  please  him ; 
that  when  I  come,  the  collections  be  not  then  to  be 
made. "  This  seems  to  imply  that  on  every  Sunday 
(the  first  day  of  the  week  )  contributions  were  made, 
probably  when  the  faithful  assembled  for  "the  break- 
ing of  bread"  (Acts,  xx,  7),  and  that  then  contribu- 
tions were  put  by,  if  not  required  for  some  immediate 
and  local  need,  e.  g.  the  relief  of  the  poor,  in  order  that 
St.  Paul  might  assign  them  for  the  use  of  other  more 
destitute  churches  at  a  distance  (cf.  II  Cor.,  viii  and 
ix) .  How  far  such  offerings  were  allocated  to  the  sup- 
port of  the  clergy  and  how  far  to  the  poor  there  is 
nothing  to  tell  us,  but  it  is  plain  that  as  a  matter  of 
principle  the  claims  both  of  the  clergy  and  of  the  poor 
were  recognized  from  the  very  first.  (For  the  clergy 
see  I  Cor.,  ix,  8-11;  II  Thess.,  iii,  8;  I  Tim.,  v,  17-18 ; 
and  for  the  poor  see  Acts,  iv,  34-35,  vi,  1,  xi,  29-30; 
I  Tim.,  v,  16,  etc.)  Again  there  can  be  no  doubt  that 
from  an  early  date  such  alms  were  administered  ac- 
cording to  some  organized  system.  The  very  institu- 
tion of  deacons  and  deaconesses  proves  this,  and  we 
can  appeal  to  the  existence  in  certain  places,  for  ex- 
ample at  Jerusalem,  of  a  roll  (breve  ecclesiasticum,  see 
the  recently  recovered  "Life  of  St.  Melania",  J  35) 
bearing  the  names  of  those  in  receipt  of  relief.  Greg- 
ory of  Tours  gives  the  name  of  rnatricularii  (De  Mirac. 
B.  Martin.,  in,  22)  to  those  who  were  entered  on  this 
roll.  Speaking  generally,  the  allocation  of  all  offer- 
ings was  recognized  as  belonging  to  the  bishop  (i.  e.  in 
the  period  before  the  modern  system  of  parishes  and 
parish  priests  had  evolved  itself  with  any  clearness), 
and  the  rule  was  formally  enunciated  in  the  West  thai 
all  offerings  were  to  be  divided  by  the  bishop  into  four 
parts:  the  first  for  the  clergy,  the  second  for  the  poor, 
the  third  for  the  fabric  and  up-keep  of  the  churches, 
and  the  last  part  for  the  bishop  himself,  that  he  might 
the  better  exercise  the  hospitality  which  was  ex- 
pected of  him.  This  arrangement  seems  to  date  back 
at  least  to  the  time  of  Pope  Simplicius  (475),  and  a 
hundred  years  later  it  is  stated  by  Pope  Gregory  the 
Great  in  the  following  form  when  he  was  consulted  by 
St.  Augustine  about  the  English  Church  which  he  had 
just  founded:  "It  is  the  custom  of  the  Apostolic  See 
to  deliver  to  ordained  bishops  precepts  that  of  every 
oblation  which  is  made  there  ought  to  be  four  portions, 
one,  to  wit,  for  the  bishop  and  his  household,  on  ac- 
count of  hospitality  and  entertainment,  another  for 
the  clergy,  a  third  for  thepoor*a  fourth  for  the  repair- 
ing of  churches"  (Bede,  Hist.  Eccles.,  I,  xxvii). 

At  a  later  date  we  find  some  modification  of  this 
rule,  for  in  the  Capitularies  of  Louis  the  Pious  a  third 
of  the  offerings  are  assigned  to  the  clergy  and  two- 
thirds  to  the  poor  in  more  prosperous  districts,  while  a 
half  is  to  be  given  to  each  in  poorer  ones.  During  all 
this  earlier  period  offerings  in  money  do  not  seem  to 


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have  been  connected  with  the  Sacrifice  of  the  Mass, 
but  they  were  either  put  into  an  alms-box  perma- 
nently set  up  in  the  church  or  they  were  given  in  col- 
lections made  on  certain  specified  occasions.  With 
regard  to  the  former  Tertulhan  already  speaks  (Apol., 
ixxix,  Migne,  P.  L.,  I,  470)  of  "some  sort  of  chest" 
which  stood  in  the  church  and  to  which  the  faithful 
contributed  without  compulsion.  It  seems  to  have 
been  commonly  called  gazovhylacium  or  corbona  (Cyp- 
rian, "De  op.  et  eleemos.  ;  Jerome,  Ep.  xxvii,  14). 
The  collections  on  the  other  hand  probably  took  place 
on  days  of  which  notice  was  given  beforehand.  Apart 
from  a  mention  in  the  "  Apology"  of  Justin  Martyr  (I, 
bcvii),  from  which  we  should  suppose  that  a  collection 
was  made  every  Sunday,  our  principal  source  of  in- 
formation is  the  series  of  six  sermons  "DeCollectis", 
delivered  by  St.  Leo  the  Great  in  different  years  of  his 
pontificate  (Migne,  P.  L.,  LIV,  168-168).  All  these, 
according  to  the  brothers  Ballerini,  probably  have 
reference  to  a  collection  annually  made  on  6  July,  on 
which  day  in  pagan  times  certain  games  were  held  in 
honour  of  Apollo,  at  which  a  collection  took  place. 
The  Church  seems  to  have  continued  the  custom  and 
converted  it  into  an  occasion  of  almsgiving  for  pious 
purposes  upon  the  octave  day  of  the  feast  ofSta.  Peter 
and  Paul.  It  may  be  noted  that  both  Tertullian 
(De  Jejun.,  xiii,  Migne,  P.  L.,  II,  972)  and  St.  Leo  seem 
to  regard  such  contributions  of  money  as  a  form  of 
mortification,  and  consequently  sanctincation,  closely 
connected  with  fasting.  That  similar  collections  were 
everywhere  common  in  the  Early  Church  and  that  con- 
siderable pressure  was  sometimes  brought  to  bear  to 
extort  contributions  we  leam  from  a  letter  of  St.  Greg- 
ory the  Great  (Migne,  P.  L.,  LXXVII,  1060). 

As  already  noted,  these  methods  of  gathering  alms 
seem  to  have  had  nothing  directly  to  do  with  the  lit- 
urgy. The  offerings  which  were  invariably  made  by  the 
faithful  both  in  the  Eastern  and  the  Western  Church 
during  the  Holy  Sacrifice  were  long  confined  to  simple 
bread  and  wine,  or  at  least  to  such  things  as  wax,  can- 
dles, oil,  or  incense  which  had  a  direct  relation  to  the 
Divine  service.  According  to  the  so-called  Apostolic 
Canons  (see  Canons,  Apostolic)  other  forms  of  prod- 
uce which  might  be  offered  for  the  support  of  the 
clergy  were  torc  taken  to  the  residence  of  the  bishop, 
where  he  lived  a  sort  of  community  life  with  his 
priests  (see  Funk,  Didascalia  et  Constitutiones  Apos- 
tolorum,  I,  664).  However,  the  bread  and  wine 
which  were  brought  to  the  altar  at  the  Offertory  of  the 
Mass  were  commonly  presented  in  quantities  far  in  ex- 
cess of  what  was  needed  for  the  Holy  Sacrifice,  and 
they  thus  formed,  and  were  intended  to  form,  a  sub- 
stantial contribution  towards  the  maintenance  of 
those  who  served  in  the  sanctuary.  Various  enact- 
ments were  passed  during  the  Carlovingian  period 
with  the  object  of  urging  the  people  to  remain  faithful 
to  this  practice,  but  it  seems  gradually  to  have  died 
out,  save  in  certain  functions  of  solemnity,  e.  g.  the 
Mass  celebrated  at  the  consecration  of  a  bishop,  when 
two  loaves  and  two  small  casks  of  wine  are  presented 
to  the  celebrant  at  the  Offertory.  On  the  otner  hand, 
this  oblation  of  bread  and  wine  seems  to  have  been  re- 
placed in  many  localities  by  a  contribution  in  money. 
At  what  period  the  substitution  began  is  not  quite 
clear.  Some  have  thought  that  a  trace  of  this  prac- 
tice is  to  be  recognized  as  early  as  St.  Isidore  of  Sev- 
ille (595)  who  speaks  of  the  archdeacon  "  receiving  the 
money  collected  from  the  communion"  (Ep.  ad 
Leudof.,  jrii).  A  less  ambiguous  example  may  be 
found  in  a  letter  of  St.  Peter  Damian  (c.  1050)  where 
there  is  mention  of  gold  coins  being  offered  by  the 
wives  of  certain  princes  at  his  Mass  (Migne,  P.  L., 
CXLIV,  360).  In  any  case  it  is  certain  that  from  the 
twelfth  to  the  fifteenth  century  a  money  offering, 
known  in  England  as  the  "mass-penny",  was  com- 
monly made  at  the  Offertory  all  over  the  Western 
Church.    Kings  and  personages  of  high  rank  often 


had  a  special  coin  which  they  presented  at  Mass  each 
day  and  then  redeemed  it  afterwards  for  a  specified 
sum.    Chaucer  says  of  his  Pardoner: — 

Well  could  he  read  a  lesson  or  a  storie 
But  althebest  he  sang  an  offertorye; 
For  well  he  wyste,  when  that  song  was  songe, 
He  moste  preach  and  well  affyle  nis  tongue 
To  wynne  silver,  as  he  right  wel  cowde, 
Therefore  he  sang  full  merrily  and  lowde. 

The  offering  was  voluntary,  and  each  one  brought 
what  he  had  to  give  to  the  altar-rail.  Burckard  at  the 
beginning  of  the  sixteenth  century  gives  this  direction: 
"  If  there  be  any  who  wish  to  offer,  the  celebrant  comes 
to  the  epistle  corner  and  there  standing  bareheaded 
with  his  left  side  turned  towards  the  altar,  he  removes 
the  maniple  from  his  left  arm  and  taking  it  in  his  right 
hand,  he  presents  the  end  of  it  to  kiss  to  those  who 
offer,  saying  to  each:  'May  thy  sacrifice  be  accepta- 
ble to  God  Almighty',  or  'Mayst  thou  receive  a  hun- 
dredfold and  possess  eternal  life'."  This  rubric  was 
not  retained  in  the  first  official  and  authoritative  edi- 
tion of  the  Roman  Missal,  printed  in  1570.  Possibly 
the  struggle  for  precedence  in  going  up  to  make  the 
offering,  of  which  we  read  in  Chaucer,  tended  to  bring 
this  method  of  contributing  into  disfavour  and  led  to 
the  carrying  round  of  an  alms-dish  or  bag  from  bench 
to  bench  as  is  commonly  done  at  present.  Collections 
for  specified  objects,  e.  g.  the  building  of  a  church,  the 
construction  of  a  bridge,  the  relief  of  certain  cases  of 
distress,  etc.  have  at  all  times  been  common  in  the 
Church,  and  during  the  Middle  Ages  the  people  were 
constantly  stimulated  to  give  more  generously  to  par- 
ticular funds  for  pious  purposes,  e.  g.  the  Crusades,  by 
the  grant  of  special  Indulgences.  These  grants  of  In- 
dulgence were  often  entrusted  to  preachers  of  note 
("Pardoners")  who  carried  them  from  town  to  town, 
collecting  money  and  using  their  eloquence  to  recom- 
mend the  good  work  in  question  ana  to  enhance  the 
spiritual  privileges  attached  to  it.  This  led  to  many 
abuses.  The  Council  of  Trent  frankly  recognized 
them  and  abolished  all  grants  of  Indulgence  which 
were  conditional  upon  a  pecuniary  contribution  to- 
wards a  specified  object.  Other  collections  during 
the  Middle  Ages  were  associated  with  special  objects  of 
piety — for  example,  noteworthy  shrines,  statues,  or 
relics.  Some  few  specimens  still  remain  of  stone  alms- 
boxes  joined  to  a  bracket  upon  which  some  statue 
formerly  stood,  or  united  to  Easter  sepulchres, 
shrines,  etc.  One  collection,  that  for  the  Holy  Places, 
was  commonly  associated  with  the  creeping  to  the 
Cross  on  Good  Fridays,  as  it  still  is  to-day. 

The  strain  put  upon  the  charity  of  the  lay-folk  in 
the  Middle  Ages  by  the  large  number  of  mendicant 
orders  was  often  severely  felt.  Some  remedy  was 
provided  by  confining  the  appeals  of  those  who  soli- 
cited alms  to  certain  assigned  districts.  The  mendi- 
cants so  licensed  were  in  England  often  known  as 
"  limitours".  A  like  difficulty  is  not  unfamiliar  in  our 
own  day,  and  the  principle  has  consequently  been  rec- 
ognized that  a  bishop  has  a  right  to  prohibit  strangers 
from  collecting  alms  in  his  diocese  without  authoriza- 
tion. Although  it  is  not  always  easy  to  exercise  ade- 
quate control  over  these  appeals,  a  certain  check  may 
be  put  upon  importunate  ecclesiastics  by  withholding 
permission  to  say  Mass  in  the  diocese.  This  method 
of  exercising  pressure,  to  be  followed  by  complaint  to 
the  Congregation  of  Propaganda  in  case  such  prohibi- 
tions are  neglected,  is  indicated  in  a  strongly  worded 
decree  drawn  up  by  the  Third  Plenary  Council  of  Bal- 
timore (n.  295).  Similar  regulations  requiring  that 
the  bishop's  authorization  should  be  obtained  before 
strangers  can  be  allowed  to  collect  money  for  chari- 
table purposes  in  the  diocese  also  prevail  in  England. 
Restrictions  are  further  commonly  imposed,  either  by 
synodal  decrees  or  by  the  command  of  the  bishop, 
upon  certain  methods  of  collecting  money  which 


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COLLECTIVISM 


may  be  judged  according  to  local  circumstances 
to  be  likely  to  give  scandal  or  to  be  attended  with 
danger  to  souls.  The  sometimes  intricate  and  deli- 
cate questions  arising  from  the  collection  of  money  by 
religious  when  entrusted  with  quasi-parochial  func- 
tions have  been  legislated  for  in  the  Apostolic  Consti- 
tution "Romance  Pontifices"  of  8  May,  1881. 

There  ia  a  short  article  s.  v.  Collecten  in  the  Kirchenlexikon, 
but  there  seems  to  be  do  one  source  of  information  which  brings 
together  in  moderate  compass  the  facts  discussed  above.  The 
reader  may,  however,  be  referred  for  various  points  to  different 
treatises,  of  which  the  following  are  the  most  noteworthy: 
Fourneret  in  Diet,  de  thiol,  cath.  (1905),  s.  v.  Bimt  ecclesias- 
tiquee;  Thalbopeb,  Liluroik  (Freiburg,  1893),  Vol.  II,  Pt.  I; 
Gihr,  The  Mass  (tr.  Freiburg,  1902),  495-514;  Haddan,  Sccda- 
more,  and  Aru field  in  Diet.  Christ.  Antiq.,  s.  vv.  Alms;  Obla- 
tions; Poor;  Scudauore,  Notitia  Eucharistica  (London,  1876), 
346  sq.;  Bondroit,  De  Capacitate  Possidendi  Bcdesitz  (Louvain, 
1900);  Biederlack.  De  Bonis  Ecclesia  Temporalibus  (Inns- 
bruck, 1892);  Wernz,  Jus  Deeretalium  (Rome.  1908),  III,  134 
sq.:  Lacrentiub,  Institutiones  Juris  Ecclesiastici  (Freiburg, 
1908),  631-657. 

Herbert  Thurston. 


Collectivism. — This  term  is  sometimes  employed 
as  a  substitute  for  social  ism .  It  is  of  later  origin,  and  is 
somewhat  more  precise  in  use  and  content.  Social- 
ism, while  sufficiently  definite  in  the  minds  of  those 
who  have  a  right  to  class  themselves  as  socialists,  is 
frequently  employed  in  a  loose  way  by  others.  The 
single-tax  theory,  government  ownership  of  public 
utilities  such  as  railways  and  telegraphs,  stricter 
public  regulation  of  industry,  and  even  moderate 
measures  of  social  reform,  are  sometimes  called  social- 
ism by  individuals  and  newspapers.  Collectivism  is 
scarcely  ever  used  except  to  designate  that  system  of 
industry  in  which  the  material  agents  of  production 
would  be  owned  and  managed  by  the  public,  the  collec- 
tivity. And  it  usually  indicates  merely  the  economic 
side  of  socialism,  without  reference  to  any  philo- 
sophical, psychological,  ethical,  or  historical  assump- 
tions. Socialism  means  primarily  an  ideal  industrial 
order  as  iust  described,  out  it  is  also  quite  properly 
used  to  characterize  the  entire  idealogical  foundation 
upon  which  International  or  Marxian  socialists  build, 
as  well  as  the  concrete  movement  that  is  actively 
striving  for  the  realization  of  this  ideal  order.  Hence 
economic  determinism,  the  class  struggle,  and  the 
catastrophic  concentration  of  industry  would  be 
called  socialist  rather  than  collectivist  theories.  Not- 
withstanding these  advantages  of  definiteness,  the 
word  collectivism  has  not  been  widely  employed,  even 
in  France  and  Belgium ;  nor  does  it  promise  to  sup- 
plant the  older  term  in  the  future. 

While  collectivism  implies  the  substitution  of  col- 
lective for  private  property  in  the  means  of  produc- 
tion, it  is  susceptible  of  considerable  diversity  in  its 
application  throughout  the  realm  of  industry.  One 
of  the  most  thoroughgoing  of  the  German  socialists, 
Karl  Kautsky,  in  his  forecast  of  what  might  be 
expected  to  happen  the  day  after  the  industrial 
revolution,  suggests  that  when  the  State  has  taken 
possession  of  the  capitalistic  industries  it  could  sell 
a  portion  of  them  to  the  labourers  who  work  them, 
another  portion  to  co-operative  associations,  another 
to  municipalities,  and  still  another  to  provincial  sub- 
divisions of  the  nation  (in  America,  the  several  States). 
All  industries  that  had  already  become  monopolized 
and  national  in  scope  would,  of  course,  be  operated 
by  the  nation,  and  the  national  form  of  industry 
would  probably  be  the  predominant  one  ultimately. 
Land  would  be  collectively  owned,  but  not  always  col- 
lectively operated.  According  to  Kautsky,  the  small 
non-capitalistic  farms  (embracing  by  far  the  greater 
part  of  all  agricultural  land)  might  well  remain  in 
the  hands  of  individual  farmers.  While  not  owning 
the  ground  that  he  tilled,  and  while — in  all  probability 
— paying  rent  to  the  State  in  proportion  to  the  value 
of  the  land,  the  small  farmer  would  own  and  manage 
his  agricultural  business,  the  machinery,  seeds,  horses, 
etc.,  that  he  used,  and  the  product  that  he  produced. 


Thus  his  position  would  approximate  that  of  a  farmer 
under  the  single-tax  system.  He  would  not  be  a 
wage-receiver  in  the  employ  of  the  industrial  State. 
Finally  there  are  certain  non-agricultural  small  in- 
dustries which  could  continue  to  be  privately  owned 
and  managed.  This  is  especially  true  of  those  in 
which  hand  labour  predominates,  and  which  produce 
for  immediate  consumption,  for  example,  the  work 
of  barbers,  artists,  custom-tailors,  and  dressmakers. 
Since  the  supreme  aim  of  collectivism  is  the  abolition 
of  that  capitalistic  regime  which  enables  one  man  or 
one  corporation  arbitrarily  to  exploit  the  labour  and 
the  necessities  of  many  men,  it  obviously  does  not — 
in  theory  at  least — imply  equal  compensation  for  all 
individuals,  nor  the  destruction  of  individual  initiative, 
nor  the  establishment  of  a  bureaucratic  despotism. 
Hence  the  theoretical  possibility  of  different  rates  of 
pay,  of  many  and  diverse  industrial  units,  of  a  con- 
siderable number  of  small  industries,  and  of  private 
property  in  the  goods  that  minister  to  immediate 
enjoyment.  As  the  American  socialist  John  Spargo 
puts  it,  "we  want  social  ownership  only  of  those 
things  which  cannot  be  controlled  by  private  owners 
except  as  means  of  exploiting  the  labour  of  others  and 
making  them  bondsmen"  (Capitalist  and  Labor,  etc., 
120).  As  in  the  matter  of  the  ownership  and  opera- 
tion of  the  means  of  production,  so  with  regard  to  the 
ultimate  directive  power,  the  governmental  functions, 
collectivism  does  not  theoretically  necessitate  the  des- 
potic supremacy  of  a  highly  centralized  State.  Indeed, 
the  Continental  socialists,  who  detest  the  military 
governments  under  which  they  live,  favour  decentrali- 
zation rather  than  the  opposite;  hence  so  many  of 
them  lay  stress  upon  the  development  of  the  local  polit- 
ical unit,  and  the  inevitable  increase  of  provincial  and 
municipal  functions  in  the  collectivist  State.  Then- 
ideal,  and  the  ideal  of  collectivists  generally,  is  a  State 
organized  on  industrial  lines,  in  which  each  industry, 
whether  local  or  national,  and  its  workers  will  be  sub- 
stantially autonomous,  and  in  which  government  of 
persons  will  be  replaced  by  an  administration  of  things. 

From  this  outline  of  what  may  be  regarded  as  the 
prevailing  theory  of  collectivism,  it  appears  that  many 
of  the  arguments  against  collectivism  have  lost  some- 
thing of  their  former  strength  and  pertinency.  This 
is  particularly  true  of  those  objections  which  assume 
a  completely  centralized  management  of  industry, 
equal  compensation  for  all  workers,  and  the  entire 
absence  of  individual  initiative  in  production.  On 
the  other  hand,  the  very  diversity  of  industrial  direc- 
tion, the  vast  scope  given  to  local  and  provincial 
autonomy,  and  the  very  small  part  assigned  to  coer- 
cive and  repressive  activity  in  the  collectivist  system 
would  undoubtedly  prove  fatal  to  its  efficiency  and 
stability.  To  suppose  that  the  local  industrial  unit, 
say,  the  municipal  gas  works,  or  the  local  branch  of 
the  national  shoe  manufacture,  could  be  operated 
effectively  on  a  basis  of  complete  industrial  democ- 
racy, requires  a  faith  surpassing  that  of  children. 
The  workers  would  lack  the  incentive  to  hard  work 
that  comes  from  fear  of  discharge,  and  would  be 
under  constant  temptation  to  assume  that  they  were 
more  active  and  more  efficient  than  their  equally  paid 
fellows  in  other  workshops  of  the  same  class.  Hence 
sufficient  centralization  to  place  the  control  of  indus- 
try outside  of  the  local  unit  or  branch  would  seem  to 
be  indispensable.  This  means  a  combination  of 
industrial  and  political  power  that  could  easily  put 
an  end  to  freedom  of  action,  speech,  and  writing. 
Since  the  form  of  authority  would  be  democratic,  the 
people  could  no  doubt  vote  such  a  government  out 
of  power;  but  in  the  concrete  the  people  means  the 
majority,  and  a  majority  might  continue  for  a  long 
series  of  years  to  impose  intolerable  conditions  on  a 
minority  almost  equal  in  numbers.  For  collectivism 
there  seems  to  be  no  middle  ground  between  ineffi- 
ciency and  despotism.    An  industrial  system  which 


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COLLI 


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COLLEGE 


would  increase  rather  than  lessen  social  ills  is  obvi- 
ously contrary  to  the  interests  of  morality  and  relig- 
ion. Furthermore,  any  collect!  vis t  regime  which  should 
seise  private  land  or  capital  without  compensation 
is  condemned  by  the  Catholic  doctrine  concerning 
the  lawfulness  of  private  ownership  and  the  unlaw- 
fulness of  theft.  Setting  aside  these  questions  of 
feasibility  and  compensation  are  we  obliged  to  say, 
or  permitted  to  say,  that  collectivism  as  described  in 
this  article  has  been  formally  condemned  by  the 
Catholic  Church?  In  the  Encyclical  "Rerum  Nova- 
rum  "  (On  the  Condition  of  Labour),  Pope  Leo  XIII 
clearly  denounced  those  extreme  forms  of  socialism 
and  communism  which  aim  at  the  abolition  of  all  or 
practically  all  private  property.  Perhaps  the  near- 
est approach  to  an  official  pronouncement  on  the  sub- 
ject of  essential  and  purely  economic  collectivism  is 
to  be  found  in  the  same  document,  where  the  Holy 
Father  declares  that  man's  welfare  demands  private 
ownership  of  "stable  possessions"  and  of  "lucrative 
property".    (See  Socialism.) 

Eur.  Socialism  and  Social  Reform  (New  York,  1894);  Van- 
dekvelde,  CoUectivitm  and  Industrial  Revolution,  tr.  (Chicago, 
1904);  Kadtskt,  The  Social  Revolution,  tr.  (Chicago,  1905); 
Leo  XIII,  Rerum  Nervorum;  Devas  in  The  Dublin  Review 


(London,  Oct.,  1906). 


John  A.  Ryan. 


Oolle  dl  Val  d'EIsa  (Collis  Hetrusccs),  Diocese 
of  (Collensis),  suffragan  to  Florence.  Colle  is  sit- 
uated in  the  province  of  Siena,  Tuscany,  on  the  top 
of  a  lofty  hill  which  overlooks  the  River  Elsa.  It  is 
said  to  have  been  built  by  the  inhabitants  of  Gracchi- 
ano,  who 'had  suffered  greatly  in  the  frequent  wars  be- 
tween Florence  and  Siena.  The  Gospel  is  supposed 
to  have  been  preached  there  by  St.  Martial,  a  reputed 
disciple  of  St.  Peter.  Colle  had  at  first  a  collegiate 
church,  exempt  from  the  ordinary  jurisdiction  of  the 
neighbouring  bishop,  and  widely  known  through  the 
merits  of  its  archpriest,  St.  Albert,  who  flourished 
about  1202.  In  1598,  Clement  VIII,  at  the  request 
of  Grand  Duke  Ferdinand  of  Tuscany,  erected  the  Di- 
ocese of  Colle,  the  first  bishop  being  Usimbardo  Usim- 
bardi.  The  diocese  has  72  parishes,  117  churches  and 
chapels,  115  secular  and  20  regular  priests,  3  religious 
houses  of  men  and  3  of  women. 

Cappeiabtti.  Le  chiete  cT  Italia  (Venice,  1844),  275-77;  Ann. 
eed.  (Rome,  1907).  408-10. 

U.  Beniqni. 

College. — The  word  college  (Fr.  college,  It.  collegia, 
Sp.  colegio),  from  the  Latin  collegium,  originally  signi- 
fied a  community,  a  corporation,  an  organized  society, 
a  body  of  colleagues,  or  a  society  of  persons  engaged  in 
some  common  pursuit .  From  ancient  times  there  ex- 
isted in  Rome  corporations  called  collegia,  with  vari- 
ous ends  and  objects.  Thus  the  guilds  of  the  artisans 
were  known  as  collegia  or  sodalicia;  in  other  collegia 
persons  associated  together  for  some  special  religious 
worship,  or  for  the  purpose  of  mutual  assistance.  This 
original  meaning  of  the  word  college  is  preserved  in 
some  modern  corporations,  as  the  College  of  Physi- 
cians, or  the  College  of  Surgeons  (London,  Edinburgh). 
There  were  in  Rome  other,  more  official  bodies  which 
bore  the  title  collegium,  as  the  Collegium  tribunorum, 
Collegium  augurum,  Collegium  ponlificum,  etc.  In  a 
similar  sense  the  word  is  now  used  in  such  terms  as  the 
College  of  Cardinals  (or  the  Sacred  College),  the  Col- 
lege of  Electors,  the  College  of  Justice  (in  Scotland), 
the  College  of  Heralds  (in  England). 

From  the  fourteenth  century  on  the  word  college 
meant  in  particular  "a  community  or  corporation  of 
secular  clergy  living  together  on  a  foundation  for  relig- 
ious service  .  The  church  supported  on  this  endow- 
ment was  called  a  collegiate  church,  because  the  eccle- 
siastical services  and  solemnities  were  performed  by  a 
college,  i.  e.  a  body  or  staff  of  clergymen,  consisting  of 
a  provost,  or  dean,  canons,  etc. ;  later,  the  term  "  col- 
legiate "  or  "  college  church ' '  was  usually  restricted  to  a 


church  connected  with  a  large  educational  institution. 
Some  of  these  institutions,  besides  carrying  out  the 
Divine  service  in  their  church,  were  required  to  take 
charge  of  an  almshouse,  or  a  hospital,  or  some  educa- 
tional establishment.  It  is  here  that  we  find  the 
word  college  introduced  in  connexion  with  education, 
a  meaning  which  was  to  become  the  most  prominent 
during  succeeding  centuries.  It  seems  that  in  the 
English  universities  the  term  was  first  applied  to  the 
foundations  of  the  so-called  second  period,  typified  by 
New  College,  Oxford,  1379;  from  these  the  name 
gradually  spread  to  the  earlier  foundations  (Merton, 
Balliol)  which  originally  were  designated  by  the  term 
aula  or  domue;  then  it  was  taken  by  the  foundations 
of  the  third  period,  the  colleges  of  the  Renaissance. 
As  used  in  educational  history,  college  may  be  de- 
fined, in  general,  as  "a  society  of  scholars  formed  for 
the  purposes  of  study  or  instruction";  and  in  particu- 
lar as  "a  self-governing  corporation,  either  independ- 
ent of  a  university,  or  in  connexion  with  a  university, 
as  the  College  of  the  Sorbonne  in  the  ancient  Univers- 
ity of  Paris,  and  the  colleges  of  Oxford  and  Cam- 
bridge ".  In  some  instances,  where  in  a  university  only 
a  single  college  was  founded  or  survived,  the  terms 
"college"  and  "university"  are  co-extensive  and  in- 
terchangeable. This  is  the  case  in  Scotland  and,  to  a 
great  extent,  in  the  United  States.  Although  in  the 
United  States  many  small  institutions  claim  the  am- 
bitious title  of  university,  it  is  more  appropriate  to  ap- 
ply this  term  to  those  institutions  which  have  several 
distinct  faculties  for  professional  study  and  thus  re- 
semble the  universities  of  Europe.  They  differ,  how- 
ever, from  the  continental  universities  in  one  impor- 
tant point,  namely,  in  the  undergraduate  department 
which  is  connected  with  the  university  proper.  In 
some  places,  as  in  Harvard,  the  term  "college"  is  now 
in  a  special  sense  applied  to  the  undergraduate  school. 
This  is  the  most  common  and  most  proper  acceptation 
of  the  term:  an  institution  of  higher  learning  of  a 
general,  not  professional,  character,  where  after  a  reg- 
ular course  of  study  the  degree  of  Bachelor  of  Arts,  or, 
in  recent  years,  some  equivalent  degree,  e.  g.  Bachelor 
of  Philosophy,  or  Bachelor  of  Science,  is  given.  (See 
Arts,  Bachelor  of,  and  Degrees,  Academic.)  It 
is  this  meaning  of  college  which  will  be  treated  in  this 
article;  all  professional  schools  called  colleges  are  ex- 
cluded, such  as  teachers'  colleges  (training  schools  for 
teachers),  law  and  medical  colleges,  colleges  of  dentis- 
try, pharmacy,  mechanical  engineering,  agriculture, 
business,  mines,  etc.  Nor  will  colleges  be  included 
which  are  divinity  schools  or  theological  seminaries, 
as  the  numerous  colleges  in  Rome,  e.  g.  the  Collegium 
Germanicum,  Collegium  Latino- Americanum,  Colle- 
gium Gnecum,  or  the  English,  Irish,  Scotch,  North- 
American  Colleges,  and  many  other  similar  institu- 
tions. 

As  the  origin  and  evolution  of  the  college,  or  of  its 
equivalent,  have  not  been  the  same  in  different  coun- 
tries, it  will  be  necessary,  in  order  to  avoid  confusion, 
to  treat  separately  of  the  colleges  peculiar  to  England. 
These  deserve  special  attention  for  the  further  reason 
that  the  American  college  is  an  outgrowth  of  the  Eng- 
lish college.  Even  at  the  present  day  the  distinguish- 
ing characteristic  of  the  Universities  of  Oxford  and 
Cambridge  is  the  existence  of  the  colleges.  Nothing 
like  it  is  to  be  found  in  any  other  country,  and  the  re- 
lation between  these  colleges  and  the  university  is 
very  puzzling  to  foreigners.  The  colleges  are  distinct 
corporations,  which  manage  their  own  property  and 
elect  their  own  officers;  the  university  has  no  legal 
power  over  the  colleges,  although  it  has  jurisdiction 
over  the  individual  members  of  the  colleges,  be- 
cause they  are  members  also  of  the  university.  Mr. 
Bryce  has  used  the  relation  between  the  university 
and  the  colleges  as  an  illustration  of  the  relations  be- 
tween the  Federal  Government  and  the  separate 
States  of  the  American  Union.   But  one  great  differ- 


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ence  has  been  pointed  out  by  Mr.  Rashdall:  "in 
place  of  the  strict  limitation  of  spheres  established  by 
the  American  Constitution,  the  jurisdiction  of  both 
University  and  College,  if  either  chose  to  exercise  them, 
is  legally  unlimited.  Expulsion  from  a  College  would 
not  involve  expulsion  from  the  University,  unless  the 
University  chose  so  to  enact;  nor  could  expulsion 
from  the  University  prevent  a  man  from  continuing  to 
be  a  member  or  even  a  Fellow  of  a  College.  The  Uni- 
versity's monopoly  of  the  power  of  granting  degrees  is 
the  only  connecting  link  which  ensures  their  harmoni- 
ous co-operation "  (Universities  of  Europe,  II,  793). 
The  professors  at  Oxford  are  university  officials;  tu- 
tors and  lecturers  are  college  officials;  these  two 
bodies  form  two  different  systems.  The  majority  of 
students  receive  the  greater  part  of  their  education 
from  the  tutors  and  lecturers.  (For  further  details 
see  "The  University  of  Oxford"  in  "Ir.  Eccl.  Rec.", 
Jan.,  1907.) 

Although  at  the  present  day  the  collegiate  system  is 
peculiar  to  the  Universities  of  Oxford  and  Cambridge, 
it  was  not  so  formerly,  nor  can  England  claim  the  hon- 
our of  having  had  the  first  colleges.  This  distinction 
belongs  to  the  University  of  Pans,  the  greatest  school 
of  medieval  Europe.  To  understand  the  origin  of  the 
colleges  and  their  character,  it  is  necessary  to  know 
the  social  conditions  in  which  the  medieval  students 
lived.  Large  numbers  of  youths  flocked  to  the  fa- 
mous university  towns;  there  may  have  been  6000  or 
7000  students  at  Paris,  6000  at  Bologna,  2000  at  Tou- 
louse, 3000  at  Prague,  and  between  2000  and  3000  at 
Cjcford.  Writere  of  the  latter  part  of  the  Middle 
Ages  have,  it  is  true,  asserted  that  in  preceding  cen- 
turies Paris  had  over  30,000,  and  Oxford  from  20,000 
to  30,000  students ;  some  popular  writers  of  our  days 
have  repeated  these  statements,  but  the  foremost  his- 
torians who  have  dealt  with  this  subject,  as  Rashdall, 
Brodrick,  Paulsen,  Thorold  Rogers,  and  many  others, 
have  proved  that  these  fabulous  numbers  are  gross 
exaggerations  (Rashdall,  op.  cit.,  II,  581  sqq.).  Still 
the  numbers  were  large,  many  students  very  young, 
some  not  more  than  fourteen  or  fifteen  years  old; 
many  lived  in  private  houses,  others  in  halls  or  hostels ; 
the  discipline  was  lax,  and  excesses  and  riots  were  fre- 
quent: above  all,  the  poorer  students  were  badly 
lodged  and  badly  fed,  and  were  at  the  mercy  of  un- 
scrupulous and  designing  men  and  women.  Generous 
persons,  inspired  by  the  spirit  of  active  charity,  which 
was  very  pronounced  during  these  centuries,  sought  to 
alleviate  the  lot  of  the  poor  students.  The  result  was 
the  foundation  of  the  "houses  of  scholars",  later 
called  colleges.  Originally  they  were  nothing  but  en- 
dowed hospicia,  or  lodging  and  boarding-houses  for 
poor  students;  the  idea  of  domestic  instruction  was 
absent  in  the  early  foundations.  The  first  Parisian 
colleges  were  homes  for  ecclesiastical  students,  "aca- 
demical cloisters  specially  planned  for  the  education 
of  secular  clergy".  About  1180  the  College  of  the 
Eighteen  was  founded  (so  called  from  the  number  of 
students):  then  Saint-Thomas  de  Louvre  (1186),  and 
several  others  in  the  first  half  of  the  thirteenth  century. 
The  most  famous  of  the  colleges  in  Paris  was  the  Sor- 
bonne  (see  Sorbonne,  College  of  the)  founded 
about  1257,  and  intended  for  sixteen,  later  for  thirty- 
six,  students  of  theology.  In  succeeding  centuries 
the  Sorbonne  came  to  stand  for  the  whole  theological 
faculty  of  the  University  of  Paris.  In  the  course  of 
time  the  university  set  aside  the  original  autonomy  of 
the  colleges  and  gained  complete  control  over  them; 
in  this  the  colleges  of  Paris  differed  widely  from  the 
English  colleges.  Another  difference  lay  in  the  fact 
that  most  English  colleges  admitted  students  for  fac- 
ulties other  than  the  theological.  The  firet  English 
college,  Balliol,  founded  about  1261,  at  Oxford,  was 
largely  an  imitation  of  the  earlier  foundations  of  Paris, 
and  differed  from  the  general  type  of  English  colleges. 
The  real  beginning  of  the  English  college  system  was 


the  foundation  of  Walter  de  Merton,  who  afterwards 
became  Bishop  of  Rochester.  Merton  College,  estab- 
lished 1263  or  1264,  became  the  archetype  of  the  col- 
leges of  Oxford  ana  Cambridge.  The  scholars  were 
to  begin  the  study  of  the  arte,  and  then  to  proceed  to 
theology,  a  few  to  the  study  of  canon  and  civil  law. 
Besides  the  thirteen  full  members  of  the  society  (the 
socii,  or  Fellows),  a  number  of  young  boys  were  to  be 
admitted  (twelve  at  firet),  as  "secondary  scholars", 
who  were  to  be  instructed  in  "grammar"  until  they 
were  enabled  to  begin  the  study  of  arts. 

The  foundation  of  the  secular  colleges  was  greatly 
stimulated  by  the  presence  of  the  regular  colleges,  i.  e. 
the  establishments  of  the  religious  orders  in  connexion 
with  the  universities.  The  religious  orders  early  prof- 
ited by  the  advantages  offered  in  these  educational 
centres,  and  in  their  turn  had  a  considerable  share  in 
the  further  development  of  the  univereities,  particu- 
larly the  Dominicans  and  Franciscans.  (See  Univer- 
sity.) The  Dominicans  established  a  house  of  study 
in  the  University  of  Paris  in  1218,  the  Franciscans 

1219,  the  Benedictines  1229,  the  Augustinians  in 
1259.    At  Oxford  the  Dominicans  opened  a  house 

1220,  the  Franciscans  1224.  Their  example  was  fol- 
lowed by  the  Benedictines,  who  founded  Gloucester 
Hall  and  Durham  College.  These  religious  houses 
formed  each  a  miniature  Studium  in  the  midst  of  a 
great  university.  The  young  members  of  the  orders 
Rved  in  well-organized  communities  which  gave  free- 
dom from  cares  and  favoured  quiet  study,  whereas 
other  students  were  left  to  contend  with  the  many 
hardships  and  temptations  which  surrounded  them  on 
all  sides.  It  was  natural  that  men  who  realized  the 
advantages  of  such  a  well-regulated  life  should  en- 
deavour to  adapt  this  system  to  the  needs  of  students 
who  had  no  intention  of  entering  religious  communi- 
ties. "  The  secular  college  would  never  perhaps  have 
developed  into  the  important  institution  which  it  act- 
ually became  but  for  the  example  set  by  the  colleges  of 
the  mendicants"  (Rashdall,  op.  cit.,  I,  478).  An  er- 
roneous view  has  been  expressed  by  some  writers,  via., 
that  the  foundation  of  the  colleges  was  a  symptom  of 
the  growing  opposition  to  ecclesiastical  control  of  edu- 
cation, and  especially  a  sign  of  hostility  to  the  reli- 
gious orders.  The  majority  of  secular  colleges  were 
founded  by  zealous  ecclesiastics,  in  England  especially 
by  bishops,  most  of  whom  were  very  friendly  to  the 
religious  orders.  Mr.  Bass  Mullinger  admits  that 
Trinity  Hall,  Cambridge,  seems  to  have  been  founded 
with  the  intention  of  furthering  "Ultramontane  inter- 
ests" (Hist,  of  Un.  of  Cambridge,  41).  Hugh  de  Bal- 
sham,  a  Benedictine,  was  the  founder  of  Peterhouse, 
the  first  college  at  Cambridge  (1284);  the  third  Cam- 
bridge college,  Pembroke  Hall,  was  founded  in  1347  by 
Mane  de  Valence,  a  friend  of  the  Franciscans;  one  of 
two  rectors  was  to  be  a  Friar  Minor,  and  the  foundress 
adjured  the  fellows  to  be  kind,  devoted,  and  grateful 
to  all  religious,  "especially  the  Friars  Minor".  Gon- 
ville  Hall,  Cambridge,  was  founded  in  1350  by  Ed- 
mund Gonville,  an  equally  warm  friend  of  the  Do- 
minicans, for  whom  he  made  a  foundation  at  Thet- 
ford.  The  same  can  be  shown  with  regard  to  Oxford. 
To  give  an  instance,  according  to  the  statutes  of  Bal- 
liol, one  of  the  outside  "procurators"  was  to  be  a 
Franciscan.  The  indirect  influence  of  religious  insti- 
tutions is  discernible  also  in  the  semi-monastic  fea- 
tures of  colleges,  some  of  which  have  survived  to  our 
own  times,  as  the  common  life  and  obligatory  attend- 
ance at  chapel.  With  regard  to  the  latter  point  it  is 
surprising  to  learn  that  the  earlier  colleges  enjoined 
attendance  at  Mass  only  on  Sundays,  Holy  Days,  and 
vigils.  At  Oxford,  the  statutes  of  New  College  are,  as 
far  as  is  known,  the  first  which  require  daily  attend- 
ance at  Mass;  towards  the  end  of  the  fifteenth  century 
this  daily  attendance  was  enforced  also  on  the  stu- 
dents living  in  the  Halls  (Rashdall,  op.  cit.,  II,  506, 
651). 


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The  members  of  a  college  were  one  another's  aocii, 
or  "Fellows".  In  the  beginning  the  terms  "Schol- 
lars"  and  "Fellows"  were  interchangeable,  but  grad- 
ually the  term  "Fellows"  was  restricted  to  the  senior 
or  governing  members,  the  term  "Scholars"  to  the 
junior  members.  The  Senior  Scholars  or  Fellows 
were  largely  employed  in  looking  after  college  busi- 
ness, in  later  times  particularly  in  teaching  the  Junior 
Scholars.  In  the  early  foundations  it  was  understood 
that  the  inmates  should  receive  most  of  their  instruc- 
tion outside  the  walls  of  the  college ;  but  where  young- 
er members  were  admitted,  it  was  necessary  to  exer- 
cise supervision  over  their  studies,  and  give  some  in- 
struction supplementing  the  public  lectures.  This 
supplementary  teaching  gradually  became  more 
prominent;  although  it  is  not  known  exactly  when 
this  important  educational  revolution  took  place,  it 
seems  to  belong  chiefly  to  the  fifteenth  century;  fi- 
nally the  colleges  practically  monopolized  instruction. 
The  number  of  students  living  in  the  colleges  was 
small  at  first;  most  statutes  provided  only  for  be- 
tween twelve  and  thirty  or  forty,  a  few  for  seventy  or 
more.  Most  of  the  students  continued  to  live  outside 
the  colleges  in  licensed  halls  or  private  lodgings.  The 
lodging-house  system  was  checked  in  the  fifteenth 
century,  and  later  the  colleges  absorbed  most  of  the 
student  population.  But  from  the  first  the  colleges 
reacted  favourably  on  the  whole  student  body  and  ex- 
ercised a  most  salutary  influence  on  the  manners  and 
morals  of  the  university  towns.  As  Cardinal  New- 
man has  said:  "Colleges  tended  to  break  the  anarchi- 
cal spirit,  gave  the  example  of  laws,  and  trained  up  a 
set  of  students  who,  as  being  morally  and  intellectu- 
ally superior  to  other  members  of  the  academical  body 
became  the  depositaries  of  academical  power  and  in- 
fluence" (Hist.  Sketches,  III,  221).  Thus  the  uni- 
versity itself  was  largely  benefited  by  the  colleges ;  it 
derived  from  them  order,  strength,  and  stability.  It 
is  true,  at  a  much  later  date,  the  university  was  sacri- 
ficed to  the  colleges,  and  the  colleges  themselves  be- 
came inactive;  contrary  to  the  intention  of  the  found- 
ers, who  had  established  them  for  the  maintenance  of 
the  poor,  they  were  occupied  by  the  wealthy,  espe- 
cially after  the  paying  boarders,  "commoners",  or 
"  pensioners ' ',  became  numerous.  They  were  at  times 
sinecures  and  clubs  rather  than  places  of  serious 
study. 

William  of  Wykeham,  Bishop  of  Winchester,  found- 
ed the  first  college  outside  a  university,  namely  Win- 
chester College,  in  1379,  for  seventy  boys  who  were  to 
be  educated  in  "grammar",  i.  e.  literature.  Gram- 
mar colleges  had  indeed  existed  before,  in  connexion 
with  universities  and  cathedrals ;  but  Winchester  was 
the  first  elaborate  foundation  for  grammatical  educa- 
tion, independent  of  either  a  cathedral  or  a  university. 
From  Winchester  College  the  students  were  to  enter 
New  College,  Oxford,  founded  by  the  same  patron  of 
education.  The  example  of  Winchester  was  imitated 
in  the  foundations  of  Eton  (1440),  and  in  the  post- 
Reformation  schools  of  Harrow,  Westminster  (both  on 
older  foundations),  Rugby,  Charterhouse,  Shrews- 
bury, and  Merchant  Taylors.  These  institutions  de- 
veloped into  the  famous  "public  schools".  During 
this  period,  as  for  a  long  time  after  there  was  no  such 
hard  and  fast  line  between  the  higher  and  more  ele- 
mentary instruction  as  exists  at  the  present  day. 
Many  grammar  schools  of  England  did  partly  college 
work.  Contrary  to  the  common  opinion,  as  voiced  by 
Green,  Mullinger,  and  others,  the  number  of  grammar 
schools  before  the  Reformation  was  very  great.  Mr. 
Leach  states  that  "three  hundred  grammar  schools  is 
a  moderate  estimate  of  the  number  in  the  year  1535, 
when  the  floods  of  the  great  revolution  were  let  loose. 
Most  of  them  were  swept  away  either  under  Henry  or 
his  son ;  or  if  not  swept  away,  they  were  plundered 
and  damaged"  (English  Schools  at  the  Reformation, 
5-6).    Be  it  remembered  that  the  term  "grammar 


school"  is  used  in  the  sense  common  in  ! 
noting  a  higher  school  where  the  classical  1 
form  the  staple  subject  of  instruction. 

A  most  powerful  influence  on  the  further  develop* 
ment  of  the  colleges  was  exercised  by  the  humanistio 
movement.  It  cannot  be  denied  that  during  the 
twelfth  and  thirteenth  centuries  the  study  of  the  clas- 
sics had  been  comparatively  neglected,  as  men's 
minds  were  absorbed  in  scholastic  studies.  John  of 
Salisbury  and  Roger  Bacon  complained  bitterly  about 
the  neglect  of  the  study  of  the  languages.  (Cf. 
Sandys,  Hist,  of  Class.  Scholarship,  568  sqq.)  This 
was  completely  changed  when  the  enthusiasm  for  the 
ancient  classics  began  to  spread  from  Italy  throughout 
Western  Christendom.  The  "new  learning"  gradu- 
ally made  its  victorious  entry  into  the  old  seats  of  learn- 
ing, while  new  schools  were  established  everywhere, 
until,  about  the  year  1500,  "Catholic  Europe  pre- 
sented the  aspect  of  a  vast  commonwealth  of  scholars" 
(Professor  Hartfelder,  in  Schmid's  "Geechichte  der 
Erziehung",  II,  ii,  140).  The  schools  of  Vittorino  da 
Feltre,  "the  first  modern  schoolmaster",  and  of 
Guarino  da  Verona,  became  the  models  for  schools  in 
other  countries.  English  scholars  had  early  come  in 
contact  with  Italian  humanists  and  schools;  Grocyn, 
Linacre,  William  Latimer,  William  Lily,  Dean  Colet 
were  humanists,  and  tried  to  introduce  the  new  learn- 
ing into  the  English  schools.  The  influence  of  the 
Renaissance  is  most  clearly  noticed  in  St.  Paul's 
School,  founded  by  Dean  Colet  in  1512,  and  in  the 
statutes  of  Corpus  Chris ti  College,  Oxford,  1516,  where 
greater  stress  is  laid  on  the  study  of  Latin  and  Greek 
than  in  any  previous  foundation.  When  humanism 
had  gained  the  day,  largely  through  the  encourage- 
ment and  influence  of  men  like  Bishop  John  Fisher, 
Thomas  More,  and  Cardinal  Wolsey,  English  college 
education  had  assumed  the  form  and  character  which 
were  to  remain  for  centuries.  The  medieval  curricu- 
lum of  the  trivium  and  quadrivium  (see  Arts,  The 
Seven  Liberal)  had  not  been  entirely  abandoned ;  it 
survived  in  the  new  scheme  of  education,  but  greatly 
changed  and  modified.  Henceforth  the  classical  lan- 
guages were  the  principal  subject  of  instruction,  to 
which  mathematics  formed  the  most  important  addi- 
tion. "Letters"  were  the  essential  foundation;  the 
rest  were  considered  accessory,  subsidiary.  This  hu- 
manistic type  of  schools  lasted  longer  in  England  than 
in  any  other  country. 

In  the  medieval  universities  outside  of  France  and 
England  there  existed  colleges,  but  nowhere  did  they 
obtain  the  importance  and  the  influence  which  they 
gained  in  Paris,  and  most  of  all  in  Oxford  and  Cam- 
bridge. The  colleges  in  the  German  universities,  e.  g. 
at  Prague,  Vienna,  Cologne,  as  well  as  the  Scotch  col- 
leges, were  primarily  intended  for  the  teachers,  and 
only  secondarily,  if  at  all,  for  the  students.  For  the 
students  hostels,  called  bursa,  were  established  which 
were  merely  lodging-houses.  The  colleges  of  the 
Netherlands,  especially  those  of  Louvain,  came  near- 
er the  English  type.  The  most  famous  college  was 
the  Collegium  Trilingue  at  Louvain,  founded  in  1517 
by  Busleiden,  after  the  model  of  the  College  of  the 
Three  Languages  at  Alcald,  the  celebrated  foundation 
of  CardinafXimenes  for  the  study  of  Latin,  Greek,  and 
Hebrew.  At  present,  there  is,  on  the  European  conti- 
nent, no  exact  equivalent  of  the  English  colleges,  but 
as  far  as  the  subjects  of  instruction  are  concerned,  the 
French  lycie  and  college,  the  German  gymnasium,  and 
similar  institutions,  in  their  higher  classes,  resemble 
the  English  colleges.  Many  celebrated  gymnasia  of 
Teutonic  countries  developed  from  pre-Reformation 
schools.  In  Schmid's  "Geschichte  der  Erziehung" 
(V,  i,  50  sqq.)  there  is  a  long  list  of  such  schools  which 
grew  out  of  medieval  institutions,  e.  g.  the  Elbing 
gymnasium  (Protestant),  established  in  1536,  which 
developed  from  a  Senatorial  school  founded  in  1300; 
the  Marienburg  gymnasium,  from  a  Latin  school  es- 


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tablished  by  the  Teutonic  Knights  in  the  fourteenth 
century:  the  Berlin  gymnasium  (1540),  formerly  St. 
Peter's  School  (1276);  the  Mary  Magdalen  Gymna- 
sium of  Breslau,  a  Protestant  school  (1528),  which 
grew  out  of  City  School  (1267);  the  Gymnasium  II- 
lustre  of  Brieg  (1569),  a  combination  of  the  ancient 
Cathedral  School  and  the  City  School ;  the  Lutheran 
school  of  Sagan  (1541),  originally  a  Franciscan  school 
(1294).  During  the  Renaissance  and  Reformation 
period  a  few  institutions  of  this  kind  went  by  the 
name  of  Collegium,  but  more  were  styled  Gymnasium, 
Lyceum,  Athenaeum,  Paedagogium,  or  Acidemia,  al- 
though these  names  in  some  cases  were  given  to 
schools  which  were  rather  universities.  Institutions 
of  collegiate  rank  were  also  termed  Studia  Particularia, 
to  distinguish  them  from  a  Studium  Generate,  or  uni- 
versity. In  its  character  the  gymnasium  was  a  hu- 
manistic school,  the  classical  languages  being  the 
main  subject  of  instruction.  Not  only  the  Catholic 
colleges  of  the  post-Reformation  period,  but  also  the 
Protestant  school  systems,  were  based  on  the  p re- 
Reformation  schools,  particularly  those  of  the  Nether- 
lands. The  famous  school  of  Zwickau  in  Saxony  was 
organized  between  1535  and  1546  by  Plateanus,  a  na- 
tive of  Liege,  on  the  model  of  the  school  of  the 
Brethren  of  the  Common  Life  in  Liege.  John  Sturm 
had  studied  in  the  same  school  at  Liege,  in  the  Col- 
legium Trilingue  at  Louvain,  and  in  the  University  of 
Paris,  and  from  these  schools  he  derived  most  of  the 
details  of  his  gymnasium  at  Strasburg,  which  was  one 
of  the  most  typical  and  most  celebrated  of  early  Prot- 
estant schools.  Sturm's  ideas  in  turn  largely  influ- 
enced another  class  of  German  institutions,  the  fa- 
mous Filrstenschulen  of  Grim  ma,  Pforta,  etc.  Again, 
Melanchthon,  honoured  by  the  title  of  "  founder  of  the 
German  gymnasium",  based  his  system  on  the  educa- 
tional principles  of  Erasmus  and  other  humanists. 

Many  features  of  college  life  are  legacies  of  the  past; 
some  have  already  been  pointed  out,  namely  attend- 
ance at  chapel  and  the  common  life  in  the  great 
boarding-schools.  Various  forms  of  distinctly  aca- 
demical dress  have  grown  out  of  college  practices ;  no 
particular  form  of  garment  was  prescribed  by  uni- 
versity authority  in  medieval  institutions,  but  in  col- 
leges they  soon  began  to  wear  a  "livery"  of  uniform 
colour  and  material.  The  modern  viva  voce  examin- 
ation is  the  successor  of  the  former  oral  disputation, 
the  examiners  now  taking  the  place  of  the  "oppo- 
nents" of  olden  times.  As  has  been  shown,  the  sup- 
port of  poor  and  deserving  scholars  was  the  root  idea 
of  the  foundation  of  colleges;  the  scholarships  in  Eng- 
lish and  American  schools,  the  bursarships  and  ttip- 
endia  in  the  schools  of  Germany  and  other  countries, 
have  sprung  from,  and  perpetuate,  the  same  idea.  In 
the  provision  for  the  Senior  Scholars,  in  the  fellow- 
ships of  the  medieval  colleges,  and  in  the  practice  of 
endowing  professorships  with  prebends,  there  was  an 
early  systematic  attempt  at  solving  the  question  of 
professors'  salaries.  In  these  and  other  features, 
modern  college  systems  are  intimately  linked  with  the 
Catholic  past. 

Rashdall,  The  Universities  of  Europe  in  the  Middle  Ages 
(Oxford,  1896),  I.  II;  Brodrick,  History  of  the  University  of 
Oxford  (London,  1888);  Mullinoer,  The  University  of  Cam- 
bridge (2  vols.,  Cambridge,  1883);  Idem,  History  of  the  Univer- 
sity of  Cambridge  (London,  1888);  Denifle  and  Chatelain, 
Chartularium  Universitatis  Paritieneie  (Paris,  1889-1896); 
Bouquillon,  The  University  of  Paris  in  Catholic  University 
Bulletin  (July,  Oct.,  1895,  Jan.,  1896);  Brother  Az arias.  Uni- 
versity Colleges  in  Am.  Cath.  Q.  Rev.  (Oct.,  1893,  Jan.,  1894); 
Woodward,  Vitterino  da  Feltre  and  other  Humanist  Educators 
(Cambridge,  1897);  Idem,  Studies  in  Education  during  the  Age 
nf  the.  Renaissance  (Cambridge,  1908);  Einstein,  The  Italian 
Renaissance  in  England  (New  York,  1902);  Russell,  German 
Higher  Schools  (New  York,  1899);  Paolsen.  Oesch.  des  oelehrten 
I'nterrichtsaufdendeutschenSchulenund  UniversUalen  (2nded., 
2  vols.,  Leipzig,  1898);  Schmid.  Geschichte  der  Erziehunq  (Stutt- 
gnrt,  1889  and  1901),  II.  ii  and  V,  i;  Newman.  Historical 
Sketches,  III:  Rise  and  Progress  of  Universities  (charmingly 
written,  but  with  no  great  value  a»  history). — For  the  history 
nf  the  word:  New  Enalish  Dictionary  on  Historical  Principles, 
ed.  Murray  (Oxford,  1893),  II. 


The  American  College. — The  continuity  of  edu- 
cational ideals,  and  the  diversity  of  their  application, 
according  to  national  needs  and  characteristics,  is 
well  illustrated  by  the  American  college.  As  regards 
its  origin,  it  is  an  outgrowth  of  the  English  college,  in 

S articular  of  Emmanuel  College,  Cambridge,  where 
ohn  Harvard  had  been  educated.  In  more  than  one 
respect,  especially  in  the  fundamental  idea  of  liberal 
training  as  the  proper  preparation  for  the  higher  or 
professional  studies,  it  perpetuates  the  educational 
traditions  which  spread  from  Paris,  and  later  from  the 
humanistic  schools  of  Italy,  to  Oxford  and  Cam- 
bridge, and  thence  were  transplanted  to  the  New 
World.  However,  the  elements  derived  from  Europe 
were  modified  from  the  very  beginning  and  have  been 
still  more  changed  since  the  foundation  of  Harvard,  so 
much  so  that  at  present  there  is  no  exact  counterpart 
of  the  American  college  in  any  other  country.  There 
are  at  present  (1908)  in  the  United  States  over  four 
hundred  and  seventy  institutions  which  confer  de- 
grees and  are  called  universities  or  colleges,  not  count- 
ing those  which  are  for  women  exclusively.  In  some 
cases,  as  has  well  been  said,  the  name  "university"  is 
but  a  "majestic  synonym  for  college",  and  some  of 
the  colleges  are  only  small  high  schools.  Before  the 
American  Revolution  11  colleges  were  founded,  chief 
among  them  Harvard  (1636),  William  and  Mary 
(1693),  Yale  (1701),  Princeton  (1746),  University  of 
Pennsylvania  (1751),  Columbia  (1754),  Brown  (1764), 
Dartmouth  (1770)-  from  the  Revolution  to  1800, 12, 
one  of  them  Catholic,  at  Georgetown,  District  of  Co- 
lumbia; 33  from  1800  to  1830;  180  from  1830  to 
1865;  and  about  240  from  1865  to  1908.  The  older 
foundations  in  the  East  are  independent  of  State  con- 
trol, but  possess  charters  sanctioned  by  legislation. 
Many  of  the  more  recent  foundations,  especially  in 
Western  and  Southern  States,  are  supported  and  con- 
trolled by  the  State;  on  the  other  hand,  denomina- 
tional control  has  largely  disappeared  from  the  old 
colleges  and  is  excluded  from  most  new  foundations. 
At  present  about  one-half  of  the  colleges  are  registered 
as  non-sectarian.  From  the  early  part  of  the  nine- 
teenth century  efforts  were  made  to  offer  to  women 
the  same  educational  opportunities  as  to  men.  Mount 
Holyoke  Seminary,  Massachusetts  (1837),  and  Elmira 
College  (1855),  were  nearly  equivalent  to  the  colleges 
for  men.  Vassar  College,  Poughkeepsie,  New  York 
(1865),  however,  has  been  styled  the  'legitimate  par- 
ent" of  the  colleges  for  women,  as  it  established  the 
same  standard  as  that  of  colleges  for  men.  Vassar 
College,  Wellesley  College  (1876),  8mith  College 
(1875),  Mount  Holyoke  College  (1893),  Bryn  Mawr 
(1885),  and  the  Woman's  College,  Baltimore  (1885), 
are  the  most  important  women's  colleges  in  the 
United  States.  Others  are  affiliated  with  colleges  or 
universities  for  men,  as  Radcliffe,  with  Harvard. 
Many  Western  and  Southern  colleges  are  co-educa- 
tional. 

The  American  college  has  been  the  main  repository 
of  liberal  education,  of  an  advanced  education  of  gen- 
eral, not  technical  or  professional,  character.  The 
"old-fashioned"  college  had  a  four-year  course  of 
prescribed  studies:  Latin  and  Greek,  the  inheritance 
of  the  humanistic  period,  and  mathematics,  to  which 
had  been  added  in  the  course  of  time  natural  sciences, 
the  elements  of  philosophy,  and  still  later,  English  lit- 
erature. Modern  languages,  especially  French,  were 
taught  to  some  small  extent.  Since  the  Civil  War 
changes  have  been  introduced  which  are  truly  revolu- 
tionary. Some  colleges  have  grown  into  universities 
with  different  faculties  after  the  model  of  European, 
especially  German,  universities;  these  institutions 
have  two  principal  departments,  the  university 
proper,  for  graduate,  or  professional  work,  and  the 
collegiate  department  in  the  stricter  sense  of  the 
word.  But  this  very  collegiate  course  has  undergone 
a  far-reaching  transformation;  the  line  of  separation 


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between  university  and  college  proper  has  been  largely 
effaced,  so  that  the  college  is  a  composite  institution, 
of  a  secondary  and  higher  nature,  giving  instruction 
which  in  Europe  is  given  partly  by  the  secondary 
schools,  partly  by  the  universities.  The  causes  of  this 
and  other  changes  are  manifold.  The  nineteenth  cen- 
tury saw  the  extraordinary  development  of  the  "high 
school",  a  term,  which  in  the  United  States,  means  a 
secondary  school  with  a  four-year  course  between  the 
elementary  (public)  school  and  the  college.  In  1900, 
there  were  over  6000  public  and  nearly  2000  private 
schools  of  this  grade  with  over  630,000  pupils,  more 
than  one-half  ofthese  being  female  students.  Part  of 
the  work  of  these  schools  was  formerly  done  in  the 
college.  The  result  of  this  separation  and  develop- 
ment of  the  secondary  schools  was,  first,  an  increase  of 
the  age  of  applicants  for  college,  and,  secondly,  higher 
entrance  requirements.  In  consequence  of  the  in- 
crease of  age,  many  students  now  pass  directly  from 
the  high  school  to  professional  studies,  as  few  profes- 
sional schools  require  a  college  diploma  for  admission. 
On  the  other  hand,  in  order  to  gain  a  year  or  two, 
some  colleges  have  shortened  the  course  from  four  to 
three  years  (Johns  Hopkins):  others  have  kept  the 
four-year  college  course,  but  allow  the  students  to  de- 
vote the  last  year,  or  even  the  last  two  yean  partly  to 
professional  work  (Harvard,  Columbia). 

A  second  cause  of  the  modifications  mentioned,  and 
one  that  affected  the  college  seriously  was  the  exces- 
sive expansion  of  the  college  curriculum,  the  pressure 
of  many  new  subjects  for  recognition,  some  of  which 
pertain  rather  to  professional  schools.  The  advance 
in,  and  enthusiasm  for,  the  natural  sciences  during  the 
nineteenth  century  effected  changes  in  the  schools  of 
all  civilized  countries.  In  many  quarters  there  was  a 
clamour  for  "practical"  studies,  and  the  old  classical 
course  was  decried  as  useless,  or  merely  ornamental ;  its 
very  foundation,  the  theory  of  mental  or  formal  dis- 
cipline, well  expressed  in  the  term  gymnasium  for 
classical  schools  in  Germany,  has  been  vigorously  as- 
sailed, but  not  disproved.  At  present  the  pendulum 
seems  to  swing  away  from  the  utilitarian  views  of 
Spencer  and  others,  and  the  conviction  gains  ground 
that  the  classics,  although  they  can  no  longer  claim 
the  educational  monopoly,  are  after  all  a  most  valu- 
able means  of  liberal  culture  and  the  best  preparation 
for  professional  studies.  To  meet  the  difficulty  aris- 
ing from  the  multitude  of  new  studies  and  the  growing 
demand  for  "practical"  courses,  the  elective  system 
was  introduced.  This  system,  in  its  more  extreme 
form,  is  by  many  regarded  as  detrimental  to  serious 
work;  few  students  are  able  to  make  a  wise  choice; 
many  are  tempted  to  choose  subjects,  not  for  their  in- 
trinsic value,  but  because  they  are  more  easy  or  agree- 
able; they  follow  the  paths  of  least  resistance  and 
avoid  the  harder  studies  of  greater  educational  value. 
To  avoid  these  evils  a  compromise  has  been  invented 
in  some  colleges  in  the  form  of  a  modified  election, 
the  group  system,  which  allows  the  choice  of  a  certain 
field  of  studies,  of  groups  of  subjects  regulated  by  the 
faculty.  Some  choice  in  certain  branches  has  been 
found  profitable,  but  it  is  now  a  very  general  opinion 
that  the  elective  system  can  be  employed  in  the  col- 
lege only  with  many  limitations  and  safeguards,  and 
that  certain  valuable  literary,  or  "  culture  studies  in 
the  best  sense  of  the  term,  should  be  obligatory. 
American  educators  of  the  highest  repute  have  come 
to  regard  early  specialization  as  a  dangerous  pedagog- 
ical error,  and  they  maintain  that  the  elective  princi- 
ple has  its  proper  place  in  the  university.  Another 
result  of  the  encroachment  of  the  university  on  the 
college  is  the  disappearance  of  the  old-fashioned 
teacher  with  a  good!  general  knowledge  and  practical 
skill  as  an  educator ;  his  place  is  taken  by  the  specialist, 
who  more  resembles  the  university  professor,  who  lec- 
tures rather  than  teaches,  and  comes  little  in  contact 
with  the  individual  student;  the  classes  are  broken 


up,  and  courses  take  their  place.  This  means  the  loss 
of  an  important  educational  factor,  namely,  the  per- 
sonal influence  of  the  teacher  on  the  pupil.  The 
larger  colleges  are  particularly  exposed  to  this  danger ; 
in  the  smaller  colleges  there  is  more  personal  inter- 
course between  the  faculty  and  the  students,  generally 
also  stricter  discipline. 

The  American  college  is,  at  the  present  time,  in  a 
state  of  transition,  in  a  condition  of  unrest  and  fer- 
mentation. The  questions  of  the  length  of  the  college 
course,  of  the  proper  function  of  the  college,  of  its  re- 
lation -to  university  work,  of  the  elective  system,  of 
the  relative  value  of  classics  and  modern  languages, 
natural  and  social  sciences — all  these  are  topics  of 
general  discussion  and  matters  of  vital  importance, 
and,  at  the  same  time,  questions  beset  with  great  diffi- 
culties. Hence  it  is  not  surprising  to  find  prominent 
educators  ranged  on  different  sides,  some  advocating 
far-reaching  changes,  others,  more  conservative,  warn- 
ing against  hazardous  experiments.  Modern  condi- 
tions undoubtedly  demand  changes  in  the  college;  it 
would  be  most  desirable  if  the  old  literary  curriculum 
and  instruction  in  sciences  and  other  new  subjects 
could  be  combined  into  a  harmonious  system.  The 
present  tendency  of  the  college  seems  to  be  to  under- 
take too  much  in  subjects  and  methods,  instead  of  re- 
maining the  culmination  of  secondary  training,  the 
final  stage  of  general  education. 

Monographs  on  Education  in  the  United  States,  ed.  Nicholas 
Mdrbat  Butler,  particularly  West,  The  American  College 
(Albany,  1890);  Schwickerath,  Jesuit  Education  (St.  Louis, 
1005),  with  special  reference  to  American  college  conditions, 
chapter  x:  The  Intellectual  Scope;  xi:  Prescribed  Courses  or 
Elective  StudiesT;  xii:  Classical  Studies;  Special  Reports  on 
Educational  Subjects  (London,  1002),  IX-XI;  Educational  Re- 
view (New  York.  Jan.,  1001;  May,  1002:  Sept.,  1006, etc.); 
articles  in  The  Atlantic  Monthly  and  in  The  Forum. 

Robert  Schwickerath. 


College  (in  Canon  Law),  a  collection  (Lat.  colle- 
gium) of  persons  united  together  for  a  common  object 
so  as  to  form  one  body.  The  members  are  conse- 
quently said  to  be  incorporated,  or  to  form  a  cor- 
poration. Colleges  existed  among  the  Romans  and 
Greeks  from  the  earliest  times.  The  Roman  laws  re- 
quired at  least  three  persons  for  constituting  a 
college.  Legal  incorporation  was  made,  at  least 
in  some  cases,  by  decrees  of  the  Senate,  edicts  of 
the  emperor,  or  by  special  laws.  There  were,  how- 
ever, general  laws  under  which  colleges  could  be 
formed  by  private  persons,  and  if  the  authorities 
judged  that  the  members  had  conformed  to  the  letter 
ana  spirit  of  these  laws,  they  had  incontestable  rights 
as  collegia  legitima;  if  the  requisites  were  not  adhered 
to  they  could  be  suppressed  by  administrative  act. 
The  colleges  could  hold  property  in  common  and  could 
sue  and  be  sued.  In  case  of  failure  this  common 
property  could  be  seized,  but  that  of  the  individual 
members  was  not  liable  to  seizure.  The  Roman  col- 
legium was  never  instituted  as  a  corporation  sole ;  still, 
when  reduced  to  one  member,  that  individual  suc- 
ceeded to  all  the  rights  of  the  corporation  and  could 
employ  its  name  (J.  F.  Keating,  "Roman  Legisla- 
tion on  Collegia  and  Sodalicia"  in  "The  Agape",  Lon- 
don, 1901,  p.  180  sqq.).'  Colleges  were  formed  among 
the  ancient  Romans  for  various  purposes.  Some  of 
these  had  a  religious  object,  as  the  college  of  the  Arval 
Brothers,  of  the  Augurs,  etc. ;  others  were  for  admin- 
istrative purposes,  as  of  quaestors,  tribunes  of  the 
people;  others  again  were  trade  unions  or  guilds,  as 
the  colleges  of  bakers,  carpenters.  The  early  Roman 
Christians  are  said  to  have  sometimes  held  church 
property  during  times  of  persecution  under  the  title  of 
collegium.  For  the  evidence  of  this,  see  H.  Leclercq, 
Manuel  d'Archeolog.  Chret.  (Paris,  1907,  I,  261-66]. 
It  is  not  admitted  Dy  Mgr.  Duchesne,  Hist.  anc.  de 
I'Eghse  (Paris  1906, 1). 

Canon  Law. — Most  of  the  prescriptions  of  the 


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ancient  civil  law  were  received  into  the  church  law  and 
they  are  incorporated  in  the  "Corpus  Juris".  By 
canonists,  a  college  has  been  defined  as  a  collection  of 
several  rational  bodies  forming  one  representative 
body.  Some  authors  consider  university  and  com- 
munity as  synonymous  terms  with  college,  but  others 
insist  that  there  are  points  of  difference.  Thus,  there 
are  canonists  who  define  university  as  a  collection  of 
bodies  distinct  from  one  another,  but  employing  the 
same  name  specially  conferred  upon  them.  Pirhing 
remarks  that  a  community  of  priests  attached  to  the 
same  church  do  not  form  a  college  unless  they  are  mem- 
bers of  one  body  whose  head  is  a  prelate  elected  by 
that  body.  According  to  canon  law  three  persons  are 
required  to  form  a  college.  Some  authors  maintained 
that  two  were  sufficient  for  the  purpose,  because  Pope 
Innocent,  alluding  to  St.  Matthew,  xviii,  20,  says  that 
no  presbyter  is  to  tie  chosen  for  a  church  where  two  or 
three  form  the  congregation,  except  by  their  canonical 
election.  As  congregation  here  evidently  means  col- 
lege, these  writers  contend  that  two  can  therefore 
form  a  college.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  however,  the 
pontiff  is  simply  affirming  that  the  right  of  election 
will  remain  with  an  already  constituted  college  even 
though  only  two  of  its  members  remain  after  the  death 
of  the  prelate.  Pirhing  gives  as  the  reason  why  two 
cannot  constitute  a  college,  that  though  it  be  not  neces- 
sary that  the  college  actually  have  a  nead;  yet  it  must 
be  at  least  capable  of  giving  itself  a  presiding  officer, 
or  rector  of  the  college.  If,  then,  there  be  only  two 
members  and  one  be  constituted  the  head,  the  other 
can  not  form  the  body,  for  the  body  requires  several 
members,  and  the  head  is  distinct  from  the  body.  He 
does  not  mean  to  assert,  however,  that  if  a  college  be 
reduced  to  two  members,  it  can  not  preserve  its  cor- 
porate rights.  On  the  contrary,  the  canon  law  ex- 
plicitly affirms  that  one  surviving  member  can  con- 
serve the  privileges  of  the  corporate  body,  not  for  him- 
self personally,  but  for  the  college.  When  a  legally 
constituted  college  has  been  reduced  to  two  members, 
one  can  elect  the  other  as  prelate.  If  the  college  be 
reduced  to  one  member,  it  Decomes  a  virtual,  not  an 
actual,  corporation.  The  single  remaining  member 
can  exercise  the  acts  belonging  to  the  college,  and 
although  he  can  not  elect  himself  prelate,  yet  he  can 
choose  or  nominate  some  other  proper  person  to  the 
prelacy.  He  may  also  commit  the  election  to  other 
persons,  or  even  to  one,  as  the  bishop. 

The  ancient  canonists,  when  stating  that  three 
constitute  a  college,  give  also  the  numbers  requisite 
for  other  canonical  bodies,  thus:  five  are  necessary 
to  form  a  university,  two  a  congregation,  more  than 
two  a  family,  and  ten  a  parish.  Among  conspicuous 
ecclesiastical  colleges  may  be  .mentioned  the  Sacred 
College  of  Cardinals  (see  Cardinal)  and  cathedral  and 
collegiate  chapters  (see  Chapter  and  Collegiate). 
The  name  college  is  specially  applied  also  to  corporate 
educational  bodies  within  the  Church,  as  without  it. 
Before  the  Reformation,  and  even  in  the  first  years  of 
Queen  Elizabeth,  the  colleges  of  Oxford  and  Cambridge 
were  always  spoken  of  as  ecclesiastical  corporations. 
By  the  present  English  law  they  are  purely  lay  cor- 
porations, even  though  all  their  members  be  clergy- 
men. The  title  "Apostolic  College"  is  applied  m 
Rome  to  those  institutions  which  are  immediately 
subject  to  and  controlled  by  the  Holy  See,  and  are 
consequently  exempt  from  any  other  spiritual  or  tem- 
poral authority;  tne  students  are  declared  to  be 
under  the  direct  protection  of  the  pope.  Such  insti- 
tutions are,  among  others,  the  College  of  the  Propa- 
ganda, the  German,  English,  Irish,  and  Scotch  Col- 
leges, and  the  North  and  South  American  Colleges, 
(for  the  Apostles  of  Jesus  Christ  as  a  collective 
authority,  see  College,  Apostolic.) 

Pirhing,  Jut  Canonicum  Univertum  (Venice,  1759), I;  Fer- 
raris, Biblioth.  Canon.  (Rome,  1886),  II:  Smith,  Dictionary  of 
Greek  and  Roman  Antiquities  (London,  1901). 

William  H.  W.  Fanning. 


College,  Apostolic. — This  term  designates  The 

Twelve  Apostles  as  the  body  of  men  commissioned  by 
Christ  to  spread  the  kingdom  of  God  over  the  whole 
world  and  to  give  it  the  stability  of  a  well-ordered 
society:  i.  e.  to  be  the  founders,  the  foundation,  and 
pillars  of  the  visible  Church  on  earth.  The  name 
"  apostle  "  connotes  their  commission.  For  an  Apostle 
is  a  missionary,  sent  by  competent  authority,  to  ex- 
tend the  Gospel  to  new  lands:  a  tradition,  beginning 
with  the  sending  of  The  Twelve,  has  consecrated  this 
meaning  of  the  term  to  the  exclusion  of  all  others 
which  it  might  derive  from  its  etymology.  When  we 
speak  of  the  Apostles  as  a  "college",  we  imply  that 
they  worked  together  under  one  head  and  for  one 
purpose.  Referring  the  reader  to  the  article  Apos- 
tles for  the  Scriptural  and  positive  treatment  of  the 
question,  we  may  now  deal  with  its  dogmatic  aspects. 

It  is  evident,  a  priori,  that  Revelation  must  be 
transmitted  and  communicated  by  means  of  envoys 
and  teachers  accredited  by  God.  The  consideration 
of  the  nature  of  revelation  and  its  object  shows  that 
no  other  theory  is  practically  possible.  In  fact, 
Christ  founded  a  teaching,  governing,  and  ministering 
Apostolate,  whose  charter  is  contained  in  Matthew, 
xxviii,  18-20.  "All  power  is  given  to  Me  in  Heaven 
and  in  earth.  Going  therefore  [in  virtue  of,  and 
endowed  with,  this  My  sovereign  power:  "As  the 
Father  hath  sent  Me,  I  also  send  you  (John,  xx,  21)], 
teach  ye  [futthrrefoa.Tt — make  to  yourselves  disciples, 
teach  as  having  power — Mark,  i,  22]  all  nations;  bap- 
tizing them  in  the  name  of  the  Father,  and  of  the  Son, 
and  of  the  Holy  Ghost.  Teaching  them  [JiMffKoirnj 
to  observe  all  things  whatsoever  I  have  commanded 
you  [ivertikd/inr]:  and  behold  I  am  with  you  all 
days,  even  to  the  consummation  of  the  world. "  This 
college  of  rulers,  teachers,  and  ministers  of  the  sacra- 
ments was  placed  under  the  headship  of  St.  Peter, 
the  rock  upon  whom  the  foundations  of  the  Church 
were  established.  The  many  texts  referring  to  this 
subject  (see  Apostles)  may  be  summarized  as  fol- 
lows: After  accomplishing  His  own  mission,  Jesus 
Christ,  in  virtue  of  His  absolute  power  and  authority, 
sent  into  the  world  a  body  of  teachers  and  preachers 
presided  over  by  one  head.  They  were  His  repre- 
sentatives, and  had  for  their  mission  to  publish  to  the 
world  all  revealed  truth  until  the  end  of  time.  Their 
mission  was  not  exclusively  personal;  it  was  to  ex- 
tend to  their  successors.  Mankind  were  bound  to  re- 
ceive them  as  Christ  Himself.  That  their  word  might 
be  His  word,  and  might  be  recognized  as  such,  He 
promised  them  His  presence  and  the  aid  of  the  Holy 
Ghost  to  guarantee  the  infallibility  of  their  doctrine; 
He  promised  external  and  supernatural  signs  as 
vouchers  of  its  authenticity;  He  gave  their  doctrine 
an  effective  sanction  by  holding  out  an  eternal  reward 
to  those  who  should  faithfully  adhere  to  it,  and  by 
threatening  with  eternal  punishments  those  who 
should  reiect  it.  This  conception  of  the  Apostolate  is 
set  forth  in  the  writings  of  St.  Paul  and  realized  in  the 
practice  of  all  the  Apostles  (Rom.,  x,  8-19;  Eph., 
fv,  7-14).  It  runs  through  the  whole  Catholic  tradi- 
tion, and  is  the  very  soul  of  the  Church  at  the  present 
day.  The  College  of  the  Apostles  lives  forth  in  the 
episcopate,  which  gradually  took  its  place  and  filled  its 
functions.  There  are,  however,  between  the  attri- 
butes of  the  original  Apostles  and  those  of  the  suc- 
ceeding hierarchy  some  differences  arising  from  the 
circumstance  that  the  Apostles  were  personally 
chosen  and  trained  by  Christ  to  lay  the  foundation  of 
the  Church.  That  circumstance  creates  for  them  an 
exceptional  and  intransmissible  eminence  over  their 
successors. 

(1)  Although  both,  bishops  and  Apostles,  are  ap- 
pointed by  Divine  authority,  yet  the  Apostles  re- 
ceived their  commission  immediately  from  Christ, 
whereas  the  bishops  receive  theirs  but  mediately,  i.  e. 
through  the  medium  of  human  authority.  The 


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power  of  order  and  jurisdiction  is  the  same  in  the 
Apostles  and  in  their  successors,  but,  whereas  the 
Apostles  received  it  from  the  Divine  Founder  Himself, 
the  bishops  receive  it  through  the  channel  of  other 
bishops.  Immediate  commission  implies,  in  the  mis- 
sionary, the  power  to  produce,  at  first  hand,  creden- 
tials to  prove  that  he  is  the  envoy  of  God  by  doing 
works  which  God  alone  can  work.  Hence  the  char- 
itma,  or  gift,  of  miracles  granted  to  the  Apostles,  but 
withheld  from  the  generality  of  their  successors  whose 
mission  is  sufficiently  accredited  through  their  connex- 
ion with  the  original  Apostolate. 

(2)  Another  prerogative  of  the  Apostles  is  the  uni- 
versality of  their  mission.  They  were  sent  to  esta- 
blish the  Church  wherever  men  in  need  of  salvation 
were  to  be  found.  Their  field  of  action  had  no  limits 
but  those  of  their  own  convenience  and  choice,  at 
least  if  we  take  them  collectively;  directions  by  the 
chief  Apostle  are  not  excluded,  for  on  them  may 
have  depended  the  good  order  and  the  success  of 
their  work. 

(3)  A  third  Apostolic  prerogative  is  the  plenitude 
of  power.  As  planters  of  the  Church  the  Apostles 
required  and  possessed  the  power  to  speak  with  full 
authority  in  their  own  name,  without  appealing  to 
higher  authorities;  also  the  power  to  found  and  or- 
ganize local  churches,  to  appoint  and  consecrate 
bishops  and  to  invest  them  with  jurisdiction.  The 
limit  to  their  powers  in  this  respect  was:  not  to  undo 
the  work  already  done  by  their  colleagues.  Such 
power,  if  needed,  could  have  been  exercised  only  by 
the  head  of  the  Church. 

(4)  A  fourth  privilege  of  the  Apostles  is  their  per- 
sonal infallibility  in  preaching  the  Gospel.  Their 
successors  in  the  hierarchy  owe  what  infallibility  they 
possess  to  the  Divine  assistance  watching,  with  un- 
failing care,  over  the  maaisterium,  or  teaching  office, 
as  a  whole,  and  over  its  head:  the  Apostles  received, 
each  personally,  the  Holy  Ghost,  Who  revealed  to 
them  all  the  truth  they  had  to  preach.  This  Pente- 
costal gift  was  necessary  in  order  to  establish,  each 
particular  church  on  the  solid  foundation  of  unshak- 
able truth. 

The  prerogatives  of  the  Apostles  as  founders  of  the 
Church  were,  of  course,  personal;  they  were  not  to  be 
transmitted  to  their  successors  because  to  these  they 
were  not  necessary.  What  was  passed  on  is  the  ordi- 
nary function  of  teaching,  ruling,  ministering,  i.  e.  the 
powers  of  order  and  jurisdiction.  The  Apostolate 
was  an  extraordinary  and  only  temporary  form  of  the 
episcopate;  it  was  superseded  by  an  ordinary  and 
permanent  hierarchy  as  soon  as  its  constitutional 
work  was  done.  There  is,  however,  one  Apostle  who 
has  a  successor  of  equal  powers  in  the  Roman  pontiff. 
Above  the  prerogatives  of  his  colleagues  St.  Peter 
had  the  unique  distinction  of  being  the  principle  of  the 
Church's  unity  and  cohesion.  As  the  Church  has  to 
endure  to  the  end  of  time,  so  has  the  unifying  and 
preserving  office  of  St.  Peter.  Without  such  aprin- 
ciple,  without  a  head,  the  body  of  the  Bride  of  Christ 
would  be  no  better  than  a  disjointed  congeries  of 
members,  unworthy  of  the  Divine  Bridegroom.  In 
fact  the  connexion  of  the  Church  with  Christ  and  the 
Apostles  would  be  loosened  and  weakened  to  the 
breaking-point.  The  history  of  Churches  separated 
from  Rome  affords  abundant  proof  of  this  statement. 
In  the  Roman  pontiffs,  then,  the  Apostolate  is  still 
living  and  acting.  Hence  from  the  earliest  times  the 
office  of  the  pope  has  been  honoured  with  the  title  of 
Apostolate,  as  continuing  the  functions  of  the  Apos- 
tles; the  Roman  See  has,  in  the  same  order  of  ideas, 
been  styled  the  Apostolic  See,  and  the  reigning  pope, 
in  the  Middle  Ages,  used  to  be  addressed  Apostolatus 
vester  and  Apostolicus.  In  the  Litany  of  the  Saints 
we  pray:  "That  Thou  wouldst  vouchsafe  to  preserve 
our  apostolic  prelate  [damnum  nostrum  apostolicum] 
and  all  orders  of  the  Church  in  holy  religion." 
IV.— 8 


The  difference  between  the  Apostolate  of  St.  Peter 
and  that  of  his  successors  bears  on  two  points  only: 

(1)  St.  Peter  was  chosen  and  appointed  directly  by 
Our  Lord;  the  pope  receives  the  same  Divine  appoint- 
ment through  the  channel  of  men;  the  electors  desig- 
nate the  person  on  whom  God  bestows  the  office. 

(2)  The  papal  infallibility  also  differs  from  that  of  St. 
Peter.  The  pope  is  only  infallible  when,  in  the  full 
exercise  of  his  authority,  ex  cathedra,  he  defines  a  doc- 
trine concerning  faith  or  morals  to  be  held  by  the 
whole  Church.  His  infallibility  rests  on  the  Divine 
assistance,  on  the  permanent  presence  of  Christ  in  the 
Church.  The  infallibility  of  St.  Peter  and  the  Apos- 
tles rested  on  their  being  filled  and  penetrated  by  the 
light  of  the  indwelling  Holy  Spirit  of  truth.  The 
charisma  of  working  miracles,  granted  to  the  Apostles, 
is  not  continued  in  the  popes.  If  it  was  necessary  to 
convince  the  first  believers  that  the  hand  of  God  was 
laying  the  foundations  of  the  Church,  it  ceases  to  be 
so  when  the  strength,  the  beauty,  and  the  vastness  of 
the  structure  proclaims  to  the  world  that  none  but 
the  Father  in  Heaven  could  have  erected  it  for  the 
good  of  His  children. 

Scheeben,  Manual  of  Catholic  Theology,  tr.  Wilhelm  and 
Scannell  (London,  1906),  1,  8,  9,  11. 

J.  WiLHELM. 

College  de  France,  The,  was  founded  in  the 
interest  of  higher  education  by  Francis  I.  He  had 
planned  the  erection  of  this  college  as  far  back  as 
1517,  but  not  until  1530,  and  then  under  the  inspira- 
tion of  Bude"  and  Jean  du  Bellay,  did  he  realize  his 
idea.  As  the  University  of  Paris  taught  neither 
Hebrew  nor  Greek,  he  established  chairs  of  these  two 
languages,  and  secured  for  them  the  best  teachers 
obtainable,  Paradisi  and  Guidacerio  Vatable  for 
Hebrew,  and  Peter  Danes  and  Jacques  Toussaint  for 
Greek.  Their  salaries  were  paid  from  the  king's 
coff  ere,  and  they  were  to  receive  students  gratuitously, 
a  ruling  which  caused  great  rivalry  on  the  part  of 
the  professors  of  the  University  of  Paris,  who  de- 
pended on  tuition  fees.  The  professors  of  the  college 
were  accused  before  Parliament  by  Noel  Beda,  on 
the  plea  that  the  Vulgate  would  lose  its  authority 
since  Hebrew  and  Greek  were  taught  publicly. 
G.  de  Marcillac  defended  the  "Royal  Lectors",  as 
they  were  called,  and  won  their  case.  Later  on 
they  were  accused  of  a  leaning  towards  Calvinism, 
ana  the  Parliament  forbade  them  to  read  or  interpret 
any  of  the  Sacred  Books  in  Hebrew  or  Greek;  how- 
ever, the  protection  of  the  king  prevented  the  execu- 
tion of  the  sentence. 

In  1534  a  chair  of  Latin  eloquence  was  added  to 
the  college.  _  The  succeeding  kings  favoured  the 
college.  During  the  Revolution  the  courses  were 
unmolested;  the  Convention  even  raised  the  salaries, 
by  decree,  from  one  and  two  thousand  francs  to  three 
thousand.  The  College  de  France  was  first  ruled 
by  the  Grand  Aumdnier  de  France,  who  appointed  the 
professors  until  1661,  when  it  became  a  part  of  the 
University  of  Paris,  from  which  it  was  afterwards 
separated  for  a  time,  and  finally  reaffiliated  in  1766. 
In  1744  the  king  himself  took  it  under  his  direct 
authority.  In  1795  the  minister  of  the  interior  was 
in  charge;  in  1831  the  minister  of  public  works; 
in  1832  the  minister  of  public  instruction,  who  has 
retained  the  charge  to  the  present  day.  It  is  inde- 
pendent of  the  university,  and  administered  by  its 
own  faculty.  The  college  has  been  known  by  differ- 
ent names:  in  1534  it  was  called  the  "College  of  the 
Three  Languages";  under  Louis  XIII,  the  "College 
Royal";  during  the  Revolution,  the  "College  Na- 
tional"; Napoleon  called  it  the  "College  Imperial", 
and  under  the  Restoration,  it  bore  the  name  of 
"College  Royal".  Through  the  munificence  of 
kings  and  governments  the  college  grew  steadily. 
In  1545  Francis  added  to  the  three  chairs  of  lan- 


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rge  already  established  another  with  two  teachers 
mathematics,  one  teacher  for  medicine,  and  one 
for  philosophy.  Charles  IX  introduced  surgery; 
Henry  III  gave  it  a  course  in  Arabic  languages; 
Henry  IV,  botany  and  astronomy.    Louis  XIII 

gave  it  canon  law  and  Syriac;  Louis  XV,  French 
terature;  Louis  XVIII  endowed  it  for  the  Sanskrit 
and  Chinese  literatures.  In  1831  political  economy 
was  introduced,  and  since  then  the  progress  of  the 
sciences  has  necessitated  new  chairs,  such  as  those 
of  organic  chemistry,  physio-psychology,  etc. 

Renan  clearly  characterized  the  tendencies  and 
methods  of  the  College  de  France.  In  comparing 
them  with  those  of  the  University  of  Paris,  he  wrote: 
"The  Sorbonne  guards  the  deposit  of  acquired  know- 
ledge— it  does  not  receive  sciences  before  they  have 
shown  the  life  in  them — on  the  contrary  the  College 
de  France  favours  the  sciences  in  the  process  of 
formation.  It  favours  scientific  research."  An  edict 
of  1572  forbade  any  but  Catholics  to  teach  in  the 
College  de  France.  This  law  was  strictly  obeyed 
as  long  as  the  college  remained  under  Catholic  au- 
thority, but  in  recent  times  it  has  had  among  its 
professors  such  enemies  of  Catholicism  as  Michelet, 
Kenan,  and  Havet.  On  the  whole,  however,  the 
faculty  of  the  College  de  France  has  counted  in  its 
ranks  brilliant  men  irrespective  of  creed,  such  as 
Aubert,  Lalande,  Daubenton,  Delille,  Cuvier,  Vau- 
quelin,  Ampere,  Biot,  Rollin,  Sylvestre  de  Sacy, 
Abel  Remusat,  Boissonade,  Daunou,  Burnouf,  Tissot, 
etc.  In  1907  there  were  fifty-nine  professors  and 
instructors. 

Doval,  Le  College  de  France  (Paris,  1644);  Gocqet,  Mtmaire 
hietorique  et  litteraire  sur  le  College  royal  de  France  (3  vols., 
Pari*,  1753);  Bouchon  and  Brandely,  Le  Collige  de  France 
(Paris,  1873);  Lefranc,  Histoire  du  College  de  France  (Paris, 
1892);  Renan,  Question*  contemporainee  (Paris,  1868),  143 
sqq.;  Lefranc,  Lee  Originet  du  College  de  France  in  Revue 
Intern,  de  VEnteign.  (15  May,  1890). 

J.  B.  Delaunay. 
College  of  Cardinals.   See  Cardinal. 

Collegiate  (Lat.  collegiatus,  from  collegium),  an  ad- 
jective applied  to  those  churches  and  institutions 
whose  members  form  a  college  (see  College).  The 
origin  of  cathedral  and  collegiate  chapters,  springing 
from  the  common  life  of  clerics  attached  to  cathedrals 
and  other  important  churches,  has  been  treated  in  the 
article  Chapter,  where  special  attention  is  given  to 
what  regards  cathedral  capitulars  (see  Chapter). 
Collegiate  churches  were  formed  on  the  model  of 
cathedral  churches,  and  the  collegiate  canons  have 
rights  and  duties  similar  to  the  capitulars  of  a  cathe- 
dral, except  that  they  have  no  voice  in  the  govern- 
ment of  the  diocese,  even  when  the  see  is  vacant. 
Their  main  object  is  the  solemn  celebration  of  the 
Divine  Office  in  choir.  Already  in  the  time  of  Charle- 
magne many  wealthy  collegiate  churches  had  been 
founded  throughout  his  empire,  especially  in  Ger- 
many and  France,  of  which  that  at  Aachen  was  the 
most  celebrated.  In  England  there  was  also  a  large 
number  of  these  institutions,  and  at  the  Reformation, 
when  they  were  dissolved,  the  revenues  of  some  of 
them  were  used  for  founding  public  schools.  The 
founding  of  a  collegiate  church  gives  the  founder  no 
right  to  nominate  its  members  unless  he  have  received 
a  special  papal  indult  to  that  effect. 

For  the  erection  of  collegiate  institutions,  the  au- 
thority of  the  Holy  See  is  necessary.  The  pope  refers 
the  matter  to  the  consideration  of  the  Congregation 
of  the  Council,  which  makes  a  favourable  report  if  cer- 
tain conditions  are  found  fulfilled,  such  as:  the  dignity 
of  the  city,  the  large  number  of  clergy  and  people,  the 
size  and  beauty  of  the  church  structure,  the  splendour 
of  its  belongings,  and  the  sufficiency  of  the  income. 
Although  the  bishop  cannot  erect  a  collegiate  church, 
yet,  if  the  college,  owing  to  the  death  of  canons  or 
other  similar  cause,  should  cease  as  an  active  corpora- 
tion but  still  retain,  de  jure,  its  status  as  a  college,  the 


bishop  can  restore  it,  for  this  would  not  be  a  canonical 
erection.  As  the  ordinary  cannot  erect  a  collegiate 
church,  so  neither  can  he  reduce  it  to  a  merely  paro- 
chial status,  and  still  less  has  he  the  power  to  suppress 
one.  Only  the  pope  can  formally  dissolve  a  collegiate 
foundation.  A  church  loses  its  collegiate  dignity  by 
the  will  of  the  members,  or  the  act  of  the  supreme  ec- 
clesiastical authority,  or  the  death  of  all  the  canons. 
When  the  right  of  an  institution  which  claims  the  col- 
legiate dignity  is  disputed,  the  question  is  to  be  de- 
cided by  certain  signs  which  create  a  presumption  in 
its  favour.  These  are,  among  others,  an  immemorial 
reputation  as  a  collegiate  institution,  a  common  seal 
proper  to  a  college,  capitular  meetings  of  the  members 
under  the  presidency  of  a  dean,  the  making  of  con- 
tracts in  the  name  of  the  college,  the  right  of  electing 
a  prelate,  the  cure  of  souls  dependent  on  the  chapter. 

Although  collegiate  churches  are  ordinarily  under 
the  jurisdiction  of  the  bishop,  yet  its  members  are  not 
obliged  to  render  any  service  to  the  ordinary  outside 
of  their  own  churches,  except  in  case  of  necessity  or 
through  contrary  custom.  Neither  can  the  cathedral 
chapter  interfere  with  the  chapter  of  a  collegiate 
church  when  the  latter  remains  within  its  own  right 
and  privileges.  Collegiate  churches  are  distinguished 
into  insignes  (famous)  and  turn  insignes.  There  are, 
however,  no  rules  given  in  canon  law  to  discern  one 
from  the  other.  Canonists  declare  that  a  church  is 
insignis  if  it  be  the  mother  church  of  the  locality,  have 
right  of  precedence  in  solemn  functions,  be  of  ancient 
foundation,  and  conspicuous  by  its  structure  and  the 
number  of  its  dignitaries  and  members,  and  likewise 
be  situated  in  a  famous  or  well-populated  city.  The 
canons  of  a  church  which  is  insignis  have  precedence 
over  the  canons  of  other  collegiate  institutions  at 
synods  and  in  public  procewions.  When  a  parochial 
church  is  elevated  to  collegiate  rank,  the  right  to  the 
cure  of  souls  does  not  necessarily  pass  to  the  chapter, 
but  may  remain  with  the  parish  priest.  When  the 
chapter  has  the  right  of  presentation  and  its  votes  are 
equally  divided,  the  bishop  may  decide  as  to  which 
part  of  the  canons  has  presented  a  candidate  of  su- 
perior merit  to  the  other.  If,  however,  the  merits  of 
the  candidates  be  equal,  the  decision  must  be  referred 
to  the  pope,  if  the  chapter  cannot  agree  after  taking 
two  ballots.  The  chapters  of  collegiate  churches,  by 
common  law,  have  the  right  of  electing  or  presenting 
candidates  for  the  dignities  and  canonries  of  their 
chapter.  The  rights  of  confirmation  and  installation 
belong  to  the  bishop.  Many  innovations  on  these 
rights  have  been  made  by  special  decrees  or  customs, 
and,  according  to  the  prevailing  discipline,  account 
must  be  taken  of  the  so-called  pontifical  reservations, 
or  the  rights  which  the  pope  has  reserved  to  himself, 
especially  as  regards  the  highest  dignity  of  the  chap- 
ter, and  also  of  the  legitimate  privileges  possessed  by 
patrons  in  Spain,  Austria,  Bavaria,  etc.  of  nominating 
and  presenting  candidates.  These  privileges  are  still 
in  force  in  many  instances. 

Werne,  Jut  Decretalium  (Rome,  1899)  II;  De  Luca,  PraHec- 
tionee  Jur.  Can.  (Rome,  1897),  II;  Ferraris,  BMiotheca  Canon- 
ica  (Rome,  1886),  II;  Loam,  De  Vieii.  S.  Liminum  (Rome, 

1899),  III.  William  H.  W.  Fanning. 

Collins,  Richard.  See  Hexham  and  New  Cas- 
tle, Diocese  of. 

Oolman,  name  of  several  Irish  saints: — (I)Colman, 
Bishop  and  patron  of  Kilmacduagh,  b.  at  Kiltartan 
c.  560;  d.  29  October,  632.  He  lived  for  many 
years  as  a  hermit  in  Arranmore,  where  he  built  two 
churches,  both  forming  the  present  group  of  ruins 
at  Kilmurvy.  Thence  he  sought  greater  seclusion 
in  the  woods  of  Burren,  in  592,  and  at  length, 
in  610,  founded  a  monastery,  which  became  the 
centre  of  the  tribal  Diocese  of  Aidhne,  practically 
coextensive  with  the  present  See  of  Kilmacduagh. 
Although  the  "Martyrology  of  Donegal"  assigns  his 
feast  to  2  February,  yet  the  weight  of  evidence  and 


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the  tradition  of  the  diocese  point  to  29  October,  on 
which  day  his  festival  has  been  kept  from  time  im- 
memorial, and  which  was  fixed  by  a  rescript  of  Pope 
Benedict  XIV,  in  1747,  as  a  major  double. 

Martyrology  of  Donegal  ,ed. Todd  and  Ruth  (Dublin,  1864) ; 
Customs  of  Hy-Fiachrach,  cd.  O'  Donovan;  Lanioan,  Eccle- 
siastical History  of  Ireland  (Dublin,  1829);  II:  Co  loan.  Acta 
Scout.  Hib.  (Lou vain,  16*5);  Prtrie,  Round  Tower*  (Dublin, 
1845);  Fahbt,  Hist,  and  Ant.  of  Kilmacduagh  (1893). 

(2)  Colman,  of  Templeshambo,  was  also  a  Con- 
nacht  saint,  and  has  been  confounded  with  the  patron 
of  Kilmacduagh,  but  he  lived  somewhat  earlier,  and 
the  sphere  of  his  ministry  lay  in  the  present  County 
Wexford.  He  was  a  contemporary  of  Saint  Aidan, 
who  appointed  him  Abbot  of  Templeshambo,  the 
mother  church  of  Enniscorthy.  Many  legends  are 
told  of  Saint  Colman  and  of  his  holy  well  with  its 
sacred  ducks,  but  certain  it  is  that  he  laboured  zeal- 
ously at  the  foot  of  Mount  Leinater,  bis  monastery 
being  known  as  Temple  Sean  Bothe.  He  died  c.  595 
on  27  October,  on  which  day  his  feast  is  recorded  in  the 
"  Martyrology  of  Donegal  . 

Customs  of  Hy-Piachrach;  Co  loan,  Acta.  Sonet.  Mb.;  Mar- 
tyrology  of  Donegal;  Fahby,  Hist,  and  Ant.  of  Kilmacduagh 
(1893);  Grattan-Flood,  Hut.  of  Enniscorthy  (1898);  Shear- 
man, Loca  Patriciana  (Dublin,  1882). 

(3)  Colman  Mac  Lenine,  founder  and  patron  of 
the  See  of  Cloyne,  b.  in  Munster,  c.  510;  d.  24  Novem- 
ber, 601.  He  was  endowed  with  extraordinary 
poetic  powers,  being  styled  by  his  contemporaries 
''Royal  Bard  of  Munster".  The  Ardrigh  of  Ireland 
gave  him  Cloyne,  in  the  present  County  Cork,  for 
his  cathedral  abbey,  in  560,  and  he  laboured  for 
more  than  forty  years  in  his  extensive  diocese. 
Several  of  his  Irish  poems  are  still  extant,  notably 
a  metrical  panegyric  on  St.  Brendan.  Colgan  men- 
tions a  metrical  life  of  St.  Senan  by  him.  His  feast 
is  observed  on  24  November.  Another  St.  Colman 
is  also  venerated  on  the  same  day,  as  recorded  by 
St.  Aengus  in  his  "Felire": — 

Mac  Lenine  the  most  excellent 
With  Colman  of  Duth-chuilleann. 

Archdall,  Monastieon  Hibernicum,  ed.  Moran  (1873): 
Co  loan,  Ada  Sand.  Hib.;  Hyde,  Literary  History  of  Ireland 
(New  York,  1901);  Smith,  History  of  Cork;  Olden,  Some 
Notice!  of  St.  Colman  of  Cloyne  (1881);  Storm,  Anecdota 
Ox  on.  (1890). 

(4)  Colman,  founder  of  the  Abbey  and  Diocese  of 
Mayo,  b.  in  Connacht,  c.  605;  d.  8  August,  676.  He 
became  a  monk  of  Iona,  and  so  famous  were  his 
virtues  and  learning,  as  testified  by  St.  Bede,  that  on 
the  death  of  St.  Finan,  in  661,  he  was  appointed 
Bishop  of  Lindisfarne.  During  his  brief  episcopacy, 
the  Synod  of  Whitby  was  held,  in  664,  as  a  result  of 
which  (St.  Colman  being  a  determined  protagonist 
of  the  old  Irish  computation),  owing  to  the  decision  of 
King  Oswy  on  the  Paschal  controversy,  he  resigned 
his  see.  Between  the  years  665  and  667  St.  Colman 
founded  several  churches  in  Scotland,  and,  at  length, 
accompanied  by  thirty  disciples,  sailed  for  Ireland, 
settling  down  at  Innisboffin,  County  Mayo,  in  668. 
Less  than  three  years  later  he  erected  an  abbey,  ex- 
clusively for  the  English  monks  in  Mayo,  subsequently 
known  as  ' '  Mayo  of  the  Saxons ' '.  His  last  days  were 
spent  on  the  island  of  Innisboffin.  His  feast  is  cele- 
brated 8  August. 

Hcalt,  Insula  Sanctorum  el  Dodorum  (1902);  O'Hanlon, 
Lives  of  the  Irish  Saints,  VIII;  Moran,  Irish  Saints  in  Great 
Britain  (1903);  Knox,  Notes  on  the  Dioceses  of  Tuam  (1904); 
Bedb,  Ecclesiastical  History  of  England,  ed.  Plummer  (Lon- 
don, 1907). 

(5)  Colman,  b.  in  Dalaradia,  c.  450;  date  of 
death  uncertain.  His  feast  is  celebrated  7  June.  He 
founded  the  See  of  Dromore,  of  which  he  is  patron  and 
over  which  he  presided  as  bishop.  He  studied  at 
Noendrum  (Mahee  Island),  under  St.  Mochae  or 
Coelan,  one  of  the  earliest  disciples  of  St.  Patrick. 
Many  interesting  stories  are  told  of  his  edifying  life 
at  Noendrum  and  the  miracles  he  worked  there.  To 
perfect  his  knowledge  of  the  Scriptures  St.  Colman 


went  to  the  great  school  of  Emly,  c.  470  or  475,  and 
remained  there  some  years.  At  length  he  returned 
to  Mahee  Island  to  see  his  old  master,  St.  Mochae,  and 
remained  under  his  guidance  for  a  long  period,  acting 
as  assistant  in  the  school.  Among  his  many  pupils 
at  Mahee  Island,  in  the  first  quarter  of  the  sixth  cen- 
tury, was  St.  Finian  of  MoviOe. 

Co  loan,  Ada  Sand.  Hib.;  Hraly.  Insula  Sanctorum  at 
Dodorum  (4th  ed.);  O'Lavertt,  Down  and  Connor,  I;  O'Han- 
lon, Lives  of  the  Irish  Saints,  VI;  Butler,  Lives  of  the  Saints. 

(6)  Colman  Elo  and  Colman  MacCathbad  are 
also  famed  in  Irish  hagiology.  The  former  was 
founder  and  first  Abbot  of  Muckamore,  and  from  the 
fact  of  being  styled  "Coarb  of  MacNisse",  is  regarded 
as  Bishop  of  Connor.  He  was  born  c.  555  in  Glenelly, 
in  the  present  County  Tyrone,  and  d.  at  Lynaliy  in 
61 1 , 26  September,  on  which  day  his  feast  is  celebrated. 
He  studied  under  his  maternal  uncle,  St.  Columcille, 
who  procured  for  him  the  site  of  a  monastery  now 
known  as  Lynaliy  (Lann  Elo).  Hence  his  designation 
of  Colmanellus  or  Colman  Elo.  Subsequently  he 
founded  the  Abbey  of  Muckamore,  and  was  appointed 
Bishop  of  Connor.  He  is  also  known  as  St.  Colman 
Macusailni.  The  latter  saint,  distinguished  as  Mac- 
Cathbad, whence  Kilmackevat,  County  Antrim,  was 
Bishop  of  Kilroot,  a  minor  see  afterwards  incorpo- 
rated in  the  Diocese  of  Connor.  He  was  a  contem- 
porary of  St.  Ailbe,  and  his  feast  has  been  kept  from 
time  immemorial  on  16  October. 

(7)  St.  Colman,  one  of  the  patrons  of  Austria,  was 
also  an  Irish  saint,  who,  journeying  to  Jerusalem,  was 
martyred  near  Vienna,  in  1012,  13  October,  on  which 
day  his  feast  is  observed.  His  life,  written  by  Erch- 
enfrid  of  Melk,  is  in  "Acta  SS.",  VI,  357  and  "Mon. 
Germ.  Hist.:  Script.",  IV,  647. 

Adamnan,  Life  of  St.  Coluniba;  O'Lavertt,  Down  and  Con- 
nor, V;  Calendar  of  Donegal;  Co  loan,  Acta  Sonet.  Mb.; 
O'Hanlon,  Lives  of  the  Irish  Saints,  IX;  Butler,  Lives  of 
the  Saints;  Hogan,  Si.  Colman  of  Austria;  Urwalbx,  Der 
konigliche  PUger  St.  Colomann  (Vienna,  1880). 

W.  H.  Grattan-Flood. 

Colman,  Walter,  Friar  Minor  and  English  martyr ; 
date  of  b.  uncertain ;  d.  in  London,  1645.  He  came  of 
noble  and  wealthy  parents  and  when  quite  young  left 
England  to  study  at  the  English  College  at  Douai. 
In  1625  he  entered  the  Franciscan  Order  at  Douai, 
receiving  in  religion  the  name  of  Christopher  of  St. 
Clare,  by  which  he  is  more  generally  known.  Having 
completed  his  year  of  novitiate,  he  returned  to  Eng- 
land at  the  call  of  the  provincial,  Father  John  Jen- 
nings, but  was  immediately  imprisoned  because  he 
refused  to  take  the  Oath  of  Allegiance.  Released 
through  the  efforts  of  his  friends,  he  went  to  London, 
where  he  was  employed  in  the  duties  of  the  sacred 
ministry  and  where,  during  his  leisure  moments,  he 
composed  "The  Duel  of  Death"  (London,  1632  or 
1633),  an  elegant  metrical  treatise  on  death,  which  he 
dedicated  to  Queen  Henrietta  Maria,  consort  of 
Charles  I.  When  the  persecution  broke  out  anew  in 
1641,  Colman  returned  to  England  from  Douai, 
whither  he  had  gone  to  regain  his  health.  On  8  Dec. 
of  the  same  year  he  was  brought  to  trial,  together 
with  six  other  priests,  two  of  whom  were  Benedic- 
tines and  four  members  of  the  secular  clergy.  They 
were  all  condemned  to  be  hanged,  drawn,  and  quar- 
tered on  13  Dec.,  but  through  the  interposition  of  the 
French  ambassador  the  execution  was  stayed  indefin- 
itely. Colman  lingered  on  in  Newgate  for  several 
years  until  he  died,  exhausted  by  starvation  and  the 
hardships  of  the  dungeon  where  he  was  confined. 

Thaddeus,  The. Franciscans  in  England  (London,  1898),  62, 
72,  106;  Cooper  in  Did.  Nat.  Biog.,  s.  v.  Colman;  Hope, 
Franciscan  Martyrs  in  England  (London,  1878),  xi,  123  sqq.; 
Mason,  Certamen  Seraphicum  (Quancchi,  188S),  211,  228 ;  Leo, 
Lives  of  the  Saints  and  Blessed  of  the  Three  Orders  of  St.  Francis 
(Taunton,  1887),  IV.  368. 

Stephen  M.  Donovan. 
Oolmar,  Joseph  Ludwio,  Bishop  of  Mainz;  b. 
at  Strasburg,  22  June,  1760;  d.  at  Mainz,  15  Dec., 


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OOLOONI 


1818.  After  his  ordination  (20  Dec.,  1783)  he  was 
professor  of  history  and  Greek  at  the  Royal  Seminary, 
and  curate  at  St.  Stephen's,  Strasburg.  During  the 
reign  of  terror,  brought  about  at  Strasburg  by  the 
apostate  monk;  Eulogiua  Schneider,  he  secretly  re- 
mained in  the  city,  and  under  various  disguises  admin- 
istered the  sacraments.  After  the  fall  of  Robespierre 
he  went  about  preaching  and  instructing,  and  worked 
so  successfully  for  the  restoration  of  religion  in  the 
city  of  Strasburg  that  Napoleon  appointed  him  Bishop 
of  Mainz;  he  was  consecrated  at  Paris,  24  August, 
1802.  The  metropolitan  see  of  St.  Boniface  had  been 
vacant  for  ten  years;  the  cathedral  had  been  profaned 
and  partially  destroyed  in  1793;  a  new  diocese  had 
been  formed  under  the  old  title  of  Mainz,  but  subject 
to  the  Archbishop  of  Mechlin;  revolution,  war,  and 
secularization  of  convents,  monasteries,  and  the  prop- 
erty of  the  former  archdiocese  had  ruined  his  new  dio- 
cese spiritually  and  financially.  Colmar  worked  like 
a  true  apostle;  he  rebuilt  and  reconsecrated  the  pro- 
faned cathedral,  and  by  his  influence  saved  the  ca- 
thedral of  Speyer  which  was  about  to  be  destroyed  by 
order  of  the  Government.  After  many  difficulties  he 
opened  a  seminary  (1804),  which  he  placed  under  the 
direction  of  the  Venerable  Libermann;  he  visited 
every  parish  and  school,  and  reorganized  the  liturgical 
services,  confraternities,  devotions,  and  processions, 
which  the  Revolution  had  swept  away.  His  principal 
aim  was  to  organize  a  system  of  catechetical  instruc- 
tion, to  inspire  his  priests  with  apostolic  zeal,  and  to 
guard  them  against  the  false  enlightenment  of  that 
age.  He  was  an  active  adversary  of  Wessenberg  and 
the  rationalistic  liberal  tendencies  represented  by  him 
and  the  IUuminati.  He  tried  to  reintroduce  several 
religious  communities  in  his  diocese,  but  accom- 
plished, however,  only  the  restoration  of  the  Institute 
of  Mary  Ward  (Dames  Anglaiaes).  Shortly  before  his 
death  he  established  the  Sisters  of  Divine  Providence 
in  the  Bavarian  part  of  his  diocese  (the  former  Dio- 
cese of  Speyer).  During  the  epidemic  of  1813  and 
1814,  after  the  battle  of  Leipzig,  he  personally  served 
the  sick  and  dying.  Colmar  edited  a  collection  of  old 
German  church  hymns  (1807)  and  several  excellent 
prayer  books.  His  sermons  were  published  in  seven 
volumes  (Mainz,  1836 ;  Ratisbon,  1879). 

Sblbst,  J.  L.  Colmar  (1902);  Rshuno,  Qe»ch.  der  Bitehsft 
von  Speyer  (Speyer,  1867);  see  also  life  by  Sacsbn  in  both 
editions  of  Colmar's  sermons. 

Frederick  G.  Holweck:. 

Cologne  (Ger.  Koln  or  Com),  German  city  and 
archbishopric. 

The  Citt. — Cologne,  in  size  the  third  city  of  Prussia, 
and  the  capital  of  the  district  (Regienmgsberirk)  of 
Cologne,  is  situated  in  the  lowlands  of  the  lower 
Rhine  on  both  sides  of  the  river.  Its  area  is  45 
square  miles;  its  population  (1  December,  1905), 
428,722,  of  whom  339,790  are  Catholics,  76,718 
Protestants,  11,035  of  other  sects. 

The  history  of  Cologne  goes  back  to  the  first  century 
before  Christ.  After  Marcus  Agrippa  transplanted 
the  Ubii  from  the  right  to  the  left  bank  of  the  Rhine 
(38  b.  c),  Ara  Ubiorum,  the  centre  of  the  civil  and  re- 
ligious life  of  this  tribe,  occupied  the  site  of  the  mod- 
ern Cologne.  In  a.  d.  50  Agrippina,  the  daughter  of 
Germanicus,  founded  here  a  colony  of  veterans  called 
Colonia  Agrippina;  the  inhabitants  of  the  two  settle- 
ments mingled  freely  with  each  other,  while  the  Ger- 
mans gradually  assumed  Roman  customs.  After  the 
revolt  of  the  Batavians,  Cologne  was  made  the  capital 
of  a  Roman  province  and  was  repeatedly  the  residence 
of  the  imperial  court.  At  an  early  date  Christianity 
came  to  Cologne  with  the  Roman  soldiers  and  traders; 
according  to  Irenasus  of  Lyons,  it  was  a  bishop's  see 
as  early  as  the  second  century.  However,  Saint  Ma- 
ternus,  a  contemporary  of  Constantine,  is  the  first 
historically  certain  Bishop  of  Cologne.  Asa  result  of  its 
favourable  situation,  the  city  survived  the  stormy  per- 


iod of  the  migrations  of  the  Teutonic  tribes.  When  the 
Ripuarian  Franks  took  possession  of  the  country  in 
the  fifth  century,  it  became  the  residence  of  their  king. 
On  account  of  the  services  of  the  Bishops  of  Cologne 
to  the  Merovingian  kings,  the  city  was  to  have  been 
the  metropolitan  see  of  Saint  Boniface,  but  Mainz  was 
chosen,  for  unknown  reasons,  and  Cologne  did  not  be- 
come an  archbishopric  until  the  time  of  Charlemagne. 
The  city  suffered  heavily  from  invasions  of  the  North- 
men, especially  in  the  autumn  of  881,  but  recovered 
quickly  from  these  calamities,  especially  during  the 
reign  of  the  Saxon  emperors  ana  of  such  vigorous 
archbishops  as  Bruno,  Heribert,  Piligrim,  and  others. 

In  the  course  of  the  twelfth  and  thirteenth  cen- 
turies Cologne  attained  great  prosperity.  The  basis 
of  this  prosperity  was  the  commercial  activity  of  the 
city,  which  placed  it  in  relation  not  only  with  North- 
ern Europe,  but  also  with  Hungary,  Venice,  and 
Genoa.  The  local  crafts  also  flourished ;  the  spinners, 
weavers,  and  dyers,  the  woollen-drapers,  goldsmiths, 
sword-cutlers,  and  armour-makers  of  Cologne  were  es- 
pecially celebrated.  The  ecclesiastical  importance  of 
the  city  was  equally  great ;  no  city  north  of  the  Alps 
was  so  rich  in  great  churches,  sanctuaries,  relics,  and 
religious  communities.  It  was  known  as  the  "  German 
Rome ' ',  and  was  annually  visited  by  pilgrims,  especially 
after  Rainald  of  Dassel,  Archbishop  of  Cologne  (1159- 
67),  brought  thither  the  remains  of  the  Three  Magi 
from  Milan.  Learning  was  zealously  cultivated  in  the 
cathedral  school,  in  the  collegiate  chapters,  and  the 
cloisters;  famous  philosophers  taught  here,  among 
them  Rupert  of  Deutz,  Csjsarius  of  Heisterbach,  Duns 
Scotus,  and  Blessed  Albert  us  Magnus.  The  arts  also 
flourished,  on  account  of  the  numerous  churches  and 
civil  buildings.  With  the  growth  of  the  municipal 
prosperity,  the  pride  of  the  citizens  and  their  desire 
for  independence  also  increased,  and  caused  them  to 
feel  more  dissatisfied  with  the  sovereignty  of  the  arch- 
bishop. This  resulted  in  bitter  feuds  between  the 
archbishops  and  the  city,  which  lasted  for  two  cen- 
turies with  varying  fortunes.  The  first  uprising  oc- 
curred under  Anno  II,  at  Easter  of  the  year  1074;  the 
citizens  rose  against  the  archbishop,  but  were  de- 
feated within  three  days,  and  severely  punished. 
They  received  important  concessions  from  Archbishop 
Henry  I  of  Molenark  (1225-38)  and  his  successor,  the 
powerful  Conrad  of  Hostaden  (1238-1261),  who  laid 
the  corner-stone  of  the  cathedral.  The  bloody  battle 
of  Worringen  in  1288,  in  which  the  citizens  of  Cologne 
allied  with  Brabant  took  prisoner  Archbishop  Sieg- 
fried of  Westerburg  (1274-97),  resulted  in  an  almost 
complete  freedom  for  the  city ;  to  regain  his  liberty, 
the  archbishop  recognized  the  political  independence 
of  Cologne,  but  reserved  certain  rights,  notably  the 
administration  of  justice. 

A  long  period  of  peace  with  the  outside  world  fol- 
lowed. Cologne  joined  the  Hanseatic  League  in  the 
thirteenth  century,  and  became  an  imperial  free  city 
in  the  fourteenth.  On  the  other  hand  internal  dissen- 
sions frequently  disturbed  the  city.  After  the  close  of 
the  twelfth  century  the  government  of  .the  city  was  in 
the  hands  of  patrician  families,  who  filled  all  the  of- 
fices in  the  city  government  with  members  of  their 
own  order.  In  time  the  craft  organizations  (guilds) 
increased  in  strength  and  demanded  a  share  in  the 
government.  As  early  as  1370,  in  the  uprising  of  the 
weavers,  they  gained  the  upper  hand  for  a  short  time, 
but  it  was  not  until  1396  that  the  rule  of  the  patri- 
cians was  finally  abolished.  On  14  September  of  that 
year  the  new  democratic  constitution  was  adopted,  in 
accordance  with  which  only  representatives  of  the 
guilds  sat  in  the  city  council.  The  last  act  of  the 
patricians  was  the  foundation  of  the  university 
(1388),  which  rapidly  began  to  prosper.  By  their 
firmness  and  wisdom  the  new  rulers  maintained 
themselves  against  the  patricians,  against  Arch' 
bishop  Dietrich  of  Mors  (1419),  and  against  Charier 


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the  Bold,  who,  in  alliance  with  Archbishop  Ruprecht, 
sought  to  bring  the.  city  again  under  archiepiscopal 
rule.  It  also  suppressed  domestic  uprisings  (for  in- 
stance in  1481  and  1512).  Throughout  this  period 
the  city  retained  its  place  as  the  first  city  of  the  Ger- 
man Empire,  in  which  learning,  the  fine  arts,  and  the 
art  of  printing  were  vigorously  cultivated. 

In  the  religious  upheavals  of  the  sixteenth  century, 
Cologne  remained  true  to  Catholic  doctrine,  thanks 
chiefly  to  the  activity  of  the  university,  where  such 
men  as  Cochlaeus,  Ortwin  Gratianus,  Jacob  of  Hoog- 
straeten,  and  others  taught.  Under  their  influence, 
the  city  council  held  fast  to  Catholic  tradition  and  en- 
ergetically opposed  the  new  doctrines,  which  found 
many  adherents  among  the  people  and  the  clergy. 
Cologne  remained  a  stronghold  of  the  old  beliefs,  and 
gave  active  support  to  the  Counter-Reformation 
(q.  v.),  which  found  earnest  champions  in  Johannes 
Cropper,  the  Jesuits,  Saint  Peter  Canisius,  and  others. 
The  seventeenth  and  eighteenth  centuries  were  a  time 
of  decadence  for  the  city;  its  importance  diminished 
especially  after  the  Thirty  Years  War  (1618-48)  in 
which  it  was  loyal  to  the  emperor  and  the  empire,  and 
was  never  captured.  The  university  eventually  lost 
its  prestige,  because  through  over-caution  it  opposed 
the  most  justifiable  reforms;  trade  was  diverted  to 
other  channels;  only  its  ecclesiastical  glory  remained 
to  the  city,  which  was  governed  by  a  narrow-minded 
class  of  tradesmen  and  often  suffered  from  the  dissen- 
sions between  council  and  citizens  (in  1679-86  and  the 
bloody  troubles  caused  by  Nicholas  Gulich) .  The  out- 
break of  the  French  Revolution  found  it  a  community 
with  but  slight  power  of  resistance.  The  French  entered 
Cologne,  26  October,  1794,  and  the  citizens  were  soon 
severely  oppressed  by  requisitions,  forced  loans,  and 
contributions.  On  27  September,  1797 ,  the  old  city  con- 
stitution was  finally  annulled,  the  French  administra- 
tive organization  established,  and  the  city  made  a  part 
of  the  French  department  of  the  Roer  of  which  Aix-la- 
Chapelle  (Aachen)  was  the  capital.  The  university 
was  discontinued  in  1798;  it  had  dragged  out  a  mis- 
erable existence  owing  to  the  establishment  of  the 
University  of  Bonn  and  the  confused  policy  of  the  last 
archbishops.  After  the  downfall  of  French  domina- 
tion in  Germany,  Cologne  was  apportioned  by  the 
Congress  of  Vienna  to  the  Kingdom  of  Prussia.  It 
was  made  neither  the  seat  of  the  government  of  the 
Rhenish  Province,  nor  the  seat  of  the  university,  but 
it  was  restored  to  its  rank  of  metropolitan  see,  and  in 
the  nineteenth  century,  under  Prussian  rule,  became 
the  third  largest  city  of  Prussia  and  attained  unusual 
prosperity,  economic,  intellectual,  and  ecclesiastical. 

Only  brief  ecclesiastical  statistics  can  be  given  here. 
In  1907,  besides  the  archbishop  and  assistant  bishop, 
there  were  in  Cologne  214  priests,  of  whom  24  were 
members  of  the  cathedral  chapter  and  38  were  parish 
priests,  and  128  others  engaged  m  pastoral  occupations. 
There  are  12  Dominicans  and  9  Franciscans.  The 
two  deaneries  of  the  city  embrace  39  parish,  and  3 
military,  churches;  in  addition  to  the  39  parish 
churches,  there  are  22  lesser  churches  and  26  chapels. 
Religious  societies  are  numerous  and  powerful; 
among  more  than  400  religious  societies  and  brother- 
hoods we  may  mention:  Societies  of  Saint  Vincent, 
Saint  Elizabeth,  and  Saint  Charles  Borromeo,  Marian 
congregations  for  young  men  and  for  young  women, 
rosary  confraternities,  Associations  of  the  Holy  Child- 
hood, Holy  Family,  of  Christian  Mothers,  etc.  Among 
the  trades  organizations  the  most  powerful  are  the 
four  Catholic  Gesellenvereine,  with  4  hospices  and  18 
Catholic  workingmens'  unions.  The  male  religious 
orders  and  congregations  are  represented  by  Domini- 
cans, Franciscans,  Alexian  Brothers,  Brothers  of 
Charity,  and  Brothers  of  Saint  Francis;  the  female 
orders  and  congregations  by  Sisters  of  Saint  Benedict, 
the  Borromean  Sisterhood,  the  Cellites,  Sisters  of 
Saint  Dominic,  Sisters  of  Saint  Francis,  Sisters  of 


the  Good  Shepherd,  Sisters  of  the  Holy  Child  Jesus, 
the  Ursuline  Sisters,  and  Sisters  of  Saint  Vincent;  a 
total  of  43  religious  houses  with  about  1140  inmates. 
The  Alexian  Brothers,  the  Brothers  of  Charity,  and 
the  Brothers  of  Saint  Francis,  as  well  as  almost  all  the 
female  religious  orders,  conduct  numerous  charitable 
and  educational  institutions. 

Among  the  churches  of  Cologne,  the  foremost  is  the 
cathedral,  the  greatest  monument  of  Gothic  archi- 
tecture in  Germany.  Its  corner-stone  was  laid  by 
Archbishop  Conrad  of  Hostaden,  14  August,  1248; 
the  sanctuary  was  dedicated  in  1322;  the  nave  made 
ready  for  religious  services  in  1388;  the  southern  tower 
was  built  to  a  height  of  about  180  feet  in  1447;  then 
the  work  of  building  was  interrupted  for  almost  four 
hundred  years.  During  the  French  Revolution  the 
cathedral  was  degraded  to  a  hay  barn.  In  the  nine- 
teenth century  the  work  of  building  was  resumed, 
thanks  above  all  to  the  efforts  of  Sulpice  Boisseree, 
who  excited  the  enthusiasm  of  the  Crown  Prince, 
afterwards  King  Frederick  William  IV,  for  the  com- 
pletion of  the  work.  The  restoration  was  begun 
m  1823;  in  1842  the  Cathedral  Building  Society  was 
founded,  and  generous  contributions  from  all  parts 
of  Germany  resulted.  The  interior  was  finished  15 
October,  1863,  and  opened  for  Divine  service;  and 
15  October,  1880,  tne  completion  of  the  entire 
cathedral  was  appropriately  celebrated  in  the  pres- 
ence of  the  German  emperor.  The  whole  edifice 
covers  an  area  of  about  7370  square  yards;  it  has 
a  nave  445  feet  long,  five  aisles,  and  a  transept 
282  feet  wide  with  three  aisles;  the  height  of  the  nave 
is  about  202  feet,  that  of  the  two  towers,  515  feet. 
Among  the  numerous  works  of  art,  the  most  famous 
are  the  picture  (Dombild)  painted  by  Stephen  Loch- 
ner  about  1450,  the  triptych  over  the  high  altar,  the 
96  choir  seats  of  the  sanctuary,  and  the  shrine  in 
which  are  kept  the  relics  of  the  Three  Kings  in  the 
treasury  of  the  sacristy.  The  last  is  considered  the 
most  remarkable  medieval  example  of  the  goldsmith's 
art  extant.  Among  the  other  churches  of  the  city, 
the  most  noteworthy  of  those  dating  from  the  Roman- 
esque period  are  Saint  Gereon,  Saint  Ursula,  Saint 
Mary  in  the  Capitol,  Saint  Pantaloon,  and  the  church 
of  tne  Apostles;  from  the  Transition  and  the  Gothic 
periods,  Saint  Cunibert,  Saint  Mary  in  Lyskirchen, 
and  the  church  of  the  Minorites;  from  more  recent 
times,  the  Jesuit  church,  Saint  Mary  Pantaleon,  and 
Saint  Mauritius.  The  city  contains  about  25  chari- 
table institutions  under  Catholic  management. 

The  Archbishopric— According  to  ancient  legend 
a  disciple  of  Saint  Peter  was  the  first  Bishop  of  Cologne, 
but  the  first  historically  authenticated  bishop  was 
Saint  Maternus,  who  was  present  in  314  at  the  Synod 
of  Aries.  Among  the  earliest  bishops  the  most  promi- 
nent are:  Euphrates,  who  took  part  in  the  Council  of 
Sardica  (344)  and  in  346  was  deposed  as  a  heretic  by  a 
general  synod  of  Gaul;  Saint  Severinus  (347-400),  Saint 
Cunibert  (623-63?),  councillor  of  the  Frankish  kings 
Dagobert  and  Sigibert;  Anno  I  (711-15),  who  brought 
the  remains  of  Saint  Lambert  from  Maastricht  to  Liege ; 
Saint  Agilulf us  (747-51);  Hildebold  (785-819),  chancel- 
lor under  Charlemagne  and,  in  799,  first  metropolitan  of 
Cologne,  whose  suffragan  sees  were,  Liege,  Utrecht, 
Munster,  Bremen,  Osnabrdck,  and,  after  829,  Minden. 
During  the  vacancy  of  the  archiepiscopal  office  (842- 
50)  Bremen  was  cut  off  from  the  Archdiocese  of  Co- 
logne, in  spite  of  the  protests  of  Gunthar  (850-71). 
Willibert  (870-89)  assisted  Ludwig  the  German  to 
overcome  Charles  the  Bald,  by  which  action  the  arch- 
bishopric became  finally  a  part  of  the  German  Em- 
pire. Under  Hermann  I  (890-924)  Bremen  was  defin- 
itively separated  from  Cologne.  In  954  Bruno  I 
(953-65)  was  made  Duke  of  Lorraine  by  his  brother, 
the  Emperor  Otto  the  Great;  in  this  way  the  founda- 
tion was  laid  for  the  temporal  power  of  the  archbish- 
opric of  Cologne.    For  though  Bruno's  successors  did 


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not  inherit  the  ducal  rank,  they  retained  a  consider- 
able territory  (the  Kolngau,  or  district  of  Cologne),  in 
time  increased  by  the  family  possessions  and  acquisi- 
tions of  many  archbishops.  Saint  Heribert  (999-1021) 
was  very  active  in  promoting  the  welfare  of  his  dio- 
cese, was  made  chancellor  for  Italy  by  Otto  III,  and 
aided  Henry  II  at  the  time  of  his  expedition  to  Rome 
in  1004.  Piligrim  (1021-36),  who  accompanied 
Henry  II  and  Conrad  II  on  their  expeditions  to  Italy, 
obtained  for  himself  and  for  his  successors  the  office  of 
imperial  chancellor  for  Italy.  Hermann  II  (1036-56) 
was  followed  by  Saint  Anno  II,  who  did  much  for  the 
authority  and  honour  of  the  See  of  Cologne;  at  the 
same  time  he  was  the  first  archbishop  to  come  into 
open  conflict  with  the  city,  now  rapidly  growing  in 
numbers  and  wealth. 

As  princes  of  the  German  Empire,  the  archbishops 
were  very  frequently  involved  in  dissensions  between 
popes  and  emperors,  often  to  the  injury  of  their 
Church,  since  they  were  frequently  in  opposition  to 
the  pope.  Frederick  I  (1100-31)  was  the  last  Arch- 
bishop of  Cologne  to  be  invested  with  the  episcopal 
ring  and  crosier;  in  1111,  during  the  three-days'  fight 
in  the  streets  of  Rome,  he  saved  the  Emperor  Henry 

V  from  defeat,  after  his  imprisonment  of  Pope  Pas- 
chal II ,  but  in  1 1 14  abandoned  the  imperial  party.  His 
successor,  Bruno  II  (1132-37),  was  again  imperial 
chancellor  for  Italy,  which  office,  after  the  incumbency 
of  Arnold  II  of  Wied  (1151-56),  was  permanently  at- 
tached to  the  Archbishopric  of  Cologne.  Rainald  of 
Dassel  (1159-67),  the  chancellor  of  Frederick  Bar- 
barossa,  and  Philip  I  of  Heinsberg  (1167-91)  increased 
the  prestige  of  the  see;  the  latter  prelate,  after  the 
fall  of  Henry  the  Lion,  obtained  as  a  fief  for  himself 
and  his  successors  the  western  part  of  the  Duchy  of 
Saxony,  under  the  title  of  Duke  of  Westphalia  and 
Engern.  One  of  the  most  energetic  archbishops  in 
the  following  years  was  Saint  Engelbert  (q.  v.).  In 
his  short  reign  (1216-21)  he  furthered  the  moral  and 
religious  life  Dy  several  synods,  and  by  the  favour  he 
showed  the  new  orders  of  Franciscans  and  Domini- 
cans; he  also  restored  order  within  the  limits  of  his 
see,  and  successfully  opposed  the  continued  efforts  for 
civio  independence.  The  long  political  conflict  be- 
tween the  archbishops  and  the  city,  during  which 
Conrad  of  Hostaden  (1238-61)  and  Engelbert  Ilof  Falk- 
enburg  (1261-74)  made  many  concessions,  was  finally, 
as  above  stated,  settled  in  favour  of  the  city,  under  Sieg- 
fried of  Westerburg  (1274-97).  The  reconciliation  of 
the  archbishops  with  the  city  effected  by  Wikbold  of 
Holte  (1297-1304)  brought  with  it  increasing  influence 
in  the  affairs  of  the  German  Empire.  To  the  injury  of 
his  see,  Henry  II  of  Virneburg  (1304-32)  allied  himself 
with  Frederick  the  Handsome,  while  Walram  of  Julich 
(1332—49)  obtained  many  privileges  from  the  Em- 
peror Charles  IV,  whom  he  had  raised  to  the  imperial 
dignity  against  Louis  of  Bavaria.  In  his  time  the 
Black  Death  spread  over  Germany  and  entailed  great 
misery.  In  1356,  under  William  of  Gennep  (1349- 
62),  the  dignity  of  imperial  elector,  recognized  since 
about  the  middle  of  the  thirteenth  century  as  belong- 
ing to  the  archiepiscopal  office,  was  formally  acknowl- 
edged by  the  Golden  Bull.  Kuno  of  Falkenstein 
(1366-71),  also  Archbishop  of  Trier,  added  (1370)  to 
the  temporalities  of  the  see  the  County  of  Arnsberg. 
After  his  resignation  he  was  succeeded  by  Frederick 
III  of  Saarwerden  (1370-1414),  who  adhered  to  Urban 

VI  on  the  occasion  of  the  Western  Schism;  after  Ur- 
ban's  death  he  followed  a  vacillating  policy.  His  suc- 
cessor, Dietrich  II  of  M6re  (1414-63),  sought  to  make 
Cologne  the  strongest  territorial  power  m  Western 
Germany,  but  he  was  unfortunate  in  his  political  en- 
terprises, and  brought  a  heavy  burden  of  debt  on  his 
see.  Under  him  the  city  of  Soest  was  lost  to  Cologne. 
After  his  death,  and  before  the  appointment  of  a  new 
archbishop,  the  cathedral  chapter,  the  nobility  (Rit- 
lerschaft),  and  the  cities  of  tne  archiepiscopal  state 


(Enttift)  concluded  an  agreement  C Erblandttvereini- 
gung)  with  regard  to  the  archbishop's  hereditary  lands, 
whereby  the  prelate's  rights  as  temporal  lord  were 
considerably  limited  in  the  archiepiscopal  State,  whose 
territory,  it  must  be  remembered,  did  not  coincide 
with  the  ecclesiastical  limits  of  the  archdiocese.  This 
agreement  was  henceforth  sworn  to  by  each  arch- 
bishop at  his  election.  Ruprecht  von  der  Pf  alz  ( 1 463- 
80)  squandered  the  revenues  of  the  see,  sought  by 
force  to  gain  control  of  the  cities  and  castles  previ- 
ously mortgaged,  and  thereby  entered  into  conflicts 
with  the  holders  of  the  mortgages.  Violence,  arson, 
and  devastation  visited  the  diocese  in  consequence. 
In  1478  Ruprecht  was  captured  and  remained  a  pris- 
oner until  his  death.  His  successor,  Hermann  IV  of 
Hesse,  devoted  his  energy  to  the  restoration  of  order, 
paid  a  part  of  the  public  debt,  and,  by  the  diocesan 
synod  of  1483,  whose  decrees  he  vigorously  enforced, 
furthered  the  intellectual  and  moral  elevation  of  clergy 
and  people.  Philip  II  of  Daun  (1508-15)  walked  in 
the  footsteps  of  his  predecessor. 

The  government  of  Hermann  V  of  Wied  (1515-47) 
brought  trouble  and  disaster  on  his  see.  At  the  Diet 
of  Worms  he  at  first  opposed  the  religious  doctrines 
of  Luther.  He  urged  the  banning  of  the  Reformer 
and  held  a  provincial  synod  in  1536;  gradually,  how- 
ever, he  turned  away  from  the  Catholic  Faith,  chose 
adherents  of  Luther  for  his  counsellors,  and  allowed 
the  new  doctrines  to  be  preached  in  his  diocese. 
When  he  openly  favoured  the  spread  of  Protestant- 
ism, he  was  suspended  in  1546,  and  forced  to  resign 
(1547).  By  the  advice  of  excellent  men,  such  as 
Gropper,  Billick,  and  others,  Adolph  III  of  Schauen- 
burg  (1546-56)  took  strong  measures  against  the  prea- 
chers brought  in  by  Hermann,  and  published  vigorous 
decrees  against  immoral  priests.  His  brother  An- 
ton (1556--58)  followed  a  similar  course.  Under 
Johann  Gebhard  of  Mansfeld  (1558-62)  Utrecht  (q. 
v.)  ceased  to  be  a  suffragan  of  Cologne,  and  the  Dean- 
ery of  Zyfflich  was  incorporated  with  the  newly 
founded  See  of  Roermond.  After  the  brief  reign  of 
Frederick  IV  of  Wied  (1562-67)  and  that  of  the  vig- 
orous Salent  in  of  Isenburg  (1567-77),  who  resigned  be- 
cause he  did  not  wish  to  take  priest's  orders,  Gebhard 
II  Truchsess  of  Waldburg  (q .  v. ) ,  succeeded  to  the  office. 
He  followed  the  evil  course  of  Hermann  of  Wied.  At 
first  loyal  to  the  Church,  be  became  a  Calvinist  in 
1682,  owing  to  his  passion  for  Agnes  von  Mansfeld, 
.and  sought  to  Protestantize  the  see  in  1583;  he  was 
put  under  the  ban  of  the  empire  and  deposed,  and 
Duke  Emest  of  Bavaria  chosen  as  his  successor. 
With  Protestant  aid  Gebhard  sought  to  keep  posses- 
sion of  his  diocese.  But  the  War  of  Cologne  (K&- 
nischer  Krieg),  which  lasted  five  years,  and  brought 
untold  misery  on  the  land,  ended  in  victory  for  the 
Catholic  party.  These  attempts  of  Hermann  of 
Wied  and  Gebhard  to  alienate  the  archdiocese  from 
the  Catholic  Faith  led  to  the  establishment  of  a  per- 
manent papal  nunciature  in  Cologne  which  existed 
from  1584  to  the  extinction  of  the  archiepiscopal  State 
at  the  end  of  the  eighteenth  century  (see  Nuncio; 
Secularization). 

Emest  of  Bavaria  (1583-1612)  was  the  first  of  the 
five  princes  of  the  house  of  Wittelsbach  who  held  the 
Electorate  of  Cologne  until  1761.  Ferdinand  of  Ba- 
varia (1612-50),  Maximilian  Henry  (1650-88),  Joseph 
Clemens  (1688-1723),  and  Clemens  Augustus  I  (1727- 
61)  succeeded  him.    Following  the  tradition  of  their 

Erincely  house,  these  five  archbishops  were  intensely 
>yal  to  the  Church,  and  upheld  Catholicism  in  the 
archdiocese,  which,  however,  had  lost  122  parishes  in 
consequence  of  the  Reformation.  However,  in  conse- 
quence of  the  repeated  union  of  several  bishoprics  in 
tne  hands  of  these  Bavarian  prelates,  the  political  ad- 
ministration of  the  territory  was  held  to  be  of  primary, 
its  religious  government  of  secondary,  importance. 
Moreover,  the  foreign  policy  of  these  five  Bavarian 


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archbishops  was  not  always  fortunate.  By  their  alli- 
ance with  France,  especially  during  the  Spanish  and 
Austrian  Wars  of  Succession,  they  furthered  the  polit- 
ical dissolution  of  the  old  German  Empire  (begun  in 
the  Thirty  Years  War)  and  encouraged  the  anti-Haps- 
burg  policy  of  France  which  aimed  at  the  final  over- 
throw of  the  German  imperial  power.  Similarly,  their 
friendly  relations  to  France  favoured  the  introduction 
of  rationalism  into  Cologne.  This  spirit  of  opposition 
to  the  Church  and  to  the  authority  of  the  popes  had  a 
still  stronger  hold  upon  Archbishop  Maximilian  Fred- 
erick of  Konigseck  (1761-84).  In  1771  he  founded 
an  academy  at  Bonn  in  opposition  to  the  loyal  Cath- 
olic University  of  Cologne,  and  in  1781  issued  in  fav- 
our of  the  new  academy  an  order  according  to  which 
attendance  at  the  University  of  Cologne  was  punished 
by  inability  to  hold  any  office,  either  ecclesiastical  or 
civil,  in  the  diocese.  The  last  Elector  of  Cologne, 
Maximilian  Francis  of  Austria  (1785-1801),  took  part 
in  the  anti-papal  Congress  of  Ems  (q.  v.),  nominated 
Eulogius  Schneider  as  professor  in  the  Academy  of 
Bonn,  which  he  raised  to  the  rank  of  a  University  in 
1786,  and  instituted  reforms  similar  to  those  enacted 
by  his  brother,  the  Emperor  J oseph  II,  in  Austria.  As 
brother  of  Marie  Antoinette,  he  was  at  first  opposed 
to  the  French  Revolution,  but  soon  adopted  a  policy 
of  inactivity  which  ultimately  resulted  m  the  loss  of 
independence  both  by  the  city  and  the  electorate. 
At  the  approach  of  the  victorious  French  army  the 
elector  left  his  residence  at  Bonn,  never  to  see  it  again. 
The  French  entered  Cologne,  26  October,  1794,  and 
Bonn,  8  November.  The  conquered  territory  be- 
tween the  Meuse,  the  Rhine,  and  the  Moselle  was  di- 
vided into  four  departments  governed  by  a  civil  com- 
missioner at  Mainz,  and  incorporated  with  France  by 
the  Peace  of  Luneville  in  1801 .  In  1796  all  the  ecclesi- 
astical property  in  the  part  of  the  archdiocese  held  by 
the  French  was  seized  by  the  civil  authority;  in  1802 
all  religious  orders  and  congregations  were  suppressed 
and  their  property  confiscated.  By  the  Concordat 
of  1801  between  the  Apostolic  See  and  Napoleon  I, 
nearly  all  of  the  former  archdiocese  on  the  left  bank  of 
the  Rhine  was  given  to  the  newly  founded  See  of 
Aachen  (q.  v.).  The  old  ecclesiastical  organization 
remained  undisturbed  in  the  archdiocesan  territory 
on  the  right  bank  of  the  Rhine.  After  the  death  of 
Maximilian  Francis  (1801),  the  cathedral  chapter, 
which  had  taken  refuge  in  Arris  berg,  chose  the  Aus- 
trian Archduke  Anthony  as  his  successor,  but  he  never 
occupied  his  see,  owing  to  Prussian  opposition.  In 
1803  the  remainder  of  the  electorate  was  secularized, 
an  inglorious  end  for  the  ancient  Archbishopric  of 
Cologne.  The  loss  to  the  Catholic  Church  in  Ger- 
many was  great.  The  archbishopric,  i.  e.  the  territory 
in  which  the  archbishop  was  also  temporal  ruler,  in- 
cluded in  its  Rhenish  territory  alone  (without  West- 
phalia) 60  square  miles  and  about  199,000  inhabi- 
tants (in  1797),  of  whom  180,000  were  on  the  left  bank 
of  the  Rhine. 

In  1750  the  archdiocese  contained  860  parishes  with 
as  many  parish  churches,  300  benefices,  400  chapels, 
42  collegiate  chapters,  21  abbeys  (10  Benedictine,  4 
Premonstratensian,  7  Cistercian),  5  Benedictine  pro- 
vostships,  18  Minorite  and  24  Franciscan  monas- 
teries, 2  Franciscan  houses  of  the  Third  Order.  There 
were  also  20  Capuchin  houses,  6  Dominican,  3  Car- 
thusian, 11  Augustinian,  8  of  Knights  of  the  Cross,  9 
Jesuit  suppressed  in  1773),  2  Servite,  and  2  Alexian. 
The  Brothers  of  Saint  Anthony,  the  Carmelites,  the 
Zionites,  the  Brothers  of  Saint  Martin  had  each  one 
house.  There  were  five  establishments  of  the  Teu- 
tonic Order  and  nine  of  the  Knights  of  Malta.  The 
female  orders  had  a  total  of  146  nunneries  (see  below, 
Mooren,  II,  426  sqq.).  The  loss  in  costly  gold  and 
silver  church  plate,  vestments  and  the  treasures  of  the 
libraries  and  archives,  is  incalculable.  When  the  dis- 
orders of  the  Napoleonic  regime  had  passed,  the  arch- 


diocese was  re-established  by  Pius  VII.  Its  territory 
had  previously  been  made  a  part  of  Prussia  by  the 
Congress  of  Vienna,  in  1815.  On  16  July,  1821,  by 
the  Bull  "De  Salute  animarum"  the  Archdiocese  of 
Aachen  was  abolished,  the  church  of  St.  Peter  in  Co- 
logne was  again  made  a  metropolitan  church,  and  the 
territories  of  the  Archdiocese  of  Cologne  denned  anew, 
with  its  present  boundaries,  except  for  a  few  unim- 
portant changes.  It  then  included  44  deaneries  and 
685  parishes  (536  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Rhine  and 
149  on  the  right  bank).   On  the  20th  of  December, 

1824,  Ferdinand  August  von  Spiegel  was  named  by  the 
pope  as  the  first  archbishop  of  the  new  see ;  on  20  May, 

1825,  he  took  charge  of  the  ecclesiastical  govern- 
ment, which  had  been  carried  on  by  the  vicar  capit- 
ular, Johann  Hermann  Joseph  von  Caspars  zu  Weiss, 
from  1801  till  his  death  (1822),  and  after  that  time 
by  Prothonotary  Johann  WimelmSchmitz.  Archbishop 
von  Spiegel's  administration  (1824-35)  was  in  many 
ways  beneficial.  He  alleviated  many  evils  which  had 
crept  in  during  the  previous  yean  and  made  serious 
efforts  for  the  education  of  the  clergy  and  for  the  re- 
organization of  his  diocese;  nevertheless,  he  was  too 
subservient  to  the  Prussian  Government,  and  entered 
into  a  secret  agreement  with  it  in  regard  to  mixed 
marriages,  contrary  to  the  spirit  of  the  ecclesiastical 
marriage  laws.  His  successor,  Clemens  Augustus, 
Freiherr  von  Droste  zu  Vischering,  who  vigorously 
opposed  the  spread  of  the  Hermesian  heresy,  soon 
came  into  conflict  with  the  Prussian  Government  on 
the  question  of  mixed  marriages,  as  a  result  of  which 
he  tos  taken  prisoner,  20  November,  1837,  and  con- 
fined in  the  castle  of  Minden.  This  event  caused 
great  excitement  throughout  Germany,  and  helped  to 
revive  the  religious  life  and  activity  of  the  German 
Catholics.  When  Frederick  William  IV  came  to  the 
throne,  the  archbishop  resigned  his  office  in  favour  of 
his  coadjutor,  Johann  von  Geissel  (a.  v.).  Bishop  of 
Speyer.  As  archbishop  (1845-64),  he  displayed  a 
most  auspicious  activity  and  infused  fresh  religious 
vigour  into  his  diocese.  Great  injury  was  done  the 
Church  of  Cologne  by  the  Prussian  Kulturkampf. 
During  its  course  Archbishop  Paul  Melchers  (1866- 
85)  was  imprisoned  by  the  Government  in  1874  (till 
9  October),  and  then  was  forced  to  leave  his  diocese. 
The  number  of  priests  fell  from  1947  to  about  1500, 
and  many  parishes  remained  for  years  without  a 
priest.  After  the  conclusion  of  peace  between  Rome 
and  Prussia,  Archbishop  Melchers  abdicated  his 
see.  His  successors,  Philip  Krementz  (1885-99; 
cardinal,  1893),  Hubert  Simar  (1899-1902),  and  Anton 
Fischer  (since  6  November,  1902;  cardinal  since  22 
June,  1903)  devoted  themselves  to  repairing  the  evil 
done  by  the  Kulturkampf  and  developing  to  a  prosper- 
ous state  the  religious  and  ecclesiastical  life  of  the 
diocese. 

Statistics. — The  Archdiocese  of  Cologne  includes 
the  Prussian  administrative  districts  of  Cologne  and 
Aachen,  the  greater  part  of  the  district  of  Dusseldorf 
and  small  portions  of  the  districts  of  Coblenz,  Trier, 
and  Arnsberg,  altogether,  4219  square  miles,  with 
about  2,700,000  Catholics  (census  of  1  December, 
1900,  2,522,648).  The  parishes  in  1907  numbered 
917,  with  51  deaneries;  the  priests  included  1934  secu- 
lar priests  (of  whom  214  were  stationed  in  the  cathe- 
dral city),  208  regulars,  and  about  60  priests  from 
other  dioceses.  The  metropolitan  chapter  consists 
of  1  cathedral  provost  (Domprobst),  1  cathedral  dean 
(Domdechant),  10  residential,  and  4  honorary  canons. 
The  archbishop  is  chosen  by  the  cathedral  chapter, 
the  Bishops  of  Trier,  Munster,  and  Paderborn  are  his 
suffragans.  Within  the  city  of  Cologne  there  are  39 
parishes  and  3  military  churches  grouped  in  two  dean- 
eries. In  addition  to  the  cathedral  chapter  there  is  a 
collegiate  chapter  at  Aachen  (q.  v.).  The  educa- 
tional institutions  under  ecclesiastical  control  include 
the  archiepiscopal  seminary  for  priests  at  Cologne, 


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with  83  students  (1906-07),  the  Collegium  Alber- 
tinum  at  Bonn  (175  students),  the  Collegium  Leoni- 
num  at  Bonn  (104  students),  the  archiepiscopal  semi- 
naries for  boys  at  Neuss,  Munstereifel,  Rheinbach, 
and  Opladen,  4  high  schools  and  boarding-colleges  for 
boys,  and  26  boarding-schools  for  girls  (the  latter  con- 
ducted by  female  orders).  For  the  higher  education 
of  the  clergy  there  is  the  Catholic  faculty  of  theology 
at  the  University  of  Bonn,  with  14  ecclesiastical  pro- 
fessors, in  addition  to  the  (Cologne)  seminary  for 
priests  already  mentioned.  Ecclesiastical  teachers 
are  also  employed  at  102  secondary  schools  (gymnasia, 
technical  gymnasia,  high  schools,  academies,  and  Latin 
schools,  etc.),  and  5  Catholic  teachers'  seminaries,  at 
42  Catholic  girls'  high  schools  and  5  Catholic  training 
schools  for  women  teachers.  The  total  attendance  at 
all  the  intermediate  and  higher  schools  of  the  archdio- 
cese averages  about  17,400  Catholic  boys  and  11,700 
Catholic  girls.  The  attendance  at  the  primary  schools 
(Volkaachulen)  is  428,000  children  in  11,560  classes. 
(For  the  educational  relations  between  the  Church 
and  the  State  see  Prussia.) 

The  religious  orders  of  men  in  the  archdiocese  have 

42  establishments  with  about  1100  members,  and  the 
orders  and  congregations  of  women  have  401  with 
6200  sisters,  there  being  in  the  cathedral  city  alone 

43  religious  houses  with  1140  inmates.  The  follow- 
ing orders  or  congregations  are  represented:  Benedic- 
tines (1  establishment),  Dominicans  (2),  Franciscans 

(9)  ,  Camillians  (1),  Capuchins  (2),  Carthusians  (1), 
Redemptorists  (2),  Trappists  (1),  Fathers  of  the  Holy 
Ghost  and  Immaculate  Heart  of  Mary  (2),  Alexian 
Brothers  (9),  Brothers  of  Charity  (6),  Brothers  of 
Saint  Francis  (6),  Benedictine  Sisters  of  Perpetual 
Adoration  (3),  Borromean  Sisters  (18),  Cellites  (86), 
Sisters  of  Christ  (4),  Congregation  of  the  Blessed  Vir- 
gin Mary  of  Saint  Peter  Fourier  (1),  Handmaids  of 
Christ  (69),  Sisters  of  Saint  Dominic  (10),Order  of  Saint 
Elizabeth  (35),  Sisters  of  Saint  Francis  (96),  Ladies  of 
the  Good  Shepherd  (3),  Sisters  of  the  Holy  Child  Jesus 

(10)  ,  Carmelite  Sisters  (3),  Daughters  of  the  Holy  Cross 
(15),  Sisters  of  Christian  Chanty  (4),  Penitent  Recol- 
lects (1),  School  Sisters  of  Notre  Dame  (2),  Ursulines 
(9),  Sisters  of  Saint  Vincent  (31).  The  orders  of 
men  are  devoted  partly  to  pastoral  and  mission  work, 
partly  to  charitable  work ;  the  orders  of  women  devote 
themselves  almost  entirely  either  to  educational  work 
(instruction  and  care  of  young  girls  in  various  es- 
tablishments, sewing  schools,  girls'  high  schools,  and 
boarding-schools)  or  to  charitable  work  in  refuges, 
working-women's  homes,  servant-girls'  homes,  the 
care  of  the  sick  in  hospitals,  hospices,  etc. 

It  is  impossible  to  mention  here  all  the  numerous 
charities  and  organizations  found  within  the  limits  of 
the  archdiocese;  complete  statistics  are  given  in  M. 
Brandt's  book,  "Die  katholischen  Wohlthatig- 
keits-Anstalten  und  Vereine  sowie  das  katholisch- 
sociale  Vereinswesen  insbesondere  in  der  Erzdi6cese 
Kaln"  (Cologne,  1896).  In  the  cathedral  city  alone 
there  are  more  than  400  religious  societies  and  brother- 
hoods. The  most  important  of  the  organizations  and 
charitable  institutions  in  the  archdiocese  which  are 
not  limited  to  a  single  parish  are  as  follows:  182  con- 

rgations  and  71  societies  for  young  men,  160  Catho- 
working-men's  clubs,  74  Catholic  journeymen's  as- 
sociations (Gesellenvereine),  26  miners'  associations, 
29  congregations  and  societies  of  merchants,  10  socie- 
ties for  women  employed  in  stores,  55  homes  and 
schools  for  working-women,  22  homes  for  the  insane 
and  idiots,  10  homes  for  servant  girls,  9  refuges  for 
fallen  women,  90  orphanages;  also  the  Elizabeth  socie- 
ties and  225  conferences  of  the  Society  of  Saint 
Vincent  de  Paul,  the  Saint  Regis  societies,  and 
others. 

The  most  important  churches  are  the  cathedral 
(Dom)  of  Cologne  (see  above),  the  cathedral  of  Aachen 
(q.  v.),  the  churches  at  Cologne  mentioned  above,  the 


cathedral  churches  at  Bonn  and  Essen,  the  church  of 
Saint  Quirinus  in  Neuss,  the  churches  of  the  former 
Abbots  _  of  Werden,  Knechtsteden,  Comelimunster, 
and  Steinfeld,  the  double  church  in  Schwarz-Rhein- 
dorf,  etc. 

A  oomplete  bibliography  of  tha  city  by  Krudewio  is  given  in 
Die  Kunstdcnkmaler  der  Stadt  Koln  (DOsseldorf,  1906),  I,  Pt.  I. 
The  most  important  works  are:  Bianco,  Die  alte  UnivertMt 
Koln  (Cologne,  1S55),  I;  Keotben,  Die  Matrikel  der  Univer- 
sitat  Koln  (Bonn,  1892);  Ennen,  Frankreich  und  der  Nieder- 
rhein  oder  Geechichte  von  Stadt  und  Kurstaat  Kiln  sett  dem  SO 
jahriaen  Kriege  (2  vols.,  Cologne,  1856-56);  Idem,  Geechichte 
der  Stadt  Koln  (5  vols.,  Cologne  and  Neuss,  1863-80);  Quellen 
zur  Geechichte  der  Stadt  Koln,  ed.  by  Ennen  and  Ecxertz  (6 
vols..  Cologne  1860-79);  Chroniken  der  deulschen  Stadte, 
vols.  XI I -XIV  (Leipsig,  1875-77);  Mitteilungen  aut  dem  Stadt- 
archiv  von  Koln  (32  vols..  Cologne.  1883-1904);  Kolner 
Schreinsurkunden  dee  It.  Jahrhunderts,  ed.  by  Hoenioeb  (2  vols., 
Bonn,  1884-94);  HAhlbauu-Lac,  Dae  Buch  Weinsberg,  K diner 
Denkwiirdigkeiten  aue  dem  16.  Jahrhundert  (4  vols.,  Leipzig  and 
Bonn,  1886-98):  Koln  und  seine  Bauten  (Cologne,  1888); 
Mohb,  Die  Kirchen  von  Koln  (Berlin,  1889);  Korth,  Koln  im 
Mitt  flatter  (Cologne,  1891),  good  bibliography;  Stein,  Aktentur 
Oeechichte  der  Verfassung  und  Verwallung  der  Stadt  Koln  im  IU. 
und  IS.  Jahrhundert  (2  vols.,  Bonn,  1893-95);  Merlo,  Kolnische 
KiXnsOer  in  alter  und  newer  Zcit  (DOsseldorf,  1895):  Scheibler 
axd  Aldbnhovbn,  Geechichte  der  Kolner  Malerschule  (2  vols., 
with  100  photogravures,  Lubeck.  1894-96);  Knippinq,  Die 
Kdlner  Stadtrechnungen  dee  Mittelaltere  (2  vols.,  Bonn,  1897-98); 
Lau,  Die  Entwicklung  der  kommunalen  Verfassung  und  Ver- 
ualtung  der  Stadt  Koln  bit  rum  Jahre  13*6  (Bonn,  1898);. 
Helmken,  Koln  und  eeine  SehenswUrdigkeiten  (20th  ed..  Col-' 
ogne,  1903);  H.  v.  Lcesoh,  Kolner Zunfturkunden  (2  vols.,  Bonn, 
1905);  Kecssen,  Historische  Topographic  der  Stadt  Kiln  im 
Mittelalter  (Bonn,  1906);  Steffenb,  Kolner  Kirehenkalender 
far  das  Jahr  1907  (Cologne,  1907).  For  the  cathedral  consult: 
Boisskbke,  Geechichte  und  Beschreibung  dee  Dams  tu  Koln  (2nd 
ed.,  Munich,  1842);  Bock,  Der  Kunst-  und  ReliquienschaU  dee 
Kolner  Dome  (Cologne  and  Neuss,  1870);  Schmitz,  Der  Dom 
su  Koln  (150  tables,  with  text  by  Ennkn,  Cologne,  1868-76); 
Wiethase,  Der  Dom  zu  Koln  (40  plates  with  text,  Frankfort, 
1884-1889);   Helmken,  Der  Dom  tu  Koln  (4th  ed.,  Cologne, 

1899)  ;  Lin  on  eh.  Der  Dam  su  Koln  (plates.  Haarlem,  1904)7 
The  older  sources  and  works  that  treat  of  the  Archdiocese  of 

Cologne  are  given  by  Walter  in  Das  alte  Erzstift  und  die 
Reichsstadt  Chin  (Bonn,  1866),  3-18.  Full  bibliographical 
references,  especially  for  the  individual  archbishops,  are  found 
in  the  Handbuch  der  Erzdioeese  Coin  (19th  ed.,  Cologne,  1905), 
also  the  list  of  the  assistant  bishops,  general  vicars,  and  nuncios 
of  Cologne.  The  most  important  works  of  reference  are: 
Binterim  and  Moorex,  Die  cite  und  neue  Erzdioeese  Koln  (4 
vols.,  Mains,  1828-30;  2d  ed.  in  2  vols.,  DOsseldorf  1892-93); 
Laoomblet,  Urkundenbuch  far  die  Geechichte  dee  Niederrheins 
(4  vols.,  DOsseldorf,  1840-58);  Lacomblet,  Archiv  far  die 
Geechichte  dee  Niederrheins  (7  vols.,  DOsseldorf,  1832-70); 
Seibertz,  Urkundenbuch  zur  Landes-  und  Rechtegeschichte  dee 
Hcrzogtums  Westfalen  (3  vols.,  Amsberg,  1839-54):  Merino  and 
Reibchert,  Die  Bischofe  und  Erzbischofe  von  Koln  (2  vols., 
Cologne, 1842-44);  Binterim,  Die  geietlichen  Gerichte  in  der  Erz- 
dioeese KOln  (DOsseldorf,  1849);  Ennen,  Geechichte  der  Reforma- 
tion im  Bereiche  der  alien  Erzdioeese  Koln  (Cologne.  1849); 
KAMPrsCHULTE,  Kirchlich-poliHeche  Statietik  des  normals  zur 
ErzdiOceee  Koln  gehOrigen  Westfalen  (Lippstadt.  1869);  Podlech, 
Geechichte  der  Erzdioeese  Koln  (Mains,  1879);  Dumont,  De- 
ecriptio  Archidiacesis  Colonieneis  (Cologne,  1879);  Idem. 
Geechichte  der  Pfamien  der  Erzdioeese  Koln  (Cologne,  1883- 

1900)  ,  I-X;  Let,  Die  kolnische  Kirchengeschichte  im  Anschluss 
an  die  Geechichte  der  kolnischen  Bischofe  und  Erzbischofe  (Col- 
ogne, 1883);  Geschichtlicher  Atlas  der  Rheinprovinz  (Bonn, 
1894-1901);  Kleinerjianns,  Die  Heilioen  auf  dem  bischoftichen 
bzw.  erzbischeflichen  Stuhle  von  Koln  (Cologne,  1895),  I;  Jan- 
ben,  Die  Herzogsgewalt  der  Erzbischofe  von  Koln  in  Westfalen 
(Munich,  1895);  Kniepino,  Die  Regesten  der  Erzbischofe  von  Koln 
im  Mittelalter  (vol.  II.,  Bonn, 1900;  vol.  Ill  in  press,  1907);Saceb- 
land,  Urkunden  und  Regeeten  zur  Geechichte  der  Rheinlande  aus 
dem  vatikanischen  Archiv  (vol.  I— III.,  Bonn,  1902-05;  vol.  IV  in 
press,  1907);  Korih,  Die  Patrocinien  der  Kirchen  und  Kapellen  im 
Erzbistum  Koln  (DOsseldorf,  1904);  Kunstdcnkmaler  der  Rhein- 
provinz (DOsseldorf,  1891 — );  Ban-  und  Kunstdcnkmaler  von 
Westfalen  (Paderbom,  1893—);  WoLr,  Aus  Kurk/iln  im  16. 
Jahrhundert  (Berlin,  1908);  Ewald,  Die  Siegcl  der  Erzbischofe 
von  Koln  913-1735  (Bonn,  1906);  Wcstfalischcs  Urkundenbuch, 
vol.  VII,  Die  Urkunden  dee  kolnischen  Westfalen  vom  Jahre  itOO- 

1300  (MOnster,  18  1907).    For  the  Reformation  period  see: 

Drouven,  Die  Reformation  in  der  kolnischen  Kirchenprovins 
zur  Zeit  Hermanns  V.  von  Wied  (Bonn,  1876):  Lossen,  Der 
kolnische  Krieg  (I,  Gotha,  1882;  II,  Munich,  1897),  also 
Suntiaturberichte  aue  Deutschland  (Pt.  I,  Paderbom,  1895  and 
1899;  Pt.  Ill,  vols.  I  and  II,  Berlin,  1892  and  1894).  The 
most  important  periodicals  are :  Annalen  des  historischen 
Vereine  far  den  Niederrhein  ins  besondere  die  alte  Erzdioeese  Koln 
(at  present  83  vols.,  Cologne,  1855  — ).  Jahrbucher  de* 
Vereins  von  Altertumsfreunden  im  Rheinland  (Bonn,  1842  — ); 
WestdeulecheZeitschriftfarOeschichte  und  Kunst  (Trier,  1882—), 

mimes. 

Joseph  Lins. 


with  supplementary  volumes. 


University  or  Cologne. — Though  famous  all 
through  the  Middle  Ages  for  its  cathedral  and  cloister 


Digitized  by 


Google 


OOLOMBA 


121 


COLOMBIA 


schools  and  for  eminent  scholars — Albertus  Magnus, 
St.  Thomas  Aquinas,  and  Duns  Scotus — Cologne  had 
no  university  until  near  the  end  of  the  fourteenth 
century,  when  Urban  VI,  at  the  instance  of  the  Town 
Council,  issued  (21  May,  1388)  the  Bull  of  foundation. 
The  university  was  inaugurated  the  following  year 
with  twenty-one  magistri  and  737  matriculated 
students.  Further  privileges  were  granted  by  Boni- 
face IX  (1389,  1394),  Duke  Wilhelm  von  Geldern 
(1396),  and  Emperor  Frederick  III  (1442):  while 
special  favour  was  shown  the  university  by  Gregory 
XII  (1406),  Nicholas  V  f 1447),  and  Pius  II;  the  last- 
named  pope  addressed  his  "Bull  of  Retractation" 
(In  minoribus  agentes)  to  the  Rector  and  University 
of  Cologne  (26  April,  1463).  The  university  was 
represented  at  the  Councils  of  Constance  and  Basle, 
and  was  involved  in  the  controversy  regarding  the 
authority  of  council  and  pope.  It  took  sides  with 
the  antipope  Felix  V,  but  eventually  submitted  to 
Nicholas  V.  The  Renaissance  movement  met  with 
opposition  at  Cologne,  though  among  its  professors 
were  the  humanists  Ctesarius,  Buschius,  Glareanus, 
Gratius,  Phrissemius,  and  Sobius.  During  the  same 
period  may  be  mentioned  the  theologians  Arnold  of 
Tongres  and  Hoogstraaten,  O.  P.  Ail  these  were  in- 
volved in  the  conflict  which  centred  about  Reuchlin 
(q.  v.)  and  which  did  the  university  great  harm. 
The  "Epistolae  obscurorum  virorum"  were  directed 
against  the  theologians  of  Cologne.  At  the  time  of 
the  Reformation,  but  few  of  the  professors  joined  the 
Protestant  movement;  the  university  as  a  whole  was 
strong  in  its  defence  of  the  Catholic  Faith  and  some 
of  its  students,  as  Cochlseus  and  Eck,  were  afterwards 
foremost  champions  of  the  Church.  Failing  on  the 
other  hand  to  introduce  the  reforms  needed  in  its  own 
work  and  organization,  the  university  declined  rapidly 
during  the  sixteenth  century.  The  vicissitudes  of 
war,  lack  of  means,  and  withdrawal  of  its  students 
reduced  it  to  a  nominal  existence  in  the  seventeenth 
and  eighteenth  centuries.  In  1786  the  founding  of 
the  University  of  Bonn  (q.  v.)  decided  the  fate  of 
Cologne,  which  was  unable  to  withstand  its  more 
vigorous  rival.  The  French  troops  entered  Cologne 
in  October,  1794;  in  April,  1796,  the  university  was 
closed. 

Rashdall,  Universities  of  Europe  in  the  Middle  Ages  (Ox- 
ford, 1896).  II,  2S1;  Bianco,  Diealle  UniveniUt  Koln  (Cologne, 
1855);  Kecssen,  Die  Matrikel  d.  Universital  Koln  1.189  bit  1569 
(Bonn,  1802);  E>ENin.i,  Die  UnivereiUUm  dee  MiUelaUere 
(Berlin,  1885).  „  „ 

E.  A.  Pace. 

Oolomba  of  Rieti,  Blessed,  b.  at  Rieti,  in  Um- 
bra, Italy,  1467;  d.  at  Perugia,  1501.  Blessed  Co- 
lon) ba  of  Rieti  is  always  called  after  her  birthplace, 
though  she  actually  spent  the  greater  part  of  her  life 
away  from  it.  Her  celebrity  is  based — as  it  was  even 
in  her  lifetime — mainly  on  two  things:  thehighlymi- 
raculous  nature  of  her  career  from  its  very  beginning, 
and  her  intense  devotion  to  the  Blessed  Sacrament. 
She  was  one  amongst  a  number  of  saintly  Dominican 
women  who  seem  to  have  been  expressly  raised  up 
by  God  in  protest  against,  and  as  a  sharp  contrast  to, 
the  irreligion  and  immorality  prevalent  in  Italy 
during  the  fifteenth  and  sixteenth  centuries.  These 
women,  nearly  all  of  the  Third  Order,  had  an  intense  de- 
votion to  St.  Catherine  of  Siena,  and  made  it  their 
aim  to  imitate  her  as  nearly  as  possible.  Many 
seculars,  men  as  well  as  women,  shared  this  devo- 
tion, amongst  these  being  Ercole  I,  Duke  of  Ferrara, 
who  had  a  deep  admiration  for  Colomba  and  for 
some  other  holy  Dominican  religious,  her  contempor- 
aries, the  most  notable  of  whom  were  Blessed 
Osanna  of  Mantua  and. Blessed  Lucy  of  Narni.  For 
the  latter  Ercole's  veneration  was  so  great  that  he 
never  rested  until  he  had  got  her  to  come  with  some 
of  her  nuns  to  live  in  Ferrara,  where  he  built  her  a 
convent  and  where  she  died  after  many  troubles. 


She  began  when  quite  a  girl  to  practise  austere  pen- 
ances and  to  subsist  almost  entirely  on  the  super- 
natural food  of  the  Holy  Eucharist,  and  continued 
this  for  the  greater  part  of  her  life.  At  nineteen 
she  joined  the  Dominican  Tertiaries,  of  whom  there 
were  many  in  the  town,  though  still  living  at  home; 
and  she  soon  won  the  veneration  of  her  fellow  towns- 
people by  her  personal  holiness  as  well  as  by  some 
miracles  that  she  worked.  But  Colomba  was  not  des- 
tined to  remain  in  Rieti.  In  1488  she  left  home  and 
went  to  Perugia,  where  the  inhabitants  received  her 
as  a  saint,  and  in  the  course  of  time  built  her  the 
convent  of  St.  Cathe- 
rine, in  which  she 
assembled  all  the 
Third  Order  Domini- 
canesses, who  desired 
her  as  superior  in 
spite  of  her  youth. 
In  1494,  when  a  ter- 
rible plague  was  rag- 
ing in  Perugia,  she 
offered  herself  as  vic- 
tim for  the  city.  The 
plague  was  stayed, 
but  Colomba  herself 
was  struck  down  by 
the  scourge.  She 
recovered  only  to 
have  her  sanctity  se- 
verely tried  by  wide- 
ly spread  calumnies, 
which  reached  Rome, 
whence  a  commis- 
sion was  sent  to  ex- 
amine into  her  life. 
She  was  treated  for 
some  time  as  an  im- 
postor, and  deposed 
from  her  office  of 
prioress;  but  finally 
her  innocence  trium- 
phed. In  1495  Alex- 
ander VI,  having 
heard  of  Colomba's 
holiness  and  mir- 
acles from  his  son 
the  Cardinal  Cseear 
Borgia,  who  had 
been  living  in  Per- 
ugia, went  himself  to  the  city  and  saw  her.  She 
is  said  to  have  gone  into  an  ecstasy  at  his  feet, 
and  also  to  have  boldly  told  him  of  all  personal 
sins.  _  The  pope  was  fully 'satisfied  of  her  great 
sanctity,  and  set  the  seal  of  his  approval  on  her 
mode  of  life.  In  the  year  1499  she  was  consulted,  by 
authorities  who  were  examining  into  the  matter,  con- 
cerning the  stigmata  of  Blessed  Lucy  of  Narni,  and 
spoke  warmly  in  favour  of  their  being  genuine,  and 
of  her  admiration  for  Blessed  Lucy's  holiness.  Her 
relics  are  still  venerated  at  Perugia,  and  her  feast  is 
kept  by  her  order  on  20  May. 

Alberti,  Vita  delta  b.  Colomba  da  Rieti  sepolta  a  Perugia 
(Bologna,  1521):  Papbbboch,  Comment,  prop,  in  Ada  SS.. 
May,  V,  319-20:  Rotelli,  Vita  delta  b.  Colomba  da  Rieti 
(Monra,  1875);  Skbastiano  deou  Anoeu,  ed.  Viretti,  Vita 
delta  b.  Colomba  da  Rieti  (Perugia,  1777),  tr.;  Gardner,  Poet* 
and  Duke*  in  Ferrara  (London,  1904). 

F.  M.  Capes. 

Colombia,  Republic  of  (formerly  United  States 
of  Colombia),  forms  the  north-west  corner  of  the 
South  American  Continent.  It  is  bounded  on  the 
north  by  the  Caribbean  Sea,  on  the  east  by  Venezuela, 
on  the  south  by  Brazil  and  Peru,  on  the  south-west  by 
Ecuador.  The  Pacific  Ocean  bounds  it  on  the  west 
and  on  the  north-west  the  Republic  of  Panama  and  the 
Gulf  of  Darien.   Its  area  is  variously  calculated  at 

Digitized  by  VjOO^IC 


Bl.  Colomba  or  Rieti 
Perugino  (?),  Pinaooteca,  Perugia 


COLOMBIA 


122 


COLOMBIA 


from  450,000  to  about  500,000  square  miles,  but  exact 
data  are  not  obtainable.  Colombia  has  at  least  eleven 
active  or  dormant  volcanoes,  the  tallest  of  which, 
Huila,  rises  to  about  19,000  feet  and  seems  to  be  the 
highest  point  in  the  country.  Almost  on  the  Carib- 
bean Bhores  are  the  mud-volcanoes  of  Turbaco.  The 
republic  is  highly  favoured  by  nature  in  most  parts 
of  its  territory,  and  capable  of  producing  nearly  every 
staple.  It  is  very  rich  in  useful  tropical  plants.  The 
animal  kingdom,  too,  is  far  better  represented  than 
farther  south  along  the  Pacific  coast.  The  climate 
shows  all  possible  varieties,  from  the  moist  heat  of 
the  lowlands  to  the  bitter  cold  of  the  mountain  wastes. 

Since  1870  no  census  of  the  population  has  been  at- 
tempted. To-day  the  number  of  inhabitants  is  vari- 
ously estimated,  four  millions  being  a  likely  conjecture. 
One  estimate  (made  in  1904)  gives  3,917,000  souls; 
another,  two  years  later,  4,680,000,  of  which  4,083,000 
for  the  sixteen  departments,  120,000  for  the  federal 
district,  and  427,000  for  the  intendancies.  Four- 
fifths  at  least  of  this  population  resides  in  the  moun- 
tainous western  half,  the  eastern  lowlands  being  mostly 
held  by  wild  Indian  bands.  The  number  of  aborigines 
is  given  at  about  150,000,  without  reliable  basis,  how- 
ever, for  this  estimate.  The  most  populous  city  is  the 
capital,  Bogota,  situated  at  an  altitude  of  9000  feet 
above  the  sea,  with  85,000  inhabitants;  Medellin,  in 
the  department  of  Antioquia  (4600  feet  above  the  sea) 
comes  next,  with  50,000  souls,  then  Barranquilla, 
Colombia's  most  active  seaport,  with  32,000  (later  ac- 
counts say  55,000).  Negroes  and  mulattoes  are  num- 
erous, and  mestizos  form  a  large  proportion  of  the  peo- 
ple. In  the  mountains  the  pure  Indian  has  been  re- 
duced by  amalgamation  to  a  small  proportion  of  the 
inhabitants  and  most  of  the  aboriginal  stocks  have 
completely  disappeared  as  such.  Near  the  Gulf  of 
Maracaibo  the  Goajiros  still  maintain  autonomy,  but 
the  Tayronas,  Panches,  Musos,  are  practically  extinct. 
Around  Bogota  there  are  descendants  of  the  Chibchas 
(q.  v.),  a  sedentary  tribe  once  of  considerable  numeri- 
cal importance,  for  aborigines. 

History. — The  earliest  information  concerning  the 
territory  which  was  to  become  in  the  nineteenth  cen- 
tury the  Republic  of  Colombia  goes  back  to  the  year 
1500  and  comes  down  to  us  from  Rodrigo  de  Bastidas 
and  Alonzo  de  Ojeda.  But  even  a  few  months  before 
these  explorers,  Christoval  Guerra  and  Pero  Alonzo 
Nino  haa  coasted  Venezuela  and,  possibly,  the  north- 
ern shores  of  Colombia,  gathering  pearls  and  gold. 
Bastidas  saw  the  snowy  range  of  Santa  Marta  in  1500, 
and  Ojeda  settled  on  the  coast  near  by.  The  Spanish 
colonies  on  the  Isthmus  of  Darien  (since  1903,  the  Re- 
public of  Panama,  but  previously  a  province  of  Colom- 
bia) and  the  discovery  of  the  South  Sea  by  Balboa 
(q.  v.)  directed  the  course  of  exploration  of  Colombia 
to  its  north-western  and  Pacific  sections.  The  banks 
of  large  rivers,  Atrato,  Cauca,  and  Magdalena,  were  also 
explored  and  conquered  at  an  early  period.  The  val- 
leys, especially  that  of  the  Cauca,  were  inhabited  by 
comparatively  numerous  agricultural  tribes,  who  also 
gathered  gold  by  washing  and  worked  it  into  figures, 
ornaments,  and  sometimes  vessels.  Much  of  the  pre- 
cious metal  was  found  in  graves.  The  Indians  of  Antio- 
quia, Ancerma,  Cali,  and  Lile,  though  living  in  vil- 
lages, were  cannibals,  and  wars  of  extermination  had 
to  be  waged  against  them.  The  languages  of  these  peo- 
ples have  wefinigh  disappeared,  as  well  as  the  tribes 
themselves,  and  their  classification  in  four  principal 
groups,  Catios,  Nutabes,  Tahamies,  and  Yamacies  (of 
whicn  the  first  two  held  both  banks  of  the  Cauca),  re- 
quires confirmation.  In  western  Colombia  the  Span- 
iards penetrated  to  the  northern  confines  of  Ecuador 
(Pasto,  Popayan)  comparatively  early,  and  there  met 
other  explorers  from  their  own  people  coming  up  from 
Quito.   This  led  to  strife  and  even  to  bloodshed. 

The  valley  of  the  Magdalena  formed  the  natural 
route  into  the  interior.   The  Indian  tribes  around, 


and  to  the  south  of.  the  Santa  Marta  Mountains 
(Chimilas,  Panches,  Tayronas,  Musos)  were  of  a  sed- 
entary and  warlike  character,  and  offered  a  protracted 
resistance.  It  seems  that  they  belonged  to  the  lin- 
guistic stock  of  the  Chibcha  (or  Muysca),  and  consid- 
erable gold  was  found  among  them,  chiefly  in  burial 

E laces.  Up  to  1536,  Tamalameque  (about  9°  N.  lat.) 
ad  been  the  most  southern  point  reached  from  Santa 
Marta.  In  the  beginning  of  that  year,  however,  an 
important  expedition  was  set  on  foot  under  the  com- 
mand of  Pedro  Fernandez  de  Lugo,  with  the  object  of 
penetrating  into  the  unknown  mountains  to  the  south. 
Lugo  soon  died,  but  his  lieutenant  Gonzalo  Ximenez 
de  Quesada  persevered,  and  reached  the  plateau,  where 
he  found  the  numerous  tribes  of  the  Chibcha  estab- 
lished in  formal  settlements,  and  rich  in  gold  and 
in  emeralds  obtained  from  the  country  of  the  Musos 
where  they  are  still  obtained.  By  August,  1538,  Cun- 
dinamarca  (by  which  name  the  Chibcha  range  is  mostly 
known)  was  occupied  by  Quesada  after  considerable 
warfare  with  the  natives,  and  the  city  of  Santa  F6  de 
Bogota  was  founded  as  capital  of  the  "Kingdom  of 
New  Granada",  which  continued  the  official  designa- 
tion of  Colombia  until  its  independence  was  achieved. 
Upon  the  conquest  of  the  Chibcha  country  followed 
expeditions  to  the  east  and  south-east,  in  quest  of  the 
"Gilded  Man"  (el  Dorado)  with  little  more  than  geo- 
graphical results.  These  expeditions  led  towards  the 
region  now  forming  the  Republic  of  Venezuela. 

The  establishment  of  a  German  administration  in 
Venezuela,  by  the  Welser  family,  in  1529,  also  led  the 
Spaniards  and  Germans  into  Colombia  from  the  East. 
Ambrosias  Dalfinger  (1529-32)  reached  Tamalameque 
and,  in  1538,  when  Quesada  was  beginning  to  organize 
his  recent  conquest  at  Bogota,  he  was  surprised  by  the 
arrival  of  a  force  from  Venezuela  commanded  by  the 
German  leader  Nicolas  Federmann.  Shortly  after 
this  another  body  of  Spaniards  reached  the  plateau  of 
Cundinamarca  from  the  Cauca  Valley.  This  was  the 
expedition  headed  by  Sebastian  Belalcazar  of  Quito. 
Each  of  the  three  commanders  having  acted  independ- 
ently, each  claimed  the  territory  as  his  conquest,  but 
Quesada  succeeded  in  buying  his  rivals  off,  and  re- 
mained master  of  the  field,  thus  avoiding  bloodshed. 

New  Granada,  under  its  own  audiencia  established 
in  1563,  formed  part  of  the  Spanish  Viceroyalty  of  Peru 
until  1718,  was  then  severed  from  Peru  for  four  years, 
then  again  placed  under  an  audiencia,  and  finally,  in 
1751,  constituted  a  separate  viceroyalty.  During  the 
seventeenth  century,  the  ports  of  the  Colombian  coast 
were  exposed  to  the  formidable  attacks  of  pirates.  In 
1671  the  notorious  Morgan  took  Panama  and  sacked  it, 
and  the  most  horrible  cruelties  were  committed  upon 
its  inhabitants.  Two  years  later  it  was  the  turn  of 
Santa  Marta.  In  1679  the  French  Baron  de  Pointe 
took  and  pillaged  Cartagena  (founded  1510).  Relig- 
ious strife,  too,  between  the  secular  and  some  of  the 
regular  clergy,  and  between  the  bishops  and  the  civil 
authorities,  troubled  Cartagena,  Popayan,  and  other 
dioceses.  Extreme  measures  of  taxation,  exorbitant 
duties,  provoked  a  popular  uprising  in  1781.  The 
country  remained  in  a  state  of  ferment,  which  was  ag- 
gravated by  the  downfall  of  Spain  before  the  power  of 
Napoleon.  Miranda  made  in  1806  an  attempt  at  in- 
surrection, directed  in  the  first  instance  against  Ven- 
ezuela, but  threatening  New  Granada  as  well,  had  it 
succeeded.  On  20  July,  1810,  a  revolutionary  junta 
met  at  Bogota,  and  in  the  following  year  "The  United 
Provinces  of  New  Granada"  were  proclaimed.  These 
embraced  also  Venezuela  and  Ecuador,  and  soon  two 
parties  appeared  among  the  revolutionists,  so  that, 
previous  to  1816,  three  civil  wars  had  taken  place. 
Bolivar,  who  appeared  upon  the  scene  in  1810,  was  un- 
able to  establish  harmony.  Spain  could  do  almost 
nothing  to  recover  its  colonies  until  1815,  when  a  re- 
spectable force  under  General  Morillo  landed  in  Ven- 
ezuela.  This  united  the  factions  again,  and  for  five 


Digitized  by 


Google 


\  jrujiUo" 
J  Seal  of  Archbishopric 
J    «  *<  Bishopric 
J    m       Vicariate  Apostolic 
J    ■«   ii  Prefectur*  Apostolic 
©  Capitals  of  Countries 
•  Capitals  of  Department*  or  Provinces 

 Cables 

Indian  tribes  In  ITALICS 


Di 


NiMK  Or  THE  DlOCBSR.  VlCAJU- 

aik.  or  prefect  uu 
Apostolic 

I.    WTL.  PROV.  OK  ROGOTJ 
1  Archbishopric  of  Bogota .  . 
t  Diocese  of  Ibafrue-   Ibatru*. 

3  Diocese  of  Nueva  Pamplona  . .  |  Pamplona, 

4  Diocese  of  Socorro.  Socorro. 

&  Diocese  of  Tunja.  Tunja. 

MM.  prot.  or  CARTAGE* A 

1  Archbishopric  of  Cartagena. . . j  Cartagena. 

2  Diocese  of  Santa  Mart*   Santa  Maria. 

3  Diocese  of  Panama  |  Panama. 

III.    FMI...  PROV.  OF  HF.DELLIN 

Archbishopric  of  Medellln  ,Medellin. 

Diocese  of  Antioqula   Antioqula. 

Diocese  of  Manixales  iMauizales. 

IV.    ECCL.  PROT.  OF  POPATAIf 

Archbishopric  of  Popayan  j  Popayan. 

Diocese  of  Oarron  Oarzon . 

3  Diocese  of  Pasto  'Panto. 

Under  the  Jurisdiction  of  the  Cono.  of 

E  XT  It  a  OR.  EfCL.  Affairs 

A.  Vic,  Apost.  of  Casanare  ITarnare. 

B.  Vic.  Apost.  of  (ioajira  I 


■COLOMBIA  (Continued! 

C.  Pref  A  port  t'aqueta   Mocoa. 

D.  Pref .  Apost.  Llanos  de  S.  Mar- 
tino.   

E.  Pref.  Apoet  Intendenxa  Ori- 
entate  I 

N.  B  — Of  the  above.  A  and  C  are  situated  In 
the  Territories  of  the  same  name,  and  K  in  the 
disputed  Territory  bordering  on  Ecuador. 

ECUADOR 

Mil.  PROV.  OF  OtITO 

1  Archbishopric  of  Quito.  Quito. 

2  Diocese  of  Cuenca  Ou> 

3  Diocese  of  Ibarra  

4  Diocese  of  Loja  

5  Dlocene  of  Guayaquil 
•  Diocese  of  Portoviejo 
7  Diocese  of  Riobamba, 
VICARIATES  AP08TOLIO  fNDFR  THE  JURISDICTION 

OF  THE  CONQ.  OF  EXTRA  OR.  E('d_  AFFAJKS 

A.  Canelos  and  Macas.   1 

B.  Mendez  and  Oualaquixa 

C.  Napo  

D.  Zamora  

The  aboTe  four  are  situated  in  the  "  Provincial 

i  del  oriente." 


lenca. 
Ibarra. 
Loja. 

GuayaqulL 
Portovtejo. 
Rio  barn  ba- 


Seat  of  Vlcari- 
'  fate*  In  towns 
'    of  same  name. 


OOFvnifiHT,  IMS,  ST  ftOSCRT  amXTON  CO. 


THt  MATTMEW3-10ST mRUP  WOSKS.  BUFFALO. 


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years  a  war  of  extermination  was  carried  on  in  the 
three  states.  During  that  period  the  Republic  of 
Colombia  was  proclaimed,  in  1819.  The  revolutionists 
suffered  many  reverses,  for  Morillo  was  an  able  military 
leader.  Of  the  actions  fought  in  this  bloody  war,  that 
at  Sogamoso  (12  June,  1819)  decided  the  fate  of  the 
remnants  of  the  Spanish  army,  and  the  engagement  at 
Carabobo,  near  Valencia  in  Venezuela  (24  June,  1821), 
was  the  last  of  any  consequence.  The  Republics  of 
Colombia,  Ecuador,  and  Venezuela  became  united 
under  the  name  of  Colombia.  In  1 829,  however,  Ecua- 
dor and  Venezuela  seceded,  and'  Colombia  was  left 
alone. 

In  1831  Colombia  became  "The  Republic  of  New 
Granada  ".  Thirty  years  later  it  called  itself  "  United 
States  of  Colombia*'.  In  1886,  the  "sovereign  states" 
were  reduced  to  departments  of  a  "centralized  repub- 
lic" styled  "The  Republic  of  Colombia",  under  which 
name  it  is  known  to-day.  No  country  of  Spanish 
America  has  been,  since  ite  independence,  so  often  and 
bo  violently  disturbed,  internally,  as  Colombia.  With 
a  single  exception  (Parra,  1876-80),  every  presidential 
term  has  been  marked  by  one  or  more  bloody  revolu- 
tions. Panama  seceded  for  a  while,  in  1856.  The 
events  of  1903  made  the  separation  between  Colombia 
and  Panama  definitive.  Since  1904,  conditions  seem  to 
have  at  last  become  more  settled.  Reorganization, 
after  so  many  periods  of  disorder  and  anarchy,  seems 
to  be  the  aim  of  the  present  Government  of  Colombia. 

Hardly  was  the  territory  now  known  as  the  Repub- 
lic of  Colombia  discovered,  when  the  Church,  working 
in  accord  with  the  King  of  Spain,  hastened  to  the 
natives.  In  spite  of  the  honest  intentions  of  the  Span- 
ish kings,  their  agents  were  in  many  cases  obstacles  to 
the  religious  progress  of  the  country.  What  progress 
was  attained  was  due  to  the  efforts  of  the  Dominican, 
Franciscan,  Jesuit,  and  other  missionaries.  This  great 
work  was  often  opposed  by  the  colonists  and  govern- 
ment officials  who  looked  solely  to  their  own  worldly 
prosperity.  The  religious  of  the  Society  of  Jesus,  with 
whose  history  the  name  of  the  Colombian  city  of  Carta- 

fena  is  so  gloriously  associated  (see  Peter  Claver, 
aint),  were  also  the  first  during  the  Colonial  period 
to  found  colleges  for  secondary  instruction;  eight  or 
ten  colleges  were  opened  in  which  the  youth  of  the 
country,  and  the  sons  of  the  Spaniards,  were  educated. 
In  the  Jesuit  College  of  Bogota1  the  first  instruction  in 
mathematics  and  physics  was  given.  In  the  expul- 
sion of  the  Jesuits  Dy  Charles  III  the  Church  in  New 
Granada  lost  her  principal  and  most  efficacious  aid  to 
the  civilization  of  the  country,  which  was  practically 
paralysed  for  many  years.  To  this  day  the  traveller 
may  see  the  effects  of  this  arbitrary  act  in  the  immense 
plains  of  the  regions  of  Casanare,  converted  in  the 
space  of  one  century  into  pasture  lands  for  cattle,  but 
which  were  once  a  source  of  great  wealth,  and  which 
would  have  been  even  more  so. 

It  is  only  within  the  last  ten  years  that  the  Catholic 
Church,  owing  to  the  peace  and  liberty  which  she  now 
enjoys,  has  turned  her  eyes  once  more  to  Casanare: 
a  vicariate  Apostolic  has  been  erected  there,  governed 
by  a  bishop  of  the  Order  of  St.  Augustine,  who  with 
the  members  of  his  order  labours  among  the  savages 
and  semi-savages  of  these  plains. 

Present  Conditions. — The  legislative  power  of  the 
nation  is  vested  in  a  Congress  consisting  of  the  Senate 
and  the  House  of  Representatives.  Senators  are 
elected  for  six  years.  Each  senator  has  two  substi- 
tutes elected  with  him.  Every  department  is  entitled 
to  three  senators,  and  the  whole  body  is  renewed,  upon 
the  completion  of  the  term  of  service  of  one-third  of  its 
members,  every  two  years.  One  representati  ve  and  two 
substitutes  correspond  to  a  population  of  50,000,  and 
their  term  of  office  is  four  years.  Congress,  besides 
legislation,  has  power  to  interfere  with  the  action  of  the 
executive  in  matters  of  contracts  and  treaties.  The 
executive  is  headed  by  the  president,  who  has  a  vice- 


president  and  a  substitute  (or  designado);  the  last 
takes  office  in  case  both  president  and  vice-president 
become  incapacitated.  While  the  presidential  term 
has  varied  from  six  to  four  years,  the  actual  incumbent 
(1908),  Rafael  Reyes,  is  in  possession  of  the  office  for 
ten  years.  There  is  a  cabinet  of  ministers  and  a  con- 
sultative body  called  the  "Council  of  State",  com- 
posed of  six  members  with  the  vice-president  at  its 
head.  The  president  appoints  the  members  of  the 
Supreme  Court  for  life,  or  during  good  behaviour. 
The  judicial  districts  have  their  superior  as  well  as 
inferior  courts.  Courts  of  Commerce  may  be  insti- 
tuted when  necessary,  and  trial  by  jury  obtains  in 
criminal  cases.  The  Constitution  of  1886,  amended 
in  1904  and  1905,  explicitly  provides  (Art.  38)  that 
"the  Catholic  Apostolic  Roman  Religion  is  that  of  the 
Nation;  the  public  authorities  will  protect  it  and 
cause  it  to  be  respected  as  an  essential  element  of 
social  order.  It  being  understood  that  the  Catholic 
Church  is  not  and  shall  not  be  official,  and  shall  pre- 
serve its  independence".  The  next  following  article 
guarantees  to  all  persons  freedom  from  molestation 
_  on  account  of  religious  opinions",  and  Art.  40  lays 
it  down  that  "the  exercise  of  all  cults  not  contrary  to 
Christian  morality  or  the  laws  is  permitted  ".  A  con- 
cordat, entered  into  between  the  Holy  See  and  the 
Republic  of  Colombia  in  1887,  now  regulates  in  detail 
the  relations  between  Church  and  State.  These  rela- 
tions are  at  present  (1908)  thoroughly  cordial,  while 
dissenters  are  in  no  way  interfered  with  on  account  of 
their  religious  peculiarities.  The  ecclesiastical  organi- 
zation of  Colombia  consists  of  four  provinces:  Bogotd, 
with  four  suffragans,  Ibagu£,  Nueva  Pamplona, 
Socorro,  and  Tunia;  Cartagena,  with  two  suffragans, 
Santa  Marta  and  Panama;  Medellin,  with  two  suffra- 
gans, Antioquia  and  Manziales;  and  Popayan,  with 
two  suffragans,  Garzon  and  Pas  to.  There  are  also 
two  vicariates  Apostolic:  Casanare  andGoajira;  and 
three  prefectures  Apostolic:  Caqueta,  Piani  di  S. 
Martino,  and  Intendenza  Orientate.  (See  Bogota, 
Cartagena,  etc.) 

Article  41  of  the  Constitution  provides  that  "public 
education  shall  be  organized  and  directed  in  accord- 
ance with  the  Catholic  Religion.  Primary  instruction 
at  the  expense  of  the  public  funds  shall  be  gratuitous 
and  not  obligatory. " '  There  are  no  educational  statis- 
tics attainable  of  any  recent  date.  In  1897  it  was 
stated  there  were  2026  colleges  and  primary  schools 
with  143,076  pupils.  Of  private  educational  estab- 
lishments no  data  exist.  Only  the  faculties  of  medi- 
cine and  natural  sciences  are  in  operation  at  the  na- 
tional capital.  A  School  of  Arts  and  Trades  is  con- 
ducted by  the  Salesians,  and  there  are  normal  schools 
in  five  departments.  Secondary  institutions  are  al- 
most exclusively  in  the  hands  of  the  Catholic  clergy 
and  religious  corporations.  The  minister  of  public 
instruction  is  the  official  head  of  the  department  of 
education. 

The  material  development  of  Colombia  has  neces- 
sarily been  much  retarded  by  the  political  disturb- 
ances which  have  occurred  since  the  first  quarter  of  the 
nineteenth  century  and  have  made  its  history  a  contin- 
uous succession  of  civil  wars.  In  1898  Colombia  had 
8600 miles  of  telegraph,  but  the  service  is  very  defective. 
Railroad  lines  are  in  operation  with  an  aggregate 
length  of  411  miles,  the  longest  being  only  65  miles. 
The  metric  system  has  been  in  use  for  weights  and 
measures  since  1857.  Metallic  currency  has  nearly 
disappeared,  inconvertible  paper  forming  the  circu- 
lating medium.  The  re-establishment  of  gold  coinage 
has  lately  been  proposed.  The  paper  currency,  in 
1906,  had  lost  99  per  cent  of  its  nominal  value,  10,000 
Colombian  pesos  (paper  currency)  being  equal  to  100 
dollars.  It  is  hoped,  however,  that  with  internal 
peace  these  unfortunate  conditions  will  rapidly  change 
for  the  better,  since  Colombia  has  unlimited  natural 
resources.   The  history  of  the  foreign  debt  of  this 


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republic  is  a  series  of  borrowings  and  attempted  settle- 
ments of  accumulated  capital  and  interest,  rendered 
impossible  by  political  disturbances.  The  budget  for 
1905-1906  amounted  to  £4,203,823.  There  are  no 
official  or  general  statistics  of  either  exports  or  im- 
ports. Partial  data,  however,  may  give  some  general 
idea  of  the  principal  articles  of  Colombian  produce. 
The  Colombian  gold  mines  up  to  1845  yielded  £71,- 
200,000.  Another  source  states  it  at  £115,000,000 
up  to  1886.  The  same  authority  (Restrepo)  estimates 
the  silver-production  during  the  same  period  at  £6,- 
600,000.  The  average  output  of  rock-salt  from  1883  to 
1897  has  been  11,000  tons  per  year.  The  exploitation 
of  the  emerald  mines  in  the  Province  of  Musos  yielded 
the  Government,  in  1904,  £10,000,  but  the  production 
was  not  always  so  high  in  former  times.  Among 
vegetable  products  coffee  takes  the  first  rank  for  ex- 
port, but  the  annual  figures  have  varied  according  to 
the  political  state  of  the  country.  Thus,  in  1899,  be- 
fore the  revolution,  254,410  bags  of  coffee  were  ex- 
ported from  Barranquilla.  In  the  year  following  only 
86,917.  Peace  being  restored,  574,270  bags  could  be 
shipped  from  the  same  port  in  1904.  In  the  same  year 
24,000  tons  of  bananas  left  Barranquilla  for  the  United 
States,  and  tobacco  and  india-rubber  may  soon  figure 
largely  in  Colombian  export  lists. 

For  the  period*  embracing  the  struggle  for  independence  see 
the  bibliography  to  the  articles:  Bolivia,  Ecuador,  and  Vene- 
zuela, to  which  we  add:  Benedetti,  Hutoria  de  Colombia 
(Lima,  1887);  also  a  concise  but  quite  fair  sketch  in  the  vol. 
Brisil  of  the  Univer*  pittoresque  (1838),  by  Famin,  Colombia  et 
Guyana;  Petrk,  The  Republic  of  Colombia  (London,  1906); 
Scnuooe,  The  Colombian  and  Venezuelan  Republic*  (Boston, 
1902) . — On  the  protracted  negotiations  as  to  the  Colombia-Cos ta 
Rica  boundaries  see  Fernandez,  Coleccion  de  Documentoe  para 
la  hutoria  de  Cotta  Rica  (San  Jose\  1881-1886).  The  North 
American  Review  (New  York)  for  1902  contains  a  paper  by 
Morales,  The  Political  and  Economical  Situation  of  Colombia. — 
On  the  volcanoes  of  Colombia,  Stubel,  Die  Vulkanberge  von 
Colombia  (Dresden  1906).- — On  the  Panama  question,  Johnson, 
Four  Centurie*  of  the  Panama  Canal  (New  York,  1906).  Of  the 
numerous  books  of  travels  in  Colombia  in  the  first  half  of  the 
past  century  may  be  mentioned  Humboldt,  Relation  hitlori- 
que  du  voyage  aux  rigion*  equinoxiale*  du  nouvcau  continent 
(Paris,  1816-22);  Vue*  dee  Cordillere*,  et  monument*  dee  peuple* 
indigene*  de  I'Amerique  (Paris,  1816);  Mollien,  Voyage  dan*  la 
ripublique  de  Colombia  (Paris,  1824).  For  the  political  history 
of  the  past  century,  Corutitucion  del  estado  de  Cartagena  de  In- 
dia* tancionada  en  1L  de  Junie  del  ano  de  ISlt,  segundo  de  tu  In- 
dependencia  (Cartagena,  1812);  Constitution  de  la  republita  de 
Colombia  (Bogota,  1888).  In  Spanish  literature  from  the  six- 
teenth century  early  exploration  and  colonization  of  Colombia 
is  extensively  treated,  notably  in  Enctso,  Suma  de  gcografia 
(1519,  1530.  and  1549);  Gohara,  Hutoria  general  de  la*  India* 
(Antwerp,  1554);  Hbrrera,  Hutoria  general  dtca.  (Madrid, 
1601-15  and  1726-30;  Antwerp,  1728).  Colombian  writers 
from  the  sixteenth  century:  de  Quesada,  Tree  ratos  de  Suezca 
(1568);  Castellanob,  Eleaia*  de  varone*  ilustre*  de  India*; 
Piedrabtta.  Hisloria  general  de  la*  conquuta*  del  Nuevo  Reyno 
de  Granada  (Antwerp,  1688);  de  Zamora,  Hisloria  de  la  prouin- 
cia  de  San  Antonio  del  Nuevo  Reyno  de  Granada  del  orden  de  Pre- 
dicadore*  (Barcelona,  1701);  Ca&sani,  Hutoria  de  la  provincia 
de  la  compania  de  J  era*  del  Nuevo  Reyno  de  Granada  (Madrid, 
1741);  Julian,  La  Perla  de  la  America  (Madrid,  1787) — import- 
ant especially  on  the  Goajiros  Indians.  From  the  nineteenth 
century :  Datum,  inidito*  de  India*  and  Documentoe  para  la  hu- 
toria de  EspaHa.  Of  the  highest  value  for  the  extinct  Indian 
tribes  of  the  Rio  Cauca  and  its  valleys  as  well  as  for  the  west 
coast  of  Colombia  in  general,  Cieza  de  Leon,  Cronica  del  Peri 


(Part  I,  Antwerp,  1554):  Andaoota,  Relation  de  lot  *uce*os  de 
Pedraria*  Ddvila,  tr.  in  Hackluyt  Soc..  XXXIV. 

Ad.  F.  Bandelier. 

Colombo,  Archdiocese  of,  situated  on  the  western 
seaboard  of  the  Island  of  Ceylon,  includes  two  of  the 
nine  provinces  into  which  the  island  is  divided,  viz. 
the  Western  and  the  Northwestern.  The  history  of 
the  see  begins  in  1518,  when  Christianity  was  intro- 
duced by  the  Franciscans.  The  religion  spread  rap- 
idly, the_  town  and  the  surrounding  districts  were  soon 
erected  into  a  diocese,  and  Don  Juan  de  Monteiro  was 
created  first  Bishop  of  Colombo.  This  prelate  re- 
ceived into  the  church  Don  Juan  Dharmapala,  the 
grandson  of  the  Cingalese  King  Buwenekabahu  VII. 
The  young  prince  succeeded  his  grandfather  in  1542. 
Six  years  after  his  accession,  Colombo  contained  a 
Catholic  population  of  12,000,  with  two  parish 
churches,  Our  Lady's  and  St.  Laurence's,  four  monas- 


teries or  convents  under  the  Cordeliers,  Dominicans, 
Augustinians,  and  Capuchins,  and  a  college  conducted 
by  the  Jesuits. 

In  1597  Don  Juan  Dharmapala  died.  By  that  time 
the  Portuguese  had  established  their  authority 
throughout  the  whole  island  except  in  the  Kingdom  of 
Kandy  in  the  centre  of  the  island,  and  religion  was 
free  to  develop  in  Jaffna  and  in  the  other  parts  of  Cey- 
lon. But  peace  was  of  short  duration,  for  the  Dutch 
arrived  in  the  island  and,  after  a  struggle  of  more  than 
fifty  years,  succeeded  in  obtaining  possession  of  all  the 
territory  that  had  been  held  by  the  Portuguese;  Co- 
lombo fell  in  1656  and  Jaffna  in  1658.  The  new  rulers 
made  no  secret  of  their  attitude  towards  the  Church, 
for  in  1642  they  concluded  with  the  King  of  Kandy  a 
treaty  by  which  "all  priests,  friars  ana  clergymen" 
were  to  be  banished  from  Ceylon.  The  Reformed 
Church  of  Holland  was  declared  established,  and  a 
series  of  severe  penal  enactments  against  Catholics 
followed.  Catholic  education  was  forbidden,  Catho- 
lic worship  abolished,  and  harbouring  a  priest  was  de- 
clared a  capital  offence.  In  1796  Colombo  was  taken 
by  the  English,  and  one  of  their  first  acts  was  to  repeal 
all  the  Dutch  laws  against  the  Catholics  (1806);  soon 
afterwards  the  rights  restored  to  the  Catholics  of  the 
United  Kingdom  by  the  Emancipation  Act  were  con- 
ceded to  their  coreligionists  in  Ceylon. 

During  the  Dutch  period  the  ecclesiastical  adminis- 
tration of  the  island:  had  been  in  the  hands  of  the 
Bishop  of  Cochin  on  the  neighbouring  continent ;  but 
in  1830  Gregory  XVI  constituted  Ceylon  a  vicariate 
Apostolic  and  the  first  vicar  Apostolic,  Don  Vincente 
de  Rozario,  was  consecrated  in  1836.  In  1845  Propa- 
ganda found  it  necessary  to  increase  the  number  of 
missionaries  in  the  island,  and  sent  the  Sylvestrine 
Benedictines  for  that  purpose.  In  1847  Jaffna  in  the 
north  of  the  island,  was  severed  from  the  Vicariate  of 
Colombo,  and  erected  into  a  separate  vicariate  with 
Bishop  H.  Bettachini  as  vicar  Apostolic.  At  his 
death  in  1857,  the  northern  vicariate  was  given  over 
to  the  Oblates  of  Mary  Immaculate  who  had  arrived  in 
Ceylon  two  years  after  the  Benedictines.  Bishop 
Semeria,  O.  M.  I.,  was  appointed  Vicar  Apostolic  of 
Jaffna,  while  Bishop  Bravi,  O.  S.  B.,  succeeded  Bishop 
Caetano  Antonio  (1843-57)  as  Vicar  Apostolic  of  Co- 
lombo. 

A  further  partition  was  made  in  1883,  when  the 
southern  vicariate  was  divided  into  two.  Colombo  and 
Kandy.  The  Benedictines  retained  tne  latter,  the 
former  being  given  to  the  Oblates,  in  whose  hands  it 
has  since  remained,  and  Bishop  C.  Bonjean.  O.  M.  I., 
was  transferred  from  Jaffna  to  Colombo.  Three  years 
later  (1886)  the  hierarchy  was  established  in  Ceylon, 
and  the  above-mentioned  Bishop  of  Colombo,  Dr. 
Bonjean,  .was  made  metropolitan  with  two  suffragan 
sees,  Jaffna  and  Kandy.  In  1893  two  new  dioceses 
were  created  and  entrusted  to  the  Jesuits,  Galle  in  the 
South  being  severed  from  Colombo,  and  Trincomali  in 
the  East,  separated  from  Jaffna.  In  the  same  year 
Bishop  Melizan,  O.  M.  I.,  was  transferred  from  Jaffna 
to  Colombo  as  successor  to  Bishop  Bonjean  who  had 
died  in  1892 ;  Bishop  Melizan  was  succeeded  in  1905 
by  Bishop  Antoine  Coudert,  O.  M.  I.,  from  1898  coad- 
jutor, with  right  of  succession. 

According  to  the  last  census  returns  the  total  popu- 
lation of  the  archdiocese  is  1,274,000,  of  whom  206,000 
are  Catholics.  There  are  100  missionaries,  91  Ob- 
lates and  9  secular  priests,  and  295  churches  and 
chapels.  The  Cathedral  of  Santa  Lucia,  a  fine  build- 
ing in  the  Renaissance  style,  has  accommodations  for 
6000.  Attached  to  the  cathedral  are  an  English 
school  for  boys  and  one  for  girls,  the  former  with  over 
a  thousand  pupils,  being  taught  by  the  brothers  of  the 
Christian  Schools,  while  in  the  latter,  the  Sisters  of  the 
Good  Shepherd  give  instruction  to  500  girls.  All  the 
charitable  institutions  in  the  archdiocese,  and  many 
educational  institutions  of  the  archdiocese  are  in  the 


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bands  of  religious  congregations.  These  are  as  fol- 
lows: Brothers  of  Christian  Schools,  47  engaged  in 
teaching;  native  Brothers  of  St.  Vincent  de  Paul,  20, 
teaching;  Sisters  of  the  Good  Shepherd,  23.  over 
schools  and  orphanages;  Sisters  of  the  Holy  Family, 
23,  schools,  orphanages,  and  hospitals;  Franciscan 
Sisters  (Missionaries  of  Mary),  49,  school,  orphanages, 
and  hospitals;  native  Sisters  of  St.  Francis  Xavier, 
117,  teaching;  native  Sisters  of  St.  Peter,  108,  teach- 
ing. Three  of  the  principal  government  hospitals 
have  been  entrusted  to  the  sisters.  A  government 
reformatory  for  youthful  offenders  is  in  charge  of  the 
Oblates,  the  number  of  boys  varying  from  160  to  200. 
About  the  same  number  of  old  people  are  provided 
with  a  home  by  the  Little  Sisters  of  the  Poor  in  Co- 
lombo. In  the  397  schools  of  the  archdiocese  35,520 
children  are  educated.  Of  these  schools  202  are  for 
boys,  with  20,826  pupils,  and  195  for  girls  with  14,694 
pupils.  The  management  of  the  schools  is  entirely  in 
the  hands  of  the  missionaries ;  but  there  is  a  govern- 
ment examination  every  year,  on  the  results  of  which 
a  grant  is  paid  to  the  superintendent  of  schools.  The 
archdiocese  maintains  for  teachers  of  both  sexes  nor- 
mal schools  recognized  by  the  Government.  Higher 
education  in  English  is  provided  for  girls  at  the  vari- 
ous convents  in  Colombo,  and  for  boys  at  St.  Joseph's 
College  (800  students)  conducted  by  the  Oblate 
Fathers.  The  training  of  aspirants  for  the  priesthood 
is  carried  on  in  two  seminaries:  the  preparatory  sem- 
inary of  St.  Aloysius  with  24  students  and  St.  Ber- 
nard's theological  seminary  with  20  students.  There 
are  9  orphanages,  1  for  boys  and  8  for  girls,  which  pro- 
vide education  for  673  orphans  (104  boys  and  569 
girls).  Two  papers,  both  bi-weekly,  are  published  at 
the  Colombo  Catholic  Press,  the  "Ceylon  Catholic 
Messenger"  in  English,  and  the  "Nanartha  Pradi- 
paya"  in  Cingalese.  The  management  and  editorial 
control  of  both  papers  are  in  the  hands  of  the  mission- 
aries. A  Cingalese  monthly  of  a  religious  character  is 
issued  from  the  press  of  the  boys'  orphanage.  Co- 
lombo has  conferences  of  St.  Vincent  de  Paul  and  of 
the  Ladies  of  Charity.  The  Bonjean  Memorial  Hall  is 
the  head-quarters  of  the  Ceylon  Catholic  Union,  estab- 
lished in  1902,  with  branches  in  all  the  principal  parts 
of  the  island.    A  Catholic  Club  was  opened  in  1900. 

Battandieb,  Ann.  pant.  ealh.  (1008);  Catholic  Directory 
(Madras,  1908);  Ceylon  Handbook  and  Directory  (Colombo, 
1908);  Tbnnbnt,  A  History  of  Ceylon  (London,  1860). 

Antoine  Coudert. 

Colombo,  Matteo  Realdo,  Italian  anatomist  and 
discoverer  of  the  pulmonary  circulation,  b.  at  Cre- 
mona in  1516;  d.  at  Rome,  1559.  He  studied  medi- 
cine at  Padua  with  Vesalius,  became  bis  assistant,  and 
in  1544  his  successor  as  lecturer  on  surgery  and  anat- 
omy. In  1545  Cosimo  de'  Medici,  who  was  reorganiz- 
ing the  University  of  Pisa,  held  out  such  inducements 
to  Colombo  that  ne  became  the  first  professor  of  anat- 
omy there.  Colombo  occupied  this  post  until  1548, 
when  he  received  a  call  to  the  chair  of  anatomy  in  the 
Papal  University  at  Rome.  This  he  held  until  his 
death.  During  all  bis  years  of  teaching  at  Padua, 
Pisa,  and  Rome,  he  continued  to  make  original  re- 
searches in  anatomy.  The  results  of  his  investiga- 
tion were  published  under  the  title,  "De  Re  Anato- 
mica  Libri  XV "  (Venice,  1559).  The  most  important 
feature  of  this  book  is  an  accurate  and  complete  de- 
scription of  the  pulmonary  circulation.  Colombo 
says:  "The  blood  is  carried  by  the  artery-like  vein 
to  the  lungs,  and  being  there  made  thin  is  brought 
back  thence  together  with  air  by  the  vein-like  artery 
to  the  left  ventricle  of  the  heart."  Colombo  knew 
that  this  was  an  original  observation,  for  he  adds: 
"This  fact  no  one  has  hitherto  observed  or  recorded 
in  writing;  yet,  it  may  be  most  readily  observed  by 
any  one.  Harvey,  in  bis  work,  "On  the  Motion  of 
the  Heart  and  Blood  in  Animals",  quotes  Colombo 
more  than  once  and  gives  him  credit  for  many  origi- 


nal observations  in  anatomy.  Apparently  lest  there 
should  be  any  diminution  of  Harvey's  glory,  English 
writers  on  the  history  of  medicine  have,  as  a  rule, 
failed  to  give  Colombo  the  credit  which  he  deserves 
and  which  Harvey  so  readily  accorded  him.  Colombo 
made  as  many  as  fourteen  dissections  in  one  year  at 
Rome.  Several  hundred  people  sometimes  attended 
his  anatomical  demonstrations,  and  cardinals,  arch- 
bishops, and  other  high  ecclesiastics  were  often  pres- 
ent. Colombo  is  famous  as  a  teacher  of  anatomy  and 
physiology,  and  first  used  living  animals  to  demon- 
strate various  functions,  especially  the  movements  of 
the  heart  and  lungs.  He  said  one  could  learn  more  in 
an  hour  in  this  way  than  in  three  months  from  Galen. 
His  book  was  dedicated  to  Pope  Paul  IV,  of  whom  he 
was  an  intimate  personal  friend. 

The  best  authority  for  Colombo's  work  in  anatomy  is  his 
De  Re  Anatomica  (Venice,  1559;  Paris,  1662).    The  most  eom- 

f lete  life  is  that  by  Tollin  in  PflBgert  Archiv,  XXI-XXII. 
n  English  there  is  a  good  sketch  by  Fisher,  Annalt  ot  Anat- 


omy and  Surgery  (Brooklyn,  1880). 


James  J.  Walsh. 


Oolonia,  a  titular  see  of  Armenia.  Procopius  (De 
aedif.,  Ill,  iv)  informs  us  that  Justinian  restored  a 
fortress  which  had  been  captured  by  Pompey,  then 
fortified  it  and  called  it  Colonia.  This  city  figures  in 
the  "Synecdemus"  of  Hierocles  and  in  the  "Notiti® 
episcopatuum"  as  a  suffragan  of  Sebaste,  metropolis 
of  Armenia  Prima.  Lequien  (I,  429)  mentions  five 
bishops:  Euphronius,  later  transferred  to  Nicopolis, 
a  friend  and  correspondent  of  St.  Basil;  Eustathius 
in  458;  St.  John  the  Silent,  who  died  a  monk  at  St. 
Sabas,  near  Jerusalem,  in  557;  Proclus,  exiled  by 
the  Emperor  Justin  in  518  as  a  Severian;  Callinicus 
in  680  and  692.  Benay  published  in  " Echos  d'Orient" 
(IV,  93)  a  curious  Byzantine  inscription  concerning 
a  drungariits  of  Colonia.  In  the  ninth  century  the 
city  was  the  capital  of  a  Byzantine  theme.  Its 
modern  name  is  Koilu  Hissar;  it  is  the  chief  town  of 
a  caza  in  the  vilayet  of  Sivas,  and  has  about  1800 
inhabitants,  among  them  600  Greeks,  200  Armenians, 
and  a  few  Protestant  and  Catholic  Armenians  (Cuinet, 
Turquie  d'Asie,  I,  792).  Another  Colonia,  later  Tax- 
ara,  situated  in  Cappadoda  Tertia,  was  a  suffragan  of 
Mocessus;  seven  bishops  are  mentioned  by  Lequien 
(1.413).  8.  Petmdeb. 

Colonia,  Dominique  de.   See  Drama,  Jesuit. 

Oolonna,  a  celebrated  family  which  played  an  im- 
portant role  in  Italy  during  medieval  and  Renais- 
sance times,  and  which  still  flourishes  in  several 
branches  in  Rome  and  Naples.  It  is  commonly  sup- 
posed to  have  been  originally  an  offshoot  of  the  Counts 
of  Tusculum,  deriving  the  family  name  from  the  castle 
of  Colonna  situated  on  a  spur  of  the  Alban  hills,  some 
five  miles  from  Tusculum.  The  name  makes  its  first 
appearance  in  authentic  history  in  the  person  of 
Petrus  de  Columna,  owner  of  Col  tonna,  Monte  Porzio, 
and  Zagarolo,  and  claimant  of  Palestrina,  whose  cas- 
tles were  seized  by  Paschal  II,  a.  d.  1101,  in  punish- 
ment of  his  lawless  depredations.  With  the  destruc- 
tion of  Tusculum  by  the  Romans  in  1 191,  the  name  of 
the  ancient  counts  disappears  forever,  whilst  the 
Colonna  come  prominently  to  the  front.  From  the 
first  their  policy  was  anti-papal  and  GhibelHne,  not  so 
much  from  love  of  the  emperors  as  from  the  desire  to 
maintain  towards  the  popes  an  attitude  of  quasi- 
independence.  They  exercised  plenary  jurisdiction 
over  their  vassals  in  matters  civil  and  criminal  and 
frequently  contracted  alliances  with  foreign  potentates 
without  consulting  the  wishes  or  interests  of  their 
sovereign.  They  were  in  perpetual  feud  with  their 
Guelph  neighbours,  in  particular  with  the  rival  house 
of  the  Orsihi.  They  so  frequently  incurred  the  papal 
censures  on  account  of  their  rebellious  conduct,  that  it 
became  the  general  but  erroneous  opinion  of  the  Ro- 
man people  that  the  yearly  excommunication  of  the 


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COLONNA. 


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OOLONHA 


Colonna  waa  one  of  the  main  purposes  of  the  Bull  "  In 
Ccena  Domini".  Nevertheless,  members  of  the  fam- 
ily were  quite  often  appointed  by  friendly  pontiffs  to 
high  offices  of  Church  and  State.  Rarely  were  they 
without  at  least  one  representative  in  the  Sacred  Col- 
lege, and  at  one  of  the  most  critical  junctures  in  the 
annals  of  the  Church,  the  election  to  the  papacy  of 
Cardinal  Odo  Colonna,  Martin  V,  put  an  end  to  the  dis- 
astrous Western  Schism.  Twice  in  the  course  of  its 
history  this  powerful  house  was  threatened  with  anni- 
hilation (see  Boniface  VIII;  Alexander  VI),  but  on 
both  occasions  the  restoration  of  its  members  was  as 
speedy  as  their  fall. 

The  long  line  of  Colonnese  cardinals  was  opened  in 
1 192,  when  Giovanni  the  Elder  was  created  Cardinal- 
Priest  of  S.  Prisca  by  Celestine  III.  He  was  made 
Bishop  of  Sabina  by  Innocent  III,  and  was  employed 
on  important  legations  to  Germany,  Spain,  Sicily,  and 
France.  He  was  the  powerful  friend  of  St.  Francis, 
and  was  largely  instrumental  in  obtaining  from  the 
pope  the  approval  of  the  Franciscan  Rule.  He  is  re- 
membered at  Amalfi  for  his  munificence  in  building 
and  endowing  a  spacious  hospital.  He  died  at  Rome, 
1209.  Three  years  later  Pope  Innocent  elevated  to 
the  cardinalate  a  nephew  of  the  cardinal,  known  as 
Giovanni  the  Younger,  Cardinal-Priest  of  S.  Prassede. 
He  was  sent  to  the  Orient  as  legate  in  1217  and  re- 
turned to  Rome  in  1222  bringing  with  him  the  Pillar 
of  the  Scourging,  which  remains  to  the  present  day  in 
the  chapel  he  built  for  it  in  his  titular  church.  He 
also  built  and  endowed  two  hospitals  near  the  Lateran 
for  the  relief  of  the  poor  and  of  pilgrims.  In  1240, 
after  a  futile  attempt  to  reconcile  Pope  Gregory  IX 
and  Frederick  II,  the  cardinal,  as  head  of  his  family, 
together  with  the  other  Ghibellines  of  Rome,  went 
over  to  the  emperor  and  openly  rebelled  against  the 
Holy  See.  He  died  in  1245.  Matthew  Paris  (ad.  an. 
1244)  describes  him  as  "a  vessel  filled  with  pride  and 
insolence;  who,  as  he  was  the  most  illustrious  and 
powerful  in  secular  possessions  of  all  the  cardinals, 
was  the  most  efficacious  author  and  fosterer  of  discord 
between  the  emperor  and  the  pope". 

As  a  punishment  of  their  Gnibellinism,  no  scion  of 
the  house  was  admitted  into  the  Sacred  College  until 
1278,  when  the  magnanimous  Orsini  pope,  Nicholas 
III,  the  son  of  that  Matteo  Rosso  who  had  razed  all 
the  Colonna  strongholds  in  Rome,  in  token  of  amnesty 
elevated  to  the  dignity  of  the  purple  Giacomo  Colonna 
with  the  title  of  Cardinal-Deacon  of  S.  Maria  in  Via 
Lata.  About  ten  years  later,  Honorius  IV  created 
Pietro,  nephew  of  Giacomo,  Cardinal-Deacon  of  the 
Title  of  S.  Eustachio.  These  were  the  two  cardinals 
whose  bitter  quarrel  with  Boniface  VIII  ended  so  dis- 
astrously for  that  pontiff  and  for  the  prestige  of  the 
medieval  papacy.  Deposed  and  degraded  in  1297, 
they  were  reinstated  in  their  dignities  and  possessions 
by  Clement  V  in  1305.  Both  died  at  Avignon,  Gia- 
como in  1318,  Pietro  in  1326.  These  unruly  cardi- 
nals continued  the  deeply  religious  traditions  of  their 
family,  founding  and  endowing  the  hospital  of  S. 
Giacomo  for  incurables  and  the  Franciscan  convent  oj 
S.  Silvestro  in  Capite,  in  which  they  deposed  the  re- 
mains of  the  saintly  sister  of  Giacomo,  the  nun  Beata 
Margarita.  Their  munificence  as  patrons  of  art  is  at- 
tested by  many  masterpieces  in  the  Roman  churches, 
notably  Turrita's  mosaics  in  S.  Maria  Maggiore,  pro- 
nounced by  Gregorovius  "the  finest  workof  all  the 
mosaic  paintings  in  Rome".  The  learned  Cardinal 
Egidio  Colonna  well  deserves  a  special  article  (see 
Colonna,  Egidio).  One  year  after  Pietro's  death, 
his  nephew  Giovanni,  a  son  of  the  noble  Senator  Stef- 
ano,  whose  immediate  family  remained  faithful  to 
the  Holy  See  during  the  troublous  times  of  Louis  the 
Bavarian,  whilst  his  kinsman  Sciarra,  led  the  schis- 
matical  party,  was  raised  to  the  cardinalate  by  John 
XXII,  with  the  title  of  S.  Angelo.  He  was  universally 
esteemed,  especially  by  men  of  letters.    He  wrote  tie 


"  Lives  of  the  Roman  Pontiffs  from  St.  Peter  to  Boni- 
face VIII".  At  his  death,  1348,  his  intimate  friend, 
Petrarch,  wrote  the  beautiful  sonnet,  "Rotta  e  l'alta 
Colonna".  At  the  beginning  of  the  Great  Schism 
Urban  created  two  Colonna  cardinals,  Agapito  and 
Stefano,  but  they  both  died  shortly  after.  Then  fol- 
fowed  Odo  Colonna,  later  Pope  Martin  V  (q.  v.),  who, 
in  1430  bestowed  the  purple  upon  his  youthful  nephew 
Prospero.  The  latter,  becoming  involved  in  the  re- 
bellion of  his  family  against  Eugene  IV,  was  deprived 
of  his  benefices  and  sentenced  to  perpetual  exile,  but 
was  reinstated  by  Nicholas  V,  and  died  in  1463, 
lauded  by  the  Humanists  as  a  Maecenas  of  arts  and 
letters.  In  the  heated  conclave  of  1458  it  was  Pros- 
pero Colonna  who  decided  the  election  of  Piccolomini 
in  the  famous  words,  "I  also  vote  for  the  Cardinal  of 
Siena,  and  make  him  pope". 

Prospero 'a  nephew,  Giovanni,  was  the  representa- 
tive of  his  family  during  the  pontificates  of  Sixtus  IV, 
Innocent  VIII,  Alexander  VL  Pius  III,  and  Julius  II. 
Created  Cardinal-Deacon  of  S.  Maria  in  Aquiro  in  his 
twenty-fourth  year  by  Pope  Sixtus,  he  was  committed 
to  the  Castle  of  Sant'  Angelo  two  years  later,  when  that 
pontiff  and  the  Colonna  began  their  bitter  feud.  After 
an  imprisonment  of  over  a  year,  he  regained  his  lib- 
erty. One  cannot  feel  much  sympathy  with  him  in 
his  misfortunes  during  the  pontificate  of  the  Borgia 
pope,  who  could  not  nave  been  elected  without  his 
vote.  When  Alexander  VI  began  his  war  of  extermi- 
nation against  the  Roman  barons,  Colonna,  more  for- 
tunate than  Cardinal  Orsini,  made  his  escape  and  did 
not  return  to  Rome  till  the  pope  had  passed  away. 
He  himself  died  in  1508.  Although  Julius  II  restored 
to  the  Colonna  their  possessions  and  dignities,  and  by 
the  Pax  Romana,  1511,  put  an  end  to  the  hereditary 
feuds  of  the  rival  houses,  yet,  their  old-time  position  of 
quasi-independence  was  never  again  attained.  The 
two  secular  heads  of  the  family,  Prospero  andFabrizio, 
acquired  great  fame  as  generals  in  the  armies  of  the 
Church  and  of  Charles  V.  Fabrizio's  daughter  was 
the  highly  gifted  Vittoria  (q.  v.).  Prospero  %  nephew, 
Pompeo,  was  chosen  to  represent  the  family  in  the 
Church.  He  consented  very  reluctantly,  for  the 
sword  was  more  congenial  to  him  than  the  Breviary. 
He  received  a  large  accumulation  of  benefices,  was 
created  cardinal  by  Leo  X,  in  1517,  and  vice-chan- 
cellor by  Clement  VII.  In  return,  he  took  the  side  of 
the  emperor  in  his  quarrel  with  the  pope.  On  20 
Sept.,  1526,  took  place  the  onslaught  on  Rome,  and 
the  desecration  of  St.  Peter's  and  the  Vatican,  which 
covers  his  memory  with  eternal  infamy.  He  also 
joined  with  Constable  Bourbon  in  the  capture  of 
Rome,  May,  1527 j  but,  horrified  by  the  brutality  of 
the  sack  of  his  native  city,  he  did  his  best  to  shield  his 
unfortunate  countrymen  within  the  walls  of  the  Can- 
cellaria.  The  indulgent  Clement  absolved  and  rein- 
stated him  three  years  later.  He  became  viceroy  of 
Naples  and  died  in  1532.  The  good  name  of  the  house 
was  redeemed  by  the  next  Colonnese  cardinal,  Marcan- 
tonio,  who  was  carefully  trained  in  piety  and  learning 
by  the  Franciscan  friar,  Felice  Peretti,  later  Sixtus  V. 
He  was  created  Cardinal-Priest  of  SS.  XII  Apoetoli,  in 
1565,  closely  imitated  St.  Charles  Borromeo  in  estab- 
lishing seminaries  and  restoring  discipline,  was  libra- 
rian of  the  Vatican,  fostered  learning,  and  was  ex- 
tremely charitable  to  the  poor.  Before  his  death,  in 
1597,  bis  kinsman  Ascanio  Colonna  was  elevated  to 
the  purple  by  Sixtus  V  in  1586.  Although  he  owed 
his  cardinalate  largely  to  the  favour  of  Philip  II,  yet 
he  did  not  permit  nis  gratitude  to  extinguish  his  pa- 
triotism. It  was  his  defection  from  the  Spanish  ranks 
at  a  critical  moment  during  the  conclave  of  1592  that 
defeated  the  aspirations  of  Philip's  candidate,  Cardi- 
nal Sanseverina  and  led  to  the  election  of  Clement 
VIII.  In  his  well-known  exclamation:  "I  see  that 
God  will  not  have  Sanseverina,  neither  will  Ascanio 
Colonna",  breathes  the  haughty  spirit  of  his  race.  He 


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OOLOHKA 


died  in  1608,  making  the  Lateran  his  heir.  Succeed- 
ing cardinals  of  the  house  of  Colonna  were  Giro- 
lamo,  created  by  Urban  VIII  in  1628,  d.  1666;  Carlo, 
treated  by  Clement  XI  in  1706,  d.  1739;  Prospero, 
created  by  Clement  XII  in  1739,  d.  1743;  Giro- 
lamo,  created  by  Benedict  XIV  1743,  d.  1763; 
Prospero,  of  the  Sciarra  branch,  created  simultaneously 
with  his  kinsman  in  1743,  d.  Prefect  of  the  Propa- 
ganda in  1765;  finally,  Marcantonio,  created  by  Cle- 
ment XIII  in  1759,  d.  in  1803.  Though  all  were  con- 
spicuous for  learning  and  piety  and  for  filling  high 
offices  at  the  Roman  court  or  in  the  most  important 
dioceses  of  Italy,  they  need  only  a  passing  notice. 
The  most  illustrious  fay  prince  of  the  Colonna  was 
Marcantonio,  who  at  the  great  sea-fight  of  Lepanto, 
7  Oct.,  1571,  commanded  the  papal  galleys  and  on  his 
return  to  Rome  was  awarded  a  memorable  triumph. 
To  cement  the  friendship  between  the  houses  of  Co- 
lonna and  Orsini,  Sixtus  V  married  their  chiefs  to  his 
nieces  and  ordained  that  they  and  their  descendants 
should  enjoy  the  dignity  of  Assistant  Princes  at  the 
Pontifical  Throne. 

Litta,. Famiglie  cMebri  italiane,  s.  v. ;  Coppi,  Memorie  Col- 
mnai  (Rome,  1857),  with  genealogical  tables;  ton  Rec- 
liONT.  BeitrOge  zur  \lal.  Gack.  (1857),  V,  3-117,  an  excel- 
lent account:  the  histories  of  the  city  of  Rome  by  ton 
Rioiiokt,  Gkxoohovius,  Grisjlr,  etc 

James  F.  Loughlin. 


Oolonna,  Egidio  (^Eqidius  a  Column  a),  a  Scho- 
lastic philosopher  and  theologian,  b.  about  the  mid- 
dle of  the  thirteenth  century,  probably  1247,  in 
Rome;  hence  the  name  Maimvs  Romanus,  or  Giles 
or  Rome,  by  which  he  is  generally  known;  d.  at 
Avignon,  22  Dec.,  1316.  Having  entered  the  Order 
of  the  Hermits  of  St.  Augustine  at  Rome,  he  was 
sent  to  Paris  for  his  philosophical  and  theological 
studies,  and  became  there  the  disciple  of  Thomas 
Aquinas.  Egidio  Colonna  was  the  first  August  in  ian 
appointed  to  teach  in  the  University  of  Paris,  and  his 
deep  learning  earned  for  him  the  title  of  Doctor  jun- 
daiissimus.  In  1281,  at  the  Thirty-sixth  Council  of 
Paris,  in  which  several  differences  between  bishops 
and  mendicant  orders  were  arranged,  he  sided  with 
the  bishops  against  the  regulars.  Referring  to  this, 
a  contemporary  philosopher,  Godfrey  of  Fontaines, 
mentioned  him  as  the  most  renowned  theologian  of 
the  whole  city  (qui  modo  melior  de  tota  villa  in 
omnibus  reputatur).  King  Philip  III  entrusted  to 
him  the  education  of  his  son,  who  later,  in  1285, 
ascended  the  throne  as  Philip  IV.  When  the  new 
king,  after  his  coronation  at  Reims,  entered  Paris, 
Egidio  gave  the  address  of  welcome  in  the  name  of 
the  university,  insisting  on  justice  as  the  most  im- 
portant virtue  of  a  king.  (For  the  text,  see  Ossinger, 
in  work  cited  below.)  Some  time  before  this  several 
of  his  opinions  had  been  found  reprehensible  by 
Archbishop  Etienne  Tempier  of  Paris,  and  in  1285 
Pope  Honorius  IV  asked  him  for  a  public  retracta- 
tion. This,  however,  was  far  from  lessening  his 
reputation,  for  in  1287  a  decree  of  the  general  chapter 
of  the  Augustinians  held  in  Florence,  after  remarking 
that  Egidio's  doctrine  "shines  throughout  the  whole 
world  (venerabilis  magistri  nostri  JSgidii  doctrina 
mundum  universum  illustrat),  commanded  all  mem- 
bers of  the  order  to  accept  and  defend  all  his  opin- 
ions, written  or  to  be  written.  After  filling  several 
important  positions  in  his  order  he  was  elected  super- 
ior general  in  1292.  Three  years  later  Pope  Boniface 
VIII  appointed  him  Archbishop  of  Bourges,  France, 
although  Jean  de  Savigny  had  already  teen  desig- 
nated for  this  see  by  Pope  Celestine  V.  The  French 
nobility  protested  on  the  ground  that  Colonna  was  an 
Italian,  but  his  aDpointment  was  maintained  and  ap- 
proved by  the  king.  He  was  present  at  the  Council 
of  Vienne  (1311-1312)  in  which  the  Order  of  Knights 
Templars  was  suppressed. 

The  writings  of  Egidio  Colonna  cover  the  fields  of 


philosophy  and  theology.  There  is  no  complete  edi- 
tion of  nis  works,  but  several  treatises  have  been  pub- 
lished separately.  In  Holy  Scripture  and  theology 
he  wrote  commentaries  on  the  "Hexameron",  the 
"Canticle  of  Canticles",  and  the  "Epistle  to  the 
Romans";  several  "Opuscula"  and  "Quodlibeta", 
various  treatises,  and  especially  commentaries  on 
Peter  the  Lombard's  "Four  Books  of  Sentences". 
In  philosophy,  besides  commentaries  on  almost  all 
the  works  of  Aristotle,  he  wrote  several  special  trea- 
tises. But  his  main  work  is  the  treatise  "  De  regimine 
principum",  written  for,  and  dedicated  to,  his  pupil, 
Philip  IV.  It  passed  through  many  editions  (the 
first,  Augsburg,  1473)  and  was  translated  into  several 
languages.  The  Roman  edition  of  1607  contains  a 
life  of  Egidio.  The  work  is  divided  into  three  books: 
the  first  treats  of  the  individual  conduct  of  the  king, 
the  nature  of  his  true  happiness,  the  choice  and  ac- 
quisition of  virtues,  and  the  ruling  of  passions;  the 
second  deals  with  family  life  and  the  relations  with 
wife,  children,  and  servants;  the  third  considers  the 
State,  its  origin,  and  the  proper  mode  of  governing  in 
times  of  peace  and  war.  Egidio's  pedagogical  writ- 
ings have  been  published  in  German  by  Raufmann 
(Freiburg,  1904). 

The  attitude  of  Egidio  Colonna  in  the  difficulties 
between  Pope  Boniface  VIII  and  King  Philip  IV 
was  long  believed  to  have  been  favourable  to  the 
king.  But  the  contrary  is  now  certain,  since  it  has 
been  proved  that  he  is  the  author  of  the  treatise  "  De 
potestate  ecclesiastica",  in  which  the  rights  of  the 
pope  are  vindicated.  The  similarity  between  this 
treatise  and  the  Bull  "Unam  Sanctam"  seems  to 
support  the  view  taken  by  some  writers  that  Egidio 
was  the  author  of  the  Bull.  He  had  already  taken 
an  active  part  in  ending  the  discussions  and  contro- 
versies concerning  the  validity  of  Boniface's  election 
to  the  papacy.  In  his  treatise  "De  renunciatione 
Paps  sive  Apologia  pro  Bonifacio  VIII"  he  shows 
the  legitimacy  of  Celestuie's  resignation  and  conse- 
quently of  Boniface's  election.  In  philosophy  and 
theology  he  generally  follows  the  opinions  of  his 
master,  St.  Thomas,  whose  works  ne  quotes  as 
scripta  communis..  The  "Defensorium  seu  Correc- 
torium  corruptorii  librorum  Sancti  Thorns  Aquina- 
tis"  against  the  Franciscan  William  de  la  Mare  of 
Oxford  is  by  some  attributed  to  Egidio;  but  this 
remains  uncertain.  Nevertheless,  on  many  points 
he  holds  independent  views  and  abandons  the 
Thomistio  doctrine  to  follow  the  opinions  of  St. 
Augustine  and  of  the  Franciscan  School.  He  even 
errs  in  asserting  that,  before  the  fall,  grace  had  not 
been  given  to  Adam,  an  opinion  which  he  wrongly 
attributes  to  St.  Augustine.  After  the  decree  of  the 
general  chapter  of  1287,  mentioned  above,  the  opin- 
ions of  Egidio  Colonna  were  generally  accepted  in  the 
Augustiman  Order.  He  thus  became  the  founder 
of  the  iEgidian  School.  Among  the  most  prominent 
representatives  of  this  school  must  be  mentioned 
Giacomo  Capoccio  of  Viterbo  (d.  1307)  and  Augus- 
tinus  Triumphus  (d.  132S),  both  contemporaries  of 
Egidio,  and  also  students  and  professors  in  the  Uni- 
versity of  Paris;  Prosper  of  Reggio,  Albert  of  Padua, 
Gerard  of  Siena,  Henry  of  Frimar,  Thomas  of 
Strasburg — all  in  the  first  half  of  the  fourteenth  cen- 
tury. Yox  some  time  after  this  other  opinions  pre- 
vailed in  the  Augustinian  Order.  But  as  late  as  the 
seventeenth  century  should  be  mentioned  Raffaello 
Bonherba  (d.  1681)  who  wrote  "  Disputationes  totius 
philosophise  ...  in  quibus  omnes  philosophies;  in- 
ter D.  Thomam  et  Scotum  controversial  pnncipaliter 
cum  doctrina  nostri  JSgidii  Columns  illustrantur" 
(Palermo,  1645.  1671);  and  Augustino  Arpe  (d.  1704) 
who  wrote  "Summa  totius  theologize  jEgidii  Co- 
lumns"  (Bologna,  1701,  and  Genoa,  1704).  Federico 
Nicold  Gavardi  (d.  1715),  the  most  important  inter- 
preter of  Colonna,  composed  "Theologia  exantiquata 


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ooLomu 


128 


COLOPHON 


iuxta  orthodoxam  S.  P.  Augustini  doctrinam  ab  jEgi- 
dio  ColumnA  doc  tore  fundatissimo  expositam  ..." 
(6  vols,  fol.,  Naples  and  Rome,  1683-1696);  this  work 
was  abridged  by  Anselm  Hormannseder  in  his  "  He- 
catombs theologica"  (Presburg,  1737).  Benign  us 
Sichrowsky  (d.  1737)  wrote  also  "Philosophia  vin- 
dicata  ab  erroribus  philosophorum  gentilium  iuxta 
doctrinam  S.  Augustini  et  B.  jEgidii  Columnse " 
(Nuremberg,  1701). 

Ossinoer,  BM.  AugusUniana  (InpolstaoH  and  Vienna.  1788): 
Denifle  and  Chatelain,  Chart.  Univ.  Parieientis  (Paris,  1889 
— ),  I,  II,  see  Index;  Feret,  La  faculte  de  thiol.  de  Ports 
et  tee  doet.  lee  plue  cHkbres  au  moyen  Age  (Paris.  1886),  HI, 
469-475;  Hurter,  Nomendator  (3d  ed.,  Innsbruck,  1906),  II, 
481-486  and  passim  for  .Egidian  School;  Lajard,  Oiiles  de 
Rome  in  Hist.  liU.  de  la  France  (Paris,  1888).  XXX,  421-566; 
Mattioli,  Studio  critico  sopra  Eoidio  Romano  Colonna  in  Aniol- 
ogia  Agoetiniana  (Rome,  1896),  I;  Scholz,  dSaidius  von  Rom 
(Stuttgart,  1902);  'Werner,  Die  SchoUutik  dee  spat.  M.  A.,  Ill, 
Der  Auoustinismus  dee  spat.  M.  A.  (Vienna,  1883);  Scheeben 
in  Kirchenlex.,  s.  v.  See  also  Chevalier,  R(p.  dee  sources  hist. 
(2d  ed.,  Paris,  1905),  s.  v.  Oillet. 

C.  A.  DlTBRAY. 

Oolonna,  Giovanni  Paolo,  b.  at  Bologna,  1637; 
d.  in  the  same  city,  28  November,  1695.  Alter  study- 
ing under  AgoBtino  Fillipucci  in  his  native  city,  An- 
tonio Abbatini  and  Oragio  Benevoli  in  Rome,  Colonna 
became  organist  at  the  church  of  S.  Apollinaris  in  the 
latter  city.  In  1659  he  accepted  the  post  of  choir- 
master at  the  church  of  S.  Petronio  in  Bologna.  He 
not  only  was  a  charter  member  of  the  Accademia  Fil- 
armonica  but  founded  a  school  of  his  own  which  has 
produced  distinguished  musicians,  among  them  Gio- 
vanni Maria  Buononcini.  Colonna  was  one  of  the 
most  noted  church  composers  of  the  seventeenth  cen- 
tury and  has  left  a  large  number  of  works  (masses, 
psalms,  motets,  litanies,  antiphons,  requiems,  lamen- 
tations) for  from  one  to  eight  voices  with  either  organ 
or  orchestra  accompaniment.  These  compositions 
are  but  seldom  performed  at  present,  both  on  account 
of  their  not  having  the  form  or  the  spirit  of  the  great 
period  of  church  music,  the  fifteenth  and  sixteenth 
centuries,  and  because  of  the  elaborate  apparatus 
required  for  their  performance. 

Riemann,  Musik  Lexikon;  Rockbtro,  History  of  Music 
(New  York,  1886);  KornmOller,  Kirchenmusikalischct  Lexi- 
kon; Wooldridoe,  The  Oxford  History  of  Music  (Oxford,  1901- 
05);  Gaspari,  Dei  musicisti  Bolognesi  (Bologna,  1876-80). 

Joseph  Otten. 

Oolonna,  Vittoria,  Italian  poet,  b.  at  Marino, 
1490;  d.  at  Rome,  February  25,  1547.  She  was  the 
daughter  of  Fabrizio  Colonna,  lord  of  various  Roman 
fiefs  and  grand  constable  of  Naples.  Her  mother, 
Agnese  da  Montefeltro,  was  a  daughter  of  Federigo 
da  Montefeltro,  first  Duke  of  Urbino.  In  1509  Vitto- 
ria was  married  to  Ferrante  Francesco  d'Avalos, 
Marquis  of  Pescara,  a  Neapolitan  nobleman  of  Span- 
ish origin,  who  was  one  of  the  chief  generals  of  the 
Emperor  Charles  V.  Pescara's  military  career  culmi- 
nated in  the  victory  of  Pavia  (24  February,  1525), 
after  which  he  became  involved  in  Morone's  conspir- 
acy for  the  liberation  of  Italy,  and  was  tempted  from 
his  allegiance  to  the  emperor  by  the  offer  of  the  crown 
of  Naples.  Vittoria  earnestly  dissuaded  him  from 
this  scheme,  declaring  (as  her  cousin,  Cardinal  Pom- 
peo  Colonna,  tells  us)  that  she  "  preferred  to  die  the 
wife  of  a  most  brave  marquis  and  a  most  upright  gen- 
eral, than  to  live  the  consort  of  a  king  dishonoured 
with  any  stain  of  infamy".  Pescara  died  in  the  fol- 
lowing November,  leaving  his  young  heir  and  cousin, 
Alfonso  d'Avalos,  Marchese  del  Vasto,  under  Vitto- 
ria's  care. 

Vittoria  henceforth  devoted  herself  entirely  to 
religion  and  literature.  We  find  her  usually  in  vari- 
ous monasteries,  at  Rome,  Viterbo,  and  elsewhere, 
living  in  conventual  simplicity,  the  centre  of  all  that 
was  noblest  in  the  intellectual  and  spiritual  life  of  the 
times.  She  had  a  peculiar  genius  for  friendship,  and 
the  wonderful  spiritual  tie  that  united  her  to  Michel- 
angelo Buonarroti  made  the  romance  of  that  great 


artist's  life.  Pietro  Bembo,  the  literary  dictator  of 
the  age,  was  among  her  most  fervent  admirers.  She 
was  closely  in  touch  with  Ghiberti,  Contarini,  Gio- 
vanni Morone,  and  all  that  group  of  men  and  women 
who  were  working 
for  the  reformation 
of  the  Church  from 
within.  For  a  while 
she  had  been  drawn 
into  the  controversy 
concerning  justifi- 
cation by  faith,  but 
was  kept  within  the 
limits  of  orthodoxy 
by  the  influence  of 
the  beloved  friend 
of  her  last  years, 
Cardinal  Reginald 
Pole,  to  whom  she 
declared  she  owed 
her  salvation.  Her 
last  wish  was  to  be 
buried  among  the 
nuns  of  S.  Anna  de' 
Funari  at  Rome ; 
but  it  is  doubtful 
whether  her  body  ,  V,TTO,"A  Colonna, 

ultimately  rested  (Colonna Gallery,  Rom.) 

there,  or  was  removed  to  the  side  of  her  husband  at 
San  Domenico  in  Naples. 

Vittoria  is  undoubtedly  greater  as  a  personality 
than  as  a  poet.  Her  earlier  "Rime",  which  are 
mainly  devoted  to  the  glorification  of  her  husband, 
are  somewhat  monotonous.  Her  later  sonnets  are 
almost  exclusively  religious,  and  strike  a  deeper  note. 
A  longer  poem  in  terza-rima,  the  "Trionfo  di  Cristo". 
shows  the  influence  of  Dante  and  Savonarola,  as  well 
as  that  of  Petrarch.  Her  latest  and  best  biographer, 
Mrs.  Jerrold,  to  whom  we  are  indebted  for  a  number 
of  beautiful  and  faithful  translations  of  Vittoria's 
poetry,  has  drawn  a  suggestive  analogy  between  it 
and  the  work  of  Christina  Rossetti.  Many  of  Vitto- 
ria's letters,  and  a  prose  meditation  upon  the  Passion 
of  Christ,  have  also  been  preserved. 

Visconti,  Rime  di  VtUoria  Colonna  (Rome,  1840);  Luho, 
Vittoria  Colonna  (Mantua,  1884);  Ferrero  and  MOller,  Cart- 
egoio  di  Vittoria  Colonna,  Marchesa  di  Pescara  (Florence,  1892); 
Recmont,  tr.  by  MOller  and  Ferrero,  Vittoria  Colonna, 
Vita,  Fede,  e  Poesia  nd  secdlo  decimosesto  (Turin,  1892);  Tordi, 
Vittoria  Colonna  in  Orvieto  (Perugia,  1895);  Jerrold,  Vittoria 
Colonna,  with  some  account  of  her  Friends  and  her  Times  (Lon- 
don and  New  York,  1906). 

Edmund  G.  Gardner. 

Colonnade,  a  number  of  columns  symmetrically 
arranged  in  one  or  more  rows.  It  is  termed  mono- 
style  when  of  one  row,  polystyle  when  of  many.  If 
surrounding  a  building  or  court,  it  is  called  a  peri- 
style; when  projecting  beyond  tne  line  of  the  build- 
ing a  portico.  Sometimes  it  supports  a  building, 
sometimes  a  roof  only.  For  ecclesiastical  architec- 
ture the  most  famous  specimen  is  the  colonnade  of 
St.  Peter's,  erected  1665-67  by  Bernini,  with  284 
columns  and  162  statues  of  saints  on  balustrades 
(see  The  Catholic  Encyclopedia,  II,  s.  v.  Bernini). 

Anderson  and  Spiers,  The  Architecture  of  Greece  and  Rome 
(London,  1903) ;  Gwilt,  Encyclopaedia  of  Architecture  (London, 

1881>-  ™_ 

Tboiias  H.  Poole. 

Colophon,  a  titular  see  of  Asia  Minor.  It  was  one 
of  the  twelve  Ionian  cities,  between  Lebedos  (ruins 
near  Hypsili-Hissar)  and  Ephesus  (Aya-Solouk).  In 
Greek  antiquity  two  sons  of  Codrus,  King  of  Athens, 
established  a  colony  there.  Jt  was  the  birthplace  of 
the  philosopher  Xenophanes  and  the  poet  Mimner- 
mus.  It  was  destroyed  by  Lysimachus,  one  of  the 
successors  of  Alexander.  Notium  served  as  the  port, 
and  in  the  neighbourhood  was  the  village  of  Claims, 
with  its  famous  temple  and  oracle  of  Apollo  Clarius, 


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COLORADO 


COLORADO 


>  as  exact  as  the  curva- 


where  Calchas  vied  with  Mopeus  in  divinatoiy  science. 
The  cavalry  of  Colophon  was  renowned.  Its  pine- 
trees  supplied  a  rosin  or  colophony  highly  valued  for 
the  strings  of  musical  instruments.  In  Roman  times 
Colophon  lost  its  importance;  the  name  was  trans- 
ferred to  the  site  of  Notium,  and  the  latter  name  dis- 
appeared between  the  Peloponnesian  War  and  the 
time  of  Cicero.  The  "Notitue  episcopatuum"  men- 
tions Colophon  or  Colophone,  as  late  as  the  twelfth  or 
thirteenth  century,  as  a  suffragan  of  Ephesus.  Le- 
quien  (I,  723)  gives  the  names  of  only  four  bishops: 
St.  Sosthenes  (I  Cor.,  i,  1)  and  St.  Tychicus  (Tit.,  iii, 
12)  are  merely  legendary;  Euthalius  was  present  at 
the  Council  of  Ephesus  in  431,  and  Alexander  was 
alive  in  451.  The  ruins  of  the  city  are  at  the  Castro 
of  Ghiaour-Keui,  an  insignificant  village  in  the  vilayet 
of  Smyrna,  caza  of  Koush-Adasi. 

Chandlbr,  Travel*  in  Asia  Minor,  XXXI;  Arhundel, 
Seven  Church**  in  Atia.  303;  Tkxikr,  A  tie  Mineure,  356; 
Foktbibb,  in  MuMEon  and  Library  of  the  Evangelical  School  at 
Smyrna  (Greek),  III,  187;  Schuchhardt,  in  A  then.  Mitteil. 
(1886).  386. 

S.  PAnuDia. 

Colorado,  the  thirty-fifth,  in  point  of  admission,  of 
the  United  States  of  America.  It  lies  between  the 
37th  and  41st  degrees  of  N.  latitude  and  the  102nd  and 
109th  degrees  of  W.  longitude,  the  meridian  lines 
making  its  shape  a  parallelc 
ture  of  the  earth  will  allow. 
When  its  original  terri- 
torial limits  were  discussed 
it  was  suggested  that  the 
crest  of  the  Rocky  Moun- 
tains was  a  natural  bound- 
ary, and  it  was  on  the 
reply  of  Colonel  William 
Gilpin,  who  became  its 
drat  governor,  that  rail- 
roads and  political  unity 
had  superseded  natural 
boundaries,  that  it  was 
placed  squarely  across  the 
divide  and  so  has  its  moun- 
tain centre  with  a  slope  to  either  ocean.  After  the 
Cliff-dwellers,  its  Indian  tribes  were  the  Utes  and 
Arapahoes.  It  became  part  of  French  and  Spanish 
America,  and  was  covered  by  the  Louisiana  Pur- 
chase (1803),  the  Texas  cession  (1850),  and  the  cession 
from  Mexico  by  the  treaty  of  Guadalupe-Hidalgo 
(1848).  Its  area  is  103,900  square  miles.  The  third 
of  the  State  east  of  Denver  is  a  part  of  the  great 
plains,  level  and  arid.  The  altitude  at  the  base  of  the 
state  capitol  is  exactly  one  mile;  going  east,  it  falls 
to  about  4000  feet  at  the  State  line.  Through  the 
centre,  north  and  south,  runs  the  main  Rocky  Moun- 
tain range  containing  the  highest  peaks  of  these 
mountains,  thirty-two  of  which  exceed  14,000  feet  and 
several  so  nearly  the  same  height  that  it  is  a  matter 
of  dispute  as  to  which  is  the  highest,  probably  Mount 
Massive,  14,498  feet.  On  their  western  slope  they 
form  a  plateau  country.  Between  encircling  ranges 
are  natural  parks  (South,  Middle,  North,  San  Luis, 
Estes)  at  an  altitude  of  about  9000  feet,  which  are 
notable  stock-raising  lands.  The  Rio  Grande,  Arkan- 
sas, and  Platte  Rivers  all  rise  in  this  State,  flowing 
south  and  east,  and  the  Great  Colorado  River  flowing 
west  has  its  headwaters  here.  The  Grand  Cafion  of 
the  Arkansas,  Mount  of  the  Holy  Cross,  and  the  Gar- 
den of  the  Gods,  are  the  principal  scenic  attractions. 

Climate. — The  climate  is  exceptionally  dry,  health- 
ful, and  invigorating.  The  summers  are  cool  and  the 
winters  moderate.  There  is  an  average  of  181  clear 
days  out  of  365.  Manitou,  Glenwood,  and  Sulphur 
Springs  are  noted  sanatoria.  The  annual  rainfall  is 
low.  but  so  widely  variant  in  localities  that  no  intel- 
ligible average  can  be  stated.  Extremes  are  12  and 
29  inches. 

IV  -ft 


Seal  of  Colorado 


Population. — By  the  census  of  1900  the  population 
was  539,700:  whites,  529,046;  negroes,  8570;  Indians, 
1437;  Chinese,  599.  The  estimate  by  the  State  Board 
of  Health  for  1906  was  615,570.  The  greatest  num- 
ber of  immigrants  are  from  States  on  the  same  parallel. 
There  are  many  native-born  citizens  of  Spanish  de- 
scent in  the  southern  counties.  Representatives  from 
every  country  in  Europe  are  included  among  the  popu- 
lation, but  none  localized  in  colonies  to  any  extent; 
88  per  cent  of  the  population  are  native-born;  4  per 
cent  are  illiterate.  Denver,  the  State  capital  and 
largest  city,  has  a  population  approximating  200,000. 
Pueblo,  Colorado  Springs,  Leadville,  Trinidad,  and 
Greeley  are  the  larger  cities. 

Resources. — Mining  and  agriculture  are  the  princi- 
pal industries.  The  manufacture  of  steel  has  been 
started,  and  commerce  is  incident  to  all  other  indus- 
tries, but  the  mine  and  ranch  are  the  exploited  feat- 
ures of  the  commonwealth.  In  both  gold  and  silver, 
Colorado  is  the  largest  producer  of  any  of  the  States. 
In  1906,  gold  to  the  value  of  $23,506,069,  and  13,381,- 
575  ounces  of  silver  were  mined.  There  was  also  a 
heavy  production  of  lead,  zinc,  and  iron.  Coal  under- 
lies a  very  large  area,  much  larger  than  in  Pennsyl- 
vania; the  output  for  1906  being  11,240,078  tons  bi- 
tuminous and  68,343  tons  anthracite.  Cripple  Creek, 
Ouray,  and  Leadville  are  the  most  active  mining 
camps,  but  the  mineral  belt  covers  every  mountain 
county  from  Routt  in  the  north-west  corner  to  the 
New  Mexico  line.  The  Georgetown  district  claims 
to  produce  the  highest  grade  of  silver  ore  mined  in  the 
United  States. 

The  average  wheat  yield  is  about  twenty-one 
bushels  to  the  acre.  East  of  the  foothills  is  a  deep 
loam  overlying  a  gravel  subsoil,  and  wherever  water 
can  be  got  the  land  is  very  productive.  The  western 
slope,  including  the  valleys  between  the  mountain 
ranges,  has  an  even  richer  soil,  especially  adapted  to 
fruit  production.  All  the  grains  and  fruits  of  the  tem- 
perate zone  are  produced,  but  those  crops  which  seem 
best  adapted  to  local  conditions  are  wheat,  apples, 
potatoes,  cantaloupes,  and  the  sugar-beet.  The  value 
of  the  output  of  agriculture,  dairy,  and  poultry  for 
1906  was  $72,600,000;  fruit,  $7,000,000.  Until  re- 
cently no  land  not  under  ditch  was  considered  safe  to 
farm,  the  annual  rainfall  not  ensuring  a  crop.  But 
such  land  is  now  cultivated  under  scientific  methods 
called  "dry  farming",  so  that  the  value  of  this  land  in 
Eastern  Colorado  has  doubled  within  the  last  three 
years.  Nevertheless  irrigation  is  the  specific  incident 
of  Colorado  farming.  It  has  been  studied  to  secure 
the  most  economic  results,  and  ultimately  no  water 
will  leave  the  State,  all  being  caught  and  stored  in 
reservoirs.  In  1900  there  were  7374  miles  of  main 
ditches  covering  by  laterals  390  acres  to  the  mile. 
The  estimated  value  of  the  manufactures,  outside  of 
smelting,  for  1906  is  $15,000,000.  Six  railroad  lines 
enter  the  State  from  the  east  and  two  cross  its  west- 
ern boundary.  Every  town  of  any  size  in  the  State 
has  railroad  connexion.  The  railway  mileage  in  1905 
was  5081. 

Education. — Public  education  with  compulsory  at- 
tendance is  provided  for  the  whole  State,  with  a  high 
school  in  every  laige  town.  The  university,  located  at 
Boulder,  is  supported  by  an  annual  two-fifths  of  a  mill 
State  tax  which  gives  it  an  ample  foundation.  It 

fives  law,  medical,  engineering,  and  academic  courses, 
n  1906  it  had  840  students,  besides  525  in  the  prepar- 
atory school.  There  are  also  the  University  of  Denver 
(Methodist),  Colorado  College  at  Colorado  Springs 
(secular),  the  Jesuit  College  of  the  Sacred  Heart,  and 
the  Loretto  Heights  Academy  at  Denver.  The  State 
Normal  School  is  at  Greeley.  Other  schools  are  the 
Agricultural  College  at  Fort  Collins  and  the  School  of 
Mines  at  Golden,  with  special  State  institutions  for  the 
deaf  and  blind.  The  principal  school  support  comes 
from  the  ownership  of  the  16th  and  36th  sections  of 


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each  non-mineral  township,  the  value  of  which  is  be- 
yond accurate  approximation,  besides  school  district 
ownership  of  over  $9,000,000.  The  total  number  of 
pupils  enrolled  in  1906  was  144,007.  The  teachers 
numbered  4600  and  the  schoolhouses  2010.  The 
expenditure  for  that  year  was  $4,486,226.78.  The 
pupils  attending  parochial  schools  number  5905 
students ;  in  Catholic  colleges,  261 ;  girls  in  academies, 
595;  total  youth  under  Catholic  care  7574.  There 
is  a  total  of  537  sisters  is  charge  of  hospitals  and 
schools. 

History. — Coronado  (q.  v.)  probably  crossed  the 
south-east  corner  of  the  state  in  his  celebrated  expedi- 
tion of  1541-2,  and  Francisco  Escalante  explored  its 
southern  border  in  1776.  The  first  immigration  was 
Spanish  from  New  Mexico,  at  Pueblo,  Trinidad,  and 
other  places  south  of  the  Arkansas  River.  In  1806 
Zebulon  M.  Pike  crossed  the  plains  on  an  official  ex- 
ploration and  gave  his  name  to  Pike's  Peak.  Long's 
expedition  was  in  1819.  John  C.  Fremont  and  Kit 
Carson  explored  the  mountain  passes  in  the  forties. 
In  1858  gold  was  discovered  in  Cherry  Creek,  which  led 
to  the  Pike's  Peak  excitement  and  immigration  of  1859. 
That  year  is  the  date  of  the  first  real  settlement  of  the 
country  by  English-speaking  people.  Colorado  was 
organized  as  a  Territory  in  1861,  and  admitted  as  a 
State  in  1876,  with  a  constitution  formed  in  that  year. 
This  explains  its  sentimental  title  of  "The  Centen- 
nial State".    The  State  motto  is  NU  Sine  Numine. 

Colorado  coming  in  as  an  organized  territory  just 
as  the  Civil  War  broke  out,  the  question  of  loyalty  or 
secession  agitated  the  population,  but  the  Union  men 
were  in  overwhelming  majority.  The  Territory  con- 
tributed two  regiments  to  the  Union  Army.  Since 
1876  the  State  has  generally  gone  Republican,  but 
being  so  large  a  producer  of  silver  it  supported  the 
Democratic  ticket  so  long  as  the  double  standard  of 
money  remained  an  issue.  There  have  been  two  or 
three  occasions  since  admission  when  the  State  has 
paid  the  price  for  encouraging  innovations  parading 
themselves  as  reforms.  In  1894  Governor  Davis  K. 
Waite,  elected  as  a  Populist  but  really  a  Socialist, 
ordered  out  the  State  troops  in  opposition  to  the 
armed  police  of  Denver;  cannon  were  trained  on  the 
City  Hall  and  only  his  yielding  at  the  last  moment 

f>revented  what  threatened  to  be  a  serious  civil  revo- 
ution.  Under  his  administration  the  militia  were  or- 
dered out  in  the  interest  of  the  striking  miners  at 
Cripple  Creek,  and  later  in  1904  they  were  ordered  to 
the  same  district  under  Governor  Peabody  in  support 
of  the  mine-owners.  Drastic  deportations  and  vigi- 
lance-committee violence  were  committed  by  the 
State  authorities,  excusable,  as  they  alleged,  owing  to 
the  extreme  conditions.  This  led  to  an  exciting  election 
in  the  fall  of  that  year,  in  which  Alva  Adams,  the 
Democratic  candidate  for  governor,  was  undoubtedly 
elected  and  received  his  certificate,  but  was  allowed 
to  hold  office  only  until  a  recount  by  the  legislature 
was  decided  against  him  and  Jesse  McDonald,  the 
Republican  candidate  for  lieutenant-governor,  was 
given  the  seat. 

Woman  suffrage  was  adopted  by  popular  vote  in 
1893.  It  has  since  been  in  full  operation,  but  its 
results  for  good  have  been  nil.  Only  during  the  first 
few  sessions  were  one,  two,  and,  at  most,  three  women 
elected  to  the  legislature  out  of  its  100  members.  No 
woman  has  been  elected  to  any  State  office  except  to 
that  of  superintendent  of  public  instruction.  Instead 
of  being  represented  in  conventions  by  nearly  half, 
women  delegates  now  are  scarcely  seen  in  such  bodies. 
As  a  political  factor  they  have  not  made  either  of  the 
great  parties  stronger  or  weaker. 

Religious  Factors. — The  State  constitutes  one  dio- 
cese, with  its  see  at  Denver.  Citizens  of  Spanish 
descent,  about  20.000,  are  practically  all  Catholics, 
and  there  are  8,000  to  10,000  Catholic  Austrians  and 
Poles  at  Trinidad,  Denver,  and  Pueblo.    The  Catholic 


population  is  estimated  (1908)  at  about  100,000. 
Among  the  Catholics  prominent  in  the  development 
of  Colorado  may  be  mentioned  Gen.  Bela  M.  Hughes, 
the  Democratic  candidate  for  governor  at  the  first 
State  election;  Casimiro  Barela  and  James  T.  Smith, 
both  in  the  legislature  or  executive  departments  of 
the  State  Government  for  over  thirty  years;  Peter  W. 
Breene  and  Francis1  Carney,  who  held  the  lieutenant- 
governorship;  Senator  H.  A.  W.  Tabor,  Hon.  Bernard 
J.  O'Connell  of  Georgetown,  Martin  Currigan,  and  John 
K.  Mullen  of  Denver.  John  H.  Reddin,  an  attorney 
of  Denver,  was  the  organizer  of  the  Knights  of  Colum- 
bus in  this  State.  The  Catholic  Church  numerically 
exceeds  any  one  of  the  Protestant  denominations. 
The  next  in  numbers  is  the  Methodist,  and  then  comes 
the  Presbyterian.  Although  the  State  adjoins  Utah 
there  are  very  few  Mormons. 

Absolute  freedom  of  worship  is  guaranteed  by  the 
Constitution,  and  there  is  apparently  no  disposition 
to  infringe  this  law.  In  no  state  is  there  better  feel- 
ing between  the  Church  and  non-Catholic  denomina- 
tions. The  common  law  of  Sunday  prevails  with  no 
specific  statutory  change.  In  the  cities  the  matter  is 
left  to  local  ordinance.  Stores  in  all  towns  large  and 
small  are  generally  closed.  In  nearly  all  the  cities 
liquor  is  sold  under  licence.  In  Colorado  Springs, 
Boulder,  and  Greeley  it  is  prohibited.  In  1907  a  local 
option  law  was  passed  allowing  any  city,  ward,  or 
precinct  to  prohibit  all  sales  of  liquor  except  by  drug- 
gists on  prescription.  Little  or  no  attempt  is  made 
m  the  large  cities  and  the  mountain  towns  to  enforce 
the  Sunday  liquor  law;  but  the  reverse  is  the  rule  in 
most  of  the  smaller  towns  in  Eastern  Colorado. 

Legal  Oaths. — A  statutory  form  of  oath  is  pre- 
scribed: the  affiant  shall  with  his  or  her  hand  up- 
lifted swear  "by  the  ever  living  God".  It  has  been 
unchanged  since  the  first  revision  of  the  statutes. 
Any  person  having  conscientious  scruples  against  tak- 
ing an  oath  is  allowed  to  solemnly  affirm.  Interrupt- 
ing religious  meetings  by  profane  swearing  is  made  a 
misdemeanour  by  statute.  The  use  of  profane  lan- 
guage is  everywhere  prohibited  by  city  or  town 
ordinance. 

The  State  Penitentiary  is  at  Canon  City.  Each 
county  has  its  jail  for  confinement  of  persons  held  for 
trial  or  convicted  of  misdemeanours.  There  is  a 
State  School  of  Reform  for  boys  and  another  for  girls. 
The  latter  was  created  by  an  Act  providing  substan- 
tially that  all  its  officers  must  be  women,  and  has  been 
as  conspicuous  for  mismanagement  as  the  school  for 
boys  has  been  for  successful  results.  The  legislature 
in  1907  created  a  Juvenile  Court  for  the  care  of  neg- 
lected children. 

Charitable  Institutions  and  Bequests. — Charitable 
institutions  of  any  sort  may  be  incorporated  under 
the  Acts  relating  to  corporations  not  organized  for 

f>rofit.  Barring  the  question  whether  the  old  Eng- 
ish  statutes  of  mortmain  would  be  held  in  force  under  a 
Colorado  statute  adopting,  with  limitations,  the  com- 
mon law  and  Acts  of  the  British  Parliament  prior  to 
the  fourth  year  of  James  I  (1607),  which  point  has 
never  been  decided  in  this  State,  there  is  no  limitation 
on  the  power  of  such  institutions  to  take  property  by 
deed  or  will  and  no  limitations  on  the  power  of  a  testa- 
tor to  bequeath  his  property  to  them,  except  that 
neither  husband  nor  wife  can  by  will  deprive  the 
survivor  of  one  half  of  his  or  her  estate. 

Church  Property  Exemptions. — Any  church  organi- 
zation may  incorporate  under  provisions  relating  to 
religious  societies  (Rev.  Stats,  of  1908,  §§  1018  to 
1033) ;  but  title  to  Catholic  Church  property  as  a  rule 
is  held  by  the  bishop  and  the  parishes  have  ordinarily 
no  need  to  organize  under  these  laws.  Churches, 
schools,  hospitals,  and  cemeteries  not  organized  for 
profit  are  exempt  from  taxation.  Public  aid  to  any 
sectarian  purpose  is  prohibited  by  the  Constitution. 
Clergymen  are  not  in  terms  exempt  from  jury  duty, 


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but  are  always  excused  as  a  matter  of  custom.  They 
are  specifically  exempt  from  military  duty.  Each 
branch  of  the  legislature  selects  a  chaplain  who  opens 
sessions  with  prayer.  Christmas  is  a  legal  holiday; 
Good  Friday  is  not.  Confessions  made  to  any  clergy- 
man or  priest  are  protected  against  disclosure. 

Marriage  and  Divorce. — Marriage  is  a  civil  contract 
but  may  be  performed  by  a  clergyman  of  any  denomi- 
nation. The  law  of  divorce  is  extremely  loose.  It 
may  be  granted  for  any  of  the  usual  statutory  reasons, 
but  the  greatest  abuse  of  the  law  is  under  the  phrase 
called  the  sentimental  cruelty  clause,  where  the  stat- 
ute says  it  may  be  granted  where  either  party  has  been 
guilty  of  acts  of  cruelty  and  that  such  acts  of 
cruelty  may  consist  as  well  in  the  infliction  of  mental 
suffering  as  of  bodily  violence".  Under  this  clause 
any  discontented  man  or  wife  can  frame  a  complaint 
which  will  state  a  case  for  divorce.  The  number  of 
divorces  has  greatly  increased  since  the  adoption  of 
woman  suffrage.  No  one  thing  has  done  more  to 
strengthen  the  moral  influence  of  the  Catholic  Church 
in  this  State  and  command  respect  and  gather  con- 
verts from  the  denominations  than  its  firm  stand 
against  divorce. 

The  ratio  of  deaths  by  suicide  in  1906  was  one  in 
every  84,  or  1.18  per  cent,  and  the  statistics  of  the 
State  Board  of  Health  do  not  indicate  any  notable 
increase  since  1900. 

Robert  S.  Morrison. 

Oolossse,  a  titular  see  of  Phrygia  in  Asia  Minor, 
suppressed  in  1894.  Little  is  known  about  its  his- 
tory. The  later  name,  Colassse,  is  probably  the  old 
Phrygian  form.  Colossse  was  at  one  time  the  chief  city 
of  South- Western  Phrygia,  lying  on  the  trade-route 
from  Sardis  to  Celsense ;  it  produced  fine  wool,  the  colour 
of  which  was  called  colosginus.  The  ruin  of  the  city 
was  brought  about  by  the  change  of  road  system,  the 
foundation  of  Laodicea,  eleven  miles  distant,  and 
severe  earthquakes.  It  retained  municipal  indepen- 
dence, but  at  the  time  of  Strabo  (XII,  viii,  4)  it  was 
"a  small  town".  It  had  its  own  coinage  under  the 
empire.  St.  Paul  (probably  about  61)  addressed  an 
epistle  from  Rome  to  the  inhabitants  of  Colossse,  who 
had  perhaps  been  evangelized  by  him.  Colossse  was 
the  home  of  his  companions,  Archippus  and  Philemon, 
of  his  very  dear  sister,  Appia,  ana  of  Onesimus  and 
Epaphras,  who  probably  founded  the  Church  of  Colos- 
sse. The  ruins  of  the  city  are  visible  near  Chonse,  in 
the  vilayet  of  Smyrna,  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Lycus 
(Tchuruk  Su) ;  they  include  the  acropolis,  an  aque- 
duct, theatre,  etc.  There  is  also  a  curious  petrifying 
river,  the  Ak  Su.  Under  the  Byzantine  Empire  the 
territory  of  Colossse  rose  again  to  importance,  and  a 
strong  fortress  was  built  (perhaps  by  Justinian)  at 
Chonse,  three  miles  south-south-east  of  Colossse.  The 
centre  of  population  long  remained  at  the  old  site, 
but  about  the  eighth  century  it  was  moved  to  a  shelf 
of  land  beneath  the  castle.  Chonse  (vulgar  Greek 
Khones,  Turk.  Honas)  is  still  a  little  village,  twelve 
miles  east  of  Denizli;  it  has  been  rendered  famous  by 
its  miraculous  church  of  St.  Michael.  Colossse  was  a 
suffragan  of  Laodicea  in  Phrygia  Pacatiana.  Besides 
St.  Epaphras,  two  bishops  are  mentioned:  Epiphanius 
in  451  and  Cosmos  in  692;  Archippus  and  Philemon, 
especially  the  latter,  are  very  doubtful.  Chonse  was 
made  an  archbishopric  about  858-60,  and  in  some 
later  "Notitifflepiscopatuum"  appears  as  a  metropolis 
without  suffragans.  Many  titulars  are  known:  Dosi- 
theus  at  Nicaea,  in  787;  Samuel,  a  friend  of  Photius, 
who  sent  him  to  Rome,  was  present  at  the  Council  of 
Constantinople  in  866;  Constantine,  in  1028;  Nicho- 
las, in  1066  and  1080;  in  1143  Nicetas,  the  godfather 
of  the  historian  Nicetas  Acominatus,  who  was  born  at 
Chonse,  as  was  his  brother  Michael,  the  famous  Metro- 
politan of  Athens. 

Lbquibn,  I,  813;    Hamilton,  Reuartha  in  Aeia  Minor 


(London,  1842),  I.  507-14;  Ramsay,  The  Citiet  and  Bishopric* 
of  Phrygia,  208-34;  Idem.  The  Letter*  to  the  Seven  Churchtt  of 
Asia  (London  and  New  York,  1905);  Lb  Camus,  Voyaae  aux 
aept  Eglieea;  Bonnvt,  Narrotio  de  miracuio  a  Miehaele  arck~ 
angeto  Chonie  patrato  (Puis,  1880). 

S.  PeTRIDES. 

Ooloasians,  Epistle  to  the,  is  one  of  the  four  Cap- 
tivity Epistles  written  by  St.  Paul  during  his  first 
imprisonment  in  Rome— the  other  three  being  Ephe- 
sians,  Philemon,  and  Philippians.  That  they  were 
written  in  prison  is  stated  in  the  Epistles  themselves. 
The  writer  mentions  his  "chain"  and  his  "bonds" 
(Eph.,  vi,  20;  Coloss.,  iv,  3,  18;  Philip.,  i,  7,  13,  17); 
he  names  his  fellow  prisoners  (Coloss.,  iv,  10;  Philem., 
23):  he  calls  himself  a  prisoner  (Eph.,  iii,  1;  iv,  1; 
Philem., 9):  "Paul  an  old  man,  and  now  a  prisoner". 
It  was  supposed  by  some  that  these  letters  were  writ- 
ten during  the  two  years'  captivity  at  Csesarea;  but  it 
is  now  generally  acknowledged  (by  all  who  admit  their 
authenticity)  that  they  were  written  during  the  years 
immediately  following,  in  Rome,  during  the  time  that 
"  Paul  was  suffered  to  dwell  by  himself,  with  a  soldier 
that  kept  him.  .  .  .  And  he  remained  two  whole  years 
in  his  own  hired  lodging;  and  he  received  all  that  came 
in  to  him"  (Acts,  xxvui,  16-30).  As  St.  Paul  had  ap- 
pealed to  the  emperor,  he  was  handed  over,  to  await 
his  trial,  to  the  prefect  of  the  Praetorian  Guard,  who 
was  at  that  time  probably  the  famous  Bun-hue,  the 
friend  of  Seneca.  He  allowed  the  Apostle  to  live  near 
the  imperial  palace  in  what  was  known  as  custodia 
militant,  his  right  wrist  being  connected  day  and 
night,  by  means  of  a  chain,  to  the  left  arm  of  a  soldier, 
who  was  relieved  at  regular  intervals  (Conybeare, 
Howson,  Lewin).  It  was  in  such  circumstances  that 
these  Epistles  were  written,  some  time  between  a.  d. 
61  and  63.  It  cannot  be  objected  that  there  is  no 
mention  in  them  of.  the  earthquake  spoken  of  by  Taci- 
tus and  Eusebius  as  having  destroyed  Laodicea;  for 
there  is  no  evidence  that  its  effects  reached  Colossse, 
and  Eusebius  fixes  the  date  later  than  these  letters. 
Colossians,  Ephesians,  and  Philemon  were  written  and 
despatched  at  one  and  the  same  time,  while  Philip- 
pians was  composed  at  a  somewhat  different  period  of 
the  captivity.  The  first  three  are  all  very  closely  con- 
nected. Tychicus  is  the  messenger  in  Eph.,  vi,  21  and 
Coloss.,  iv,  7, 8,  9.  In  the  latter  he  is  accompanied  by 
Onesimus,  in  whose  favour  the  Epistle  to  Philemon 
was  written.  In  both  Coloss ians  and  Philemon  greet- 
ings are  sent  from  Aristarchus,  Mark,  Epaphras,  Luke, 
and  Demas,  and  there  is  the  closest  literary  affinity 
between  Ephesians  and  Coloss  ians  (see  Authenticity 
of  the  Epistle  below). 

Readers  Addressed. — Three  cities  are  mentioned 
in  Colossians,  Colossse  (i,  2),  Laodicea,  and  Hierapolis 
(iv,  13.)  These  were  situated  about  120  miles  east 
from  Ephesus  in  Phrygia,  in  Western  Asia  Minor, 
Colossse  and  Laodicea  being  on  the  banks  of  the  Lycus, 
a  tributary  of  the  Mseander.  All  three  were  within  two 
or  three  hours'  walk  from  one  another.  -  Sir  William 
Ramsay  has  shown  that  these  towns  lay  altogether 
outside  the  routes  followed  by  St.  Paul  in  his  mission-' 
ary  journeys;  and  it  is  inferred  from  Coloss.,  i,  4,  6,  7, 
8  and  ii,  1,  that  they  were  never  visited  by  the  Apostle 
himself.  The  great  majority  of  the  Coloss ian  Chris- 
tians appear  to  have  been  Gentile  converts  of  Greek 
and  Phrygian  extraction  (i,  26,  27 ;  ii,  13),  though  it  is 
probable  that  there  was  a  small  proportion  of  Jews 
living  amongst  them,  as  it  is  known  that  there  were 
many  scattered  over  the  surrounding  districts  (Jose- 
ph us,  Ant.,  XII,  iii,  4,  and  Light  foot). 

Why  Written.— Colossians  was  written  as  a  warn- 
ing against  certain  false  teachers,  about  whom  St.  Paul 
had  probably  heard  from  Epaphras,  his  "  fellow-pris- 
oner and  the  founder  of  the  Church  of  the  Colossians. 
The  most  diverse  opinions  have  been  held  regarding 
these  seducers.  They  were  called  philosophers  by 
Tertullian,  Epicureans  by  St.  Clement  of  Alexandria, 


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Jews  by  Eichhora,  heathen  followers  of  Pythagoras  by 
Grotius.  They  have  also  been  called  Chaldean  magi- 
cians, Judaizing  Christians,  EssenestEbionites,  Cabbal- 
ists,  Gnostics,  or  varying  combinations  of  all  these  (see 
Jacquier,  Histoire,  I,  316;  Comely,  Introduction, 
III,  514).  The  main  outlines  of  their  errors  are,  how- 
ever, stated  with  sufficient  clearness  in  the  Epistle, 
which  contains  a  two  fold  refutation  of  them:  first,  by 
a  direct  statement  of  the  true  doctrine  on  Christ,  by 
which  the  very  foundations  of  their  erroneous  teaching 
are  shown  to  be  baseless;  and  secondly,  by  a  direct 
polemic  in  which  is  laid  bare  the  hollowness  of  what 
they  put  forth  under  the  specious  name  of  "  philos- 
ophy". Here,  philosophy  in  general  is  not  con- 
demned, but  only  the  philosophy  of  those  false  teach- 
ers (Hort,  Jud.  Chr.,  118).  This  was  not  "according 
to  Christ",  but  according  to  the  "tradition  of  men  , 
and  was  in  keeping  only  with  the  very  alphabet  of 
worldly  speculation  (itord  tA  <rroix«*  toS  k&t/wv — see 
Gal.,  iv,  3).  Josephus  and  Philo  apply  the  word 
"philosophy "to  Jewish  teaching,  and  there  can  be  no 
doubt  that  it  was  applied  so  in  Coloss.,  ii;  some  of  its 
details  are  given  in  16-23:  (1)  The  false  teachers 
wished  to  introduce  the  observance  of  Sabbaths,  new 
moons,  and  other  such  days.  (2)  They  forbade  the 
eating  and  drinking  and  even  the  very  tasting  and 
touching  of  certain  things.  (3)  Under  the  false  pre- 
tence of  numility  they  inculcated  the  worship  (tynjff«;«<a) 
of  angels,  whom  they  regarded  as  equal  or  superior  to 
Christ.  The  best  modern  commentators.  Catholic  and 
non-Catholic,  agree  with  St.  Jerome  that  all  these 
errors  were  of  Jewish  origin.  The  Essenes  held  the 
most  exaggerated  ideas  on  Sabbath  observance  and 
external  purism,  and  they  appear  to  have  employed 
the  names  of  the  angels  for  magical  purposes  (Bel. 
Jud.,  II,  vii,  2-13;  Lightfoot,  Col.  and  Dissertations). 
Many  scholars  are  of  opinion  that  the  "elements  of 
this  world"  (<rr«x«««  rod  Kfxrfwv)  mean  elemental 
spirits;  as,  at  that  time,  many  Jews  held  that  all  ma- 
terial things  had  special  angels.  In  the  Book  of 
Henoch  ana  the  Book  of  Jubilees  we  read  of  angels  of 
the  stars,  seasons,  months,  days  of  the  year,  heat,  cold, 
frost,  hail,  winds,  clouds,  etc.  Abbott  (Eph.  and 
Coloss.,  p.  248)  says  that  "the  term  properly  used  of 
the  elements  ruled  by  these  spirits  might  readily  be 
applied  to  the  spirits  themselves,  especially  as  there 
was  no  other  convenient  term".  At  any  rate,  angels 
play  an  important  part  in  most  of  early  apocryphal 
books  of  the  Jews,  e.  g.  in  the  two  books  just  men- 
tioned, the  Book  of  the  Secrets  of  Henoch,  the  Test- 
ament of  the  Twelve  Patriarchs,  etc. 

It  may  be  noted  in  passing,  that  the  words  of  the 
Epistle  against  the  superstitious  worship  of  angels 
cannot  be  taken  as  condemning  the  Catholic  invoca- 
tion of  angels.  Dr.  T.  K.  Abbott,  a  candid  non-Cath- 
olic scholar,  has  a  very  pertinent  passage  which  bears 
on  this  point  (Eph.  and  Coloss.,  p.  268):  "Zonaras 
.  .  .  says  there  was  an  ancient  heresy  of  some  who 
said  that  we  should  not  call  on  Christ  for  help  or 
access  to  God,  but  on  the  angels.  .  .  .  This  latter 
'  view,  however,  would  place  Christ  high  above  the 
angels,  and  therefore  cannot  have  been  that  of  Colos- 
sians,  who  required  to  be  taught  the  superiority  of 
Christ."  The  objection  sometimes  brought  from  a 
passage  of  Theodoret,  on  the  Council  of  Laodicea,  is 
clearly  and  completely  refuted  by  Estius  (Comm.  in 
Coloss.,  II,  18).  Another  difficulty  may  be  mentioned 
in  connexion  with  this  portion  of  the  Epistle.  The 
statement  that  the  vain  philosophy  was  in  accordance 
with  "  the  tradition  of  men"  is  not  any  disparagement 
of  Apostolic  traditions,  of  which  St.  Paul  himself 
speaks  as  follows:  "Therefore,  brethren,  stand  fast; 
and  hold  the  traditions  which  you  have  learned, 
whether  by  word  or  by  our  Epistle''  (II  Thess.,  ii,  14). 
"Now  I  praise  you,  brethren,  that  in  all  things  you  are 
mindful  of  me:  and  keep  my  ordinances  as  I  have  de- 
livered them  to  you"  (I  Cor.,  xi,  2. — See  also  II 


Thess.,  iii,  6;  I  Cor.,  vii,  17;  xi,  23;  xiv,  33;  II  Cor.,  i, 
18;  Gal.,  i,  8;  Coloss.,  ii,  6,  7;  II  Tim.,  i,  13, 14;  ii,  2; 
iii,  14;  II  John,  i,  12;  III  John,  13).  Finally,  the 
very  last  veree,  dealing  with  the  errors  (ii,  23),  is  con- 
sidered one  of  the  most  difficult  passages  in  the  whole 
of  the  Scriptures.  "  Which  things  have  indeed  a  shew 
of  wisdom  in  superstition  and  humility,  and  not  spar- 
ing the  body;  not  in  any  honour  to  the  filling  of  the 
flesh."  The  last  words  of  this  verse  have  given  rise  to 
a  multitude  of  the  most  conflicting  interpretations. 
They  have  been  taken  as  a  condemnation  of  bodily 
mortification,  and  as  an  exhortation  to  it.  Modern 
commentators  devote  much  space  to  an  enumeration 
of  the  many  opinions  and  to  an  exhaustive  study  of 
these  words  without  any  satisfactory  result.  There  can 
be  little  doubt  that  the  opinion  of  Hort,  Haupt,  and 
Peake  (Exp.  Greek  Test.,  635)  is  the  right  one,  viz. 
that  the  correct  reading  of  this  verse  became  irrevoca- 
bly lost,  in  transcription,  in  very  early  times. 

Contents. — .First  Part  (t,  n). — The  Epistle  con- 
sists of  two  parts,  the  first  two  chapters  being  dog- 
matico-polemical,  and  the  last  two  practical  or  moral 
In  the  first  part  the  writer  shows  the  absurdity  of  the 
errors  by  a  direct  statement  of  the  supereminent  dig- 
nity of  Christ,  by  Whose  blood  we  have  the  redemp- 
tion of  sins.  He  is  the  perfect  image  of  the  invisible 
God,  begotten  before  all  creatures.  By  Him  and  for 
Him  were  created  all  things  in  heaven  and  on  earth, 
visible  and  invisible,  spiritual  as  well  as  material,  and 
by  Him  are  all  things  upheld.  He  is  the  Head  of  the 
Church  and  He  has  reconciled  all  things  through  the 
blood  of  His  cross,  and  the  Colossians  "  also  he  hath 
reconciled  . . .  through  death".  St.  Paul,  as  the  Apos- 
tle of  the  Gentiles  and  a  prisoner  for  their  sakes,  ex- 
horts them  to  hold  fast  to  Christ  in  Whom  the  pleni- 
tude of  the  Godhead  dwells,  and  not  to  allow  them- 
selves under  the  plausible  name  of  philosophy,  to  be 
re-enslaved  by  Jewish  traditions  based  on  the  Law  of 
Moses,  which  was  but  the  shadow  of  which  Christ 
was  the  reality  and  which  was  abrogated  by  His  com- 
ing. They  are  not  to  listen  to  vain  and  rudimentary 
speculations  of  the  fake  teachers,  nor  are  they  to  suf- 
fer themselves  to  be  deluded  by  a  specious  plea  of  hu- 
mility to  put  angels  or  demons  on  a  level  with  Christ, 
the  creator  of  all,  the  master  of  angels,  and  conqueror 
of  demons. 

Second  Part  (iii,  iv). — In  this  portion  of  the  Epistle 
St.  Paul  draws  some  practical  lessons  from  the  fore- 
going teaching.  He  appeals  to  them  that  as  they  are 
risen  with  Christ  they  should  mind  the  things  that  are 
above;  put  off  the  old  man  and  put  on  the  new.  In 
Christ  there  is  to  be  neither  Gentile  nor  Jew,  barbarian 
nor  Scythian,  bond  nor  free.  The  duties  of  wives  and 
husbands,  children  and  servants  are  next  given.  He 
recommends  constant  prayer  and  thanksgiving,  and 
tells  them  to  walk  with  wisdom  towards  them  that  are 
without,  letting  their  speech  be  always  in  grace  sea- 
soned with  salt,  that  they  may  know  how  to  answer 
every  man.  After  the  final  greeting,  the  Apostle  ends 
with:  "The  salutation  of  Paul  with  my  own  hand. 
Be  mindful  of  my  bands.  Grace  be  with  you. 
Amen". 

Authenticity  op  the  Epistle. — External  Evi- 
dence.— The  external  evidence  for  the  Epistle  is  so 
strong  that  even  Davidson  has  gone  to  the  extent  of 
saying  that  "it  was  unanimously  attested  in  ancient 
times  .  Considering  its  brevity,  controversial  char- 
acter, and  the  local  and  ephemeral  nature  of  the  errors 
dealt  with,  it  is  surprising  how  frequently  it  was  used 
by  early  writers.  There  are  traces  of  it  in  some  of  the 
Apostolic  Fathers,  and  it  was  known  to  the  writer  of 
the  Epistle  of  Barnabas,  to  St.  Polycarp,  and  Theo- 

f hilus  of  Antioch.  It  was  quoted  by  Justin  Martyr, 
renaeus,  Tertullian,  Clement  of  Alexandria,  etc. 
From  the  Muratorian  Fragment  and  early  versions  it 
is  evident  that  it  was  contained  in  the  very  first  col- 
lections of  St.  Paul's  Epistles.    It  was  used  as  Scrip- 


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ture  early  in  the  second  century^  by  Marcion,  the  Val- 
entinians,  and  by  other  heretics  mentioned  in  the 
"Fhilosophoumena";  and  they  would  not  have  ac- 
cepted it  had  it  originated  among  their  opponents 
after  they  broke  away  from  the  Church. 

Internal  Evidence. — The  Epistle  claims  to  have  been 
written  by  St.  Paul,  and  the  internal  evidence  shows 
close  connexion  with  Philippians  (von  Soden)  and  Phil- 
emon, which  are  admitted  to  be  genuine  letters  of  St. 
Paul.  Renan  concedes  that  it  presents  several  traits 
which  are  opposed  to  the  hypothesis  of  its  being  a  f or- 

fsry,  and  of  this  number  is  its  connexion  with  the 
pistle  to  Philemon.  It  has  to  be  noted,  too,  that 
the  moral  portion  of  the  Epistle,  consisting  of  the 
last  two  chapters,  has  the  closest  affinity  with  similar 
portions  of  other  Epistles,  while  the  whole  admirably 
fits  in  with  the  known  details  of  St.  Paul's  life,  and 
throws  considerable  light  upon  them. 

Objections. — As  the  historical  evidence  is  much 
stronger  than  that  for  the  majority  of  classical  writ- 
ings, it  may  be  asked  why  its  genuineness  was  ever 
called  in  question.  It  was  never  doubted  until  1838, 
when  Meyerhoff,  followed  by  others,  be^an  to  raise 
objections  against  it.  It  wul  be  convenient  to  deal 
with  these  objections  under  the  following  four  heads: 
(1)  Style;  (2)  Christology;  (3)  Errors  dealt  with;  and 
(4)  Similarity  to  Ephesians. 

(1)  Style. — (a)  In  general,  on  comparing  the  Epistle 
with  Corinthians,  Romans,  and  Galatians,  it  will  be 
seen  that  the  style,  especially  in  the  earlier  part,  is 
heavy  and  complicated.  It  contains  no  sudden  ques- 
tions, no  crushing  dilemmas,  no  vehement  outbursts  of 
sweeping  Pauline  eloquence.  Some  of  the  sentences 
are  long  and  involved,  and  though  the  whole  is  set 
forth  in  a  lofty  and  noble  strain,  the  presentment  is 
uniform,  and  not  quite  in  the  manner,  say,  of  Gala- 
tians. Hence  it  is  objected  that  it  could  not  have 
been  written  by  St.  Paul.  But  all  this  can  be  very 
naturally  explained  when  it  is  borne  in  mind  that  the 
Epistle  was  written  after  several  years  of  monotonous 
confinement,  when  Christianity  had  taken  firm  root, 
when  the  old  type  of  Judaizer  had  become  extinct  and 
St.  Paul's  position  securely  established.  His  advanc- 
ing years,  also,  should  be  taken  into  account.  It  is 
unfair,  moreover,  to  compare  this  Epistle,  or  but  parts 
of  it,  with  onlycertain  ■portions  of  one  or  two  of  the 
earlier  ones.  There  are  long  and  involved  sentences 
scattered  throughout  Romans,  I  and  II  Corinthians, 
and  Galatians,  and  the  generally  admitted  Epistle  to 
the  Philippians.  It  has  also  to  be  observed  that 
many  of  the  old  Pauline  expressions  and  methods  of 
reasoning  are  most  naturally  and  inextricably  inter- 
woven with  the  very  tissue  and  substance  of  the  Epis- 
tle. Ample  proofs  for  all  these  statements  and  others 
throughout  this  article,  are  given  in  works  mentioned 
in  the  bibliography.  Dr.  Sanday  has  voiced  the 
opinion  of  fair-minded  critics  when  he  says  that  no- 
body can  view  the  Epistle  as  a  whole,  without  being 
impressed  by  its  unbreakable  unity  and  genuine  Paul- 
ine character. 

(b)  Many  of  St.  Paul's  favourite  expressions  are 
wanting.  From  eight  to  a  dozen  words  not  unfre- 
quently  used  by  him  in  earlier  writings  are  absent 
from  this  short  Epistle ;  and  about  a  dozen  connecting 
particles,  which  ne  employs  elsewhere,  are  also  miss- 
ing. One  or  two  instances  will  show  how  such  objec- 
tions may  readily  be  solved,  with  the  aid  of  a  concord- 
ance. The  words  Slxtuot,  vurripla,  and  rbptn  are 
not  found  in  the  Epistle.  Therefore,  etc. — But 
lUaun  is  wanting  both  in  I  Cor.  and  I  Thess. ;  awijpia 
is  not  contained  either  in  I  Cor.  or  Gal. ;  riiiot  is  not 
found  at  all  in  I  Thess.  or  II  Cor.  In  the  same  way 
(with  regard  to  connecting  particles)  ipa,  which  is  not 
in  this  Epistle,  is  not  found  either  in  Philipp.  or  the 
first  hundred  verses  of  I  Cor.,  a  space  much  longer 
than  the  whole  of  the  Epistle;  ipa  otir,  which  is  fre- 
quent in  Romans,  is  not  met  with  in  I  and  II  Cor.  and 


only  once  in  Gal.  (See  the  details  of  the  argument  in 
Abbott  and  Jacquier.) 

(c)  It  is  objected  that  the  Epistle  contains  many 
strange  words,  nowhere  else  used  by  St.  Paul.  That, 
however,  is  precisely  what  we  should  expect  in  an 
Epistle  of  St.  Paul.  Every  Epistle  written  by  him 
contains  many  words  employed  by  him  nowhere  else. 
Alford  gives  a  list  of  thirty-two  oirof  Xeyiiteva  in  this 
Epistle,  and  of  these  eighteen  occur  in  the  second 
chapter,  where  the  errors  are  dealt  with.  The  same 
thing  occurs  in  the  earlier  Epistles,  where  the  Apostle 
is  speaking  of  new  subjects  or  peculiar  errors,  and 
there  iwa(  Xeyi/tera  most  abound.  This  Epistle  does 
not  show  more  than  the  ordinary  proportion  of  new 
words  and  in  this  respect  compares  favourably  with 
the  genuine  II  Cor.  Furthermore,  the  compound 
words  found  in  the  Epistle  have  their  analogues  in 
similar  passages  of  the  authentic  Epistle  to  the  Ro- 
mans. It  would  be  most  absurd  to  bind  down  to  a 
narrow  and  set  vocabulary  a  writer  of  such  intellec- 
tual vigour  and  literary  versatility  as  St.  Paul.  The 
vocabulary  of  all  writers  changes  with  time,  place,  and 
subject-matter.  Salmon,  Manaffy,  and  others  have 
pointed  out  that  similar  changes  of  vocabulary  occur 
in  the  writings  of  Xenophon,  who  was  a  traveller  like 
St.  Paul.  Compare  the  earlier  and  later  letters  of 
Lord  Acton  (edited  by  Abbot  Gasquet)  or  of  Cardinal 
Newman. 

(2)  Ckristohgy. — It  has  been  objected  that  the  ex- 
alted idea  of  Christ  presented  in  the  Epistle  could  not 
have  been  written  by  St.  Paul.  In  answer  to  this  it 
will  be  sufficient  to  quote  the  following  passage  from 
the  genuine  Epistle  to  the  Philippians:  ''Who  [Christ 
Jesus]  being  in  the  form  of  God,  thought  it  not  robbery 
to  be  equal  with  God:  but  emptied  himself,  taking  the 
form  of  a  servant"  (ii,  6,  7,  etc.  See  Romans,  i,  3,  4; 
Gr.  text,  viii,  3;  I  Cor.,  viii,  6;  II  Cor.,  viii,  9;  Gal.,  iv, 
6,  etc.).  That  the  Christology  of  the  Epistle  does  not 
differ  in  any  essential  point  from  that  of  St.  Paul's 
other  Epistles  is  seen  from  an  impartial  study  of  these 
latter.  The  subject  has  been  scientifically  worked  out 
by  Pere  Rose  (Rev.  bibl.,  1903),  M.  Lepin  (Jesus  Mes- 
sie,  341),  Sanday  (Criticism  of  the  Fourth  Gospel,  lect. 
vii,  Oxford,  1905),  Knowling  (The  Testimony  of  St. 
Paul  to  Christ,  London,  1905),  Lacey  (The  Historic 
Christ,  London,  1905),  etc.  Nor  can  the  words  (i,  24) : 
I  ...  "fill  up  those  things  that  are  wanting  of  the 
sufferings  of  Christ,  in  my  flesh,  for  his  body,  which  is 
the  church",  present  any  difficulty  when  it  is  remem- 
bered that  he  had  just  said  that  Christ  had  reconciled 
all  through  the  blood  of  His  cross,  and  that  the  correct 
meaning  of  drrawirXijpu  tA  iarifrfiitara  t&v  dXtytur  to© 
XpurroO  iv  t§  irapxl  pnv  inrtp  roO  cii/urns  a&roQ,  t  imp 
■il  facXiprta  is:  "I  am  filling  up  those  Christian 
sufferings  that  remain  for  me  to  endure  for  the 
sake  of  the  Church  of  Christ",  etc.  Compare  II  Cor., 
i,  5,  "For  as  the  sufferings  of  Christ  abound  in  us" 

(rd  raff^nara  roO  Xpurrod). 

(3)  Errors  dealt  with. — The  objection  under  this 
heading  need  not  detain  us  long.  Some  years  ago  it 
was  frequently  asserted  that  the  errors  combated  in 
this  Epistle  were  Gnostic  errors  of  the  second  century, 
and  that  the  Epistle  was  therefore  written  many  years 
after  St.  Paul's  death.  But  this  opinion  is  now  con- 
sidered, even  by  the  most  advanced  critics,  as  ex- 
ploded and  antiquated.  Nobody  can  read  the  writ- 
ings of  these  Gnostics  without  becoming  convinced 
that  terms  employed  by  them  were  used  in  a  quite  dif- 
ferent sense  from  that  attached  to  them  in  the  Epis- 
tle. Baur  himself  appears  to  have  had  considerable 
misgivings  on  the  point.  The  errors  of  Judaic  Gnos- 
ticism, condemned  in  the  Epistle,  were  quite  embry- 
onic when  compared  with  the  full-blown  Greek  Gnos- 
ticism of  the  second  century  (see  Lightfoot,  Coloss., 
etc.). 

(4)  Similarity  to  Ephesians. — The  principal  objec- 
tion to  the  Epistle  is  its  great  similarity  to  Ephesians. 


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Davidson  stated  that  out  of  155  verses  in  the  latter 
Epistle  78  were  identical  with  Colossians.  De  Wette 
held  that  Ephesians  was  but  a  verbose  amplification 
of  Colossians.  Baurthought  Ephesians  thesuperior  let- 
ter, and  Renan  asked  how  can  we  suppose  the  Apostle 
spending  his  time  in  making  a  bald  transcription  of 
himself.  But,  as  Dr.  Salmon  pointed  out,  an  Apostle 
might  write  a  circular  letter,  that  is,  he  might  send  to 
different  places  letters  couched  in  identical  words. 
Many  theories  have  been  elaborated  to  explain  these 
undoubted  resemblances.  Ewald  maintained  that 
the  substance  was  St.  Paul's,  while  the  composition 
was  left  to  Timothy.  Weiss  and  Hitzig  had  recourse 
to  a  theory  of  interpolations.  But  the  theory  that 
has  gained  the  greatest  amount  of  notoriety  is  that  of 
H.  J.  Holtzmann.  In  his  "  Kritik  der  Epheser-  und 
Kolosser-Briefe"  (1872)  he  instituted  a  most  elaborate 
and  exhaustive  comparison  between  the  two  Epistles. 
He  took  a  number  of  passages  which  seemed  to  prove 
the  priority  of  Ephesians  and  an  equal  number  which 
were  just  as  conclusive  that  Colossians  was  the  earlier. 
The  natural  conclusion  would  be  that  all  these  simi- 
larities were  due  to  the  same  author  writing  and 
dispatching  these  Epistles  at  one  and  the  same  time. 
But  Holtzmann's  explanation  was  quite  different.  He 
supposed  that  St.  Paul  wrote  a  short  epistle  to  the 
Colossians.  From  the  study  of  this  epistle  a  later 
writer  composed  the  Epistle  to  the  Ephesians.  Then 
taking  St.  Paul's  short  Epistle  to  the  Colossians  he 
made  interpolations  and  additions  to  it  from  his  own 
composition  to  the  Ephesians,  and  thus  built  up  our 
present  Epistle  to  the  Ephesians,  and  that  with  such 
success  that  the  thing  was  never  suspected  until  the 
nineteenth  century.  This  intricate  and  complicated 
theory  did  not  gain  a  single  adherent,  even  amongst 
the  most  advanced  critical  school.  Hilgenfeld  re- 
jected it  in  1873;  but  its  best  refutation  is  von  So- 
den's  detailed  criticism  of  1885.  He  held  that  only 
about  eight  verses  could  be  regarded  as  interpolations. 
Sanday  in  Smith's  "Diet,  of  the  Bible"  (I,  625) 
pointed  out  that  von  Soden's  lines  of  demarcation 
were  purely  imaginary,  and  Pfleiderer  showed  the  in- 
consistency involved  in  his  rejection  of  these  verses. 
The  results  of  these  criticisms  and  of  further  study 
convinced  von  Soden,  in  1891,  that  the  whole  Epistle 
was  genuine,  with  the  exception  of  a  single  verse — a 
verse  now  generally  held  to  be  genuine.  In  1894  Jtt- 
licher  stated  that  the  best  solution  was  to  admit  the 
authenticity  of  both  Epistles,  though  he  speaks  more 
hesitatingly  in  "Encyc.  Bibl.",  1889.  J.  Weiss  made 
an  abortive  attempt  to  resuscitate  Holtzmann's  mori- 
bund theory  in  1900. 

Whilst  Holtzmann's  facts  are  incontestable,  and  only 
go  to  prove  the  community  of  authorship,  his  explana- 
tion (in  which  he  seems  to  have  lost  faith)  is  rejected 
by  scholars  as  artificial  and  unreal.  It  affords  no  ex- 
planation of  many  things  connected  with  these  Epis- 
tles. It  does  not  explain  how  the  early  Christians 
allowed  a  genuine  letter  of  St.  Paul  to  become  com- 
pletely lost,  without  trace  or  mention,  for  the  sake  of 
two  ^forgeries  of  much  later  date.  Each  Epistle,  taken 
by  itself,  shows  such  unity  and  connexion  of  argu- 
ment and  language,  that  if  the  other  were  not  in  exist- 
ence no  one  would  have  suspected  the  slightest  degree 
of  interpolation.  The  parts  rejected  as  interpola- 
tions break  the  unity  of  argument  and  flow  of  ideas. 
Why  should  a  forger,  capable  of  writing  the  bulk  of 
both  Epistles,  take  the  trouble  to  interpolate  verses 
and  half  of  his  own  production  from  one  Epistle  into 
the  other,  and  that  in  quite  a  different  connexion? 
Besides,  as  Principal  Salmond  observes,  there  is  not  a 
dull  sameness  of  style  in  both  Epistles.  Ephesians  is 
round,  full,  rhythmical;  Colossians  more  pointed, 
logical,  and  concise.  Ephesians  has  several  references 
to  the  O.  T. ;  Colossians  only  one.  There  are  different 
new  words  in  each,  and  there  are  whole  passages  in 
the  one  and  nothing  like  them  found  in  the  other. 


The  expressions  supposed  to  have  come  from  Colos- 
sians occur  quite  naturally  in  Ephesians,  but  by  no 
means  in  the  same  context  and  connexion,  and  vice 
versa.  As  Holtzmann's  hypothesis  has  completely 
broken  down,  his  study  of  the  Epistles  shows  such 
close  relationship  between  them  that  there  can  be  only 
one  other  possible  explanation:  that  both  are  the  gen- 
uine writings  of  one  man,  and  that  man  was  St.  Paul. 
Paley,  who  wrote  his  "Horse  Paulinas"  in  1790,  set 
forth  this  side  of  the  argument  long  before  these  ob- 
jections were  thought  of;  and  the  fact  that  he  can  still 
be  quoted,  without  qualification,  in  this  connexion,  is 
the  best  proof  of  the  futility  of  all  such  objections. 
He  says  (Hone  Paulinas,  London,  1790,  215): — 

"Whoever  writes  two  letters  or  discourses  nearly 
upon  the  same  subject  and  at  no  great  distance  of 
time,  but  without  any  express  recollection  of  what  he 
had  written  before  will  find  himself  repeating  some 
sentences  in  the  very  order  of  the  words  in  which  he 
had  already  used  them;  but  he  will  more  frequently 
find  himself  employing  some  principal  terms,  with  the 
order  inadvertently  changed,  or  with  the  order  dis- 
turbed by  the  intermixture  of  other  words  and 
phrases  expressive  of  ideas  rising  up  at  the  time,  or  in 
many  instances  repeating  not  single  words,  nor  yet 
whofe  sentences,  but  parts  and  fragments  of  sentences. 
Of  all  these  varieties  the  examination  of  our  two  epis- 
tles will  furnish  plain  examples,  and  I  should  rely  on 
this  class  of  instances  more  than  on  the  last,  because 
although  an  impostor  might  transcribe  into  a  forgery 
entire  sentences  and  phrases,  yet  the  dislocation  of 
words,  the  partial  recollection  of  phrases  and  sen- 
tences, the  intermixture  of  new  terms  and  new  ideas 
with  terms  and  ideas  before  used,  which  will  appear 
in  the  examples  that  follow,  and  which  are  the  natural 
products  of  writing  produced  under  the  circumstances 
in  which  these  epistles  are  represented  to  have  been 
composed — would  not,  I  think,  have  occurred  to  the 
invention  of  a  forger,  nor,  if  they  had  occurred  would 
they  have  been  so  easily  executed.  This  studied  vari- 
ation was  a  refinement  in  forgery  which  I  believe  did 
not  exist,  or  if  we  can  suppose  it  to  have  been  prac- 
tised in  the  instances  adduced  below,  why,  it  may  be 
asked,  was  not  the  same  art  exercised  upon  those 
which  we  have  collected  in  the  preceding  class?"  He 
then  goes  on  to  illustrate  all  these  points  by  numerous 
examples  taken  from  all  parts  of  these  Epistles. 

St.  Jerome,  Ep.  crxi.  Ad  Algas..  q.  x  in  Opera  (Venice. 
1766).  I.  Pt.  I,  878;  Cobnelt,  Inlrod.  (Paris,  1897),  III; 
Salmon,  lnirod.  to  New  Tent.  (London,  1897);  Jacqcieb,  His- 
toire  des  Limes  du  Nouveau  Test.  (Paris,  1906),  I;  Eunus,  Com- 
mentarius  (Mains,  1844) ;  Bispino,  Erklarung  der  Brirfe  an  die 
Eph.,  Philip..  Kol.  (MOnster,  1855);  McEVilly,  Exposition 
(Dublin,  1860);  Alforb,  New  Test.  Critical  and  Exeoetical  Com- 
mentary (London,  1856);  Ellioott,  Critical  and  Grammatical 
Comm.  (London,  1857);  Liohtfoot,  Colossians  and  Philemon 
(London,  1879) ;  Idem,  Dissertations  on  the  Apostolic  Age  (Lon- 
don, 1875);  Sanday  in  Smith,  Dict.of  the  Bible  (London,  1893); 
von  Soden,  Die  Briefe  an  die  Kolosser,  etc.  (Leipiig,  1893): 
Salmond,  Ephesians:  Peaks,  Colossians  in  Exp.  Greek  Test. 
(London,  1903).  One  of  the  best  books  on  the  subject  is 
Abbott,  Ephesians  and  Colossians.  See  also  The  International 
Critical  Commentary,  ed.  Clabk  (Edinburgh,  1907);  Hoht, 
Judaic  Christianity  (London,  1898).  C.  AHERNE. 

Colours,  Liturgical. — By  a  law  of  her  liturgy  the 
Church  directs  that  the  vestments  worn  by  her  sacred 
ministers,  and  the  drapery  used  in  the  decoration  of 
the  altar  should  correspond  in  colour  to  that  which  is 
prescribed  for  the  Office  of  the  day.  The  colours  thus 
sanctioned  by  the  Church  in  connexion  with  her  pub- 
lic worship  are  called  the  liturgical  colours.  Here  it 
will  be  enough  to  examine  (1)  their  number;  (2)  the 
drapery  and  vestments  affected  by  them;  (3)  their 
obligation;  (4)  their  antiquity,  and  (5)  their  symbol- 
ism. 

I.  Number. — Tn  the  Roman  Rite,  since  Pius  V,  col- 
ours are  five  in  number,  viz.:  white,  red,  green,  violet, 
and  black.  Rose  colour  is  employed  only  on  LiPtare 
and  Gaudete  Sundays.  Blue  is  prescribed'  in  some  dio- 
ceses of  Spain  for  the  Mass  of  the  Immaculate  Concep- 


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tion.  White  is  the  colour  proper  to  Trinity  Sunday, 
the  feasts  of  Our  Lord,  except  those  of  His  Passion, 
the  feasts  of  the  Blessed  Virgin,  angels,  confessors,  vir- 
gins and  women,  who  are  not  martyrs,  the  Nativity  of 
St.  John  the  Baptist,  the  chief  feast  of  St.  John  the 
Evangelist,  the  feast  of  the  Chains  and  of  the  Chair  of 
St.  Peter,  the  Conversion  of  St.  Paul,  All  Saints,  to  the 
consecration  of  churches  and  altars,  the  anniversaries 
of  the  election  and  coronation  of  the  pope  and  of  the 
election  and  consecration  of  bishops;  also  for  the  oc- 
taves of  these  feasts  and  the  Offices  de  tempore  from 
Holy  Saturday  to  the  vigil  of  Pentecost;  it  is  used  for 
votive  Masses  when  the  feasts  have  white,  and  for  the 
nuptial  Mass;  also  in  services  in  connexion  with  the 
Blessed  Sacrament,  at  the  burial  of  children,  in  the  ad- 
ministration of  baptism,  Holy  Viaticum,  and  matri- 
mony. 

Red  is  used  the  week  of  Pentecost,  on  the  feasts  of 
Christ's  Passion  and  His  Precious  Blood,  the  Finding 
and  Elevation  of  the  Cross,  the  feasts  of  Apostles  and 
martyrs;  and  in  votive  Masses  of  these  feasts.  It  is 
used  on  Holy  Innocents  if  the  feast  occur  on  Sunday 
and  always  on  its  octave. 

Green  is  employed  in  Offices  de  tempore  from  the 
octave  of  the  Epiphany  to  Septuagesima,  and  from 
the  octave  of  Pentecost  to  Advent,  except  on  ember- 
days  and  vigils  during  that  time,  and  on  Sundays  oc- 
curring within  an  octave. 

Violet  is  used  during  Advent  and  from  Septuages- 
ima to  Easter,  on  vigils  that  are  fast  days,  and  on 
ember-days,  except  the  vigil  of  Pentecost  and  the 
ember-dayB  during  the  octave  of  Pentecost.  Violet  is 
also  used  lor  Mass  on  rogation-days,  for  votive  Masses 
of  the  Passion  and  of  penitential  character,  at  the 
blessing  of  candles  and  of  holy  water.  The  stole  used 
in  the  administration  of  penance  and  of  extreme  unc- 
tion and  in  the  first  part  of  the  baptismal  ceremonies 
must  be  violet. 

Black  is  used  in  offices  for  the  dead,  and  on  Good 
Friday. 

II.  — The  drapery  and  vestments  affected,  by  the 
law  of  liturgical  colours  are  (a)  the  antependium  of  the 
altar,  and  as  a  matter  of  appropriateness,  the  taber- 
nacle veil ;  (b)  the  burse  ana  chalice  veil ;  (c)  maniple, 
stole,  chasuble,  cope,  and  humeral  veil ;  (d)  maniple, 
stole,  tunic,  and  dalmatic  of  the  sacred  ministers,  and 
also  the  broad  stole  and  folded  chasuble  when  em- 
ployed. All  these  must  correspond  with  the  rules 
prescribing  the  use  of  each  colour.  The  rubrical  pre- 
scriptions regard  the  main  or  constitutive  portion  of 
each  vestment,  so  that  the  borders  or  other  orna- 
mental accessories  do  not  determine  the  quality  of 
colour.  Neither  does  the  lining,  but  the  Roman  prac- 
tice is  to  have  it  in  harmony  with  the  vestment  itself, 
yellow  however  being  generally  adopted  instead  of 
pure  white. 

III.  Obligation. — The  obligation  of  using  any  par- 
ticular colour  begins  with  the  First  Vespers  of  the 
Office  of  which  it  is  characteristic,  or  with  the  Matins 
if  the  Office  has  no  First  Vespers,  and  ceases  as  soon  as 
the  following  Office  begins.  Vestments  made  of  pure 
cloth  of  gold  may  be  employed  for  red,  white,  and  green 
colours  (Decret.  Authent.,  nn.  3145,  3646,  ed.  1900); 
cloth  of  silver  may  be  used  instead  of  white.  Multi- 
coloured vestments  cannot  be  used  except  for  the  pre- 
dominant colour. 

IV.  Antiquity. — Benedict  XIV  (De  Sacro  Sacri- 
ficio  Missse  I,  VIII,  n.  16)  says  that  up  to  the  fourth 
century  white  was  the  only  liturgical  colour  in  use. 
Other  colours  were  introduced  soon  afterwards.  In- 
nocent III  (d.  1216)  is  among  the  first  to  emphasize  a 
distinction.  He  mentions  four  principal  colours, 
white,  red,  green,  black  (De  Sac.  Alt.  Mys.,  I,  Ixv)  as  of 
general  use,  and  one,  viz.  violet,  as  occasionally  em- 
ployed. This  latter  was  regularly  used  from  the  thir- 
teenth century.  An  "Ordo  Roman  us"  of  the  four- 
teenth century  enumerates  five.   Between  the  twelfth 


and  sixteenth  centuries  blue  and  yellow  were  common 
but  they  may  not  be  used  without  very  special  authori- 
zation (Cong,  of  Rites,  Sept.,  1837). 

V.  Symbolism.— Outside  of  Rome  uniformity  of 
observance  was  effected  in  the  second  quarter  of  the 
nineteenth  century  by  the  abrogation  of  other  uses. 
In  the  Western  Church  only  the  Ambrosian  Rite 
(q.  v.)  retains  its  peculiar  colours.  Most  of  the  Ori- 
ental rites  have  no  prescribed  liturgical  colours.  The 
Greek  Rite  (q.  v.)  alone  has  a  fixed  usage  but  even 
among  them  it  is  not  of  strict  obligation.  The  Ruthe- 
nians  follow  the  Roman  regulation  since  1891.  The 
variety  of  liturgical  colours  in  the  Church  arose  from 
the  mystical  meaning  attached  to  them.  Thus  white, 
the  symbol  of  light,  typifies  innocence  and  purity,  joy 
and  glory;  red,  the  language  of  fire  and  blood,  indi- 
cates burning  charity  and  the  martyrs'  generous  sacri- 
fice; green,  the  hue  of  plants  and  trees,  bespeaks  the 
hope  of  life  eternal;  violet,  the  gloomy  cast  of  the 
mortified,  denotes  affliction  and  melancholy  ;  while 
black,  the  universal  emblem  of  mourning,  signifies  the 
sorrow  of  death  and  the  sombreness  of  the  tomb. 

Lboo,  Notes  on  History  of  Liturgical  Colour)  (London,  1882); 
Van  deb  Stappen,  De  Celebratione  Missal  (Mechlin,  1902).  120- 
133;  Macalister,  Ecclesiastical  Vestments  (London,  1806);  pp. 
223-28);  Brack,  Die  liturmrsche  Gewandu.no  (Freiburg  im  Br. 
1907),  pp.  728-60;  Gihr,  The  Holy  Sacrifice  of  Ike  Mass  (tr.,  St. 
Louis.  1902),  297-312;  Rock,  Church  of  Our  Fathers  (2nd 
edition,  London,  1904),  II,  213  sq.;  Wilpert,  Geviandung  der 
Christen  (Freiburg,  1898). 

Patrick  Morrisroe. 

Oolton,  Charles  H.   See  Buffalo,  Diocese  of. 

Columba,  Saint,  of  Terryglass,  son  of  Crinthainn 
and  a  disciple  of  St.  Finnian  of  Clonaxd.  When  the 
latter  was  in  extremis,  from  the  plague,  Columba  admin- 
istered Holy  Viaticum.  Having  completed  his  stud- 
ies, he  took  charge  of  Caemhan,  Fintan,  and  Mocumin, 
who  are  numbered  among  the  saints.  He  founded  the 
celebrated  monastery  of  Tirdaglas,  or  Terryglass,  548. 
It  is  said  that  he  visited  Tours  and  brought  thence 
relics  of  St.  Martin.  He  died  of  the  plague,  13  De- 
cember, 552,  and  was  buried  within  the  precincts  of 
his  own  monastery  at  Terryglass.  Some  fifteen  other 
saints  of  Ireland,  bearing  the  name  Columba,  are  men- 
tioned in  the  Martyrology  of  Gorman. 

Butler,  Lives  of  Saints,  XII;  Lanioan,  Ecclesiastical  History 
of  Ireland  (Dublin.  1829), II,  71;  Henry  Bradshaw  Soc,  Mar- 
tyrology of  Gorman  (1895) ,  p.  345 ;  Ussher,  Works  (Dublin, 
1847),  VI,  533. 

Columba  Edmonds. 

Oolumba,  Saint. — There  are  two  saints  of  this 
name,  virgins  and  martyrs'. 

(1)  St.  Columba  of  Sens,  who  suffered  towards  the 
end  of  the  third  century,  probably  under  the  Em- 
peror Aurelian.  She  is  said  to  have  been  beheaded 
near  a  fountain  called  d'Azon;  and  the  tradition  is 
that  her  body  was  left  by  her  murderers  on  the  ground, 
until  it  was  buried  by  a  man  called  Aubertus,  in 
thanksgiving  for  his  restoration  to  sight  on  his  in- 
voking her.  A  chapel  was  afterwards  built  over  her 
relics;  and,  later  on,  rose  the  Abbey  of  Sens,  which  at 
one  time  was  a  place  of  pilgrimage  in  her  honour.  She 
is  also  said  to  have  been  patroness  of  the  parish  church 
of  CheviUy  in  the  Diocese  of  Paris,  but  her  whole  his- 
tory is  somewhat  legendary. 

Butler,  Lives  of  the  Saints,  IV,  592;  Brdllee,  Histoire  de 
VAbbaye  royale  de  Sens  (1852),  containing  a  rhymed  life  of  the 
martyr  published  at  Paris  in  1660.  This  book  was  written 
partly  in  the  hope  of  restoring  popular  devotion  to  St.  Columba. 

(2)  St.  Columba,  a  Spanish  nun,  of  whom  it  is  re- 
lated that  she  was  beheaded  by  the  Moors  at  the  mon- 
astery of  Tabanos  in  853.  Her  body  is  said  to  have 
been  thrown  into  the  Guadalquivir,  but  was  rescued 
by  the  Christians.  Her  relics  were  kept  and  vener- 
ated in  Old  Castile  at  two  churches,  the  priory  of  St. 
Columba  and  the  royal  Abbey  of  Our  Lady  at  Nagara. 

Biiti.fr.  Lirrs  of  the  Saints.  Ill,  491;  Suybken  in  Acta  SS., 
Sepl.,  V,  618  sqq.;  Bibl.  hagiogr.  tat.  (1899),  283  sq. 

F.  M.  Capes. 


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Columba,  Saint,  Abbot  or  Iona,  b.  at  Gar-tan, 

County  Donegal,  Ireland,  7  December,  621 ;  d.  9  June, 
597.  He  belonged  to  the  Clan  O'Donnell,  and  was  of 
royal  descent.  His  father's  name  was  Fedhlimdh  and 
that  of  his  mother  Eithne.  On  his  father's  side  he 
was  great-great-grandson  of  Niall  of  the  Nine  Hos- 
tages, an  Irish  king  of  the  fourth  century.  His  bap- 
tismal name  was  Colum,  which  signifies  a  dove,  hence 
the  latinized  form  Columba.  It  assumes  another 
form  in  Colum-cille,  the  suffix  meaning  "of  the 
Churches  ".  He  was  baptized  at  Tulach-Dubhglaise, 
now  Temple-Douglas,  by  a  priest  named  Cruithne- 
chan,  who  afterwards  became  his  tutor  or  foster- 
father.  When  sufficiently  advanced  in  letters  he 
entered  the  monastic  school  of  Moville  under  St.  Fin- 
nian,  who  had  studied  at  St.  Ninian's  "Magnum  Mon- 
asterium"  on  the  shores  of  Galloway.  Columba  at 
Moville  embraced  monastic  life  and  received  the  diac- 
onate.  In  the  same  place  his  sanctity  first  manifested  it- 
self by  miracles.  By  his  prayers,  tradition  says,  he  con- 
verted water  into  wine  for  the  Holy  Sacrifice  (Adam., 
II,  i).  Having  completed  his  training  at  Moville,  he 
travelled  southwards  into  Leinster,  where  he  became  a 
pupil  of  an  aged  bard  named  Gcmman.  On  leaving 
turn,  Columba  entered  the  monastery  of  Clonard,  gov- 
erned at  that  time  by  Finnian,  a  man  remarkable,  like 
his  namesake  of  Moville,  for  sanctity  and  learning. 
Here  he  imbibed  the  traditions  of  the  Welsh  Church, 
for  Finnian  had  been  trained  in  the  schools  of  St. 
David.  Here  also  he  became  one  of  those  twelve 
Clonard  disciples  known  in  subsequent  history  as  the 
Twelve  Apostles  of  Ireland.  About  this  same  time 
he  was  promoted  to  the  priesthood  by  Bishop  Etchen 
of  Clonfad.  The  story  that  St.  Finnian  wished  Co- 
lumba to  be  consecrated  bishop,  but  through  a  mis- 
take only  priest's  orders  were  conferred,  is  regarded  by 
competent  authorities  as  the  invention  of  a  later  age 
(Reeves,  Adam.,  226). 

Another  preceptor  of  Columba  was  St.  Mobhi, 
whose  monastery  at  Glasnevin  was  frequented  by 
such  famous  men  as  St.  Canice,  St.  Comgall,  and  St. 
Ciaran.  A  pestilence  which  devastated  Ireland  in  544 
caused  the  dispersion  of  Mobhi's  disciples,  and  Co- 
lumba returned  to  Ulster,  the  land  of  his  kindred. 
The  following  years  were  marked  by  the  foundation 
of  several  important  monasteries,  Deny,  Durrow,  and 
Kells.  Deny  and  Durrow  were  always  specially  dear 
to  Columba.  While  at  Deny  it  is  said  that  he  planned 
a  pilgrimage  to  Rome  and  Jerusalem,  but  did  not  pro- 
ceed farther  than  Tours.  Thence  he  brought  a  copy 
of  the  Gospels  that  had  lain  on  the  bosom  of  St.  Martin 
for  the  space  of  100  years.  This  relic  was  deposited 
in  Deny  (Skene,  Celtic  Scotland,  II,  483).  Columba 
left  Ireland  and  passed  over  into  Scotland  in  563.  The 
motives  for  this  migration  have  been  frequently  dis- 
cussed. Bede  simply  says:  "Venit  de  Hibernia  .  .  . 
praedicaturus  verbum  Dei  (H.  E.,  Ill,  iv);  Adamnan: 
"pro  Christo  perigrinari  volens  enavigavit"  (Prsef., 
XI).  Later  writers  state  that  his  departure  was  due 
to  the  fact  that  he  had  induced  the  clan  Neill  to  rise 
and  engage  in  battle  against  King  Diarmait  at  Cool- 
drevny  in  561.  The  reasons  alleged  for  this  action  of 
Columba  are:  (1)  The  king's  violation  of  the  right  of 
sanctuary  belonging  to  Columba 's  person  as  a  monk, 
on  the  occasion  of  the  murder  of  Prince  Curnan,  the 
saint's  kinsman;  (2)  Diarmait 's  adverse  judgment 
concerning  the  copy  Columba  had  secretly  made  of  St. 
Finnian 's  psalter.  Columba  is  said  to  have  supported 
by  his  prayers  the  men  of  the  North  who  were  fighting, 
whil«  Finnian  did  the  same  for  Diarmait's  men.  The 
latter  were  defeated  with  a  loss  of  three  thousand. 
Columba's  conscience  smote  him,  and  he  had  recourse 
to  his  confessor,  St.  Molaise,  who  imposed  this  severe 
penance:  to  leave  Ireland  and  preach  the  Gospel  so  as 
to  gain  as  many  souls  to  Christ  as  lives  lost  at  Cool- 
drevny,  and  never  more  to  look  upon  his  native  land. 
Some  writers  hold  that  these  are  legends  invented  by 


the  bards  and  romancers  of  a  later  age,  because  there 
is  no  mention  of  them  by  the  earliest  authorities 
(O'Hanlon,  Lives  of  the  Ir.  Saints,  VI,  353).  Cardi- 
nal Moran  accepts  no  other  motive  than  that  assigned 
by  Adamnan,  a  desire  to  carry  the  Gospel  to  a  pagan 
nation  and  to  win  souls  to  God".  (Lives  of  Irish 
Saints  in  Great  Britain,  67).  Archbishop  Healy,  on 
the  contrary,  considers  that  the  saint  did  incite  to 
battle,  and  exclaims:  "0  fdix  culpa  .  .  .  which  pro- 
duced so  much  good  both  for  Erin  and  Alba"  (Schools 
and  Scholars,  311). 

Iona. — Columba  was  in  his  forty-fourth  year  when 
he  departed  from  Ireland.  He  and  his  twelve  com- 
panions crossed  the  sea  in  a  currach  of  wickerwork 
covered  with  hides.  They  landed  at  Ions,  on  the  eve 
of  Pentecost,  12  May,  563.  The  island,  according 
to  Irish  authorities,  was  granted  to  the  monastic  colon- 
ists by  King  Conall  of  Dalriada,  Columba's  kinsman. 
Bede  attributes  the  gift  to  the  Picts  (Fowler,  p.  lxv). 
It  was  a  convenient  situation,  being  midway  between 
his  countrymen  along  the  western  coast  and  the  Picts 
of  Caledonia.  He  and  his  brethren  proceeded  at  once 
to  erect  their  humble  dwellings,  consisting  of  a  church, 
refectory,  and  cells,  constructed  of  wattles  and  rough 
planks.  After  spending  some  years  among  the  Scots 
of  Dalriada,  Columba  began  the  great  work  of  his  life, 
the  conversion  of  the  Northern  Picts.  Together  with 
St.  Comgall  and  St.  Canice  (Kenneth)  he  visited  King 
Brude  in  his  royal  residence  near  Inverness.  Admit- 
tance was  refused  to  the  missionaries,  and  the  gates 
were  closed  and  bolted ;  but  before  the  sign  of  the  cross 
the  bolts  flew  back,  the  doors  stood  open,  and  the 
monks  entered  the  castle.  Awe-struck  by  so  evident 
a  miracle,  the  king  listened  to  Columba  with  reverence 
and  was  baptized.  The  people  soon  followed  the  ex- 
ample set  them,  and  thus  was  inaugurated  a  move- 
ment that  extended  itself  to  the  whole  of  Caledonia. 
Opposition  was  not  wanting,  and  it  came  chiefly  from 
the  Druids,  who  officially  represented  the  paganism  of 
the  nation. 

The  thirty-two  remaining  years  of  Columba's  life 
were  mainly  spent  in  preaching  the  Christian  Faith  to 
the  inhabitants  of  the  glens  and  wooded  straths  of 
Northern  Scotland.  His  steps  can  be  followed  not 
only  through  the  Great  Glen,  but  eastwards  also,  into 
Aberdeenshire.  The  "Book  of  Deer"  (p.  91)  tells  as 
how  he  and  Drostan  came,  as  God  had  shown  them, 
to  Aberdour  in  Buchan,  and  how  Bede,  a  Pict,  who 
was  high  steward  of  Buchan,  gave  them  the  town  in 
freedom  forever.  The  preaching  of  the  saint  was  con- 
firmed by  many  miracles,  and  he  provided  for  the  in- 
struction of  his  converts  by  the  erection  of  numer- 
ous churches  and  monasteries.  One  of  his  journeys 
brought  him  to  Glasgow,  where  he  met  St.  Mungo,  the 
apostle  of  Strathclyde.  He  frequently  visited  Ire- 
land ;  in  575  he  attended  the  synod  of  Drumceatt,  in 
company  with  the  Scottish  King  Aidan,  whom  shortly 
before  he  had  inaugurated  successor  of  Conall  of  Dal- 
riada. When  not  engaged  in  missionary  journeys,  he 
always  resided  at  Iona.  Numerous  strangers  sought 
him  there,  and  they  received  help  for  soul  and  body. 
From  Iona  he  governed  those  numerous  communities 
in  Ireland  and  Caledonia,  which  regarded  him  as  their 
father  and  founder.  This  accounts  for  the  unique 
position  occupied  by  the  successors  of  Columba,  who 
governed  the  entire  province  of  the  Northern  Picts, 
although  they  had  received  priest's  orders  only.  It 
was  considered  unbecoming  that  any  successor  in  the 
office  of  Abbot  of  Iona  should  possess  a  dignity  higher 
than  that  of  the  founder.  The  bishops  were  regarded 
as  being  of  a  superior  order,  but  subject  nevertheless 
to  the  jurisdiction  of  the  abbot.  At  Lindisfarne  the 
monks  reverted  to  the  ordinary  law  and  were  subject 
to  a  bishop  (Bede,  H.  E.,  IV,  xxvii). 

Columba  is  said  never  to  have  spent  an  hour  with- 
out study,  prayer,  writing,  or  similar  occupations. 
When  at  home  he  was  frequently  engaged  in  trans- 


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scribing.  On  the  eve  of  his  death  he  was  engaged  in 
the  work  of  transcription.  It  is  stated  that  he  wrote 
300  books  with  his  own  hand,  two  of  which,  "The 
Book  of  Durrow"  and  the  psalter  called  "The  Ca- 
thach",  have  been  preserved  to  the  present  time. 
The  psalter,  enclosed  in  a  shrine,  was  originally  carried 
into  battle  by  the  O'Donnells  as  a  pledge  of  victory. 
Several  of  his  compositions  in  Latin  and  Irish  have 
come  down  to  us,  the  beet  known  being  the  poem 
"Altus  Prosator",  published  in  the  "fiber  Hym- 
norum  " ,  and  also  in  another  form  by  the  late  Marquess 
of  Bute.  There  is  not  sufficient  evidence  to  prove 
that  the  rule  attributed  to  him  was  really  his  work. 

In  the  spring  of  597  he  knew  that  his  end  was  ap- 
proaching. On  Saturday,  8  June,  he  ascended  the 
hill  overlooking  his  monastery  and  blessed  for  the  last 
time  the  home  so  dear  to  him.  That  afternoon  he 
was  present  at  Vespers,  and  later,  when  the  bell  sum- 
moned the  community  to  the  midnight  service,  he 
forestalled  the  others  and  entered  the  church  without 
assistance.  But  he  sank  before  the  altar,  and  in  that 
place  breathed  forth  his  soul  to  God,  surrounded  by 
his  disciples.  This  happened  a  little  after  midnight 
between  the  8th  and  9th  of  June,  597.  He  was  in  the 
seventy-seventh  year  of  his  age.  The  monks  buried 
him  within  the  monastic  enclosure.  After  the  lapse 
of  a  century  or  more  his  bones  were  disinterred  and 
placed  within  a  suitable  shrine.  But  as  Northmen 
and  Danes  more  than  once  invaded  the  island,  the 
relics  of  St.  Columba  were  carried  for  purposes  of 
safety  into  Ireland  and  deposited  in  the  church  of 
Down  pat  rick.  Since  the  twelfth  century  history  is 
silent  regarding  them.  His  books  and  garments  were 
held  in  veneration  at  Iona,  they  were  exposed  and 
carried  in  procession,  and  were  the  means  of  working 
miracles  (Adam.,  II,  xlv).  His  feast  is  kept  in  Soot- 
land  and  Ireland  on  the  9th  of  June.  In  the  Scottish 
Province  of  St.  Andrews  and  Edinburgh  there  is  a 
Mass  and  Office,  proper  to  the  festival,  which  ranks  as 
a  double  of  the  second  class  with  an  octave.  He  is 
patron  of  two  Scottish  dioceses,  Argyle  and  the  Isles 
and  Dunkeld.  According  to  tradition  St.  Columba 
was  tall  and  of  dignified  mien.  Adamnan  says: 
"He  was  angelic  in  appearance,  graceful  in  speech, 
holy  in  work"  (Prsef.,  II).  His  voice  was  strong, 
sweet,  and  sonorous,  capable  at  times  of  being  heard  at 
a  great  distance.  He  inherited  the  ardent  tempera- 
ment and  strong  passions  of  his  race.  It  has  been 
sometimes  said  that  he  was  of  an  angry  and  vindic- 
tive spirit,  not  only  because  of  his  supposed  part  in 
the  battle  of  Cooldrevny,  but  also  because  of  instances 
related  by  Adamnan  (II,  xxiii  sq.).  But  the  deeds 
that  roused  his  indignation  were  wrongs  done  to 
others,  and  the  retribution  that  overtook  the  perpe- 
trators was  rather  predicted  than  actually  invoked. 
Whatever  faults  were  inherent  in  his  nature  he  over- 
came, and  he  stands  before  the  world  conspicuous  for 
humility  and  charity  not  only  towards  his  brethren, 
but  towards  strangers  also.  He  was  generous  and 
warm-hearted,  tender  and  kind  even  to  dumb  crea- 
tures. He  was  ever  ready  to  sympathize iwith  the  joys 
and  sorrows  of  others.  His  fasts  and  vigils  were  car- 
ried to  a  great  extent.  The  stone  pillow  on  which  he 
slept  is  said  to  be  still  preserved  in  Iona.  His  chas- 
tity of  body  and  purity  of  mind  are  extolled  by  all 
his  biographers.  Notwithstanding  his  wonderful  au- 
sterities, Adamnan  assures  us  he  was  beloved  by  all, 
"for  a  holy  joyousness  that  ever  beamed  from  his 
countenance  revealed  the  gladness  with  which  the 
Holy  Spirit  filled  his  soul".  (Pwef.,II.) 

Influence,  and  Attitude  towards  Rome. — He 
was  not  only  a  great  missionary  saint  who  won  a  whole 
kingdom  to  Christ,  but  he  was  a  statesman,  a  scholar,  a 
poet,  and  the  founder  of  numerous  churches  and  mon- 
asteries. His  name  is  dear  to  Scotsmen  and  Irishmen 
alike.  And  because  of  his  great  and  noble  work  even 
non-Catholics  hold  his  memory  in  veneration.  For 


the  purposes  of  controversy  it  has  been  maintained  by 
some  that  St.  Columba  ignored  papal  supremacy,  be- 
cause he  entered  upon  his  mission  without  the  pope's 
authorization.  Adamnan  is  silent  on  the  subject;  but 
his  work  is  neither  exhaustive  as  to  Columba's  life, 
nor  does  it  pretend  to  catalogue  the  implicit  and  ex- 
plicit belief  of  his  patron.  Indeed,  in  those  days  a 
mandate  from  the  pope  was  not  deemed  essenti  alfor 
the  work  which  St.  Columba  undertook.  This  may  be 
gathered  from  the  words  of  St.  Gregory  the  Great, 
relative  to  the  neglect  of  the  British  clergy  towards 
the  pagan  Saxons  (Haddan  and  Stubbs,  III,  10). 
Columba  was  a  son  of  the  Irish  Church,  which  taught 
from  the  days  of  St.  Patrick  that  matters  of  greater 
moment  should  be  referred  to  the  Holy  See  for  set- 
tlement. St.  Columbanus,  Columba's  fellow-country- 
man and  fellow-churchman,  asked  for  papal  judg- 
ment (judicium)  on  the  Easter  question;  so  did  the 
bishops  and  abbots  of  Ireland.  There  is  not  the 
slightest  evidence  to  prove  that  St.  Columba  differed 
on  this  point  from  his  fellow-countrymen.  Moreover, 
the  Stowe  Missal,  which,  according  to  the  best  au- 
thority, represents  the  Mass  of  the  Celtic  Church  dur- 
ing the  early  part  of  the  seventh  century,  contains  in 
its  Canon  prayers  for  the  pope  more  emphatic  than 
even  those  of  the  Roman  Liturgy.  To  the  further  ob- 
jection as  to  the  supposed  absence  of  the  cultus  of 
Our  Lady,  it  may  be  pointed  out  that  the  same 
Stowe  Missal  contains  before  its  Canon  the  invoca- 
tion "  Sancta  Maria,  ora  pro  nobis  ",  which  epitomizes 
all  Catholic  devotion  to  the  Blessed  Virgin.  As  to 
the  Easter  difficulty,  Bede  thus  sums  up  the  reasons 
for  the  discrepancy:  "He  [Columba]  left  successors 
distinguished  for  great  charity,  Divine  love,  and  strict 
attention  to  the  rules  of  discipline;  following  indeed 
uncertain  cycles  in  the  computation  of  the  great  fes- 
tival of  Easter,  because,  far  away  as  they  were  out  of 
the  world,  no  one  had  supplied  them  with  the  synodal 
decrees  relating  to  the  Paschal  observance"  (H.  E., 
Ill,  iv).  As  far  as  can  be  ascertained,  no  proper  sym- 
bolical representation  of  St.  Columba  exists.  The 
few  attempts  that  have  been  made  are  for  the  most 
part  mistaken.  A  suitable  pictorial  representation 
would  exhibit  him  clothed  in  the  habit  and  cowl  usu- 
ally worn  by  the  Basilian  or  Benedictine  monks,  with 
Celtic  tonsure  and  crosier.  His  identity  could  be  best 
determined  by  showing  him  standing  near  the  shell- 
strewn  shore,  with  currach  hard  by,  and  the  Celtic 
cross  and  ruins  of  Iona  in  the  background. 

Reeves,  St.  Columba  by  Adamnan  (Edinburgh,  1874);  Fow- 
ler, Adamnani  Vita  S.  Columba  (Oxford.  1894);  Lanigan, 
Ecclesiastical  Hist,  of  Ireland  (Dublin,  1829);  Skene,  Celtic 
Scotland  (Edinburgh,  1897);  Healt,  Ireland*  Ancient  School* 
and  Scholars  (Dublin,  1890);  Mohan,  I  nth  Saint*  in  Great 
Britain  (Dublin,  1903);  O'Hanlon,  Live*  of  the  Irish  Saints 
(Dublin,  1875),  VI;  Edmonds,  Early  Scottish  Church,  Doctrine 
and  Discipline  (Edinburgh,  1906);  Dowden,  Celtic  Church 
(London,  1894);  Montauuibebt,  Monks  of  the  West  (Edin- 
burgh, 1861).  Columba  Edmonds. 

Columbanus,  Saint,  Abbot  of  Luxeuil  and  Bobbio, 
b.  in  West  Leinster,  Ireland,  in  543;  d.  at  Bobbio, 
Italy,  21  Nov.,  615.  His  life  was  written  by  Jonas, 
an  Italian  monk  of  the  Columban  community,  at 
Bobbio.  c.  643.  This  author  lived  during  the  abbacy 
of  Attala,  Columbanus's  immediate  successor,  and  his 
informants  had  been  companions  of  the  saint.  Mabil- 
lon  in  the  second  volume  of  his  "  Acta  Sanctorum  O.  S. 
B."  gives  the  life  in  full,  together  with  an  appendix  on 
the  miracles  of  the  saint,  written  by  an  anonymous 
member  of  the  Bobbio  community. 

Columbanus,  whose  birth  took  place  the  year  St. 
Benedict  died,  was  from  childhood  well  instructed. 
He  was  handsome  and  prepossessing  in  appearance, 
and  this  exposed  him  to  the  shameless  temptations 
of  several  of  his  countrywomen.  He  also  had  to 
struggle  with  his  own  temptations.  At  last  he  betook 
himself  to  a  religious  woman,  who  advised  him  thus: 
"Twelve  years  ago  I  fled  from  the  world,  and  abut 


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myself  up  in  this  cell.  Hast  thou  forgotten  Samson, 
David  and  Solomon,  all  led  astray  by  the  love  of 
women?  There  is  no  safety  for  thee,  young  man,  ex- 
cept in  flight."  He  thereupon  decided  to  act  on  this 
advice  and  retire  from  the  world.  He  encountered 
opposition,  especially  from  his  mother,  who  strove  to 
detain  him  by  casting  herself  before  him  on  the  thresh- 
old of  the  door.  But,  conquering  .the  feelings  of 
nature,  he  passed  over  the  prostrate  form  and  left  his 
home  forever.  His  first  master  was  Sinell,  Abbot  of 
Cluaninis  in  Lough  Erne.  Under  his  tuition  he  com- 
posed a  commentary  on  the  Psalms.  He  then  betook 
himself  to  the  celebrated  monastery  of  Bangor  on  the 
coast  of  Down,_which  at  that  time  had  for  its  abbot 
St.  Comgall.  There  he  embraced  the  monastic  state, 
and  for  many  years  led  a  life  conspicuous  for  fervour, 
regularity,  and  learning.  At  about  the  age  of  forty 
he  seemed  to  hear  incessantly  the  voice  of  God  bidding 
him  preach  the  Gospel  in  foreign  lands.  At  first  his 
abbot  declined  to  let  him  go,  but  at  length  he  gave 
consent. 

Columbanus  set  sail  with  twelve  companions;  their 
names  have  thus  come  down  to  us:  St.  Attala,  Colum- 
banus the  Younger,  Cummain,  Domgal,  Eogain, 
Eunan,  St.  Gall,  Gurgano,  Libran,  Lua,  Sigisbert,  and 
Waldoleno  (Stokes,  '^Apennines",  p.  112).  The  little 
band  passed  over  to  Britain,  landing  probably  on  the 
Scottish  coast.  They  remained  but  a  short  time  in 
England,  and  then  crossed  over  to  France,  where  they 
arrived  probably  in  585.  At  once  they  began  their 
apostolic  mission.  Wherever  they  went  the  people 
were  struck  by  their  modesty,  patience,  and  humility. 
France  at  that  period  needed  such  a  band  of  monks 
and  preachers.  Owing  partly  to  the  incursions  of 
barbarians,  and  partly  to  the  remissness  of  the  clergy, 
vice  and  impiety  were  prevalent.  Columbanus,  T>y 
his  holiness,  zeal,  and  learning,  was  eminently  fitted 
for  the  work  that  lay  before  nim.  He  and  nis  fol- 
lowers soon  made  their  way  to  the  court  of  Gontram, 
King  of  Burgundy.  Jonas  calls  it  the  court  of  Sigis- 
bert, King  of  Australia  and  Burgundy,  but  this  is 
manifestly  a  blunder,  for  Sigisbert  had  been  slain  in 
575.  The  fame  of  Columbanus  had  preceded  him. 
Gontram  gave  him  a  gracious  reception,  inviting  him 
to  remain  in  his  kingdom.  The  saint  complied,  and 
selected  for  his  abode  the  half-ruined  Roman  fortress 
of  Annegray  in  the  solitudes  of  the  Vosges  Mountains. 
Here  the  abbot  and  his  monks  led  the  simplest  of 
lives,  their  food  oftentimes  consisting  of  nothing  but 
forest  herbs,  berries,  and  the  bark  of  young  trees. 
The  fame  of  Columbanus's  sanctity  drew  crowds  to  his 
monastery.  Many,  both  nobles  and  rustics,  asked  to 
be  admitted  into  the  community.  Sick  persons  came 
to  be  cured  through  his  prayers.  But  Columbanus 
loved  solitude.  Often  he  would  withdraw  to  a  cave 
seven  miles  distant,  with  a  single  companion,  who 
acted  as  messenger  between  himself  and  his  brethren. 
After  a  few  years  the  ever-increasing  number  of  his 
disciples  obliged  him  to  build  another  monastery. 
Columbanus  accordingly  obtained  from  King  Gontram 
the  Gallo-Roman  castle  named  Luxeuil,  some  eight 
miles  distant  from  Annegray.  It  was  in  a  wild  dis- 
trict, thickly  covered  with  pine  forests  and  brushwood. 
This  foundation  of  the  celebrated  Abbey  of  Luxeuil 
took  place  in  590.  But  these  two  monasteries  did  not 
suffice  for  the  numbers  who  came,  and  a  third  had  to 
be  erected  at  Fontaines.  The  superiors  of  these  houses 
always  remained  subordinate  to  Columbanus.  It  is 
said  that  at  this  time  he  was  able  to  institute  a  per- 
petual service  of  praise,  known  as  Laus  perennis,  by 
which  choir  succeeded  choir,  both  day  and  night 
(Montalembert,  Monks  of  the  West,  II,  405).  For 
these  flourishing  communities  he  wrote  his  rule, 
which  embodies  the  customs  of  Bangor  and  other 
Celtic  monasteries. 

For  wellnigh  twenty  years  Columbanus  resided  in 
France  and  during  that  time  observed  the  unreformed 


paschal  computation.  But  a  dispute  arose.  The 
Frankish  bishops  were  not  too  well  disposed  towards 
this  stranger  abbot,  because  of  his  ever-increasing  in- 
fluence; and  at  last  they  showed  their  hostility. 
They  objected  to  his  Celtic  Easter  and  his  exclusion 
of  men  as  well  as  women  from  the  precincts  of  his 
monasteries.  The  councils  of  Gaul  held  in  the  first 
half  of  the  sixth  century  had  given  to  bishops  absolute 
authority  over  religious  communities,  even  going  so 
far  as  to  order  the  abbots  to  appear  periodically  before 
their  respective  bishops  to  receive  reproof  or  advice, 
as  might  be  considered  necessary.  These  enactments, 
being  contrary  to  the  custom  of  the  Celtic  monasteries, 
were  not  readily  accepted  by  Columbanus.  In  602  the 
bishops  assembled  to  judge  him.  He  did  not  appear, 
lest,  as  he  tells  us,  "he  might  contend  in  words  ,  but 
instead  addressed  a  letter  to  the  prelates  in  which  he 
speaks  with  a  strange  mixture  of  freedom,  reverence, 
and  charity.  In  it  he  admonishes  them  to  hold 
synods  more  frequently,  and  advises  that  they  pay 
attention  to  matters  equally  important  with  that  of 
the  date  of  Easter.  As  to  his  paschal  cycle  he  says: 
"I  am  not  the  author  of  this  divergence.  I  came  as  a 
poor  stranger  into  these  parts  for  the  cause  of  Christ, 
Our  Saviour.  One  thing  alone  I  ask  of  you,  holy 
Fathers,  permit  me  to  live  in  silence  in  these  forests, 
near  the  bones  of  seventeen  of  my  brethren  now 
dead."  When  the  Frankish  bishops  still  insisted  that 
the  abbot  was  wrong,  then,  in  obedience  to  St.  Pat- 
rick's canon,  he  laid  the  question  before  Pope  St. 
Gregory.  He  dispatched  two  letters  to  that  pontiff, 
but  they  never  reached  him,  "through  Satan's  inter- 
vention". The  third  letter  is  extant,  but  no  trace  of 
an  answer  appears  in  St.  Gregory's  correspondence, 
owing  probably  to  the  fact  that  the  pope  died  in  604, 
about  the  time  it  reached  Rome.  In  this  letter  he  de- 
fends the  Celtic  custom  with  considerable  freedom, 
but  the  tone  is  affectionate.  He  prays  "the  holy 
Pope,  his  Father",  to  direct  towards  him  "the  strong 
support  of  his  authority,  to  transmit  the  verdict  of  his 
favour".  Moreover,  he  apologizes  "for  presuming  to 
argue,  as  it  were,  with  him  who  sits  in  the  Chair  of 
Peter,  Apostle  and  Bearer  of  the  Keys  ".  He  directed 
another  epistle  to  Pope  Boniface  IV,  in  which  he  prays 
that,  if  it  be  not  contrary  to  the  Faith,  he  confirm  the 
tradition  of  his  elders,  so  that  by  the  papal  decision 
(judicium)  he  and  his  monks  may  be  enabled  to  follow 
the  rites  of  their  ancestors.  Before  Pope  Boniface's 
answer  (which  has  been  lost)  was  given,  Columbanus 
was  outside  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Frankish  bishops. 
As  we  hear  no  further  accusations  on  the  Easter  ques- 
tion— not  even  in  those  brought  against  his  successor, 
Eustasius  of  Luxeuil  in  624— it  would  appear  that 
after  Columbanus  had  removed  into  Italy  he  gave  up 
the  Celtic  Easter  (cf.  Acta  8S.  O.  S.  B.,  II,  p.  7). 

In  addition  to  the  Easter  question  Columbanus  had 
to  wage  war  against  vice  in  the  royal  household.  The 
young  King  Thierry,  to  whose  kingdom  Luxeuil  be- 
longed, was  living  a  life  of  debauchery.  He  was  com- 
pletely in  the  hands  of  his  grandmother,  Queen  Brune- 
nauK  (Brunehild).  On  the  death  of  King  Gontram 
the  succession  passed  to  his  nephew,  Childebert  II,  son 
of  Brunehault.  At  his  death  the  latter  left  two  sons, 
Theodebert  II  and  Thierry  II,  both  minors.  Theode- 
bert  succeeded  to  Austrasia,  Thierry  to  Burgundy,  but 
Brunehault  constituted  herself  their  guardian,  and 
held  in  her  own  power  the  government  of  the  two 
kingdoms.  As  she  advanced  in  years  she  sacrificed 
everything  to  the  passion  for  sovereignty,  hence  she 
encouraged  Thierry  in  the  practice  of  concubinage  in 
order  that  there  might  be  no  rival  queen.  Thierry, 
however,  had  a  veneration  for  Columbanus,  and  often 
visited  him.  On  these  occasions  the  saint  admonished 
and  rebuked  him,  but  in  vain.  Brunehault  became 
enraged  with  Columbanus,  and  stirred  up  the  bishops 
and  nobles  to  find  fault  with  his  rules  regarding  mon- 
astic enclosure.    Finally,  Thierry  and  his  party  went 


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to  Luxeuil  and  ordered  the  abbot  to  conform  to  the 
usages  of  the  country.  Columbanus  refused,  where- 
upon he  was  taken  prisoner  to  Besancon  to  await  fur- 
ther orders.  Taking  advantage  of  the  absence  of  re- 
straint he  speedily  returned  to  his  monastery.  On 
hearing  this,  Thierry  and  Brunehault  sent  soldiers  to 
drive  him  back  to  Ireland.  None  but  Irish  monks 
were  to  accompany  him.  Accordingly,  he  was  hurried 
to  Nevers,  made  to  embark  on  the  Loire,  and  thus  pro- 
ceed to  Nantes.  At  Tours  he  visited  the  tomb  of  St. 
Martin  and  sent  a  message  to  Thierry  that  within  three 
years  he  and  his  children  would  perish.  At  Nantes, 
before  the  embarkation,  he  addressed  a  letter  to  his 
monks,  full  of  affection.  It  is  a  memorial  of  the  love 
and  tenderness  which  existed  in  that  otherwise  austere 
and  passionate  soul.  In  it  he  desires  all  to  obey 
Attala,  whom  he  requests  to  abide  with  the  com- 
munity unless  strife  should  arise  on  the  Easter  ques- 
tion. His  letter  concludes  thus:  "  They  come  to  tell 
me  the  ship  is  ready.  .  .  .  The  end  of  my  parchment 
compels  me  to  finish  my  letter.  Love  is  not  orderly; 
it  is  this  which  has  made  it  confused.  Farewell,  dear 
hearts  of  mine;  pray  for  me  that  I  may  live  in  God." 
As  soon  as  they  set  sail,  such  a  storm  arose  that  the 
ship  was  driven  ashore.  The  captain  would  have 
nothing  more  to  do  with  these  holy  men;  they  were 
thus  free  to  go  where  they  pleased.  Columbanus 
made  his  way  to  the  friendly  King  Clothaire  at  Sois- 
sons  in  Neustria,  where  he  was  gladly  welcomed. 
Clothaire  in  vain  pressed  him  to  remain  in  his  terri- 
tory. -  Columbanus  left  Neustria  in  611  for  the  court 
of  King  Theodebert  of  Australia.  At  Metz  he  re- 
ceived an  honourable  welcome,  and  then  proceeding 
to  Mainz,  he  embarked  upon  the  Rhine  in  order  to 
reach  the  Suevi  and  Alamanni,  to  whom  he  wished 
to  preach  the  Gospel.  Ascending  the  river  and  its 
tributaries,  the  Aar  and  the  Limmat,  he  came  to  the 
Lake  of  Zurich.  Tuggen  was  chosen  as  a  centre  from 
which  to  evangelize,  Dut  the  work  was  not  successful. 
Instead  of  producing  fruit,  the  zeal  of  Columbanus 
only  excited  persecution.  In  despair  he  resolved  to 
pass  on  by  way  of  Arbon  to  Bregenz  on  Lake  Con- 
stance, where  there  were  still  some  traces  of  Chris- 
tianity. Here  the  saint  found  an  oratory  dedicated 
to  St.  Aurelia,  into  which  the  people  had  brought  three 
brass  images  of  their  tutelary  deities.  He  commanded 
St.  Gall,  who  knew  the  language,  to  preach  to  the 
inhabitants,  and  many  were  converted.  The  images 
were  destroyed,  and  Columbanus  blessed  the  little 
church,  placing  the  relics  of  St.  Aurelia  beneath  the 
altar.  A  monastery  was  erected,  and  the  brethren 
forthwith  observed  their  regular  life.  After  about  a 
year,  in  consequence  of  another  rising  against  the 
community,  Columbanus  resolved  to  cross  the  Alps 
into  Italy.  An  additional  reason  for  his  departure 
was  the  fact  that  the  arms  of  Thierry  had  prevailed 
against  Theodebert,  and  thus  the  country  on  the 
banks  of  the  Upper  Rhine  had  become  the  property 
of  his  enemy. 

On  his  arrival  at  Milan  in  612,  Columbanus  met 
with  a  kindly  welcome  from  King  Agilulf  and  Queen 
Theodelinda.  He  immediately  began  to  confute  the 
Arians  and  wrote  a  treatise  against  their  teaching, 
which  has  been  lost.  At  the  request  of  the  king,  he 
wrote  a  letter  to  Pope  Boniface  on  the  debated  sub- 
ject of  "The  Three  Chapters".  These  writings  were 
considered  to  favour  Nestorianism.  Pope  St.  Gregory, 
however,  tolerated  in  Lombardy  those  persons  who 
defended  them,  among  whom  was  King  Agilulf.  Col- 
umbanus would  probably  have  taken  no  active  part 
in  this  matter  had  not  the  king  pressed  him  so  to  do. 
But  on  this  occasion  his  zeal  certainly  outran  his 
knowledge.  The  letter  opens  with  an  apology  that  a 
"foolish  Scot"  should  be  charged  to  write  for  a  Lom- 
bard king.  He  acquaints  the  pope  with  the  imputa- 
tions brought  against  him,  and  he  is  particularly  severe 
with  the  memory  of  Pope  Vigilius.    He  entreats  the 


Smtiff  to  prove  his  orthodoxy  and  assemble  a  council, 
e  says  tnat  his  freedom  of  speech  accords  with  the 
usage  of  his  country.  "Doubtless",  Montalembert 
remarks,  "some  of  the  expressions  which  he  employs 
,  would  be  now  regarded  as  disrespectful  and  justly 
rejected.  But  in  those  young  and  vigorous  times, 
faith  and  austerity  could  be  more  indulgent"  (II, 
440).  On  the  other  hand,  the  letter  expresses  the 
most  affectionate  and  impassioned  devotion  to  the 
Holy  See.  The  whole,  however,  may  be  judged  from 
this  fragment:  "We  Irish,  though  dwelling  at  the  far 
ends  of  the  earth,  are  all  disciples  of  St.  Peter  and  St. 
Paul .  .  .  Neither  heretic,  nor  Jew,  nor  schismatic  has 
ever  been  among  us;  but  the  Catholic  Faith,  just  as 
it  was  first  delivered  to  us  by  yourselves,  the  succes- 
sors of  the  Apostles,  is  held  by  us  unchanged  .  .  .  We 
are  bound  [derindi\  to  the  Chair  of  Peter,  and  although 
Rome  is  great  and  renowned,  through  that  Chair  alone 
is  she  looked  on  as  great  and  illustrious  among  us  . . . 
On  account  of  the  two  Apostles  of  Christ,  you  [the 
pope]  are  almost  celestial,  and  Rome  is  the  head  of 
the  whole  world,  and  of  the  Churches".  If  zeal  for 
orthodoxy  caused  him  to  overstep  the  limits  of  discre- 
tion, his  real  attitude  towards  Rome  is  sufficiently 
clear.  He  declares  the  pope  to  be:  "his  Lord  and 
Father  in  Christ",  "The  Chosen  Watchman",  "The 
Prelate  most  dear  to  all  the  Faithful",  "The  most 
beautiful  Head  of  all  the  Churches  of  the  whole  of 
Europe",  "  Pastor  of  Pastors",  "The  Highest",  "The 
First  ,  "The  First  Pastor,  set  higher  than  all  mor- 
tals", "Raised  near  unto  all  the  Celestial  Beings", 
"Prince  of  the  Leaders",  "His  Father",  "His  imme- 
diate Patron",  "The  Steersman",  "The  Pilot  of  the 
Spiritual  Ship''  (AUnatt,  "Cathedra  Petri",  106). 

But  it  was  necessary  that,  in  Italy,  Columbanus 
should  have  a  settled  abode,  so  the  king  gave  him  a 
tract  of  land  called  Bobbio,  between  Milan  and  Genoa, 
near  the  River  Trebbia,  situated  in  a  defile  of  the 
Apennines.  On  his  way  thither  he  taught  the  Faith 
in  the  town  of  Mombrione,  which  is  called  San  Colom- 
bano  to  this  day.  Padre  della  Torre  considers  that 
the  saint  made  two  journeys  into  Italy,  and  that  these 
have  been  confounded  by  Jonas.  On  the  first  occasion 
he  went  to  Rome  and  received  from  Pope  Gregory 
many  sacred  relics  (Stokes,  Apennines,  132).  This 
may  possibly  explain  the  traditional  spot  in  St. 
Peter's,  where  St.  Gregory  and  St.  Columba  are  sup- 
posed to  have  met  (Moran,  Irish  SS.  in  Great  Britain, 
105).  At  Bobbio  the  saint  repaired  the  half-ruined 
church  of  St.  Peter,  and  erected  his  celebrated  abbey, 
which  for  oenturies  was  a  stronghold  of  orthodoxy  in 
Northern  Italy.  Thither  came  Clothaire's  messen- 
gers inviting  the  aged  abbot  to  return,  now  that  his 
enemies  were  dead.  But  he  could  not  go.  He  sent 
a  request  that  the  king  would  always  protect  his  dear 
monks  at  Luxeuil.  He  prepared  for  death  by  retiring 
to  his  cave  on  the  mountain-side  overlooking  the 
Trebbia,  where,  according  to  a  tradition,  he  had  dedi- 
cated an  oratory  to  Our  Lady  (Montalembert,  "  Monks 
of  the  West",  II,  444).  His  body  has  been  preserved 
in  the  abbey  church  at  Bobbio,  and  many  miracles  are 
said  to  have  been  wrought  there  through  his  interces- 
sion. In  1482  the  relics  were  placed  in  a  new  shrine 
and  laid  beneath  the  altar  of  the  crypt,  where  they  are 
still  venerated.  But  the  altar  and  shrine  are  once 
more  to  be  restored,  and  for  this  end  in  1907  an  appeal 
was  made  by  Cardinal  Logue,  and  there  is  every  pros- 
pect of  the  work  being  speedily  accomplished.  The 
sacristy  at  Bobbio  possesses  a  portion  of  the  skull  of 
the  saint,  his  knife,  wooden  cup,  bell,  and  an  ancient 
water  vessel,  formerly  containing  sacred  relics  and 
said  to  have  been  given  him  by  St.  Gregory.  Accord- 
ing to  certain  authorities,  twelve  teeth  of  the  saint 
were  taken  from  the  tomb  in  the  fifteenth  century  and 
kept  in  the  treasury,  but  these  have  now  disappeared 
(Stokes,  Apennines,  p.  183).  St.  Columbanus  is 
named  in  the  Roman  Martyrology  on  21  November, 


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but  his  feast  is  kept  by  the  Benedictines  and  through- 
out Ireland  on  24  November.  Among  his  principal 
miracles  are :  ( 1 )  procuring  of  food  for  a  sick  monk  and 
curing  the  wife  of  his  benefactor ;  (2)  escape  from  hurt 
when  -  surrounded  by  wolves ;  (3)  obedience  of  a  bear 
which  evacuated  a  cave  at  his  bidding;  (4)  producing 
a  spring  of  water  near  his  cave;  (5)  repletion  of  the 
Luxeuil  granary  when  empty;  (6)  multiplication  of 
bread  and  beer  for  his  community;  (7)  curing  of  the 
sick  monks,  who  rose  from  their  beds  at  his  request 
to  reap  the  harvest;  (8)  giving  sight  to  a  blind  man 
at  Orleans ;  (9)  destruction  by  his  breath  of  a  cauldron 
of  beer  prepared  for  a  pagan  festival;  (10)  taming  a 
bear,  and  yoking  it  to  a  plough. 

Like  other  men,  Columbanus  was  not  faultless.  In 
the  cause  of  God  he  was  impetuous  and  even  head- 
strong, for  by  nature  he  was  eager,  passionate,  and 
dauntless.  These  qualities  were  both  the  source  of 
his  power  and  the  cause  of  mistakes.  But  his  virtues 
were  very  remarkable.  He  shared  with  other  saints 
a  great  love  for  God's  creatures.  As  he  walked  in  the 
woods,  the  birds  would  alight  upon  his  shoulder  that 
he  might  caress  them,  and  the  squirrels  would  run 
down  from  the  trees  and  nestle  in  the  folds  of  his  cowl. 
The  fascination  of  his  saintly  personality  drew  numer- 
ous communities  around  him.  That  he  possessed  real 
affection  for  others  is  abundantly  manifest  in  his  letter 
to  his  brethren.  Archbishop  Healy  eulogizes  him 
thus:  "A  man  more  holy,  more  chaste,  more  self- 
denying,  a  man  with  loftier  aims  and  purer  heart  than 
Columbanus  was  never  born  in  the  Island  of  Saints" 
(Ireland's  Ancient  Schools,  378).  Regarding  his  atti- 
tude towards  the  Holy  See,  although  with  Celtic 
warmth  and  flow  of  words  he  could  defend  mere  cus- 
tom, there  is  nothing  in  his  strongest  expressions 
which  implies  that,  in  matters  of  faith,  he  for  a  mo- 
ment doubted  Rome's  supreme  authority.  His  influ- 
ence in  Europe  was  due  to  the  conversions  he  effected, 
and  to  the  rule  that  he  composed.  What  gave  rise 
to  his  apostolate?  Possibly  the  restless  energy  of  the 
Celtic  character,  which,  not  finding  sufficient  scope  in 
Ireland,  directed  itself  in  the  cause  of  Christ  to  foreign 
lands.  It  may  be  that  the  example  and  success  of 
St.  Columba  in  Caledonia  stimulated  him  to  similar 
exertions.  The  example,  however,  of  Columbanus  in 
the  sixth  century  stands  out  as  the  prototype  of  mis- 
sionary enterprise  towards  the  countries  of  Europe, 
so  eagerly  followed  up  from  England  and  Ireland  by 
such  men  as  Killian,  Virgilius,  Donatus,  Wilfrid, 
Willibrord,  Swithbert,  and  Boniface.  If  Colum- 
banus's  abbey  in  Italy  became  a  citadel  of  faith  and 
learning,  Luxeuil  in  France  became  the  nursery  of 
saints  and  apostles.  From  its  walls  went  forth  men 
who  carried  his  rule,  together  with  the  Gospel,  into 
France,  Germany,  Switzerland,  and  Italy.  There  are 
said  to  have  been  sixty-three  such  apostles  (Stokes, 
Forests  of  France,  254).  These  disciples  of  Colum- 
banus are  accredited  with  founding  over  one  hundred 
different  monasteries  (ib.,  74).  The  canton  and  town 
still  bearing  the  name  of  St.  Gall  testify  how  well  one 
disciple  succeeded. 

Columbanus  has  left  us  his  own  writings.  They 
demonstrate  that  his  attainments  were  of  no  mean 
order.  He  continued  his  literary  studies  till  the  very 
eve  of  his  death.  His  works  (Migne,  P.  L.,  LXXX) 
include:  (1)  "Penitential"  which  prescribes  penances 
according  to  guilt,  a  useful  guide  in  the  absence  of 
elaborate  treatises  on  moral  theology ;  (2)  "  Seventeen 
Short  Sermons";  (3)  "Six  Epistles";  (4)  "Latin 
Poems";  (5)  "A  Monastic  Rule".  This  last  is 
much  shorter  than  that  of  St.  Benedict,  consisting  of 
only  ten  chapters.  The  first  six  of  these  treat  of 
obedience,  silence,  food,  poverty,  humility,  and  chas- 
tity. In  these  there  is  much  in  common  with  the 
Benedictine  code,  except  that  the  fasting  is  more 
rigorous.  Chapter  vii  deals  with  the  choir  Offices. 
Sunday  Matins  in  winter  consisted  of  seventy-five 


psalms  and  twenty-five  antiphons — three  psalms  to 
each  antiphon.  In  spring  and  autumn  these  were  re- 
duced to  thirty-six,  and  in  summer  to  twenty-four. 
Fewer  were  said  on  weekdays.  The  day  hours  con- 
sisted of  Terce,  Sext,  None,  and  Vespers.  Three 
psalms  were  said  at  each  of  these  Offices,  except  Ves- 
pers, when  twelve  psalms  were  said.  Chapter  x  regu- 
lates penances  for  offences,  and  it  is  here  that  the  Rule 
of  St.  Columbanus  differs  so  widely  from  that  of  St. 
Benedict.  Stripes  or  fasts  were  enjoined  for  the 
smallest  faults.  The  habit  of  the  monks  consisted  of 
a  tunic  of  undyed  wool,  over  which  was  worn  the 
cuculla,  or  cowl,  of  the  same  material.  A  great  deal 
of  time  was  devoted  to  various  kinds  of  manual  labour. 
The  Rule  of  St.  Columbanus  was  approved  of  by  the 
Council  of  Macon  in  627,  but  it  was  destined  before  the 
close  of  the  century  to  be  superseded  by  that  of  St. 
Benedict.  For  several  centuries  in  some  of  the 
greater  monasteries  the  two  rules  were  observed  con- 
jointly. In  art  St.  Columbanus  is  represented  bearded 
wearing  the  monastic  cowl :  he  holds  in  his  hand  a 
book  within  an  Irish  satchel,  and  stands  in  the  midst 
of  wolves.  Sometimes  he  is  depicted  in  the  attitude 
of  taming  a  bear,  or  with  sunbeams  over  his  head 
(Husenbeth,  "Emblems", p.  33). 

Mabillon.  Acta  Sanctorum  O.  S.  B„  II;  Mione,  Patrnlogia 
Latina,  LXXX:  Laniqan,  Ecclesiastical  Hist,  of  Ireland  (Dub- 
lin, 1820).  II,  IV;  Montalembert,  Monks  of  the  West  (Edin- 
burgh, 1861),  II;  Mohan,  Essays  on  Early  Irish  Ch.  (Dublin. 
1864);  Daloairns,  Apostles  of  Europe  (London,  1876),  I; 
Mann,  Lives  of  the  Popes  (London,  1002),  I;  Butler,  Lives  of 
the  Saints,TV,  383  sqq.;  Healy,  Ireland's  Ancient  Schools  and 
Scholars  (Dublin,  1890);  Stokes,  Six  Months  in  the  Apennines 
(London,  1802);  Idem,  Three  Months  in  the  Forests  of  France 
(London,  1895);  see  Hole  in  Diet.  Christ.  Bioa.,  s.  v.,  and 
Hunt  in  Diet.  Nat.  Bioa.,  s.  v.  Martin,  Saint  Cotomban  (540- 
61&)  in  Lee  Saints  (Paris,  1908).  There  i*  lacking  a  satisfac- 
tory edition  of  the  works  of  Columbanus.  Valuable  contri- 
butions have  been  made  in  the  paves  of  the  Zeitschrift  fur 
Kirchenoeschichte  by  Seebass,  notably  his  addition  of  the 
Panitentiale  of  Columbanus,  the  rule  of  the  saint  (no  longer 


extant  in  its  original  form),  in  same  review  (Leipsig,  1894. 
XIV,  441  sqq.,  and  1895,  XV,  366  sqq.).  Cf.  the  dissertation 
of  Seebass,  Ucbcr  Columbans  Klosterregel  und  Bussbuch  (Dres- 


den, 1883);  Chevalier,  Bio-bibl.,  s.  v.,  and  Topo-bibl.,  s.  vv. 
Bobbin,  Luxeuil. 

Columba  Edmonds. 

Columbus,  Christopher  (It.  Cristoforo  Colom- 
bo; Sp.  Cbjstoval  Colon),  b.  at  Genoa,  or  on  Geno- 
ese territory,  probably  1451 ;  d.  at  Valladolid,  Spain, 
20  May,  1506.  His  family  was  respectable,  but  of 
limited  means,  so  that  the  early  education  of  Colum- 
bus was  defective.  Up  to  his  arrival  in  Spain  (1485) 
only  one  date  has  been  preserved.  His  son  Fernando, 
quoting  from  his  father's  writings  says  that  in  Febru- 
ary, 1467,  he  navigated  the  seas  about  "Tile"  (proba- 
bly Iceland).  Columbus  himself  in  a  letter  to  King 
Ferdinand  says  that  he  began  to  navigate  at  the  age  of 
fourteen,  though  in  the  journal  of  his  first  voyage  (no 
longer  in  existence),  in  1493,  he  was  said  to  have  been 
on  the  sea  twenty-three  years,  which  would  make  him 
nineteen  when  he  first  became  a  mariner.  The  early 
age  at  which  he  began  his  career  as  a  sailor  is  not  sur- 
prising for  a  native  of  Genoa,  as  the  Genoese  were 
most  enterprising  and  daring  seamen.  Columbus  is 
said  in  his  early  days  to  have  been  a  corsair,  especially 
in  the  war  against  the  Moors,  themselves  merciless 
pirates.  He  is  also  supposed  to  have  sailed  as  far 
south  as  the  coast  of  Guinea  before  he  was  sixteen 
years  of  age.  Certain  it  is  that  while  quite  young  he 
became  a  thorough  and  practical  navigator,  and  later 
acquired  a  fair  Knowledge  of  astronomy.  He  also 
gained  a  wide  acquaintance  with  works  on  cosmo- 
graphy such  as  Ptolemy  and  the  "Imago  Mundi"  of 
Cardinal  d'Ailly,  besides  entering  into  communication 
with  the  cosmographers  of  his  time.  The  fragment  of 
a  treatise  written  by  him  and  called  by  his  son  Fer- 
nando "The  Five  Habitable  Zones  of  the  Earth" 
shows  a  degree  of  information  unusual  for  a  sailor  of 
his  day.  As  in  the  case  of  most  of  the  documents  re- 
lating to  the  life  of  Columbus  the  genuineness  of  the 


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letters  written  in  1474  by  Paolo  Toscanelli,  a  renowned 
physicist  of  Florence,  to  Columbus  and  a  member  of 
the  household  of  King  Alfonso  V  of  Portugal,  has  been 
attacked  on  the  ground  of  the  youth  of  Columbus,  al- 
though they  bear  signs  of  authenticity.  The  experi- 
ences and  researches  referred  to  fit  in  satisfactorily 
with  the  subsequent  achievements  of  Columbus.  For 
the  rest,  the  early  part  of  Columbus's  life  is  inter- 
woven with  incidents,  most  of  which  are  unsupported 
by  evidence,  though  quite  possible.  His  marriage 
about  1475  to  a  Portuguese  lady  whose  name  is  given 


Cell  op  Pkior  Juan  Pehez.  La  IIvbida 

sometimes  as  Doiia  Felipa  Moniz  and  sometimes  as 
Dona  Felipa  Perestrella  seems  certain. 

Columbus  seems  to  have  arrived  in  Portugal  about 
1471,  although  1474  is  also  mentioned  and  supported 
by  certain  indications.  He  vainly  tried  to  obtain  the 
support  of  the  King  of  Portugal  for  his  scheme  to  dis- 
cover the  Far  East  by  sailing  westward,  a  scheme 
supposed  to  have  been  suggested  by  his  brother  Bar- 
tholomew, who  is  said  to  nave  been  earning  a  liveli- 
hood at  Lisbon  by  designing  marine  charts.  Colum- 
bus went  to  Spain  in  1485,  and  probably  the  first 
assistance  he  obtained  there  was  from  the  Duke  of 
Medina  Celi,  Don  Luis  de  la  Cerda,  for  whom  he  per- 
formed some  service  that  brought  him  a  compensation 
of  3000  maravedis  in  May,  1487.  He  lived  about  two 
years  at  the  home  of  the  duke  and  made  unsuccessful 
endeavours  to  interest  him  in  his  scheme  of  maritime 
exploration.  His  attempts  to  secure  the  help  of  the 
Duke  of  Medina  Sidonia  were  equally  unproductive  of 
results.  No  blame  attaches  to  these  noblemen  for  de- 
clining to  undertake  an  enterprise  which  only  rulers  of 
nations  could  properly  carry  out.  Between  1485  and 
1488  Columbus  began  his  relations  with  Dona  Beatriz 
Enriquez  de  Arana,  or  Harana,  of  a  good  family  of  the 
city  of  Cordova,  from  which  sprang  nis  much  beloved 
son  Fernando,  next  to  Christopher  and  his  brother 
Bartholomew  the  most  gifted  of  the  Colombos. 

Late  in  1485  or  early  in  1486  Columbus  appeared 
twice  before  the  court  to  submit  his  plans  and  while 
the  Duke  of  Medina  Celi  may  have  assisted  him  to 
some  extent,  the  chief  support  came  from  the  royal 
treasurer,  Alonzo  de  Quintanilla,  Friar  Antonio  de 
Marchena  (confounded  by  Irving  with  Father  Perez 
of  La  RAbida),  and  Diego  de  Deza,  Bishop  of  Placen- 
cia.  Columbus  himself  declared  that  these  two  priests 
were  always  his  faithful  friends.  Marchena  also  ob- 
tained for  him  the  valuable  sympathy  of  Cardinal 
Gonzalez  de  Mendoza.  Through  the  influence  of  these 
men  the  Government  appointed  a  junta  or  commission 
of  ecclesiastics  that  met  at  Salamanca  late  in  1486  or 
early  in  1487,  in  the  Dominican  convent  of  SanEst£- 
ban  to  investigate  the  scheme,  which  they  finally  re- 
jected. The  commission  had  no  connexion  with  the 
celebrated  University  of  Salamanca,  but  was  under  the 
guidance  of  the  prior  of  Prndo.  It  seems  that  Colum- 
bus gave  but  scant  and  unsatisfactory  information  to 


the  commission,  probably  through  fear  that  his  ideas 
might  be  improperly  made  use  of  and  he  be  robbed  of 
the  glory  and  advantages  that  he  expected  to  derive 
from  his  project.  This  may  account  for  the  rejection 
of  his  proposals.  The  prior  of  Prado  was  a  Hierony- 
mite,  while  Columbus  was  under  the  especial  protec- 
tion of  the  Dominicans.  Among  his  early  friends  in 
Spain  was  Luis  de  Santangel,  whom  Irving  calls  "re- 
ceiver of  the  ecclesiastical  revenues  of  Aragon'',  and 
who  afterwards  advanced  to  the  queen  the  funds  nec- 
essary for  the  first  voyage.  If  Santangel  was  receiver 
of  the  church  revenues  and  probably  treasurer  and 
administrator,  it  was  the  Church  that  furnished  the 
means  (17,000  ducats)  for  the  admiral's  first  voyage. 

It  would  be  unjust  to  blame  King  Ferdinand  for  de- 
clining the  proposals  of  Columbus  after  the  adverse 
report  of  the  Salamanca  commission,  which  was  based 
upon  objections  drawn  from  Seneca  and  Ptolemy 
rather  than  upon  the  opinion  of  St.  Augustine  in  the 
"  De  Civitate  Dei".  The  king  was  then  preparing  to 
deal  the  final  blow  to  Moorish  domination  in  Spain 
after  the  struggle  of  seven  centuries,  and  his  financial 
resources  were  taxed  to  the  utmost.  Moreover,  he 
was  not  easily  carried  away  by  enthusiasm  and,  though 
we  now  recognize  the  practical  value  of  the  plans  of 
Columbus,  at  the  close  of  the  fifteenth  century  it 
seemed  dubious,  to  say  the  least,  to  a  cool-headed 
ruler,  wont  to  attend  first  to  immediate  necessities. 
The  crushing  of  the  Moorish  power  in  the  peninsula 
was  then  of  greater  moment  than  the  search  after  dis- 
tant lands  for  which,  furthermore,  there  were  not  the 
means  in  the  royal  treasury.  Under  these  conditions 
Columbus,  always  in  financial  straits  himself  and  sup- 
ported by  the  liberality  of  friends,  bethought  himself 
of  the  rulers  of  France  and  England.  In  1488  his 
brother  Bartholomew,  as  faithful  as  sagacious,  tried  to 
induce  one  or  the 

other  of  them  to  f 
accept  the  plans  •  ^  • 

of  Christopher, 
but  failed.  The 
idea  was  too 
novel  to  appeal 
to  either.  Henry 
VII  of  England 
was  too  cautious 
to  entertain  pro- 
posals from  a 
comparatively 
unknown  sea- 
farer of  a  foreign  nation,  and  Charles  VIII  of  France 
was  too  much  involved  in  Italian  affairs.  The  pros- 
pect was  disheartening.  Nevertheless,  Columbus, 
with  the  assistance  of  his  friends,  concluded  to  make 
another  attempt  in  Spain.  He  proceeded  to  court 
again  in  1491,  taking  with  him  his  son  Diego.  The 
court  being  then  in  camp  before  Granada,  the  last 
Moorish  stronghold,  the  time  could  not  have  been 
more  inopportune.  Another  junta  was  called  before 
Granada  while  the  siege  was  going  on,  but  the  commis- 
sion again  reported  unfavourably.  This  is  not  sur- 
prising, as  Ferdinand  of  Aragon  could  not  undertake 
schemes  that  would  involve  a  great  outlay,  and  divert 
his  attention  from  the  momentous  task  he  was  en- 
gaged in.  Columbus  always  directed  his  proposals  to 
the  king  and  as  yet  the  queen  had  taken  no  official 
notice  of  them,  as  she  too  was  heart  and  soul  in  the  en- 
terprise destined  to  restore  Spain  wholly  to  Christian 
rule. 

The  junta  before  Granada  took  place  towards  the 
end  of  1491,  and  its  decision  was  such  a  blow  to  Colum- 
bus that  he  left  the  court  and  wandered  away  with  his 
boy.  Before  leaving,  however,  he  witnessed  the  fall  of 
Granada,  2  January,  1492.  His  intention  was  to  re- 
turn to  Cordova  and  then,  perhaps,  to  go  to  France. 
On  foot  and  reduced  almost  to  beggary,  he  reached 
*h»  Franciscan  convent  of  La  Riibida  probably  in 


X 


/I  4 


Signature  of  Columbus 


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January,  1492.  The  prior  was  Father  Juan  Perez,  the 
confessor  of  the  queen,  frequently  confounded  with 
Fray  Antonio  Marchena  by  historians  of  the  nine- 
teenth century,  who  also  erroneously  place  the  arrival 
of  Columbus  at  La  Rabida  in  the  early  part  of  his  so- 
journ in  Spain.  Columbus  begged  the  friar  who  acted 
as  door-keeper  to  let  his  tired  son  rest  at  the  convent 
over  night.  While  he  was  pleading  his  cause  the  prior 
was  standing  near  by  and  listening.  Something 
struck  him  in  the  appearance  of  this  man,  with  a  for- 
eign accent,  who  appeared  to  be  superior  to  his  actual 
wndition.  After  providing  for  his  immediate  wants 
Father  Perez  took  him  to  his  cell,  where  Columbus 
told  him  all  his  aspirations  and  blighted  hopes.  The 
result  was  that  Columbus  and  his  son  stayed  at  the 
convent  as  guests  and  Father  Perez  hurried  to  Santa 
F6  near  Granada,  for  the  purpose  of  inducing  the 
queen  to  take  a  personal  interest  in  the  proposed 
undertaking  of  the  Italian  navigator. 


the  Nina,  both  caravels,  i.  e.  undecked,  with  cabins 
and  forecastles.  These  three  ships  carried  altogether 
120  men.  Two  seamen  of  repute,  Martin  Alonso  Pin- 
zon  and  his  brother  Vicente  Yafiez  Pinzon,  well-to-do- 
residents  of  Palos  commanded,  the  former  the  Pinta, 
the  latter  the  Nina,  and  experienced  pilots  were 
placed  on  both  ships.  Before  leaving,  Columbus  re- 
ceived the  Sacraments  of  Penance  and  Holy  Eucharist, 
at  the  hands  (it  is  stated)  of  Father  Juan  Perez,  the 
officers  and  crews  of  the  little  squadron  following  his 
example.  On  3  August,  1492,  the  people  of  Palos  with 
heavy  hearts  saw  them  depart  on  an  expedition  re- 
garded by  many  as  foolhardy. 

Las  Casas  claims  to  have  used  the  journal  of  Colum- 
bus's first  voyage,  but  he  admits  that  he  made  an 
abridged  copy  of  it.  What  and  how  much  he  left  out, 
of  course,  is  not  known.  But  it  is  well  to  bear  in  mind 
that  the  journal,  as  published,  is  not  the  original  in  its 
entirety.   The  vessels  touched  at  the  Canaries,  and 


Thb  Santa  Maria,  Nina,  and  Pinta 
(Restored  from  the  models  in  the  Marine  Museum,  Madrid) 


Circumstances  had  changed  with  the  fall  of  Gra- 
nada, and  the  Franciscan's  appeal  was  favourably  re- 
ceived by  Isabella,  who,  in  turn,  influenced  her  hus- 
band. Columbus  was  called  to  court  at  once,  and 
20,000  maravedis  were  assigned  him  out  of  the  queen's 
private  resources  that  he  might  appear  in  proper  con- 
dition before  the  monarch.  Some  historians  assert 
that  Luis  de  Santangel  decided  the  queen  to  espouse 
the  cause  of  Columbus,  but  the  credit  seems  rather  to 
belong  to  the  prior  of  La  Rabida.  The  way  had  been 
well  prepared  by  the  other  steadfast  friends  of  Colum- 
bus, not  improbably  Cardinal  Mendoza  among  others. 
At  all  events  negotiations  progressed  so  rapidly  that 
on  17  April  the  first  agreement  with  the  Crown  was 
signed,  and  on  30  April  the  second.  Both  show  an 
unwise  liberality  on  the  part  of  the  monarchs,  who 
made  the  highest  office  in  what  was  afterwards  the 
West  Indies  nereditary  in  the  family  of  Columbus. 
Preparations  were  immediately  begun  for  the  equip- 
ment of  the  expedition.  The  squadron  with  wnich 
Columbus  set  out  on  his  first  voyage  consisted  of  three 
vessels — the  Santa  Maria,  completely  decked,  which 
carried  the  flag  of  Columbus  as  admiral,  the  Pinta,  and 


then  proceeded  on  the  voyage.  Conditions  were  moBt 
favourable.  Hardly  a  wind  ruffled  the  waters  of  the 
ocean.  The  dramatic  incident  of  the  mutiny,  in  which 
the  discouragement  of  the  crews  is  said  to  have  cul- 
minated before  land  was  discovered,  is  a  pure  inven- 
tion. That  there  was  dissatisfaction  and  grumbling 
at  the  failure  to  reach  land  seems  to  be  certain,  but  no 
acts  of  insubordination  are  mentioned  either  by  Col- 
umbus, his  commentator  Las  Casas,  or  his  son  Fer- 
nando. Perhaps  the  most  important  event  during  the 
voyage  was  the  observation,  17  September,  by  Colum- 
bus himself,  of  the  declination  of  the  magnetic  needle, 
which  Las  Casas  attributes  to  a  motion  of  the  polar 
star.  The  same  author  intimates  that  two  distinct 
journals  were  kept  by  the  admiral,  "because  he  al- 
ways represented  [feigned]  to  the  people  that  he  was 
making  little  headway  in  order  that  the  voyage  should 
not  seem  long  to  them,  so  that  he  kept  a  record  by  two 
routes,  the  snorter  being  the  fictitious  one,  and  the 
longer  the  trie  one".  He  must  therefore  either  have 
kept  two  log-books,  or  he  must  have  made  two  differ- 
ent entries  in  the  same  book.  At  any  rate  Las  Casas 
seems  to  have  had  at  his  command  both  sets  of  data, 


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since  he  gives  them  almost  from  day  to  day.  This 
precautionary  measure  indicates  that  Columbus 
feared  insubordination  and  even  revolt  on  the  part  of 
the  crews,  but  there  is  no  evidence  that  any  mutiny 
really  broke  out.  Finally,  at  ten  o'clock,  p.  m.,  1 1  Oc- 
tober, Columbus  himself  descried  a  light  which  indi- 
cated land  and  was  so  recognized  by  the  crew  of  his 
vessel.  It  reappeared  several  timeB,  and  Columbus 
felt  sure  that  the  shores  so  eagerly  expected  were  near. 
At  2  a.  m.  on  12  October  the  land  was  seen  plainly  by 
one  of  the  Pinta's  crew,  and  in  the  forenoon  Columbus 
landed,  on  what  is  now  called  Watling's  Island  in  the 
Bahama  group,  West  Indies.  The  discoverers  named 
the  island  San  Salvador.  The  Indians  inhabiting  it 
belonged  to  the  widespread  Arawak  stock  (q.  v.)  and 
are  said  to  have  called  the  island  Guanahani.  Imme- 
diately after  landing  Columbus  took  possession  of  the 
island  for  the  Spanish  sovereigns. 

The  results  of  the  first  voyage,  aside  from  the  dis- 
covery of  what  the  admiral  regarded  as  being  ap- 
proaches to  India  and  China,  may  be  summed  up  as 
follows:  partial  recognition  of  the  Bahamas;  the  dis- 
covery and  exploration  of  a  part  of  Cuba,  and  the  es- 
tablishment of  a  Spanish  settlement  on  the  coast  of 
what  is  now  the  Island  of  Haiti  or  Santo  Domingo. 
Cuba  Columbus  named  Juana,  and  Santo  Domingo, 
Hispaniola. 

It  was  on  the  northern  coast  of  the  large  island  of 
Santo  Domingo  that  Columbus  met  with  the  only  seri- 
ous mishap  of  his  first  voyage.  Having  established 
the  nucleus  of  the  first  permanent  Spanish  settlement 
in  the  Indies,  he  left  about  three  score  men  to  hold  it. 
The  vicinity  was  comparatively  well  peopled  by  na- 
tives, Arawaks  like  those  of  the  Bahamas,  but  slightly 
more  advanced  in  culture.  A  few  days  previous  to  the 
foundation  Martin  Alonso  Pinzon  disappeared  with  the 
caravel  Pinta  which  he  commanded  and  only  rejoined 
the  admiral  on  6  January,  1493,  an  act,  to  say  the 
least,  of  disobedience,  if  not  of  treachery.  The  first 
settlement  was  officially  established  on  Christmas 
Day,  1492,  and  hence  christened  "La  Navidad".  On 
the  same  day  the  admiral's  ship  ran  aground.  It  was  a 
total  loss,  and  Columbus  was  reduced  for  the  time  be- 
ing to  the  Nina,  as  the  Pinta  had  temporarily  deserted. 
Happily  the  natives  were  friendly.  After  ensuring,  as 
well  as  he  might,  the  safety  of  the  little  colony  by  the 
establishment  of  friendly  relations  with  the  Indians, 
Columbus  left  for  Spain,  where,  after  weathering  a 
frightful  storm  during  which  he  was  again  separated 
from  the  Pinta,  he  arrived  at  Palos,  15  March,  1493. 

From  the  journal  mentioned  we  also  gather  (what 
is  not  stated  in  the  letters  of  Columbus)  that  while  on 
the  northern  shores  of  Santo  Domingo  (Hispaniola) 
the  admiral  "learned  that  behind  the  Island  Juana 
[Cuba]  towards  the  South,  there  is  another  large  island 
in  which  there  is  much  more  gold.  They  call  that 
island  Yamaye.  .  .  .  And  that  the  island  Espanola  or 
the  other  island  Yamaye  was  near  the  mainland,  ten 
days  distant  by  canoe,  which  might  be  sixty  or  seventy 
leagues,  and  that  there  the  people  were  clothed 
[dressed]".  Yamaye  is  Jamaica,  and  the  mainland 
alluded  to  as  sixty  or  seventy  leagues  distant  to  the 
south  (by  south  the  west  is  meant),  or  150  to  175  Eng- 
lish miles  (the  league,  at  that  time,  being  counted  at 
four  miUas  of  3000  Spanish  feet) ,  was  either  Yucatan  or 
Honduras.  Hence  the  admiral  brought  the  news  of 
the  existence  of  the  American  continent  to  Europe  as 
early  as  1493.  That  he  believed  the  continent  to  be 
Eastern  Asia  does  not  diminish  the  importance  of  his 
information. 

Columbus  had  been  careful  to  load  his  ships  with  all 
manner  of  products  of  the  newly  discovered  countries 
and  he  also  took  some  of  the  natives.  Whether, 
among  the  samples  of  the  vegetable  kingdom,  tobacco 
was  included,  is  not  yet  satisfactorily  ascertained. 
Nor  is  it  certain  that,  when  upon  his  return  he  pre- 
sented himself  to  the  monarchs  at  Barcelona,  an  impos- 


ing public  demonstration  took  place  in  his  honour. 
That  he  was  received  with  due  distinction  at  court  and 
that  he  displayed  the  proofs  of  his  discovery  can  not 
be  doubted.  The  best  evidence  of  the  high  apprecia- 
tion of  the  King  and  Queen  of  Spain  is  the  fact,  that 
the  prerogatives  granted  to  him  were  confirmed,  and 
everything  possible  was  done  to  enable  him  to  con- 
tinue his  explorations.  The  fact  that  Columbus  had 
found  a  country  that  appeared  to  be  rich  in  precious 
metals  was  of  the  utmost  importance.  Spain  was 
poor,  having  been  robbed,  ages  before,  of  its  metallic 
wealth  by  the  Romans.  As  gold  was  needed  the  dis- 
covery of  a  new  source  of  that  precious  metal  made  a 
strong  impression  on  the  people  of  Spain,  and  a  rush  to 
the  new  regions  was  inevitable. 

Columbus  started  on  his  second  voyage  to  the  Indies 
from  Cadiz,  25  September,  1493,  with  three  large  ves- 
sels and  thirteen  caravels,  carrying  in  all  about  1500 
men.  On  his  first  trip  he  had  heard  about  other, 
smaller  islands  lying  some  distance  south  of  Hispani- 
ola, and  said  to  be  inhabited  by  ferocious  tribes  who 
had  the  advantage  over  the  Arawaks  of  being  intrepid 
seafarers,  and  who  made  constant  war  upon  the  in- 
habitants of  the  Greater  Antilles  and  the  Bahamas, 
carrying  off  women  and  children  into  captivity.  They 
were  believed  to  practise  cannibalism.  These  were 
the  Caribs  (q.  v.)  and  the  reports  about  them  were 
true,  outside  of  some  exaggerations  and  fables  like  the 
story  of  the  Amazons.  Previous  to  the  arrival  of  Col- 
umbus the  Caribs  had  driven  the  Arawaks  stcadUy 
north,  depopulated  some  of  the  smaller  islands,  and 
were  sorely  pressing  the  people  of  Hispaniola,  parts  of 
Cuba,  Porto  Rico,  and  even  Jamaica.  Columbus 
wished  to  learn  more  about  these  people.  Hie  help- 
less condition  of  the  Arawaks  made  him  eager  to  pro- 
tect them  against  their  enemies.  The  first  land 
sighted,  3  November,  was  the  island  now  known  as 
Dominica,  and  almost  at  the  same  time  that  of  Marie 
Galante  was  descried.  Geographically  the  second 
voyage  resulted  in  the  discovery  of  the  Caribbean  Is- 
lands (including  the  French  Antilles),  Jamaica,  and 
minor  groups.  Columbus  having  obtained  conclusive 
evidence  of  the  ferocious  customs  of  the  Caribs,  re- 
garded them  as  dangerous  to  the  settlements  he  pro- 
posed to  make  among  the  Arawaks  and  as  obstacles  to 
the  Christianization  and  civilization  of  these  Indians. 
The  latter  he  intended  to  make  use  of  as  labourers,  as 
he  soon  perceived  that  for  some  time  to  come  Euro- 
pean settlers  would  be  too  few  in  numbers  and  too 
new  to  the  climate  to  take  advantage  of  the  resources 
of  the  island.  The  Caribs  he  purposed  to  convert 
eventually,  but  for  the  time  being  they  must  be  con- 
sidered as  enemies,  and  according  to  the  customs  of 
the  age,  their  captors  had  the  right  to  reduce  them  to 
slavery.  The  Arawaks  were  to  be  treated  in  a  concili- 
atory manner,  as  long  as  they  did  not  show  open  hos- 
tility. Before  long,  nowever,  there  was  a  change  in 
these  relations. 

After  a  rapid  survey  of  Jamaica,  Columbus  hastened 
to  the  northern  coast  of  Haiti,  where  he  had  planted 
the  colony  of  La  Navidad.  To  his  surprise  the  little 
fort  had  disappeared.  There  were  to  be  seen  only 
smouldering  rums  and  some  corpses  which  were  identi- 
fied as  Spanish.  The  natives,  previously  so  friendly, 
were  shy,  and  upon  being  questioned  were  either  mute 
or  contradictory  in  their  replies.  It  was  finally  ascer- 
tained that  another  tribe,  living  farther  inland  and 
hostile  to  those  on  the  coast,  hadfallen  upon  the  fort, 
killed  most  of  the  inmates,  and  burnt  the  buildings. 
Those  who  escaped  had  perished  in  their  flight.  But 
it  also  transpired  that  the  coast-people  themselves  had 
taken  part  in  the  massacre.  Columbus,  while  out- 
wardly on  good  terms  with  them,  was  on  his  guard 
and,  in  consequence  of  the  aversion  of  his  people  to  a 
site  where  only  disaster  had  befallen  them,  moved 
some  distance  farther  east  and  established  on  the  coast 
the  larger  settlement  of  Isabella.   This  stood  ten 


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leagues  to  the  east  of  Cape  Monte  Cristo,  where  the 
ruins  are  still  to  be  seen. 

The  existence  of  gold  on  Haiti  having  been  amply 
demonstrated  on  the  first  voyage,  Columbus  inaugu- 
rated a  diligent  search  for  places  where  it  might  be 
found.  The  gold  trinkets  worn  by  the  Indians  were 
washings  or  ptacerex,  but  mention  is  also  made,  on  the 
first  voyage,  of  quartz  rock  containing  the  pi«cious 
metal.  But  it  is  likely  that  the  yellow  mineral  was 
iron  pyrites,  probably  gold-bearing  but,  in  the  back- 
ward state  of  metallurgy,  worthless  at  the  time.  Soon 
after  the  settlement  was  made  at  Isabella  the  colonists 
began  to  complain  that  the  mineral  wealth  of  the 
newly  discovered  lands  had  been  vastly  exaggerated 
and  one,  who  accompanied  the  expedition  as  expert  in 
metallurgy,  claimed  that  the  larger  nuggets  held  by 
the  natives  had  been  accumulated  in  the  course  of  a 
long  period  of  time.  This  very  sensible  supposition 
was  unjustly  criticized  by  Irving,  for  since  Irving's 
time  it  has  been  clearly  proved  that  pieces  of  metal  of 
unusual  size  and  shape  were  often  kept  for  generations 
by  the  Indians  as  fetishes. 

A  more  important  factor  which  disturbed  the  Span- 
iards was  the  unhealthincss  of  the  climate.  The  set- 
tlers had  to  go  through  the  slow  and  often  fatal  pro- 
cess of  acclimatization.  Columbus  himself  suffered 
considerably  from  ill-health.  Again,  the  island  was 
not  well  provided  with  food  suitable  for  the  newcomers. 
The  population,  notwithstanding  the  exaggerations  of 

"-  -  4=~ffla    others,  was  sparse. 

<ftflgW  JljlH  Isabella  with  its 
fifteen  hundred 
Spanish  immi- 
grants was  certain- 
ly the  most  popu- 
lous settlement.  At 
first  there  was  no 
clash  with  the  na- 
tives, but  parties 
sent  by  Columbus 
into  the  interior 
came  in  contact 
with  hostile  tribes. 
For  the  protection 
of  the  colonists 
Columbus  built  in 
the  interior  a  little 
fort  called  Santo 
Tomas.  He  also  sent  West  Indian  products  and  some 
Carib  prisoners  back  to  Spain  in  a  vessel  under  the 
command  of  Antonio  de  Torres.  Columbus  suggested 
that  the  Caribs  be  sold  as  slaves  in  order  that  they 
might  be  instructed  in  the  Christian  Faith.  This  sug- 
gestion was  not  adopted  by  the  Spanish  monarchs, 
and  the  prisoners  were  treated  as  kindly  in  Spain  as 
the  friendly  Arawaks  who  had  been  sent  over. 

The  condition  of  affairs  on  Hispaniola  (Haiti)  was 
not  promising.  At  Isabella  and  on  the  coast  there 
was  grumbling  against  the  admiral,  in  which  the  Bene- 
dictine Father  Buil  (Boil)  and  the  other  priests  joined, 
or  which,  at  least,  they  did  not  discourage.  In  the  in- 
terior there  was  trouble  with  the  natives.  The  com- 
mander at  Santo  Tomas,  Pedro  Margarite,  is  usuallyac- 
cused  of  cruelty  to  the  Indians,  but  Columbus  himself 
in  his  Memorial  of  30  January,  1494,  commends  the 
conduct  of  that  officer.  However,  he  had  to  send  him 
reinforcements,  which  were  commanded  by  Alonzo  de 
Ojeda. 

Anxiously  following  up  his  theory  that  the  newly 
discovered  islands  were  but  outlying  posts  of  Eastern 
Asia  and  that  further  explorations  would  soon  lead 
him  to  the  coast  of  China  or  to  the  Moluccas,  Colum- 
bus, notwithstanding  the  precarious  condition  of  the 
colony,  left  it  in  charge  of  his  brother  Diego  and  four 
counsellors  (one  of  whom  was  Father  Buil),  and  with 
three  vessels  set  sail  towards  Cuba.    During  his  ab- 


The  Landing  of  Columbus 
(Wood-engraving,  printed  at  Florence. 
1493.    Original  in  British  Museum) 


sence  of  five  months  he  explored  parts  of  Cuba,  discov- 
ered the  Isle  of  Pines  and  several  groups  of  smaller 
islands,  and  made  the  circuit  of  Jamaica,  landing  there 
almost  every  day.  When  he  returned  to  Isabella  (29 
September,  1494),  he  was  dangerously  ill  and  in  a  stu- 
por. Meanwhile  his  brother  Bartholomew  had  ar- 
rived from  Spain  with  a  small  squadron  and  supplies. 
He  proved  a  welcome  auxiliary  to  the  weak  Diego,  but 
could  not  prevent  serious  trouble.  Margarite,  an- 
gered by  interference  with  his  administration  in  the  in- 
terior* returned  to  the  coast,  and  there  was  joined  by 
Father  Buil  and  other  malcontents.  They  seized  the 
three  caravels  that  had  arrived  under  the  command  of 
Bartholomew  Columbus,  and  set  sail  in  them  for  Spain 
to  lay  before  the  Government  what  they  considered 
their  grievances  against  Columbus  and  his  administra- 
tion. 

That  there  was  cause  for  complaint  there  seems  to 
be  no  doubt,  but  it  is  almost  impossible  now  to  deter- 
mine who  was  most  at  fault,  Columbus  or  his  accusers. 
He  was  certainly  not  as  able  an  administrator  as  he 
was  a  navigator.  Still,  taking  into  consideration  the 
difficulties,  the  novelty  of  the  conditions,  and  the  class 
of  men  Columbus  had  to  handle,  and  placing  over 
against  this  what  he  had  already  achieved  on  Haiti, 
there  is  not  so  much  ground  for  criticism.  The 
charges  of  cruelty  towards  the  natives  are  based  upon 
rather  suspicious  authority,  Las  Casas  being  the  prin- 
cipal source.  There  were  errors  and  misdeeds  on  both 
sides,  which,  however,  might  not  have  brought  about 
a  crisis  had  not  disappointment  angered  the  settlers, 
who  had  based  their  expectations  on  the  glowing  re- 
ports of  Columbus  himself,  and  disposed  them  to  at- 
tribute all  their  troubles  to  their  opponents. 

Before  the  return  of  Columbus  to  Isabella,  Ojeda  had 
repulsed  an  attempt  of  the  natives  to  surprise  Santo 
Tomas.  Thereupon  the  Indians  of  various  tribes  of 
the  interior  now  formed  a  confederation  and  threat- 
ened Isabella.  Columbus,  however,  on  his  return, 
with  the  aid  of  fire-arms,  sixteen  horses,  and  about 
twenty  blood-hounds  easily  broke  up  the  Indian  league. 
Ojeda  captured  the  leader,  and  the  policy  of  kindness 
hitherto  pursued  towards  the  natives  was  replaced  by 
repression  and  chastisement.  According  to  the  cus- 
toms of  the  times  the  prisoners  of  war  were  regarded  as 
rebels,  reduced  to  slavery,  and  five  hundred  of  them 
were  sent  to  Spain  to  be  sold.  It  is  certain  that  the 
condition  of  the  Indians  became  much  worse  there- 
after, that  they  were  forced  into  unaccustomed  la- 
bours, and  that  their  numbers  began  to  diminish  rap- 
idly. That  these  harsh  measures  were  authorized  by 
Columbus  there  can  be  no  doubt. 

While  the  Spanish  monarchs  in  their  dispatches  to 
Columbus  continued  to  show  the  same  confidence  and 
friendliness  they  could  not  help  hearing  the  accusa- 
tions made  against  him  by  Father  Buil,  Pedro  Mar- 
garite, and  the  other  malcontents,  upon  their  return 
to  Spain.  It  was  clear  that  there  were  two  factions 
among  the  Spaniards  in  Haiti,  one  headed  by  the  ad- 
miral, the  other  composed  of  perhaps  a  majority  of  the 
settlers  including  ecclesiastics.  Still  the  monarchs  en- 
joined the  colonists  by  letter  to  obey  Columbus  in 
everything  and  confirmed  his  authority  and  privileges. 
The  incriminations,  however,  continued,  and  charges 
were  made  of  nepotism  and  spoliation  of  royal  revenue. 
There  was  probably  some  foundation  for  these  charges, 
though  also  much  wilful  misrepresentation.  Unable 
to  ascertain  the  true  condition  of  affairs,  the  sovereigns 
finally  decided  to  send  to  the  Indies  a  special  commis- 
sioner to  investigate  and  report.  Their  choice  fell 
upon  Juan  de  Aguado  who  had  gone  with  Columbus  on 
his  first  voyage  and  with  whom  he  always  had  been  on 
friendly  terms.  Aguado  arrived  at  Isabella  in  Octo- 
ber, 1495,  while  Columbus  was  absent  on  a  journey  of 
exploration  across  the  island.  No  clash  appears  to 
have  occurred  between  Aguado  and  Bartholomew  Col- 
umbus, who  was  in  charge  of  the  colony  during  his 


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brother's  absence,  much  less  with  the  admiral  himself 
upon  the  latter's  return.  Soon  after,  reports  of  im- 
portant gold  discoveries  came  from  a  remote  quarter 
of  the  island  accompanied  by  specimens.  The  arrival 
of  Aguado  convinced  Columbus  of  the  necessity  for  his 
appearance  in  Spain  and  that  new  discoveries  of  gold 
would  strengthen  his  position  there.  So  he  fitted  out 
two  ships,  one  for  himself  and  one  for  Aguado,  placing 
in  them  two  hundred  dissatisfied  colonists,  a  captive 
Indian  chief  (who  died  on  the  voyage),  and  thirty  In- 
dian prisoners,  and  set  sail  for  Spain  on  10  March, 
1496,  leaving  his  brother  Bartholomew  at  Isabella  as 
temporary  governor.  As  intercourse  between  Spain 
and  the  Indies  was  now  carried  on  at  almost  regular  in- 
tervals Bartholomew  was  in  communication  with  the 
mother  country  and  was  at  least  tacitly  recognized  as 
his  brother's  substitute  in  the  government  of  the  In- 
dies.   Columbus  reached  Cadiz  11  June,  1496. 

The  story  of  his  landing  is  quite  dramatic.  He  is  re- 
ported to  have  gone  ashore,  clothed  in  the  Franciscan 
garb,  and  to  have  manifested  a  dejection  which  was 
wholly  uncalled  for.  His  health,  it  is  true,  was  greatly 
impaired,  and  his  companions  bore  the  marks  of  great 
physical  suffering.  The  impression  created  by  their 
appearance  was  of  course  not  favourable  and  tended  to 
confirm  the  reports  of  the  opponents  of  Columbus 
about  the  nature  of  the  new  country.  This,  as  well  as 
the  disappointing  results  of  the  search  for  precious 
metals,  did  not  fail  to  have  its  influence.  The  mon- 
archs  saw  that  the  first  enthusiastic  reports  had  been 
exaggerated  and  that  the  enterprise  while  possibly 
lucrative  in  the  end,  would  entail  large  expenditures 
for  some  time  to  come.  Bishop  Fonseca,  who  was  at 
the  head  of  colonial  affairs,  urged  that  great  caution 
should  be  exercised.  What  was  imputed  to  Bishop 
Fonseca  as  jealousy  was  only  the  sincere  desire  of  an 
honest  functionary  to  guard  the  interests  of  the  Crown 
without  blocking  the  way  of  an  enthusiastic  but  some- 
what visionary  genius  who  had  been  unsuccessful  as  an 
administrator.  Later  expressions  (1 505)  of  Columbus 
indicate  that  his  personal  relations  to  Fonseca  were  at 
the  time  far  from  unfriendly.  But  the  fact  that  Col- 
umbus had  proposed  the  enslaving  of  American  na- 
tives and  actually  sent  a  number  of  them  over  to  Spain 
had  alienated  the  sympathy  of  the  queen  to  a  certain 
degree,  and  thus  weakened  his  position  at  court. 

Nevertheless,  it  was  not  difficult  for  Columbus  to  or- 
ganize a  third  expedition.  Columbus  started  on  his 
third  voyage  from  Seville  with  six  vessels  on  30  May, 
1498.  He  directed  his  course  more  southward  than 
before,  owing  to  reports  of  a  great  land  lying  west  and 
south  of  the  Antilles  and  his  belief  that  it  was  the  con- 
tinent of  Asia.  He  touched  at  the  Island  of  Madeira, 
and  later  at  Gomera,  one  of  the  Canary  Islands  (q.  v.), 
whence  he  sent  to  Haiti  three  vessels.  Sailing  south- 
ward, he  went  to  the  Cape  Verde  Islands  and,  turning 
thence  almost  duo  west,  arrived  on  31  July,  1498,  in 
sight  of  what  is  now  the  Island  of  Trinidad  which  was 
so  named  by  him.  Opposite,  on  the  other  side  of  a 
turbulent  channel,  lay  the  lowlands  of  north-eastern 
South  America.  Alarmed  by  the  turmoil  caused  by 
the  meeting  of  the  waters  of  the  Orinoco  (which  emp- 
ties through  several  channels  into  the  Atlantic  oppo- 
site Trinidad)  with  the  Guiana  current,  Columbus 
kept  close  to  the  southern  shore  of  Trinidad  as  far  as 
its  south-western  extremity,  where  he  found  the  water 
still  more  turbulent.  He  therefore  gave  that  place 
the  name  of  Boca  del  Drago,  or  Dragon's  Mouth.  Be- 
fore venturing  into  the  seething  waters  Columbus 
crossed  over  to  the  mainland  and  cast  anchor.  He 
was  under  the  impression  that  this  was  an  island,  but  a 
vast  stream  of  fresh  water  gave  evidence  of  a  conti- 
nent. Columbus  landed,  he  and  his  crew  being  thus 
the  first  Europeans  to  set  foot  on  South  American  soil. 
The  natives  were  friendly  and  gladly  exchanged  pearls 
for  European  trinkets.  This  discovery  of  pearls  in 
American  waters  was  important  and  very  welcome. 
IV.— 10 


A  few  days  later  the  admiral,  setting  sail  again,  was 
borne  by  the  currents  safely  to  the  Island  of  Margar- 
ita, where  he  found  the  natives  fishing  for  pearls,  of 
which  he  obtained  three  bags  by  barter. 

Some  of  the  letters  of  Columbus  concerning  his  third 
voyage  are  written  in  a  tone  of  despondency.  Owing 
to  his  physical  condition,  he  viewed  things  with  a  dis- 
content far  from  justifiable.  And;  as  already  said,  his 
views  of  the  geographical  situation  were  somewhat 
fanciful.  The  great  outpour  opposite  Trinidad  he 
justly  attributed  to  the  emptying  of  a  mighty  river 
coming  from  the  west,  a  river,  so  large  that  only  a  con- 
tinent could  afford  it  space.  In  this  he  was  right,  but 
in  his  eyes  that  continent  was  Asia,  and  the  sources  of 
that  river  must  be  on  the  highest  point  of  the  globe. 
He  was  confirmed  in  this  idea  by  his  belief  that  Trini- 
dad was  nearer  the  Equator  than  it  actually  is  and 
that  near  the  Equator  the  highest  land  on  earth  should 
be  found.  He  thought  also  that  the  sources  of  the 
Orinoco  lay  in  the  Earthly  Paradise  and  that  the  great 
river  was  one  of  the  four  streams  that  according  to 
Scripture  flowed  from  the  Garden  of  Eden.  He  had 
no  accurate  knowledge  of  the  form  of  the  earth,  and 
conjectured  that  it  was  pear-shaped. 

On  15  August,  fearing  a  lack  of  supplies,  and  suffer 
ing  severely  from  what  his  biographers  call  gout  and 
from  impaired  eyesight,  he  left  his  new  discoveries  and 
steered  tor  Haiti.  On  19  August  he  sighted  that  is- 
land some  distance  west  of  where  the  present  capital  of 
the  Republic  of  Santo  Domingo  now  stands.  During 
his  absence  his  brother  Bartholomew  had  abandoned 
Isabella  and  established  his  head-quarters  at  Santo 
Domingo  so  called  after  his  father  Domenico.  During 
the  absence  of  Columbus  events  on  Haiti  had  been  far 
from  satisfactory.  His  brother  Bartholomew,  who 
was  then  known  as  the  adelantado,  had  to  contend 
with  several  Indian  outbreaks,  which  he  subdued 
partly  by  force,  partly  by  wise  temporizing.  These 
outbreaks  were,  at  least  in  part,  due  to  a  change  in  the 
class  of  settlers  by  whom  the  colony  was  reinforced. 
The  results  of  the  first  settlement  far  from  justified  the 
buoyant  hopes  based  on  the  exaggerated  reports  of  the 
first  voyage,  and  the  pendulum  of  public  opinion 
swung  back  to  the  opposite  extreme.  The  clamour  of 
opposition  to  Columbus  in  the  colonies  and  the  dis- 
couraging reports  greatly  increased  in  Spain  the 
disappointment  with  the  new  territorial  acquisitions. 
That  the  climate  was  not  healthful  seemed  proved  by 
the  appearance  of  Columbus  and  his  companions  on 
his  return  from  the  second  voyage.  Hence  no  one 
was  willing  to  go  to  the  newly  discovered  country,  and 
convicts,  suspects,  and  doubtful  characters  in  general 
who  were  glad  to  escape  the  regulations  of  justice  were 
the  only  reinforcements  that  could  be  obtained  for  the 
colony  on  Hispaniola.  As  a  result  there  were  con- 
flicts with  the  aborigines,  sedition  in  the  colony,  and 
finally  open  rebellion  against  the  authority  of  the  ade- 
lantado and  his  brother  Diego.  Columbus  and  his 
brothers  were  Italians,  and  this  fact  told  against  them 
among  the  malcontents  and  lower  officials,  but  that  it 
influenced  the  monarchs  and  the  court  authorities  is  a 
gratuitous  charge. 

As  long  as  they  had  not  a  common  leader  Bartholo- 
mew  had  little  to  fear  from  the  malcontents,  who  sepa- 
rated from  the  rest  of  the  colony,  and  formed  a  settle- 
ment apart.  They  abused  the  Indians,  thus  causing 
almost  uninterrupted  trouble.  However,  they  soon 
found  a  leader  in  the  person  of  one  Roldan,  to  whom 
the  admiral  had  entrusted  a  prominent  office  in  the 
colony.  There  must  have  been  some  cause  for  com- 
plaint against  the  government  of  Bartholomew  and 
Diego,  else  Roldan  could  not  have  so  increased  the 
number  of  his  followers  as  to  make  himself  formidable 
to  the  brothers,  undermining  their  authority  at  then- 
own  head-quarters  and  even  among  the  garrison  of 
Santo  Domingo.  Bartholomew  was  forced  to  com- 
promise on  unfavourable  terms.    So,  when  the  ad- 


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tm'ral  arrived  from  Spain  he  found  the  Spanish  settlers 
on  Haiti  divided  into  two  camps,  the  stronger  of 
which,  headed  by  Roldan,  was  hostile  to  his  authority. 
That  Roldan  was  an  utterly  unprincipled  man,  but 
energetic  and  above  all,  shrewd  and  artful,  appears 
from  the  following  incident.  Soon  after  the  arrival  of 
Columbus  the  three  caravels  he  had  sent  from  Gomera 
with  stores  and  ammunition  struck  the  Haitian  coast 
where  Roldan  had  established  himself.  The  latter 
represented  to  the  commanders  of  the  vessels  that  he 
was  there  by  Columbus's  authority  and  easily  obtained 
from  them  military  stores  as  well  as  reinforcements  in 
men.  On  their  arrival  shortly  afterwards  at  Santo 
Domingo  the  caravels  were  sent  back  to  Spain  by  Col- 
umbus. Alarmed  at  the  condition  of  affairs  and  his 
own  impotence,  he  informed  the  monarchs  of  his  criti- 
cal situation  and  asked  for  immediate  help.  Then  he 
entered  into  negotiations  with  Roldan.  The  latter 
not  only  held  full  control  in  the  settlement  which  he 
commanded,  but  had  the  sympathy  of  mostof  the  mili- 


Vkssel  on  Drt  Dock 
(End  of  fifteenth  century) 

tary  garrisons  that  Columbus  and  his  brothers  relied 
upon  as  well  as  of  the  majority  of  the  colonists.  How 
Columbus  and  his  brother  could  have  made  them- 
selves so  unpopular  is  explained  in  various  ways. 
There  was  certainly  much  unjustifiable  ill  will  against 
them,  but  there  was  also  legitimate  cause  for  discon- 
tent, which  was  adroitly  exploited  by  Roldan  and  his 
followers. 

Seeing  himself  almost  powerless  against  his  oppo- 
nents on  the  island,  the  admiral  stooped  to  a  compro- 
mise. Roldan  finally  imposed  his  own  conditions. 
He  was  reinstated  in  his  office  and  all  offenders  were 
pardoned;  and  a  number  of  them  returned  to  Santo 
Domingo.  Columbus  also  freed  many  of  the  Indian 
tribes  from  tribute,  but  in  order  still  further  to  ap- 
pease the  former  mutineers,  he  instituted  the  system 
of  repartimientos,  by  which  not  only  grants  of  land  were 
made  to  the  whites,  but  the  Indians  holding  these  lands 
or  living  on  them  were  made  perpetual  serfs  to  the 
new  owners,  and  full  jurisdiction  over  life  and  prop- 
erty of  these  Indians  became  vested  in  the  white  set- 
tlers. This  measure  had  the  most  disastrous  effect  on 
the  aborigines,  and  Columbus  has  been  severely  blamed 
for  it,  but  he  was  then  in  such  straits  that  he  had  to  go 
to  any  extreme  to  pacify  his  opponents  until  assistance 
could  reach  him  from  Spain.  By  the  middle  of  the 
year  1500  peace  apparently  reigned  again  in  the  col- 
ony, though  largely  at  the  expense  of  the  prestige  and 
authority  of  Columbus. 

Meanwhile  reports  and  accusations  had  reached  the 
court  of  Spain  from  both  parties  in  Haiti.  It  became 
constantly  more  evident  that  Columbus  was  no  longer 
master  of  the  situation  in  the  Indies,  and  that  some 
steps  were  necessary  to  save  the  situation.  It  might 
be  said  that  the  Court  had  merely  to  support  Colum- 
bus whether  right  or  wrong.  But  the  West  Indian 
colony  had  grown,  and  its  settlers  had  their  connex- 
ions and  supporters  in  Spain,  who  claimed  some  atten- 
tion and  prudent  consideration.   The  clergy  who  were 


familiar  with  the  circumstances  through  personal  ex- 
perience for  the  most  part  disapproved  of  the  manage- 
ment of  affairs  by  Columbus  ana  his  brothers.  Queen 
Isabella's  irritation  at  the  sending  of  Indian  captives 
for  sale  as  slaves  had  by  this  time  been  allayed  by  a 
reminder  of  the  custom  then  in  vogue  of  enslaving  cap- 
tive rebels  or  prisoners  of  war  addicted  to  specially  in- 
human customs,  as  was  the  case  with  the  Caribs. 
Anxious  to  be  just,  the  monarchs  decided  upon  send- 
ing to  Haiti  an  officer  to  investigate  and  to  punish  all 
offenders.  This  visitador  was  invested  with  full  pow- 
ers, and  was  to  have  the  same  authority  as  the  monarchs 
themselves  for  the  time  being,  superseding  Columbus 
himself,  though  the  latter  was  Viceroy  of  the  Indies. 
The  visila  was  a  mode  of  procedure  employed  by  the 
Spanish  monarchs  for  the  adjustment  of  critical  mat- 
ters, chiefly  in  the  colonies.  The  visitador  was  selected 
irrespective  of  rank  or  office,  solely  from  the  standpoint 
of  fitness,  and  not  infrequently  his  mission  was  kept 
secret  from  the  viceroy  orother  high  official  whose  con- 
duct he  was  sent  to  investigate;  there  are  indications 
that  sometimes  he  had  summary  power  over  life  and 
death.  A  visita  was  a  much  dreaded  measure,  and  for 
very  good  reasons. 

The  investigation  in  the  West  Indies  was  not  called 
a  visita  at  the  time,  but  such  it  was  in  fact.  The  visi- 
tador chosen  was  Francisco  de  Bobadilla,  of  whom  both 
Las  Casas  and  Oviedo  (friends  and  admirers  of  Colum- 
bus) speak  in  favourable  terms.  His  instructions 
were,  as  his  office  required,  general,  and  his  faculties,  of 
course,  discretionary;  there  is  no  need  of  supposing  se- 
cret orders  inimical  to  Columbus  to  explain  what  after- 
wards happened.  The  admiral  was  directed,  in  a  letter 
addressed  to  him  and  entrusted  to  Bobadilla,  to  turn 
over  to  the  latter,  at  least  temporarily,  the  forts  and  all 
public  property  on  the  island.  No  blame  can  be  at- 
tached to  the  monarchs  for  this  measure.  After  an  ex- 
periment of  five  years  the  administrative  capacity  of 
Columbus  had  failed  to  prove  satisfactory.  Yet,  the 
vice-regal  power  had  been  vested  in  him  as  an  hereditary 
right.  To  continue  adhering  to  that  clause  of  the  ori- 
ginal contract  was  impracticable,  since  the  colony  re- 
fused to  pay  heed  to  Columbus  and  his  orders.  Hence 
the  suspension  of  the  viceregal  authority  of  Columbus 
was  indefinitely  prolonged,  so  that  the  office  was  re- 
duced to  a  mere  title  and  finally  fell  into  disuse.  The 
curtailment  of  revenue  resulting  from  it  was  compara- 
tively small,  as  all  the  emoluments  proceeding  from 
his  other  titles  and  prerogatives  were  left  untouched. 
The  tale  of  his  being  reduced  to  indigence  is  a  baseless 
fabrication. 

A  man  suddenly  clothed  with  unusual  and  discre- 
tionary faculties  is  liable  to  be  led  astray  by  unex- 

gscted  circumstances  and  tempted  to  go  to  extremes, 
obadilla  had  a  right  to  expect  implicit  obedience  to 
royal  orders  on  the  part  of  all  and,  above  all,  from  Col- 
.  umbus  as  the  chief  servant  of  the  Crown.  When  on  24 
August,  1500,  Bobadilla  landed  at  Santo  Domingo  and 
demanded  of  Diego  Columbus  compliance  with  the 
royal  orders,  the  latter  declined  to  obey  until  directed 
by  the  admiral  who  was  then  absent.  Bobadilla,  pos- 
sibly predisposed  against  Columbus  and  his  brothers 
by  the  reports  of  others  and  by  the  sight  of  the  bodies 
of  Spaniards  dangling  from  gibbets  in  full  view  of  the 
port,  considered  the  refusal  of  Diego  as  an  act  of  direct 
insubordination.  The  action  of  Diego  was  certainly 
unwise  and  gave  colour  to  an  assumption  that  Colum- 
bus and  his  Drothers  considered  themselves  masters  of 
the  country.  This  implied  rebellion  and  furnished  a 
pretext  to  Bobadilla  for  measures  unjustifiably  harsh. 
As  visitador  he  had  absolute  authority  to  do  as  he 
thought  best,  especially  against  the  rebels,  of  whom 
Columbus  appeared  in  his  eyes  as  the  chief. 

Within  a  few  days  after  the  landing  of  Bobadilla, 
Diego  and  Bartholomew  Columbus  were  imprisoned 
and  put  in  irons.  The  admiral  himself,  who  returned 
with  the  greatest  possible  speed,  shared  their  fate. 


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The  three  brothers  were  separated  and  kept  in  close 
confinement,  but  they  could  hear  from  their  cells  the 
imprecations  of  the  people  against  their  rule.  Boba- 
dilla  charged  them  with  being  rebellious  subjects  and 
seized  their  private  property  to  pay  their  personal 
debts.  He  liberated  prisoners,  reduced  or  abolished 
imposts,  in  short  did  all  he  could  to  place  the  new  order 
of  things  in  favourable  contrast  to  the  previous  man- 
agement. No  explanation  was  offered  to  Columbus 
for  the  harsh  treatment  to  which  he  was  subjected,  for 
a  visitador  had  only  to  render  account  to  the  king  or 
according  to  his  special  orders.  Early  in  October, 
1500,  the  three  brothers,  still  in  fetters,  were  placed  on 
board  ship,  and  sent  to  Spain,  arriving  at  Cadiz  at  the 
end  of  the  month.  Their  treatment  while  aboard 
seems  to  have  been  considerate;  Villejo,  the  comman- 
der, offered  to  remove  the  manacles  from  Columbus's 
hands  and  relieve  him  from  the  chains,  an  offer,  how- 
ever, which  Columbus  refused  to  accept.  It  seems, 
nevertheless,  that  he  did  not  remain  manacled,  else  he 
could  not  have  written  the  long  and  piteous  letter  to 
the  nurse  of  Prince  Juan,  recounting  his  misfortunes 
on  the  vessel.  He  dispatched  this  letter  to  the  court 
at  Granada  before  the  reports  of  Bobadilla  were  sent. 

The  news  of  the  arrival  of  Columbus  as  a  prisoner 
was  received  with  unfeigned  indignation  by  the  mon- 
archs,  who  saw  that  their  agent  Bobadilla  had  abused 
the  trust  placed  in  him.  The  people  also  saw  the  injus- 
tice, and  everything  was  done  to  relieve  Columbus  from 
his  humiliating  condition  and  assure  him  of  the  royal 
favour,  that  is,  everything  except  to  reinstate  him  as 
Governor  of  the  Indies.  This  fact  is  mainly  responsi- 
ble for  the  accusation  of  duplicity  and  treachery  which 
is  made  against  King  Ferdinand.  Critics  overlook  the 
fact  that  in  addition  to  the  reasons  already  mentioned 
no  new  colonists  could  be  obtained  from  Spain,  if  Col- 
umbus were  to  continue  in  office,  and  that  the  expedi- 
ent of  sending  convicts  to  Haiti  had  failed  disastrously. 
Moreover,  the  removal  of  Columbus  was  practically  im- 
plied in  the  instructions  and  powers,  given  to  Boba- 
dilla, and  the  conduct  of  the  admiral  during.  Aguado's 
mission  left  no  room  for  doubt  that  he  would 'submit  to 
the  second  investigation.  He  would  have  done  so,  but 
Bobadilla.  anxious  to  make  a  display  and  angered  at 
the  delay  of  Diego  Columbus,  exceeded  the  spirit  of  his 
instructions,  expecting  thereby  to  rise  in  royal  as  well 
as  in  popular  favour. 

In  regard  to  the  former  he  soon  found  out  his  mis- 
take. His  successor  in  the  governorship  of  Haiti  was 
soon  appointed  in  the  person  of  Nicolas  de  Ovando. 
Bobadilla  was  condemned  to  restore  to  Columbus  the 

Erty  he  had  sequestered,  and  was  recalled.  The 
t  fleet  sent  to  the  Indies  up  to  that  time  sailed 
Ovando  on  13  February,  1502.  It  is  not  with- 
out significance  that  2500  people,  some  of  high  rank, 
flocked  to  the  vessels  that  were  to  transport  the  new 
governor  to  the  Indies.  This  shows  that  with  the 
change  in  the  adnuhistration  of  the  colony  faith  in  its 
future  was  restored  among  the  Spanish  people. 

By  this  time  the  mental  condition  of  Columbus  had 
become  greatly  impaired.  While  at  court  for  eighteen 
months  vainly  attempting  to  obtain  his  restoration  to 
a  position  for  which  he  was  becoming  more  and  more 
unfitted,  he  was  planning  new  schemes.  Convinced 
that  his  third  voyage  had  brought  him  nearer  to  Asia,  he 
proposed  to  the  monarchs  a  project  to  recover  the  Holy 
Sepulchre  by  the  western  route,  that  would  have  led 
him  across  South  America  to  the  Pacific  Ocean.  He 
fancied  that  the  large  river  he  had  discovered  west  of 
Trinidad  flowed  in  a  direction  opposite  to  its  real 
course,  and  thought  that  by  following  it  he  could  reach 
the  Red  Sea  and  thence  cross  over  to  Jerusalem.  So 
preoccupied  was  he  with  these  ideas  that  he  made  ar- 
rangements for  depositing  part  of  his  revenue  with  the 
bank  of  Genoa  to  be  used  in  the  reconquest  of  the  Holy 
Land.  This  alone  disposes  of  the  allegation  that  Col- 
umbus was  left  without  resources  after  his  liberation 


from  captivity.  He  was  enabled  to  maintain  a  posi- 
tion at  court  corresponding  to  his  exalted  rank,  and 
favours  and  privileges  were  bestowed  on  both  of  his 
sons.  The  project  of  testing  the  views  of  Columbus  in 
regard  to  direct  communication  with  Asia  was  seri- 
ously considered,  and  finally  a  fourth  voyage  of  ex- 
ploration at  the  expense  of  the  Spanish  Government 
was  conceded  to  Columbus.  That  there  were  some 
misgivings  in  regard  to  his  physical  and  mental  condi- 
tion is  intimated  by  the  fact  that  he  was  given  as  com- 
panions his  brother  Bartholomew,  who  had  great  in- 
fluence with  him,  and  his  favourite  son  Fernando. 
Four  vessels  carrying,  besides  these  three  and  a  repre- 
sentative of  the  Crown  to  receive  any  treasure  that 
might  be  found,  about  150  men,  set  sail  from  San 
Lucar  early  in  May,  1502.  Columbus  was  enjoined 
not  to  stop  at  Haiti,  a  wise  measure,  for  had  the  ad- 
miral landed  there  so  soon  after  the  arrival  of  Ovando, 
there  would  have  been  danger  of  new  disturbances. 


Ocsan  Boat,  End  of  Fifteenth  Century 
(Contemporaneous  wood-engraving) 

Disobeying  these  instructions,  Columbus  attempted  to 
enter  the  port  of  Santo  Domingo,  but  was  refused  ad- 
mission. He  gave  proof  of  his  knowledge  and  experi- 
ence as  a  mariner  by  warning  Ovando  of  an  approach- 
ing hurricane,  but  was  not  listened  to.  He  himself 
sheltered  his  vessels  at  some  distance  from  the  har- 
bour. The  punishment  for  disregarding  the  friendly 
warning  came  swiftly;  the  large  fleet  which  had 
brought  Ovando  over  was,  on  sailing  for  Spain,  over- 
taken by  the  tempest,  and  twenty  ships  were  lost,  with 
them  Bobadilla,  Roldan,  and  the  gold  destined  for  the 
Crown.  The  admiral's  share  in  the  gold  obtained  on 
Haiti,  four  thousand  pieces  directly  sent  to  him  by  his 
representative  on  the  island,  was  not  lost,  and  on  be- 
ing delivered  in  Spain,  was  not  confiscated.  Hence  it 
is  difficult  to  see  how  Columbus  could  have  been  in 
need  during  the  last  years  of  his  life. 

The  vessels  of  Columbus  having  suffered  compara- 
tively little  from  the  tempest,  he  left  the  coast  of  Haiti 
in  July,  1502,  and  was  carried  by  wind  and  current  to 
the  coast  of  Honduras.  From  30  July,  1502,  to  the 
end  of  the  following  April  he  coasted  Central  America 
beyond  Colon  to  Cape  Tiburon  on  the  South  American 
Continent.  On  his  frequent  landings  he  found  traces 
of  gold,  heard  reports  of  more  civilized  tribes  of  na- 
tives farther  inland,  and  persistent  statements  about 
another  ocean  lying  west  and  south  of  the  land  he  was 
coasting,  the  latter  being  represented  to  him  as  a  nar- 
row strip  dividing  two  vast  seas.    The  mental  condi- 


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tion  of  Columbus,  coupled  with  his  physical  disabili- 
ties, prevented  him  from  interpreting  these  important 
indications  otherwise  than  as  confirmations  of  his 
vague  theories  and  fatal  visions.  Instead  of  sending 
an  exploring  party  across  the  isthmus  to  satisfy  him- 
self of  the  truth  of  these  reports,  he  accepted  this  tes- 
timony to  the  existence  of  a  sea  beyond,  which  he 
firmly  believed  to  be  the  Indian  Ocean,  basing  his  con- 
fidence on  a  dream  in  which  he  had  seen  a  strait  he 
supposed  to  be  the  Strait  of  Malacca.  As  his  crews 
were  exasperated  by  the  hardships  and  deceptions,  his 
ships  worm-eaten,  and  he  himself  emaciated,  he 
turned  back  towards  Haiti  with  what  he  thought  to  be 


Monument  to  Columbus.  Genoa  (Canzio.  1862). 

the  tidings  of  a  near  approach  to  the  Asiatic  continent. 
It  had  been  a  disastrous  voyage;  violent  storms  con- 
tinuously harassed  the  little  squadron,  two  ships  had 
been  lost,  and  the  treasure  obtained  far  from  com- 
pensated for  the  toil  and  suffering  endured.  This  was 
all  the  more  exasperating  when  it  became  evident  that 
a  much  richer  reward  could  be  obtained  by  penetrating 
inland,  to  which,  however,  Columbus  would  not  or 
perhaps  could  not  consent. 

On  23  June,  1503,  Columbus  and  his  men,  crowded 
on  two  almost  sinking  caravels,  finally  landed  on  the 
inhospitable  coast  of  Jamaica.  After  dismantling  his 
useless  craft,  and  using  the  material  for  temporary 
shelter,  he  sent  a  boat  to  Haiti  to  ask  for  assistance 
and  to  dispatch  thence  to  Spain  a  vessel  with  a  pitiful 
letter  giving  a  fantastic  account  of  his  sufferings 
which  in  itself  gave  evidence  of  an  over-excited  and 
disordered  mind. 

Ovando  to  whom  Columbus's  request  for  help  was 
delivered  at  Jaragua  (Haiti)  cannot  be  acquitted  of 
unjustifiable  delay  in  sending  assistance  to  the  ship- 
wrecked and  forsaken  admiral.  There  is  no  founda- 
tion for  assuming  that  he  acted  under  the  orders  or  in 
accordance  with  the  wishes  of  the  sovereigns.  Colum- 


bus had  become  useless,  the  colonists  in  Haiti  would 
not  tolerate  his  presence  there.  The  only  practical 
course  was  to  take  him  back  to  Spain  directly  and  re- 
move him  forever  from  the  lands  the  discovery  of 
which  had  made  him  immortal.  In  spite  of  his  many 
sufferings,  Columbus  was  not  utterly  helpless.  His 
greatest  trouble  came  from  the  mutinous  spirit  of  his 
men  who  roamed  about,  plundering  and  maltreating 
the  natives,  who,  in  consequence,  became  hostile  and 
refused  to  furnish  supplies.  An  eclipse  of  the  moon 
predicted  by  Columbus  finally  brought  them  to  terms 
and  thus  prevented  starvation.  Ovando,  though  in- 
formed of  the  admiral's  critical  condition,  did  nothing 
for  his  relief  except  to  permit  Columbus's  representa- 
tive in  Haiti  to  fit  out  a  caravel  with  stores  at  the  ad- 
miral's expense  and  send  it  to  Jamaica;  but  even  this 
tardy  relief  did  not  reach  Columbus  until  June,  1504. 
He  also  permitted  Mendez,  who  had  been  the  chief 
messenger  of  Columbus  to  Haiti,  to  take  passage  for 
Spain,  where  he  was  to  inform  the  sovereigns  of  the  ad- 
miral's forlorn  condition.  There  seems  to  be  no  ex- 
cuse for  the  conduct  of  Ovando  on  this  occasion.  Tho 
relief  expedition  finally  organized  in  Haiti,  after  a 
tedious  and  somewhat  dangerous  voyage,  landed  the 
admiral  and  his  companions  in  Spam,  7  November, 
1504. 

A  few  weeks  later  Queen  Isabella  died,  and  grave 
difficulties  beset  the  king.  Columbus,  now  in  very 
feeble  health,  remained  at  Seville  until  May,  1505, 
when  he  was  at  last  able  to  attend  court  at  Valladolid. 
His  reception  by  the  king  was  decorous,  but  without 
warmth.  His  importunities  to  be  restored  to  his  posi- 
tion as  governor  were  put  off  with  future  promises  of 
redress,  but  no  immediate  steps  were  taken.  The 
story  of  the  utter  destitution  in  which  the  admiral  is 
said  to  have  died  is  one  of  the  many  legends  with  which 
his  biography  has  been  distorted.  Columbus  is  said  to 
have  been  buried  at  Valladolid.  His  son  Diego  is  au- 
thority for  the  statement  that  his  remains  were  buried  ii» 
the  Carthusian  Convent  of  Las  Cuevas,  Seville,  within 
three  years  after  his  death.  According  to  the  records 
of  the  convent,  the  remains  were  given  up  for  trans- 
portation to  Haiti  in  1536,  though  other  documents 
place  this  event  in  1537.  It  is  conjectured,  however, 
that  the  removal  did  not  take  place  till  1541,  when  the 
cathedral  of  Santo  Domingo  was  completed,  though 
there  are  no  records  of  this  entombment.  When,  in 
1795,  Haiti  passed  under  French  control,  Spanish  au- 
thorities removed  the  supposed  remains  of  Columbus 
to  Havana.  On  the  occupation  of  Cuba  by  the  United 
States  they  were  once  more  removed  to  Seville  (1898). 

Columbus  was  unquestionably  a  man  of  genius.  He 
was  a  bold,  skilful  navigator,  better  acquainted  with 
the  principles  of  cosmography  and  astronomy  than  the 
average  skipper  of  his  time,  a  man  of  original  ideas, 
fertile  in  his  plans,  and  persistent  in  carrying  them 
into  execution.  The  impression  he  made  on  those 
with  whom  he  came  in  contact  even  in  the  days  of  his 
poverty,  such  as  Fray  Juan  Perez,  the  treasurer  Luis 
de  Santangel,  the  Duke  of  Medina  Sidonia,  and  Queen 
Isabella  herself,  shows  that  he  had  great  powers  of 
persuasion  and  was  possessed  of  personal  magnetism. 
His  success  in  overcoming  the  obstacles  to  his  expedi- 
tions and  surmounting  the  difficulties  of  his  voyages 
exhibit  him  as  a  man  of  unusual  resources  and  of  un- 
flinching determination.  Columbus  was  also  of  a 
deeply  religious  nature.  Whatever  influence  scientific 
theories  and  the  ambition  for  fame  and  wealth  may 
have  had  over  him,  in  advocating  his  enterprise  ho 
never  failed  to  insist  on  the  conversion  of  the  pagan 
peoples  that  he  would  discover  as  one  of  the  primary 
objects  of  his  undertaking.  Even  when  clouds  had 
settled  over  his  career,  after  his  return  as  a  prisoner 
from  the  lands  he  had  discovered,  he  was  ready  to  de- 
vote all  his  possessions  and  the  remaining  years  of  his 
life  to  set  sail  again  for  the  purpose  of  rescuing  Christ's 
Sepulchre  from  the  hands  of  the  infidel. 


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Other  members  of  the  Columbus  family  also  ac- 
quired fame: — 

Diego,  the  first  son  of  Christopher  and  heir  to  his 
titles  ana  prerogatives,  was  b.  at  Lisbon,  1476,  and  d. 
at  Montalvan,  near  Toledo,  23  February,  1526.  lie 
was  made  a  page  to  Queen  Isabella  in  1492,  and  re- 
mained at  court  until  1508.  Having  obtained  confir- 
mation of  the  privileges  originally  conceded  to  his 
father  (the  title  of  viceroy  of  the  newly  discovered 
countries  excepted)  he  went  to  Santo  Domingo  in 
1509  as  Admiral  of  the  Indies  and  Governor  of  Hispani- 
ola.  The  authority  of  Diego  Velazquez  as  governor, 
however,  had  become  too  firmly  established,  and 
Diego  was  met  by  open  and  secret  opposition,  especi- 
ally from  the  royal  Audiencia.  Visiting  Spain  in  1520 
he  was  favourably  received  and  new  honours  bestowed 
upon  him.  However,  in  1523,  he  had  to  return  again 
to  Spain  to  answer  charges  against  him.  The  re- 
mainder of  his  life  was  taken  up  by  the  suit  of  the  heirs 
of  Columbus  against  the  royal  treasury,  a  memorable 
legal  contest  only  terminated  in  1564.  Diego  seems  to 
have  been  a  man  of  no  extraordinary  attainments,  but 
of  considerable  tenacity  of  character. 

Ferdinand,  better  known  as  Fernando  Colon, 
second  son  of  Christopher,  by  Dofia  Beatriz  Enriquez, 
a  lady  of  a  noble  family  of  Cordova  in  Spain,  was 
b.  at  Cordova,  15  August,  1488;  d.  at  Seville, 
12  July,  1539.  As  he  was  naturally  far  more 
gifted  than  his  half-brother  Diego,  he  was  a  fa- 
vourite with  his  father,  whom  he  accompanied  on 
the  last  voyage.  As  early  as  1498  Queen  Isabella 
had  made  him  one  of  her  pages  and  Columbus 
in  his  will  (1505)  left  him  an  ample  income,  which 
was  subsequently  increased  by  royal  grants.  Fer- 
nando had  decided  literary  tastes  and  wrote  well  in 
Spanish.  While  it  is  stated  that  he  wrote  a  history  of 
the  West  Indies,  there  are  now  extant  only  two  works 
by  him :  "  Descripci6n  y  cosmograf  fa  de  EspaSa  ",  a  de- 
tailed geographical  itinerary  begun  in  1517,  published 
at  Madrid  in  the  "  Boletin  de  la  Real  Sociedad  geogra- 
fica"  (1906-07) ;  and  the  life  of  the  admiral,  his  father, 
written  about  1534,  the  Spanish  original  of  which  has 
been  lost.  It  was  published  in  an  Italian  translation 
by  UUoa  in  1571  as  "Vita  dell'  ammiraglio",  and  re- 
translated into  Spanish  by  Barcia,  "  Historiadores 
primitivos  de  Indias"  (Madrid,  1749).  As  might  be 
expected  this  biography  is  sometimes  partial,  though 
Fernando  often  sides  with  the  Spanish  monarens 
against  his  father.  Of  the  highest  value  is  the  report 
by  Fray  Roman  Pane  on  the  customs  of  the  Haitian 
Indians  which  is  incorporated  into  the  text.  (See 
Arawaks.)  Fernando  left  to  the  cathedral  chapter  of 
Seville  a  library  of  20,000  volumes,  a  part  of  which  still 
exists  and  is  known  as  the  Biblioteca  Colombina. 

Bartholomew,  elder  brother  of  Christopher,  b.  pos- 
sibly in  1445  at  Genoa  ;d.  at  Santo  Domingo,  May,  1515. 
Like  Christopher  he  became  a  seafarer  at  an  early  age. 
After  his  attempts  to  interest  the  Kings  of  France  and 
England  in  his  brother's  projects,  his  life  was  bound 
up  with  that  of  his  brother.  It  was  during  his  time 
that  bloodhounds  were  introduced  into  the  West  In- 
des.  He  was  a  man  of  great  energy  and  some  military 
talent,  and  during  Christopher's  last  voyage  took  the 
leadership  at  critical  moments.  After  1506  he  prob- 
ably went  to  Rome  and  in  1509  back  to  the  West  In- 
dies with  his  nephew  Diego. 

Diego,  younger  brother  of  Christopher  and  his 
companion  on  the  second  voyage,  b.  probably  at 
Genoa;  d.  at  Santo  Domingo  after  1509.  After  his 
release  from  chains  in  Spain  (1500)  he  became  a 
priest  and  returned  to  the  West  Indies  in  1509. 

The  tract  of  Christopher  Colombcs,  De  prima  in  mari 
Indico  lustratione,  was  published  with  the  Bellum  Christianorum 
of  Robert.  Abbot  or  Saint-Remi  (Basle,  1533). — 
Codice  diplomatico-Colombo- Americano,  ossia  Haccolta  di  docu- 
menli  spettanti  a  Cr.  Col-,  etc.  (Genoa.  1S23);  Anon.,  Cr.  Col. 
triulato  del  minorite  nella  scoperla  del  nrtovo  mondo  (Genoa, 
1848);  8anocinetto,  Vita  di  Colombo  (Genoa,  1848);  Bobsi, 
Vitadi  Cr.Col.  (Milan,  1818);  Spotor.no,  Delia  origine  e  delta 


patria  di  Cr.  Col.  (Genoa,  1810):  Navarrkte,  Coleecion  de  lot 
viajes  y  descubrimientos  .  .  .  desde  fine'  del  X  V  (Madrid, 

1825),  I,  II;  Avezac-Macaya,  Annie  veritable  de  la  naieeance 
de  Chr.  Col.  (Paris,  1873);  Rosrlly  de  Lohuneb,  Vie  et 
voyages  de  Chr.  Col.  (Paris,  1861),  from  which  was  compiled 
by  Barry,  Life  of  Chr.  Col.  (New  York,  1860);  Roselly  de 
Lokones,  Satan  centre  Chr.  Col.  (Genoa,  1846);  Columbos, 
Ferdinand,  French  tr.  by  MOlleb,  Hist,  de  la  vie  et  des  decow 
vertes  de  Chr.  Col.  (Paris,  s.  d.);  Major  (tr.).  Select  Letters  of 
Chr.  Col.  (London,  1847  and  1870);  Harsibse,  Fernando  Colon 
historiador  de  su  padre  (Seville,  1871);  Vignaud,  La  maieon 
cCAlba  et  les  archives  colombimnes  (Paris,  1904);  Uhaoon,  La 
Patria  de  Colon  eeaun  lot  documentos  de  las  ordenes  militates 
(Madrid.  1802);  Uziello  in  Congresso  geografico  italiano:  Atti 
for  April,  1901,  Toscanelli,  Colombo  e  Vespucci  (Milan,  1902); 
Winsor,  Christopher  Columbus  (Boston.  1891);  Adams,  Christo- 
pher Columbus,  in  Makers  of  America  (New  York,  1892);  Dcno, 
CoUin  y  la  Historia  Pdttuma  (Madrid,  1885) ;  Thacher.  CArw- 
topher  Columbus:  His  Life,  His  Work,  His  Remains  (3  vols.. 
New  York,  1903-1904) ;  Irvinq.  Life  and  Voyages  of  Christo- 
pher Columbus  (3  vols.,  New  York,  1868) ;  Peter  Marttr,  D» 
orbe  novo  (Aloala,  1530) ;  Las  Cabas.  Historia  de  las  Indias  in 
Documentos  para  la  historia  de  Espaila;  OnsDO,  Hist,  general 
(Madrid,  1850).  The  last  three  authors  had  personal  inter- 
course with  Columbus,  and  their  works  are  the  chief  source  of 
information  concerning  him.  Clarke,  Christopher  Columbus 
in  The  Am.  Cath.  Quart.  Rev.  (1802) ;  Shea.  Columbus.  This  Cen- 
tury's Estimate  of  His  Life  and  Work  (ibid.) ;  U.  S.  Cath.  Hist. 
Soc.,  The  Cosmographies  Inlroductio  of  Martin  WalMcemuller 
(New  York.  lOOSj.  Ad   R  BaNDEUER. 

Columbus,  Diocese  of. — The  Diocese  of  Columbus 
comprises  that  part  of  the  State  of  Ohio,  south  of  40 
degrees  and  41  minutes,  lying  between  the  Ohio  River 
on  the  east  and  the  Scioto  River  on  the  west,  and  also 
the  Counties  of  Delaware,  Franklin,  and  Morrow, 
twenty-nine  counties  of  the  eighty-eight  into  which 
the  State  of  Ohio  is  divided;  it  contains  13,685  square 
miles.  This  portion  of  the  State  belonged  originally 
to  the  Diocese  of  Cincinnati,  and  was  recommended, 
to  Rome  for  erection  as  a  see  by  the  Fathers  of  the 
Second  Plenary  Council,  of  Baltimore,  held  in  1866. 
It  was  not  until  3  March,  1868,  that  the  official  docu- 
ments were  issued  erecting  the  diocese  and  naming  as 
its  first  bishop  Sylvester  Horton  Rosecrans,  who  had 
been  consecrated  Auxiliary  Bishop  of  Cincinnati  and 
Titular  Bishop  of  Pompeiopolis,  25  March,  1862.  The 
portion  of  Ohio  assigned  to  this  diocese  was  in  1868 
to  a  large  extent  but  sparsely  populated ;  no  railroad 
had  as  yet  penetrated  some  of  the  counties,  and  the 
bishop  was  forced  to  make  many  of  the  journeys  on 
his  visitations  by  stage,  wagon,  or  steamboat.  The 
Dominican  Fathers  were  the  earliest  missionaries  in 
Ohio,  locating  at  St.  Joseph's,  Perry  County,  in  the 
early  part  of  the  nineteenth  century,  and  from  their 
number  was  chosen  the  first  Bishop  of  Cincinnati, 
Edward  Fenwick.  The  first  place  of  Catholic  wor- 
ship in  Ohio  was  at  St.  Joseph's,  Perry  County.  This 
chapel  was  built  of  logs  and  was  blessed  6  December, 
1818,  by  Rev.  Edward  Fenwick  and  his  nephew,  Rev. 
N.  D.  Young,  both  natives  of  Maryland,  and  receiving 
their  jurisdiction  from  Bishop  Flaget,  who  was  then 
the  only  bishop  between  the  Alleghenics  and  the  Miss- 
issippi. The  congregation  consisted  of  ten  families. 
An  humble  convent  was  built  near  by,  and  its  inmates 
were  one  American,  N.  D.  Young,  one  Irishman,  Thos. 
Martin,  and  one  Belgian,  Vincent  De  Rymacher.  The 
second  chapel  erected  in  Ohio  was  also  in  this  diocese, 
blessed  in  1822,  near  what  is  now  Danville,  Knox 
County,  then  known  as  Sapp's  Settlement,  a  colony 
from  near  Cumberland,  Maryland,  many  of  its  members 
direct  descendants  of  the  colonists  of  Lord  Baltimore. 
This  chapel  was  built  of  logs  and  was  blessed  by 
Dominican  Fathers  and  the  humble  congregation 
ministered  to  by  them.  Within  a  few  miles  of  this 
second  Catholic  settlement  in  Ohio  is  the  college  town 
of  Gambier,  seat  of  Kenyon  College  and  the  Episcopa- 
lian Seminary  of  the  Diocese  of  Ohio,  over  which  in 
1868  presided,  before  his  conversion,  Dr.  James  Kent 
Stone,  afterwards  Father  Fidelis  of  the  Congregation  of 
St.  Paul  of  the  Cross.  From  its  walls  have  gone  forth 
many  illustrious  men  who  in  after-life  turned  their 
eyes  to  the  Church,  among  them  Bishop  Rosecrans 
and  his  brother,  General  Rosecrans,  Henry  Richards, 


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father  of  Rev.  James  Havens  Richards,  S.  J.,  and 
William  Richards. 

In  its  early  days  the  diocese  was  largely  an  agricul- 
tural district,  the  first  settlers  from  Pennsylvania  and 
Maryland  being  tillers  of  the  soil.  Later  came  the 
emigrants  from  Ireland  and  Germany,  who  were  fol- 
lowed by  priests  of  their  native  lands.  At  the  present 
time  mining  and  manufacturing  have  so  far  advanced 
as  to  predominate  and  control.  Immigration  has  also 
added  to  the  variety  of  races  among  the  Catholic 
population;  notably  Poles,  Hungarians,  Greeks,  Lith- 
uanians, and  Slavs  may  be  found  among  the  mining 
population  of  the  eastern  and  southern  parts  of  the 
diocese :  while  Belgians  are  numerous  among  the  work- 
men employed  in  the  manufacture  of  glass,  an  indus- 
try that  has  risen  of  late  years  to  prominence  in 
Ohio,  owing  to  the  discovery  of  natural  gas,  which  is 
an  important  feature  in  this  business.  The  native- 
born  descendants  of  the  pioneer  Catholics  have  taken 
a  notable  place  in  the  walks  of  business  and  profes- 
sional life,  especially  in  the  larger  centres  of  popula- 
tion. The  bishop  and  a  large  number  of  the  clergy 
are  natives  of  the  State.  All  this  has  worked  a  de- 
cided change  in  the  attitude  of  non-Catholics  towards 
the  Church  and  their  Catholic  fellow-citizens. 

Sylvester  Horton  Rosecrans,  the  first  bishop,  died 
21  October,  1878.  He  was  succeeded  by  John  Am- 
brose Watterson,  who  was  consecrated  8  August, 
1880,  and  died  17  April,  1899.  The  next  bishop  was 
Henry  Moeller,  consecrated  25  August,  1900,  pro- 
moted to  the  Archiepiscopal  See  of  Areopolis  and 
made  Coadjutor  to  the  Archbishop  of  Cincinnati,  27 
April,  1903.  The  fourth  bishop,  James  Joseph  Hart- 
'  ley,  was  consecrated  25  February,  1904.  . 

There  are  142  priests — 105  secular  and  37  regular — 
in  the  diocese,  with  34  brothers  and  450  sisters.  The 
total  population  of  the  diocese  is  about  1,000,000;  of 
this  number  80,000  are  Catholics.  The  parishes  num- 
ber 75,  with  45  parochial  schools  and  9361  pupils, 
4520  boys  and  4841  girls.  There  arc  two  orphan 
asylums,  with  460  orphans ;  aConvent  of  the  Good  Shep- 
herd, with  207  inmates;  four  hospitals,  treating  4000 
patients  annually;  a  preparatory  seminary,  with  22 
students;  a  theological  seminary,  "The  Pontifical 


St.  Joseph's  Cathedral,  Columbus 

College  Josephinum  of  the  Sacred  Congregation  for  the 
Propagation  of  the  Faith",  with  161  students;  a  col- 
lege, with  100  students;  and  three  academies,  with 
430  pupils. 

The  Diocese  of  Columbus  has  given  to  the  Church  two 
bishops,  Fitzgerald  of  Little  Rock  and  Gallagher  of  Gal- 
veston; while  the  names  of  Henni,  Archbishop  of  Mil- 
waukee, Lamy,  Archbishop  of  Santa  Fe\  De  Goesbri- 
and,  Bishop  of  Burlington,  Vermont,  may  be  found  on 
the  baptismal  registers  of  the  early  mission  churches 


of  the  diocese.  The  State  and  nation  also  have  re- 
ceived many  a  notable  service,  both  in  war  and  peace, 
from  sons  of  the  diocese.  General  Philip  H.  Sheridan 
was  in  his  boyhood  a  resident  of  Somerset,  Perry  Co., 
the  cradle  of  Catholicity  in  Ohio.  General  W.  S. 
Rosecrans,  brother  of  the  first  bishop  of  the  diocese, 
both  converts,  General  Don  Carlos  Buell,  Generals 
Hugh  and  Charles  Ewing  of  the  Ewing  family  of  Lan- 


PONTIFICAL  ('Ol.LF.OE  JoBEPHINUM 

caster;  Frank  Hurd,  Constitutional  lawyer,  Rep- 
resentative in  Congress,  and  free  trade  advocate,  J. 
A.  MacGahan,  Bulgaria's  liberator,  whose  remains 
were  brought  by  the  United  States  Government  from 
Constantinople  to  Perry  County,  are  a  few  of  the 
names  on  the  diocesan  roll  of  honour. 

Hows,  Historical  Collections  of  Ohio  (Cincinnati,  Ohio, 
1900) :  American  Catholic  Historical  Research**  (Philadelphia, 
July,  1896);  files  of  Catholic  Telegraph  (Cincinnati),  and  Cath- 
olic Columbian  (Columbus)  -U.  S.  Catholic  Magazine  (Balti- 
more, January,  1847),  The  Catholic  Church  in  Ohio. 

L.  W.  MULHANE. 

Column,  in  architecture  a  round  pillar,  a  cylindrical 
solid  body,  or  a  many-sided  prism,  the  body  of  which 
is  sometimes  reeded  or  fluted,  but  practically  cylin- 
drical in  shape,  and  which  supports  another  body  in 
a  vertical  direction.  A  column  has,  as  its  most  essen- 
tial portion,  a  long  solid  body,  called  the  shaft,  set 
vertically  on  a  stylobate,  or  on  a  congeries  of  mould- 
ings which  forms  its  base,  the  shaft  being  surmounted 
by  a  more  or  less  bulky  mass,  which  forms  its  capital. 
Columns  are  distinguished  by  the  names  of  the  styles 
of  architecture  to  which  they  belong;  thus  there  are 
Hindu,  Egyptian,  Grecian,  Roman,  and  Gothic  col- 
umns. In  classic  architecture  they  are  further  dis- 
tinguished by  the  name  of  the  order  to  which  they 
belong,  as  Doric,  Ionic,  Composite,  or  Tuscan  col- 
umns. They  may  also  be  characterized  by  some 
peculiarity  of  position,  of  construction,  of  form,  or 
of  ornament,  as  attached,  twisted,  cabled,  etc.  Col- 
umns are  either  insulated  or  attached.  They  are  said 
to  be  attached  or  engaged  when  they  form  part  of  a 
wall,  projecting  one-half  or  more,  but  not  the  whole, 
of  their  substance.  Cabled  or  rudented  columns  are 
such  as  have  their  flu  tings  filled  with  cables  or  astra- 
gals to  about  the  third  of  the  height.  Carolitic  col- 
umns have  their  shafts  foliated.  In  the  earliest  col- 
umnar architecture,  that  of  the  Egyptians,  and  in  the 
Greek  Doric,  there  were  no  bases.  Capitals,  how- 
ever, are  universal,  but  are  mainly  decorative  in  char- 
acter. In  Grecian  and  Roman  architecture  the  pro- 
portions are  settled,  and  vary  according  to  the  order. 
The  term  is  sometimes  applied  to  the  pillars  or  piers 
in  Norman  and  Gothic  architecture.  In  modern 
usage  the  term  is  applied  to  supports  of  iron  or  wood. 

Fletcher,  A  History  of  Architecture,  690;  Gwilt,  Encyc. 
of  Architecture,  1261;  Parker,  Glossary  of  Architecture  I,  108; 
Weale,  Did.  of  Terms:  Bond,  Gothic  Architecture  in  England, 
233;  Stobois,  Diet,  of  Architecture  and  Building  (London.  1904). 

Thomas  H.  Pooi,f. 


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Comacchio,  Diocese  of  (Comaclensis),  suffragan 
of  Ravenna.  Comacchio  is  a  town  in  the  province 
of  Ferrara  in  the  Romagna,  Italy,  situated  on  islands 
near  the  mouths  of  the  Po,  and  connected  with  the 
sea  by  a  canal  built  by  Cardinal  Palotta.  The  an- 
cient name  of  the  town  was  Cymadum.  The  first 
known  Bishop  of  Comacchio  was  Pacatianus,  present 
in  503  at  a  synod  held  in  Rome  under  Pope  Symma- 
chus.  St.  Gregory  the  Great  reckons  the  see  among 
the  suffragans  of  Ravenna.  In  708  a  certain  Vincen- 
tius  is  mentioned  as  Bishop  of  Comacchio.  In  the 
seventh  century  Gregory,  tne  youthful  son  of  Isaac, 
Exarch  of  Ravenna,  died  at  Comacchio  in  a  monas- 
tery dedicated  to  St.  Maurus,  as  is  recorded  in  a  Greek 
inscription.  During  the  fifteenth  century  the  town 
was  held  by  the  Venetians,  but  was  retaken  in  1509 
by  Alfonso  II,  Duke  of  Ferrara,  and  fortified  by  him. 
At  the  death  of  Alfonso  in  1597,  Comacchio,  with  the 
rest  of  the  Duchy  of  Ferrara  passed  under  the  con- 
trol of  the  Holy  See.  One  of  its  bishops,  Alfonso 
Pandolfo  (1631),  was  a  polished  writer  and  poet,  and 
established  the  Accademia  dei  Fluttuanti.  In  the 
vicinity  of  Comacchio  is  the  ancient  shrine  of  Santa 
Maria  in  Aula  Regia,  approached  by  a  long  portico 
of  142  arches,  built  in  1847  by  the  papal  legate, Cardi- 
nal Giovanni  Stefano  Dongo.  In  1708  Emperor 
Joseph  I,  on  the  pretence  of  having  an  ancient  claim 
on  tne  city  seized  Comacchio,  which  was,  however, 
restored  in  1724.  In  1796  the  town  was  occupied  by 
the  French.  The  famous  Benedictine  Abbey  of  Pom- 
posa  is  in  the  Diocese  of  Comacchio.  The  diocese  has 
a  population  of  40,630,  with  114  parishes,  24  churches 
and  oratories,  26  secular  and  6  regular  priests,  1  re- 
ligious house  of  men,  and  1  of  women. 

Capfbllbtit.  Le  chime  <T Italia  (Venice,  1844),  II.  579; 
Corhadinus,  Relaiio  jurium  indit  apott.  in  eivit.  Camaclemem 
(Rome,  1741);  Chevaueb,  Topo-BM.  (Paris,  1894-99),  s.  v.; 
Ann.  red.  (Rome,  1907). 

U.  Beniont. 

Oomana,  a  titular  see  of  Asia  Minor.  According  to 
ancient  geographers,  Oomana  was  situated  in  Cappa- 
docia  (Cataonia).  Eustathius  (Comment,  ad  Dionys., 
694)  surnames  it  Chryse,  "Golden".  Another  sur- 
name in  epigraphy  is  Hieropolis,  owing  to  a  famous 
temple  of  the  Syrian  goddess  Enyo  or  Ma.  Strabo 
and  Cesar  visited  it;  the  former  (XI,  521 ;  XII,  535, 
537)  enters  into  long  details  about  its  position  on  the 
Sards  (Seihoun),  the  temple  and  its  kieroduli.  St. 
Basiliscus  was  put  to  death  at  Comana  and  was  buried 
there;  according  to  Palladius,  the  historian  of  St. 
Chrysostom,  he  was  bishop  of  the  city,  but  this  is  very 
doubtful.  Its  bishop,  Elpidius,  was  present  at  the 
Council  of  Nicsea,  in  325.  Leontius,  a  Semi-Arian,  held 
the  see  in  the  time  of  the  Emperor  Jovian.  Heraclius 
appeared  at  Chalcedon  in  451:  Comana  was  then  a 
suffragan  of  Melitene,  the  metropolis  of  Armenia  Se- 
cunda;  since  then  it  figures  as  such  in  most  of  the 
"  Notitue  episcopatuum  "  to  the  twelfth  century.  Two 
other  bishops  are  known:  Hormizes,  or  Hormisdas, 
about  458  (letter  to  the  Emperor  Leo;  see  also 
Photius,  Biblioth..  Cod.  51)  and  Theodoras  at  the 
Fifth  (Ecumenical  Council,  in  553.  The  ruins  of 
Comana  are  visible  ten  miles  north-west  of  Guksun 
(Cocussus),  in  the  vilayet  of  Adana  (Lequien,  I,  447; 
Ramsay,  Hist.  Geogr.  of  Asia  Minor,  passim).  An- 
other Comana,  suffragan  of  Neocsesarea,  was  situated 
in  Pontus  Polemiacus;  it  had  also  a  temple  of  Ma, 
and  was  sur named  Hieroctesarea.  It  was  captured 
by  Sulla,  83  b.  c.  Six  bishops  are  mentioned  by 
Lequien  (I,  517);  the  first  is  St.  Alexander  the  Char- 
coal-Seller, consecrated  by  St.  Gregory  the  Wonder- 
Worker.  This  town  is  to-day  Gdmenek,  or  Gomanak, 
a  village  south-west  of  Neoctesarea  (Niksar),  in  the 
vilayet  of  Sivas.  Lequien  (I,  1009)  gives  another 
Comana  in  Pamphylia  Prima,  suffragan  of  Side;  the 
true  name  is  Conana.  Zoticus,  who  lived  at  the  time 
of  Montanus,  was  Bishop  of  Conana,  or  of  Co  mama, 


not  of  Comana  in  Cappadocia.  Cosmas  of  Conana 
appeared  at  Constantinople  in  680.  Conana  is  to-day 
Gunen,  in  the  vilayet  of  Adana. 

Smith,  Diet,  of  Or.  and  Rom.  Qeogr.  (London,  1878).  I,  649. 

S.  Petrides. 

Comayagua,  Diocese  of,  suffragan  to  Guatemala, 
includes  the  entire  Republic  of  Honduras  in  Central 
America,  a  territory  of  about  46,250  square  miles,  and 
a  population  (1902),  exclusive  of  uncivilized  Indians, 
of  684,400,  mostly  baptized  Catholics.  It  also  in- 
cludes a  group  of  islets  m  the  Bay  of  Honduras  (Rua- 
tan,  Bonacca,  Utila,  Barbareta,  and  Moret).  The 
surface  is  mountainous,  with  many  fertile  plains  and 
plateaux.  Communication  is  difficult,  as  there  are 
few  good  roads,  but  a  railroad  from  Puerto  Cortez  to 
La  Pimienta  (sixty  miles)  is  destined  to  reach  the 
Pacific.  The  mineral  wealth  is  great,  and  the  trade 
in  bananas  very  lucrative.  The  climate  in  the  in- 
terior is  usually  healthy,  but  fevers  are  frequent  along 
the  low  coast.  The  capital  of  the  State,  Tegucigalpa, 
has  17,000  inhabitants.  The  first  missionaries  were 
Franciscans,  though  the  records  of  their  labours  have 
disappeared  in  the  disastrous  conflagrations  that  the 
wars  of  the  nineteenth  century  visited  on  Comayagua, 
and  in  which  the  archives  of  the  cathedral  perished. 
The  diocese  was  established  in  1527  by  Clement  VII, 
and  confirmed  in  1539  by  Paul  III.  It  is  supposed 
that  Bishop  Pedrasa,  who  went  in  that  year  to  Tru- 
jillo,  was  the  first  bishop.  Under  the  fourth,  Jeronimo 
de  Corella,  Pius  IV  transferred  (1561)  the  see  to 
Nueva  Valladolid,  now  Comayagua.  The  prosperous 
missions  among  the  savage  Indians  on  the  north  coast 
were  broken  up  in  1601  by  English  pirates:  colonists 
and  missionaries  were  scattered,  and  the  Indians  (now 
about  90,000)  relapsed  into  their  original  savagery. 
The  revolution  of  1821  did  great  damage  to  the 
Church.  Before  that  time  there  were  more  than  300 
ecclesiastical  foundations,  and  public  worship  was 
everywhere  carried  on  with  dignity.  The  revolution- 
ary Government  confiscated  the  ecclesiastical  property 
to  the  value  of  more  than  a  million  pesos,  according  to 
a  presidential  message  of  1842.  Since  then  parishes 
depended  for  public  worship  on  precarious  alms,  and 
the  clergy  diminished  in  number.  Nevertheless, 
tithes  were  still  paid  to  the  Church,  and  from  them 
the  bishop,  the  cathedral  services,  and  the  seminary 
were  supported.  The  latter  was  open  only  to  externs 
and  only  the  sciences  were  taught;  ecclesiastics  and 
young  men  destined  for  the  law  were  educated  there 
together. 

Between  1878  and  1880  the  new  president  of  Hon- 
duras, imposed  by  Guatemala,  confiscated  anew  the 
ecclesiastical  resources  put  together  by  the  faithful, 
the  parochial  properties,  residences  of  clergy  and 
churches,  abolished  the  tithes,  and,  to  complete  the 
ruin  of  the  ecclesiastical  order,  suppressed  in  the  uni- 
versity the  courses  of  canon  law  and  moral  theology, 
and  in  the  colleges  even  the  study  of  Latin.  These 
oppressive  acts  hampered  greatly  the  proper  forma- 
tion of  the  clergy,  public  worship,  and  the  administra- 
tion of  the  diocese.  Lately  the  seminary  has  been  re- 
opened, but  despite  the  separation  of  Church  and 
State  the  former  is  subject  to  many  restrictions.  The 
civil  government  is  no  longer  hostile,  but  in  its  name 
provincial  and  local  authorities  exhibit  no  little  hos- 
tility to  the  parish  priests.  The  episcopal  city,  which 
has  8000  inhabitants,  suffered  much  from  the  civil 
wars  of  the  period  of  federation  (1823-39)  and  has 
never  regained  its  former  size  or  prosperity.  Bishop 
Joseph  Maria  Martinez  Cabaflas  (1908)  is  the 
twenty-eighth  or  twenty-ninth  of  the  line.  The  five 
parish  priests  of  the  Department  of  Comayagua  repre- 
sent the  former  cathedral  canons,  and  assist  the  bisnop 
on  occasions;  at  his  death  they  elect  the  vicar  capitu- 
lar. There  are  seventy  secular  priests,  and  no  regu- 
lars; the  Government  has  never  tolerated  the  return 


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of  the  latter  since  their  expulsion  (1821).  There  is  a 
missionary  on  the  northern  coast  and  at  Comayagua 
a  Salesian  Father.  The  wealthier  classes  of  the  dio- 
cese, with  very  few  exceptions,  are  indifferent  to  reli- 
gion. There  are  no  parochial  schools,  as  the  people 
of  the  pueblos  are  unable  to  support  them,  after  pay- 
ing taxes  for  the  public  schools;  moreover  the  clergy 
are  unable  to  conduct  them,  being  obliged  at  all  times 
to  move  about  from  one  small  town  to  another  and 
among  the  widely  scattered  villages  and  the  moun- 
tains.   (See  Guatemala.) 

Werner,  Orbia  Urrarum  Catholicu*  (Freiburg,  1890); 
Streit,  Katholiacher  Miaaionaatlaa  (Steyl,  1907);  The  States- 
man't  Year-Book  (London,  1907). 

Feuciano  Heerera. 

Oombefla,  Francois,  patrologiat,  b.  November, 
1605,  at  Marmande  m  Guvenne;  d.  at  Paris,  23  March, 
1679.  He  made  his  preliminary  studies  in  che  Jesuit 
College  at  Bordeaux,  and  joined  the  Dominican  Order 
in  1624.  After  finishing  his  theological  course,  he  be- 
came professor  of  theology,  and  taught  in  several 
houses  of  his  order.  In  1640  he  was  transferred  to 
Paris  where  the  opportunities  for  research  afforded  by 
the  libraries  led  him  to  abandon  teaching  and  to  under- 
take the  publication  of  patristic  texts.  He  published 
successively  the  works  of  Amphilochius  of  Iconium, 
of  Methodius  of  Patara,  and  of  Andreas  of  Crete,  to- 

f ether  with  some  hitherto  unedited  writings  of  St. 
ohn  Chrysostom.  In  1648  appeared  his  "Novum 
Auctarium  Graco-Latinse  Bibliothecse  Patrum"  in 
two  parts,  exegetical  and  historico-dogmatic.  The 
"Historia  hteresis  monothelitarum  sancteque  in  earn 
sextse  synodi  actorum  vindiciaj",  which  formed  part 
of  the  historical  section  of  this  work,  met  with 
much  opposition  in  Rome,  principally  because  it  was 
at  variance  with  the  opinions  of  Bella rmine  and  Bar- 
onius.  The  character  of  the  work  in  which  Combefis 
was  engaged  met  so  thoroughly  the  approval  of  the 
French  clergy  that  in  an  assembly  of  the  French 
bishops  heldin  Paris,  1656,  an  annual  subsidy  was 
voted  to  enable  him  to  carry  on  his  publications,  the 
sum  voted  being  subsequently  doubled.  This  gener- 
ous action  produced  the  most  fruitful  results,  and  the 
number  of  nis  publications  increased  every  year.  In 
1656  he  edited  St.  John  Chrysostom's  "De  edu- 
candis  Liberia",  in  1660  a  collection  of  Acts  of  the 
martyrs.  In  1662  there  appeared  the  "Bibliotheca 
Patrum  Concionatoria",  or  "Preachers'  Library  of 
the  Fathers ",  a  rich  and  comprehensive  work,  pre- 
pared in  the  most  painstaking  manner  from  all  the 
available  manuscripts,  and  containing  a  short  his- 
torical account  of  all  the  authors  whose  names  ap- 
peared in  the  work.  Another  important  work,  "  Auc- 
tarium Novissimum  Bib'iothecas  Patrum",  appeared 
at  Paris  in  1672.  The  three  following  years  saw 
many  publications  from  the  pen  of  Combefis.  In 
1674  appeared  "  Ecclesiastes  Grsecus,  i.  e.  illustrium 
Grsecorum  Patrum  ac  oratorum  digesti  sermones  ac 
tractatus",  etc.  In  1675  appeared  "Theodoti  Ancy- 
rani  adv.  Nestorium  liber  et  S.  Germani  patriarchs 
Constantinop.  in  S.  Marias  Dormitionem  et  Transla- 
tionem  oratio  historica",  and  in  the  same  year  an 
edition  of  the  works  of  Maximus  Confessor  in  two  vol- 
umes with  a  Latin  translation.  A  third  volume  of 
the  works  of  Maximus  Confessor  was  ready  when 
Combefis  died.  Perhaps  the  most  important  of 
the  works  of  Combefis  is  his  edition  of  St.  Basil  in 
two  volumes,  "Basilius  magnus  ex  integro  recensitus, 
textus  ex  fide  optimorum  codicum  ubique  castigatus, 
auctus,  illustratus,  haud  incerta  quandoque  conjec- 
tura  emendatus.  Versiones  recognitse  ",  etc.  (Paris, 
1679).  This  is  a  work  of  the  highest  merit  and  shows 
the  critical  skill  of  Combefis  at  its  best,  though  later 
surpassed  by  the  famous  Maurist  edition  (Paris, 
1721-30).  Besides  these  and  several  other  critical 
editions  of  works  of  the  Fathers,  there  are  in  exist- 
ence some  polemical  works  of  Combefis  which  have 


little  value  for  the  present  time.  Though  known  to 
all  the  learned  men  of  his  time,  and  widely  celebrated 
even  in  his  lifetime  for  his  great  learning,  Combefis 
always  remained  a  mild  and  obedient  monk. 

Qcfenr-EcHARD,  Script.  Ord.  Prod.,  II,  678  so,.;  Perauit, 
Recueil  dea  flogea  dea  hommea  illuatrea  du  17*  Steele:  Dtjpin, 
Bibliotheca,  XIII,  99;  Niceron,  Memoirea,  XI,  1889;  Ittio,  Da 
bibliotheda  et  cotenia  Patrum  (Leipiig,  1707),  146  »q. 

Patrick  J.  Healt. 

Oomboni,  Daniel,  missionary,  b.  15  March,  1831,  in 
Limone  San  Giovanni  near  Brescia,  Italy;  d.  10  Oct., 
1881,  at  Khartoum.  Educated  in  Mazza's  Institute, 
Verona,  he  learned,  in  addition  to  theology,  several 
languages  and  medicine.  Ordained  priest  in  1854,  he 
was  sent  (1857)  by  Don  Mazza  to  Central  Africa,  but 
returned  (1859)  because  of  ill  health.  After  teaching 
in  Mazza's  Institute  from  1861-64  he  published  "Pi- 
ano per  la  rigenerazione  dell'  Africa"  (Turin,  1864) 
and  visited  France,  Spain,  England,  Germany,  and 
Austria  to  collect  funds.  In  Verona  Comboni  estab- 
lished (1867)  his  Istituto  delle  Missioni  per  la  Nigrizia 
to  educate  priests  and  brothers  for  the  missions,  and 
the  Istituto  delle  Pie  Madri  to  supply  female  help;  he 
also  opened  similar  institutions  in  Cairo,  Egypt,  to  ac- 
climatize missionaries  for  the  fever-stricken  regions  of 
Central  Africa.  Appointed  (1872)  Pro-vicar  Apos- 
tolic of  Central  Africa  (vicariate  since  1846),  embrac- 
ing Nubia,  Egyptian  Sudan,  and  the  territory  south  to 
the  Lakes  (with  nearly  100,000,000  inhabitants)  Com- 
boni began  his  great  work  with  only  two  missions,  El- 
Obeid  (Kordofan)  and  Khartoum.  Others  rapidly 
followed:  Berber,  Delen.  Malbes  (near  El-Obeid).  In 
1877  Comboni  was  made  Vicar  Apostolic  of  Central 
Africa  and  titular  Bishop  of  Claudiopolis.  His  death 
was  pronounced  a  "great  loss"  by  Leo  XIII. 

Comboni  aroused  the  interest  of  Europe  in  negro 
missions,  and  journeyed  five  times  from  Africa  to  Eu- 
rope to  secure  missionaries  and  funds.  By  means  of 
his  intimate  acquaintance  with  the  khedive  and  the 
Governor  of  the  Sudan  he  effectually  checked  thb 
slave-trade.  Besides  his  "Quadro  storico  delle  Sco- 
perte  Africane"  (1880)  he  contributed  material  for 
scientific  works,  notably  on  geography.  Mitterrutz- 
ner's  works  on  the  Dinka  and  Bari  dialects  (Brixen, 
1866, 1867)  are  based  on  Comboni's  manuscripts.  He 
was  a  "language  genius"  (Cardinal  Simeoni),  master 
of  six  European  tongues,  of  Arabic,  and  the  dialects  of 
the  Dinka,  Bari,  ana  Nuba  negroes.  His  "Istituto", 
since  1894  the  Congregation  of  the  Sons  of  the  Sacred 
Heart,  continues  his  work  in  Central  Africa.  Mgr. 
Geyer  (appointed  vicar  Apostolic  in  1903)  was  assisted 
in  1907  by  29  priests,  23  brothers,  and  35  sisters  minis- 
tering to  1 1  churches,  9  schools,  and  6  orphanages. 

Comboni'b  account  of  hia  work  is  in  Annalen  d.  Verbreitung 
d.  Glaubens  (Munich,  1878),  XLVI,  94-114,  233-258;  Geyer. 
Daniel  Comboni,  eine  Lebenaskizte  in  Annalen,  etc,  (Munich, 
1882).  L,  172-238;  Katholische  Miaaionen  (Freiburg,  1882), 
159-162:  Geyer,  Khartoum,  ein  Zentrum  d.  Kultur  tn  Inner- 
Africa  (Vienna,  1907). 

John  M.  Lenhart. 
Comforter.   See  Paraclete. 

Oomgall,  Saint,  founder  and  abbot  of  the  great 
Irish  monastery  at  Bangor,  flourished  in  the  sixth  cen- 
tury. The  year  of  his  birth  is  uncertain,  but  accord- 
ing to  the  testimony  of  the  Irish  annals  it  must  be 
placed  between  510  and  520;  his  Jeath  is  said  to  have 
occurred  in  602  ( "  Annals  of  Tighernach ' '  and  "  Chron- 
icon  Scotorum"),  or  597  (Annals  of  Innisfallen). 
He  was  born  in  Dalaradia  in  Ulster  near  the  place  now 
known  as  Magheramorne  in  the  present  County  An- 
trim. He  seems  to  have  served  first  as  a  soldier,  and 
on  his  release  from  military  service  he  is  said  to  have 
studied  at  Clonard  with  St.  Finnian,  and  at  Clonmac- 
noise  with  St.  Ciaran,  who  died  in  549.  We  next  find 
him  in  Ulster  r-  an  island  on  Lough  Erne  accom- 
panied by  a  fe  .  friends  following  a  very  severe  form 


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of  monastic  life.  He  intended  to  go  to  Britain,  but 
was  dissuaded  from  this  step  by  Lugidius,  the  bishop 
who  ordained  him,  at  whose  advice  he  remained  in  Ire- 
land and  set  himself  to  spread  the  monastic  life 
throughout  the  country.  The  most  famous  of  the 
many  monasteries  said  to  have  been  founded  by  St. 
Comgall  is  Bangor,  situated  in  the  present  County 
Down,  on  the  southern  shore  of  Belfast  Lough  and  di- 
rectly opposite  to  Carrickfergus.  According  to  the 
Irish  annals  Bangor  was  founded  not  later  than  552, 
though  Ussher  and  most  of  the  later  writers  on  the 
subject  assign  the  foundation  to  the  year  555.  Ac- 
cording to  Adamnan'a  "Life  of  Columba",  there  was 
a  very  close  connexion  between  Comgall  and  Columba, 
though  there  does  not  appear  to  be  sufficient  author- 
ity for  stating  that  Comgall  was  the  disciple  of  Col- 
umba in  any  strict  sense.  He  is  also  said  to  have  been 
the  friend  of  St.  Brendan,  St.  Cormac,  St.  Cainnech, 
and  Finbarr  of  Moville.  After  intense  suffering  he 
received  the  .  ucharist  from  St.  Fiacra  and  expired  in 
the  monastery  at  Bangor. 

Comgall  belonged  to  what  is  known  .as  the  Second 
Order  of  Irish  Saints.  These  flourished  in  the  Irish 
Church  during  the  sixth  century.  They  were  for  the 
most  part  educated  in  Britain,  or  received  their  train- 
ing from  those  who  had  grown  up  under  the  influence 
of  the  British  scaools.  They  were  the  founders  of  the 
great  Irish  monastic  schools,  and  contributed  much  to 
the  spread  of  monasticism  in  the  Irish  Church.  It  is 
an  interesting  question  how  far  Comgall,  or  men  like 
him,  had  advanced  in  their  establishments  at  Bangor 
and  elsewhere  in  introducing  the  last  stages  of  monas- 
ticism then  developed  on  the  Continent  t>y  St.  Bene- 
dict. In  other  words,  did  St.  Comgall  give  his  monks 
at  Bangor  a  strict  monastic  rule  resembling  the  Rule 
of  St.  Benedict?  There  has  come  down  to  us  a  Rule  of 
St.  Comgall  in  Irish,  but  the  evidence  would  not  war- 
rant us  in  saying  that  as  it  stands  at  present  it  could 
be  attributed  to  him.  The  fact,  however,  that  Col- 
umbanus, a  disciple  of  Comgall  and  himself  a  monk 
of  Bangor,  drew  up  for  his  Continental  monasteries  a 
"  Regula  Monachorum"  would  lead  us  to  believe  that 
there  had  been  a  similar  organization  in  Bangor  in  his 
time.  This,  however,  is  not  conclusive,  since  Colum- 
banus might  have  derived  inspiration  from  the  Bene- 
dictine Rule  then  widely  spread  over  South-Western 
Europe.  St.  Comgall  is  mentioned  in  the  "Life  of 
Columbanus"  by  Jonas,  as  the  superior  of  Bangor, 
under  whom  St.  Columbanus  had  studied.  He  is  also 
mentioned  under  10  May,  his  feast-day  in  the  "  Felire  " 
of  Oengus  the  Culdee  published  by  Whitley  Stokes  for 
the  Henry  Bradshaw  Society  (2nd  ed.),  and  his  name 
is  commemorated  in  the  Stowe  Missal  (MacCarthy), 
and  in  the  Martyrology  of  Tallaght. 

Two  lives  of  St.  Comgall  are  published  in  the  Acta  SS.,  10 
Hay;  Acta  Sanctorum  O.  S.  Benedicti,  II;  MS.  lives  of  the 
saint  are  found  in  the  Bodleian  Library,  Rawlinson,  B.  505, 
485,  and  in  the  British  Museum,  Harley  6578;  Oengue  the 
Culdee,  ed.  Stokes,  for  the  Henry  Bradshaw  Society  (London, 
1905);  Ussher,  Antiquitates  EccUsiar.  Brill  (Dublin,  1635); 
O'Hani/mj.  Lives  of  the  Irish  Saints  (Dublin),  10  May. 

James  MacCaffrey. 

Comma  Johanneum.    See  Three  Witnesses. 

Commandments  of  God,  called  also  simply  The 
Commandments,  or  Decalogue  (Gr.  S4ku,  ten,  and 
Xoyoi,  a  word),  the  Ten  Words  or  Sayings,  the  latter 
name  generally  applied  by  the  Greek  Fathers ;  ten  pre- 
cepts clearing  on  the  fundamental  obligations  of  re- 
ligion and  morality  and  embodying  the  revealed  ex- 
pression of  the  Creator's  will  in  relation  to  man's  whole 
duty  to  God  and  to  his  fellow-creatures.  They  are 
found  twice  recorded  in  the  Pentateuch,  in  Ex.,  xx  and 
Deut.,  v,  but  are  given  in  an  abridged  form  in  the  cate- 
chisms. Written  by  the  finger  of  God  on  two  tables  of 
stone,  this  Divine  code  was  received  from  the  Almighty 
by  Moses  amid  the  thunders  of  Mount  Sinai,  and  by 
him  made  the  ground-work  of  the  Mosaic  Law.  Christ 
resumed  these  Commandments  in  the  double  precept 


of  charity — love  of  God  and  of  the  neighbour;  He  pro- 
claimed them  as  binding  under  the  New  Law  in  Matt., 
xix  and  in  the  Sermon  on  the  Mount  (Matt.,  v).  He 
also  amplified  or  interpreted  them,  e.  g.  by  declaring 
unnecessary  oaths  equally  unlawful  with  false,  by  con- 
demning hatred  ana  calumny  as  well  as  murder,  by 
enjoining  even  love  of  enemies,  and  by  condemning  in- 
dulgence of  evil  disires  as  fraught  with  the  same  mal- 
ice as  adultery  (Matt.,  v).  The  Church,  on  the  other 
hand,  after  changing  the  day  of  rest  from  the  Jewish 
Sabbath,  or  seventh  day  of  the  week,  to  the  first,  made 
the  Third  Commandment  refer  to  Sunday  as  the 
day  to  be  kept  holy  as  the  Lord's  Day.  The  Council 
of  Trent  (Sees.  VI,  can.  xix)  condemns  those  who  deny 
that  the  Ten  Commandments  are  binding  on  Chris- 
tians. 

There  is  no  numerical  division  of  the  Command- 
ments in  the  Books  of  Moses,  but  the  injunctions  are 
distinctly  tenfold,  and  are  found  almost  identical  in 
both  sources.  The  order,  too,  is  the  same,  except  for 
the  final  prohibitions  pronounced  against  concupis- 
cence, that  of  Deuteronomy  being  adopted  in  prefer- 
ence to  Exodus.  A  confusion,  however,  exists  in  the 
numbering,  which  is  due  to  a  difference  of  opinion  con- 
cerning the  initial  precept  on  Divine  worship.  The 
system  of  numeration  found  in  Catholic  Bibles  is  based 
on  the  Hebrew  text,  was  made  by  St.  Augustine 
(fifth  century)  in  his  book  of  "Questions  on  Exodus" 
("  Qusestionum  in  Heptateuchum  libri  VII ",  Bk.  II, 
Question  lxxi),  and  was  adopted  by  the  Council  of 
Trent.  It  is  followed  also  by  the  German  Lutherans, 
except  those  of  the  school  of  Bucer.  This  arrange- 
ment makes  the  First  Commandment  relate  to  false 
worship  and  to  the  worship  of  false  gods  as  to  a  single 
subject  and  a  single  class  of  sins  to  be  guarded  against 
— the  reference  to  idols  being  regarded  as  a  mere  ap- 
plication of  the  precept  to  adore  Dut  one  God  and  the 
prohibition  as  directed  against  the  particular  offence 
of  idolatry  alone.  According  to  this  manner  of  reck- 
oning, the  injunction  forbidding  the  use  of  the  Lord's 
Name  in  vain  comes  second  in  order;  and  the  decimal 
number  is  safeguarded  by  making  a  division  of  the  final 
precept  on  concupiscence — the  Ninth  pointing  to  sins 
of  the  flesh  and  the  Tenth  to  desires  for  the  unlawful 
possession  of  goods.  Another  division  has  been 
adopted  by  the  English  and  Helvetian  Protestant 
Churches  on  the  authority  of  Philo  Judssus,  Josephus 
Origen,  and  others,  whereby  two  Commandments  are 
made  to  cover  the  matter  of  worship,  and  thus  the 
numbering  of  the  rest  is  advanced  one  higher;  and  the 
Tenth  embraces  both  the  Ninth  and  Tenth  of  the 
Catholic  division.  It  seems,  however,  as  logical  to 
separate  at  the  end  as  to  group  at  the  beginning,  for, 
while  one  single  object  is  aimed  at  under  worship,  two 
specifically  different  sins  are  forbidden  under  covet- 
ousness;  if  adultery  and  theft  belong  to  two  distinct 
species  of  moral  wrong,  the  same  must  be  said  of  the 
desire  to  commit  these  evils. 

The  Supreme  Law-Giver  begins  by  proclaiming  His 
Name  and  His  Titles  to  the  obedience  of  the  creature 
man:  "I  am  the  Lord,  thy  God.  ..."  The  laws 
which  follow  have  regard  to  God  and  His  representa- 
tives on  earth  (first  four)  and  to  our  fellow-man  (last 
six).  Being  the  one  true  God,  He  alone  is  to  be 
adored,  and  all  rendering  to  creatures  of  the  worship 
which  belongs  to  Him  falls  under  the  ban  of  His  dis- 
pleasure; the  making  of  "graven  things"  is  con- 
demned: not  all  pictures,  images,  and  works  of  art,  but 
such  as  are  intended  to  be  adored  and  served  (First). 
Associated  with  God  in  the  minds  of  men  and  repre- 
senting Him,  is  His  Holy  Name,  which  by  the  Second 
Commandment  is  declared  worthy  of  all  veneration 
and  respect  and  its  profanation  reprobated.  And  He 
claims  one  day  out  of  the  seven  as  a  memorial  to  Him- 
self, and  this  must  be  kept  holy  (Third).  Finally, 

Carents  being  the  natural  providence  of  their  offspring, 
lvested  with  authority  for  their  guidance  and  correc- 


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tk>n,  and  holding  the  place  of  God  before  them,  the 
child  is  bidden  to  honour  and  respect  them  as  His  law- 
ful representatives  (Fourth).  The  precepts  which 
follow  are  meant  to  protect  man  in  his  natural  rights 
against  the  injustice  of  his  fellows.  His  life  is  the  ob- 
ject of  the  Fifth ;  the  honour  of  his  body  as  well  as  the 
source  of  life,  of  the  Sixth;  his  lawful  possessions,  of 
the  Seventh;  his  good  name,  of  the  Eighth.  And  in 
order  to  make  him  still  more  secure  in  the  enjoyment 
of  his  rights,  it  is  declared  an  offence  against  God  to 
desire  to  wrong  him:  in  his  family  rights  by  the  Ninth 
and  in  his  property  rights  by  the  Tenth. 

This  legislation  expresses  not  only  the  Maker's  posi- 
tive will,  but  the  voice  of  nature  as  well — the  laws 
which  govern  our  being  and  are  written  more  or  less 
clearly  in  every  human  heart.  The  necessity  of  the 
written  law  is  explained  by  the  obscuring  of  the  un- 
written in  men's  souls  by  sin.  These  Divine  mandates 
are  regarded  as  binding  on  every  human  creature,  and 
their  violation,  with  sufficient  reflection  and  consent 
of  the  will,  if  the  matter  be  grave,  is  considered  a  griev- 
ous or  mortal  offence  against  God.  They  hctre  always 
been  esteemed  as  the  most  precious  rules  of  life  and  are 
the  basis  of  all  Christian  legislation. 

Hcmmelader,  Comment,  in  Ex.  el  Lev.  (Paris,  1897).  196 
sqq.;  Idem,  Comment,  in  Dent.  (Paris,  1901),  230  sqq. — For  ex- 
planations of  the  Commandments,  see  Cateehitm  of  the  Council 
of  Trent,  Pt.  Ill,  ch.  i,  and  other  catechisms;  Slateb,  Manual  of 
Moral  Theology  (New  York,  1908),  I. 

John  H.  Stapleton. 

Commandments  of  the  Church. — We  shall  con- 
sider: I.  the  nature  of  the  Commandments  of  the 
Church  in  general ;  II.  the  history  of  the  Command- 
ments of  the  Church;  III.  their  classification. 

I.  Nature  of  these  Commandments. — The  au- 
thority to  enact  laws  obligatory  on  all  the  faithful  be- 
longs to  the  Church  by  the  very  nature  of  her  constitu- 
tion. Entrusted  with  the  original  deposit  of  Christian 
revelation,  she  is  the  appointed  public  organ  and  in- 
terpreter of  that  revelation  for  all  time.  For  the  ef- 
fective discharge  of  her  high  office,  she  must  be  em- 
powered to  give  to  her  laws  the  gravest  sanction. 
These  laws,  when  they  bind  universally,  have  for  their 
object:  (1)  the  definition  or  explanation  of  some  doc- 
trine, either  by  way  of  positive  pronouncement  or  by 
the  condemnation  of  opposing  error;  (2)  the  prescrip- 
tion of  the  time  and  manner  in  which  a  Divine  law, 
more  or  less  general  and  indeterminate,  is  to  be  ob- 
served, e.  g.  the  precept  obliging  the  faithful  to  receive 
the  Holy  Eucharist  during  the  paschal  season  and  to 
confess  their  sins  annually;  (3)  the  defining  of  the 
sense  of  the  moral  law  in  its  application  to  difficult 
cases  of  conscience,  e.  g.  many  of  the  decisions  of  the 
Roman  Congregations;  (4)  some  matter  of  mere  dis- 
cipline serving  to  safeguard  the  observance  of  the 
higher  law,  e.  g.  the  Commandment  to  contribute  to 
the  support  of  one's  pastors  (Vacant,  Diet,  de  theol. 
cath.,  s.  v.).  All  these  laws  when  binding  on  the  faith- 
ful universally  are  truly  commandments  of  the  Church. 
In  the  technical  sense,  however,  the  table  of  these 
Commandments  does  not  contain  doctrinal  pronounce- 
ments. Such  an  inclusion  would  render  it  too  com- 
plex. The  Commandments  of  the  Church  (in  this  re- 
stricted sense)  are  moral  and  ecclesiastical,  and  as  a 
particular  code  of  precepts  are  necessarily  broad  in 
character  and  limited  in  number. 

II.  History  of  the  Commandments. — We  outline 
here  only  in  a  general  way  the  history  of  the  form  and 
number  of  the  precepts  of  the  Church.  The  discussion 
of  the  content  of  the  several  Commandments  and  of 
the  penalties  imposed  by  the  Church  for  violation  of 
these  Commandments  will  be  found  under  the  various 
subjects  to  which  they  refer.  We  do  not  find  in  the 
early  history  of  the  Church  any  fixed  and  formal  body 
of  Church  Commandments.  As  early,  however,  as  the 
time  of  Constantine,  especial  insistence  was  put  upon 
the  obligation  to  hear  Mass  on  Sundays  and  Holy  Days, 


to  receive  the  sacraments  and  to  abstain  from  con- 
tracting marriage  at  certain  seasons.  In  the  seventh- 
century  Penitentiary  of  Theodore  of  Canterbury  we  find 
penalties  imposed  on  those  who  contemn  the  Sunday 
and  fail  to  keep  the  fasts  of  the  Church  as  well  as  legis- 
lation regarding  the  reception  of  the  Eucharist;  but 
no  reference  is  here  made  to  any  precepts  of  the 
Church  accepted  in  a  particular  sense.  Neither  do  we 
discover  such  special  reference  in  one  of  the  short  ser- 
mons addressed  to  neophytes  and  attributed  to  St. 
Boniface,  but  probably  of  later  date,  in  which  the 
hearers  are  urged  to  observe  Sunday,  pay  tithes  to  the 
Church,  observe  the  fasts,  and  receive  at  times  the 
Holy  Eucharist.  In  German  books  of  popular  in- 
struction and  devotion  from  the  ninth  century  on- 
wards special  emphasis  was  laid  on  the  obligation  to 
discharge  these  duties.  Particularly  does  this  appear 
in  the  forms  prepared  for  the  examination  of  con- 
science. According  to  a  work  written  at  this  time  by 
Regino,  Abbot  of  Prlim  (d.  915),  entitled  "  Libri  duo  de 
synodalibus  causis  et  disciplinis",  the  bishop  in  his 
visitation  is,  among  other  inquiries,  to  ask  "if  any  one 
has  not  kept  the  fast  of  Lent,  or  of  the  ember-days,  or 
of  the  rogations,  or  that  which  may  have  been  ap- 
pointed by  the  bishop  for  the  staying  of  any  plague; 
if  there  be  any  one  who  has  not  gone  to  Holy  Commu- 
nion three  times  in  the  year,  that  is  at  Easter,  Pente- 
cost and  Christmas ;  if  there  be  any  one  who  has  with- 
held tithes  from  God  and  His  saints;  if  there  be  any- 
one so  perverse  and  so  alienated  from  God  as  not  to 
come  to  Church  at  least  on  Sundays ;  if  there  be  any- 
one who  has  not  gone  to  confession  once  in  the  year, 
that  is  at  the  beginning  of  Lent,  and  has  not  done  pen- 
ance for  his  sins  '  (Hafner,  Zur  Geschichte  der  Kirch- 
engebote,  in  Theologische  Quartalschrift,  LXXX,  104). 

The  insistence  on  the  precepts  here  implied,  and 
the  fact  that  they  were  almost  invariably  grouped  to- 
gether in  the  books  already  referred  to,  had  the  inevi- 
table effect  of  giving  them  a  distinct  character.  They 
came  to  be  regarded  as  special  Commandments  of  the 
Church.  Thus  in  a  book  of  tracts  of  the  thirteenth 
century  attributed  to  Celestine  V  (though  the  authen- 
ticity of  this  work  has  been  denied)  a  separate  tractate 
is  given  to  the  precepts  of  the  Church  and  is  divided 
into  four  chapters,  the  first  of  which  treats  of  fasting, 
the  second  of  confession  and  paschal  Communion,  the 
third  of  interdicts  on  marriage,  and  the  fourth  of 
tithes.  In  the  fourteenth  century  Ernest  von  Pardu- 
vits,  Archbishop  of  Prague,  instructed  his  priests  to 
explain  in  popular  sermons  the  principal  points  of  the 
catechism,  the  Our  Father,  the  Creed,  the  Command- 
ments of  God  and  of  the  Church  (Hafner,  loc.  cit., 
115).  A  century  later  (1470)  the  catechism  of  Diet- 
rich Ccelde,  the  first,  it  is  said,  to  be  written  in  Ger- 
man, explicitly  set  forth  that  there  were  five  Com- 
mandments of  the  Church.  In  his  "  Summa  Theolo- 
gica"  (part  I,  tit.  xvii,  p.  12)  St.  Antoninus  of  Flor- 
ence (1439)  enumerates  ten  precepts  of  the  Church 
universally  binding  on  the  faithful.  These  are:  to 
observe  certain  feasts,  to  keep  the  prescribed  fasts,  to 
attend  Mass  on  Sundays  and  Holy  Days,  to  confess  once 
a  year,  to  receive  Holy  Communion  during  paschal 
time,  to  pay  tithes,  to  abstain  from  any  act  upon 
which  an  interdict  has  been  placed  entailing  excom- 
munication, to  refrain  also  from  any  act  interdicted 
under  pain  of  excommunication  lake  sentential,  to 
avoid  association  with  the  excommunicated,  finally 
not  to  attend  Mass  or  other  religious  functions  cele- 
brated by  a  priest  living  in  open  concubinage.  In  the 
sixteenth  century  the  Spanish  canonist,  Martin  Aspil- 
cueta  (1586),  gives  a  list  of  five  principal  precepts  of 
the  Church.  These  are:  to  hear  Mass  on  Holy  Days  of 
obligation,  to  fast  at  certain  prescribed  times,  to  pay 
tithes,  to  go  to  confession  once  a  year  and  to  receive 
Holy  Communion  at  Easter  (Enchiridion,  sive  man- 
uale  confessariorum  ct  pcenitentium,  Rome,  1588, 
ch.xxi,  n.  1).    At  this  time,  owing  to  the  prevalence  of 


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heresy,  there  appeared  many  popular  works  in  defence 
of  the  authority  of  the  Church  and  setting  forth  in  a 
special  manner  her  precepts.  Such  among  others 
were  the  "Summa Doctrine; Christianas"  (1555) of  St. 
Peter  Canisius  and  the  "Doctrina  Christiana"  of 
Bellarmine  (1580).  It  is  plain,  however,  that  the 
precepts  of  the  Church,  as  a  particular  and  distinct 
body  of  laws,  were  recognized  long  before  the  six- 
teenth century;  the  contention  that  they  were  first 
definitely  formulated  by  St.  Peter  Canisius  is  un- 
warranted. 

III.  Classification. — The  Church  in  her  supreme 
authority  has  defined  nothing  regarding  the  form  and 
number  of  the  Commandments  of  the  Church.  The 
Council  of  Trent  while  recommending  in  a  general  way 
in  its  twenty-fifth  session  the  observance  of  these  pre- 
cepts says  nothing  regarding  them  as  a  particular  body 
of  laws.  Neither  is  any  specific  mention  made  of  them 
in  the  "Catechismus  ad  parochos"  published  by  order 
of  the  council  and  known  as  the  "  Catechism  of  the  Coun- 
cil of  Trent "  or  "  Roman  Catechism ' '.  We  have  seen 
that  St.  Antoninus  of  Florence  enumerates  ten  such 
commandments  while  Martin  Aspilcueta  mentions 
only  five.  This  last  number  is  that  given  by  St.  Peter 
Canisius.  According  to  this  author  the  precepts  of  the 
Church  are:  To  observe  the  feast  days  appointed  by 
the  Church;  to  hear  Mass  reverently  on  these  feast 
days ;  to  observe  the  fasts  on  the  days  during  the  sea- 
sons appointed ;  to  confess  to  one's  pastor  annually ;  to 
receive  Holy  Communion  at  least  once  a  year  and  that 
around  the  feast  of  Easter.  Owing  undoubtedly  to 
the  influence  of  Canisius,  the  catechisms  generally 
used  at  present  throughout  Germany  and  Austria- 
Hungary  have  adopted  the  above  enumeration.  The 
fourth  precept  has,  however,  been  amended  so  as  to 
allow  of  confession  being  made  to  any  duly  authorized 
priest. 

In  Spanish  America  the  number  of  church  pre- 
cepts is  also  five;  this  being  the  number,  as  we  have 
seen,  set  down  by  Aspilcueta  in  the  sixteenth  century. 
Here,  however,  the  First  and  Second  commandment  in 
the  table  of  Canisius  are  combined  into  one,  and  the 
precept  to  pay  tithes  appears.  It  is  to  be  noted,  also, 
that  the  precept  of  annual  confession  is  more  specific; 
it  enjoins  that  this  confession  be  made  in  Lent,  or  be- 
fore, if  there  be  danger  of  death.  (Synod  of  Mexico, 
1585,  Lib.  I, tit.  i,  in  Hardouin,  Cone,  X,  1596.)  French 
and  Italian  catechists  reckon  six  precepts  of  the  church, 
the  enumeration  given  by  Bellarmine.  According  to 
this  writer  the  Commandments  of  the  Church  are:  To 
hear  Mass  on  Sundays  and  Holy  Days ;  to  fast  during 
Lent,  on  prescribed  vigils,  and  the  ember-days;  to  ab- 
stain from  meat  on  Fridays  and  Saturdays;  to  go  to 
confession  once  a  year;  to  receive  Holy  Communion  at 
Easter ;  to  pay  tithes;  and  finally  not  to  solemnize  mar- 
riage during  the  prohibited  times. 

The  French  catechisms,  following  that  of  Bossuet, 
omit  the  last  two  precepts,  but  retain  the  same 
number  as  that  given  by  Bellarmine.  This  they 
do  by  making  two  Commandments  cover  the  ob- 
ligations to  observe  Sunday  and  the  Holy  Days, 
and  two  also  regarding  the  obligations  of  fast  and 
abstinence.  It  will  be  readily  observed  that  the 
omission  by  French  writers  of  the  Commandment  to 
pay  tithes  was  owing  t-o  local  conditions.  In  a  "Ca- 
techism of  Christine  Doctrine"  approved  by  Cardinal 
Vaughan  and  the  bishops  of  England,  six  Command- 
ments of  the  Church  are  enumerated.  These  are:  (1) 
To  keep  the  Sundays  and  Holy  Days  of  obligation  holy, 
by  hearing  Mass  and  resting  from  servile  work;  (2)  to 
keep  the  days  of  fasting  and  abstinence  appointed  by 
the  Church ;  (3)  to  go  to  confession  at  least  once  a  year ; 
(4)  to  receive  the  Blessed  Sacrament  at  least  once  a 
year  and  that  at  Easter  or  thereabouts;  (5)  to  contri- 
bute to  the  support  of  our  pastors;  (6)  not  to  marry 
within  a  certain  degree  of  kindred  nor  to  solemnize 
marriage  at  the  forbidden  times.   This  list  is  the  same 


as  that  which  the  Fathers  of  the  Third  Plenary  Coun- 
cil of  Baltimore  (1886)  prescribed  for  the  United  States. 

Antoninus,  Summa  The.olooica,  part  I,  tit.  xvii,  p.  12  (Ve- 
rona, 1740);  Aspilcueta,  Enchiridion  sive  manuale  conjes- 
sariorum  et  pantientium  (Rome,  1588),  c.  xxi,  n.  I,  p.  289  »qq.; 
Saint  Peter  CANianjs.Summa  Doctrina  Christiana  (ed.  1833), 
I,  387;  Bellahkink,  Doctrina  Christiana  (1614);  Saint  Al- 
phonsus  Linuom.Tneolocria  Moralis,  III,  n.  1004;  Ballerini- 
Palmieri,  Opus  Theologicum  Morale  (Prato,  1890),  II,  776; 
Hapneb  in  Theologische  Qnartalschrift,  (1898).  LXXX.  99; 
Vacant  in  Dietionnaire  ds  thiotogie  catholiaue  artiole  Command- 
ments de  rEqlise,  Slater,  Manual  of  Moral  Theolooy  (New 
York.  1908),  I. 

John  Webster  Melody. 

Commemoration  (in  Littjrqy)  is  the  recital  of  a 
part  of  the  Office  or  Mass  assigned  to  a  certain  feast  or 
day  when  the  whole  cannot  be  said.  When  two 
Offices  fall  on  the  same  day  and  when,  according  to  the 
rules  of  the  rubrics,  one  of  them  cannot  be  transferred 
to  another  day,  it  is  in  part  celebrated  by  way  of  a 
commemoration.  Offices  have  different  degrees  of 
importance  (doubles,  semi-doubles,  etc.)  assigned 
them  at  their  institution,  and  it  is  this  that  mainly 
determines  precedence  in  cases  of  conflict. 

At  Mass  a  commemoration  consists  in  saying  the 
collect,  Secret,  and  Post-Communion  proper  to  the 
feast  or  day  which  is  being  commemorated.  In  the 
Office  commemorations  occur  at  Lauds  and  Vespers 
and  consist  in  reciting  the  antiphons,  with  their  ver- 
sicles  and  responses,  of  the  Benedictus  and  Magnificat 
respectively,  adding  in  each  case  an  oremus  with  the 
oratio  proper.  These  are  called  special  commemora- 
tions as  distinguished  from  the  common,  which  are 
certain  prayers  said  in  Mass  with  corresponding  ones 
in  the  Office  when  the  latter  is  of  an  inferior  rite. 
These  commemorative  prayers  of  the  Mass  vary 
according  to  the  season  of  the  year.  When  two  or 
more  special  commemorations  have  to  be  made,  the 
order  is  determined  by  the  rank  or  relative  impor- 
tance of  the  feasts  and  Offices.  When  two  Offices  fall 
on  the  same  day  there  is  said  to  be  "occurrence"; 
and  when  the  second  Vespers  of  a  preceding  Office 
coincides  with  the  first  Vespers  of  the  following  there 
is  "  concurrence."  When  one  of  the  two  occurring, 
or  concurring,  Offices  is  very  solemn  and  the  other 
relatively  unimportant,  all  mention  of  the  latter  is 
omitted. 

Rvbrica  grneraUs  Breviarii  Romani,  IX;  Rubrica  general  en 
Missalie  VII;  de  Hebot,  Sacra  Liturgia  Praxis  (Lou vain. 
1903),  II,  328  sq..  Gavantub,  De  Commemoratimibus,  sect. 
Hi.  11.  33;  Kdssnro  in  Kirchenlexikon,  III,  693. 

Patrick  Morrisroe. 

Commemoration  of  St.  Paul.   See  Paul,  Saint. 

Commemoration  of  the  Dead.  See  Canon  of 
the  Mass.,  under  III,  Commemoratio  pro  dejunctis. 

Commemoration  of  the  Faithful  Departed.  See 

All  Souls'  Day. 

Commemoration  of  the  Living.  See  Canon  of 
the  Mass,  under  III,  Commemoratu)  pro  vims. 

Commendatory  Abbot,  an  ecclesiastic,  or  some- 
times a  layman,  who  holds  an  abbey  in  commendam, 
that  is,  who  draws  its  revenues  and,  if  an  ecclesiastic, 
may  also  have  some  jurisdiction,  but  does  not  exercise 
any  authority  over  its  inner  monastic  discipline. 
Originally  only  vacant  abbeys,  or  such  as  were  tem- 
porarily without  an  actual  superior,  were  given  in 
commendam,  in  the  latter  case  only  until  an  actual 
superior  was  elected  or  appointed.  An  abbey  is 
held  in  commendam,  i.  e.  provisorily,  in  distinction  to 
one  held  in  titulum,  which  is  a  permanent  benefice. 
As  early  as  the  time  of  Pope  Gregory  the  Great  (590- 
604)  vacant  abbeys  were  given  in  commendam  to 
bishops  who  had  been  driven  from  their  episcopal  sees 
by  the  invading  barbarians.  The  practice  began  to 
be  seriously  abused  in  the  eighth  century  when  the 
Anglo-Saxon  and  Frankish  kings  assumed  the  right  to 
set  commendatory  abbots  over  monasteries  that  were 


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occupied  by  religious  communities.  Often  these  com- 
mendatory abbots  were  laymen,  vassals  of  the  kings, 
or  others  who  were  authorized  to  draw  the  revenues 
and  manage  the  temporal  affairs  of  the  monasteries  in 
reward  for  military  services.  While  the  notorious 
Marozia  was  influential  in  Rome  and  Italy,  and  during 
the  reigns  of  Henry  IV  of  Germany,  Philip  I  of  France, 
William  the  Conqueror,  William  Rufus,  Henry  I  and 
II  of  England,  the  abuse  reached  its  climax.  The 
most  worthless  persons  were  often  made  commenda- 
tory abbots,  who  in  many  cases  brought  about  the 
temporal  and  spiritual  ruin  of  the  monasteries.  When 
in  1122  the  dispute  concerning  investiture  was  settled 
in  favour  of  the  Church,  the  appointment  of  laymen 
as  commendatory  abbots  and  many  other  abuses  were 
abolished.  The  abuses  again  increased  while  the. 
popes  resided  at  Avignon  (1309-1377)  and  especially 
during  the  schism  (1378-1417),  when  the  popes,  as 
well  as  the  antipopes,  gave  numerous  abbeys  in  com- 
mendam  in  order  to  increase  the  number  of  their  ad- 
herents. 

After  the  eighth  century  various  attempts  were 
made  by  popes  and  councils  to  regulate  the  appoint- 
ment of  commendatory  abbots,  still  the  abuses  con- 
tinued. Boniface  VIII  (1294-1303)  decreed  that  a 
benefice  with  the  cure  of  souls  attached  should  be 
granted  in  commendam  only  in  great  necessity  or 
when  evident  advantage  would  accrue  to  the  Church, 
but  never  for  more  than  six  months  (c.  15,  VI,  De 
elect.,  1,  6).  Clement  V  (1305-14)  revoked  benefices 
which  had  been  granted  by  him  in  commendam  at  an 
earlier  date  (Extr.  comm.,  c.  2,  De  preeb.,  3,  2).  The 
Council  of  Trent  (Sess.  XXV,  cap.  xxi,  de  Regulari- 
bus)  determined  that  vacant  monasteries  should  be 
bestowed  only  on  pious  and  virtuous  regulars,  and  that 
the  principal  or  mother-house  of  an  order  and  the 
abbeys  and  priories  founded  immediately  therefrom 
should  no  longer  be  granted  in  commendam.  The 
succeeding  Bull  "Superna"  of  Gregory  XIIL  and  the 
Constitution  "Pastoralis"  of  Innocent  X.  greatly 
checked  the  abuses,  but  did  not  abolish  them  entirely. 
Especially  in  France  they  continued  to  flourish  to  the 
detriment  of  the  monasteries.  Finally,  the  French 
Revolution  and  the  general  secularization  of  monas- 
teries in  the  beginning  of  the  eighteenth  century  de- 
stroyed the  evil  with  the  good.  Since  that  time  com- 
mendatory abbots  have  become  very  rare,  and  the 
former  abuses  have  been  abolished  by  wise  regula- 
tions. There  are  still  a  few  commendatory  abbots 
among  the  cardinals,  and  Pope  Pius  X  is  Commenda- 
tory Abbot  of  the  Benedictine  monastery  at  Subiaco 
near  Rome.  The  powers  of  a  commendatory  abbot 
are  as  follows:  If  the  monastery  is  occupied  by  a 
religious  community  where  there  is  a  separate  mensa 
abbatialis,  i.  e.  where  the  abbot  and  the  convent  have 
each  a  separate  income,  the  commendatory  abbot, 
who  must  then  be  an  ecclesiastic,  has  jurisdiction  in 
foro  externo  over  the  members  of  the  community  and 
enjoys  all  the  rights  and  privileges  of  an  actual  abbot, 
and  if ,  as  is  generally  the  case,  the  monastery  has  a 
special  superior,  he  is  subject  to  the  commendatory 
abbot  as  a  claustral  prior  is  subject  to  his  actual  abbot. 
If  there  is  no  separate  mensa  abbatialis,  the  power  of 
the  commendatory  abbot  extends  only  over  the  tem- 
poral affairs  of  the  monastery.  In  case  of  vacant 
monasteries  the  commendatory  abbot  generally  has 
all  the  rights  and  privileges  of  an  actual  abbot. 

Thomassin.  Vetua  el  nova  Eccleeia  discipline  circa  beneflcia 
(Venice.  1730),  Pt.  II.  lib.  II,  capp.  x-xxi;  Baumeb.  Johannes 
MabUlon  (Augsburg.  1892),  31  sqq.;  Gatrio,  Die  Abtei  Mur- 
bach  (Strasburg,  189?)  II,  247  sqq.;  Szcztgielskt,  Liber  pen- 
thieve  de  commendalariis  re.giilarium  pralatis  (Wilna,  1681); 
Devoti,  Inttitxd.  canon.  (Ghent,  1852),  I,  683  sqq. 

Michael  Ott. 

Oommendone,  Giovanni  Francesco,  Cardinal  and 
Papal  Nuncio,  b.  at  Venice,  17  March,  1523;  d.  at 
Padua,  26  Dec,  1584.   After  receiving  a  thorough 


education  in  the  humanities  and  in  jurisprudence  at 
the  University  of  Padua,  he  came  to  Rome  in  1550. 
The  ambassador  of  Venice  presented  him  to  Pope 
Julius  III,  who  was  so  favourably  impressed  by  the 
unusual  learning  of  the  youthful  scholar  that  he 
appointed  him  one  of  his  secretaries.  After  suc- 
cessfully performing  various  papal  missions  of  minor 
importance,  he  accompanied  Cardinal  Legate  Dandino 
to  the  Netherlands,  whence  Pope  Julius  III  sent  him  in 
1553  on  an  important  mission  to  Queen  Mary  Tudor, 
who  had  just  succeeded  Edward  VI  on  the  English 
throne.  He  was  to  treat  with  the  new  queen  concern- 
ing the  restoration  of  the  Catholic  Faith  in  England. 
Accompanied  by  Penning,  a  servant  and  confidant  of 
Cardinal  Reginald  Pole,  Commendone  arrived  in  Lon- 
don on  8  Aug.,  1553.  Though  Mary  Tudor  was  a 
loyal  Catholic,  she  was  surrounded  at  court  by  numer- 
ous opponents  of  papal  authority,  who  made  it  ex- 
tremely difficult  for  Commendone  to  obtain  a  secret 
interview  with  her.  By  chance  he  met  John  Lee,  a 
relation  of  the  Duke  of  Norfolk  and  an  attendant  at 
court,  with  whom  he  had  become  acquainted  in  Italy, 
and  Lee  succeeded  in  arranging  the  interview.  Mary 
received  Commendone  kindly,  and  expressed  her  desire 
to  restore  the  Catholic  Faith  and  to  acknowledge  the 
spiritual  authority  of  the  pope,  but  considered  it  pru- 
dent to  act  slowly  on  account  of  her  powerful  oppo- 
nents. Commendone  hastened  to  Rome,  arriving 
there  on  11  September,  and  informed  the  pope  of  the 
joyful  news,  at  the  same  time  handing  him  a  personal 
letter  from  the  queen.  Commendone  continued  to 
hold  the  office  of  papal  secretary  under  Paul  IV,  who 
esteemed  him  very  highly  and  in  return  for  his  services 
appointed  him  Bishop  of  Zante  in  1555.  In  the  sum- 
mer of  1556  he  accompanied  Cardinal  Legate  Scipione 
Rebiba  on  a  papal  mission  to  the  Netherlands,  to  the 
courts  of  Emperor  Charles  V  and  King  Philip  II,  the 
consort  of  Queen  Mary  of  England.  Commendone 
had  received  instructions  to  remain  as  nuncio  at  the 
court  of  Philip,  but  he  was  recalled  to  Rome  soon 
after  his  arrival  in  the  Netherlands.  On  16  Septem- 
ber of  the  same  year  the  pope  sent  him  as  extraordi- 
nary legate  to  the  Governments  of  Urbino,  Ferrara, 
Venice,  and  Parma  in  order  to  obtain  help  against  the 
Spanish  troops  who  were  occupying- the  Campagna 
and  threatening  Rome. 

In  1560,  when  Pius  IV  determined  to  reopen  the 
Council  of  Trent,  Commendone  was  sent  as  legate  to 
Germany  to  invite  the  Catholic  and  Protestant  Es- 
tates to  the  council.  He  arrived  in  Vienna  on  3  Jan., 
1561,  and  after  consulting  with  Emperor  Ferdinand, 
set  out  on  14  January  for  Naumburg,  where  the  Prot- 
estant Estates  were  holding  a  religious  convention. 
He  was  accompanied  by  Delfino,  Bishop  of  Lesina, 
who  had  been  sent  as  papal  nuncio  to  Ferdinand  four 
months  previously  and  was  still  at  the  imperial  court. 
Having  arrived  at  Naumburg  on  28  January,  they 
were  admitted  to  the  convention  on  5  February  and 
urged  upon  the  assembled  Protestant  Estates  the 
necessity  of  a  Protestant  representation  at  the  Coun- 
cil of  Trent  in  order  to  restore  religious  union,  but  all 
their  efforts  were  of  no  avail.  From  Naumburg, 
Commendone  traveled  northward  to  invite  the  Es- 
tates of  Northern  Germany.  He  went  by  way  of 
Leipzig  and  Magdeburg  to  Berlin,  where  he  arrived  on 
19  February  and  was  well  received  by  Joachim  of 
Mttnsterberg,  the  Elector  of  Brandenburg.  Joachim 
spoke  respectfully  of  the  pope  and  the  Catholic 
Church  and  expressed  his  desire  for  a  religious  recon- 
ciliation, but  did  not  promise  to  appear  at  the  council. 
Here  Commendone  met  also  the  son  of  Joachim,  the 
young  Archbishop  Sigismund  of  Magdeburg,  who 
promised  to  appear  at  the  council  but  did  not  keep 
his  word.  Leaving  Berlin,  Commendone  visited 
Beeskow,  Wolfenbiittel,  Hanover,  Hildesheim,  Iburg, 
Paderborn,  Cologne,  Cleves,  the  Netherlands,  and 
Aachen,  inviting  all  the  Estates  he  met  in  these 


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places.  From  Aachen  he  turned  to  Lubeck  with  the 
intention  of  crossing  the  sea  to  invite  Kings  Frederick 
II  of  Denmark  and  Eric  XIV  of  Sweden.  The.  King 
of  Denmark,  however,  refused  to  receive  the  legate, 
while  the  King  of  Sweden  invited  him  to  England, 
whither  he  had  planned  to  go  in  the  near  future. 
Queen  Elizabeth  of  England  had  forbidden  the  papal 
nuncio  Hieronimo  Martinengo  to  cross  the  English 
Channel  when  he  was  sent  to  invite  the  queen  to  the 
council,  hence  it  was  very  improbable  that  she  would 
allow  Commendone  to  come  to  England.  He  there- 
fore repaired  to  Antwerp,  awaiting  further  instruc- 
tions from  Rome.  Being  recalled  by  the  pope,  he  re- 
turned to  Italy  in  Dec,  1561,  by  way  of  Lorraine  and 
Western  Germany.  Although  his  mission  was  with- 
out any  results  as  regards  Protestant  representation 
at  the  Council  of  Trent,  still  his  spotless  character 
and  his  strong  and  unselfish  pleas  for  a  return  to 
Catholic  unity  made  a  deep  impression  upon  many 
Protestant  Estates.  The  numerous  letters  which 
Commendone  wrote  during  this  mission  to  St.  Charles 
Borromeo  present  a  sad  but  faithful  picture  of  the 
ecclesiastical  conditions  in  Germany  during  those 
times.  These  and  others  were  published  in  "Miscel- 
lanea di  Storia  Italiana"  (Turin,  1869,  VI,  1-240). 

In  Jan.,  1563,  the  legates  of  the  Council  of  Trent 
sent  Commendone  to  Emperor  Ferdinand  at  Inns- 
bruck, to  treat  with  him  regarding  some  demands 
which  he  had  made  upon  the  oouncu  in  his  "  Libel  of 
Reformation".  In  October  of  the  same  year  Pius 
IV  sent  him  as  legate  to  King  Sigismund  of  Poland 
with  instruction  to  induce  this  ruler  to  give  political 
recognition  to  the  Tridentine  decrees.  Yielding  to 
the  requests  of  Commendone  and  of  Hosius,  Bishop 
of  Ermland,  Sigismund  not  only  enforced  the  Triden- 
tine reforms,  but  also  allowed  the  Jesuits,  the  most 
hated  enemies  of  the  Reformers,  to  enter  Poland. 
While  still  in  Poland,  on  the  recommendation  of  St. 
Charles  Borromeo,  Commendone  was  created  cardinal 
on  12  March,  1565.  He  remained  in  Poland  until  the 
death  of  Pius  IV  (9  Dec,  1565),  and  before  returning 
to  Italy  he  went  as  legate  of  the  new  pope,  Pius  V,  to 
the  Diet  of  Augsburg,  which  was  opened  by  Maximilian 
II  on  23  March,  1566.  He  had  previously  warned  the 
emperor  under  pain  of  excommunication  not  to  dis- 
cuss religion  at  the  diet.  He  also  seized  the  opportu- 
nity to  exhort  the  assembled  Estates  to  carry  into  exe- 
cution the  Tridentine  decrees.  In  Sept.,  1568,  Pius  V 
sent  him  a  second  time  as  legate  to  Maximilian  II.  In 
union  with  Biglia,  the  resident  nuncio  at  Vienna;  he 
was  to  induce  the  emperor  to  make  no  new  religious 
concessions  to  the  Protestant  Estates  of  Lower  Aus- 
tria and  to  recall  several  concessions  which  he  had 
already  made.  While  engaged  in  this  mission,  Com- 
mendone was  also  empowered  by  a  papal  Brief  dated 
10  Oct.,  1568,  to  make  an  apostolic  visitation  of  the 
churches  and  monasteries  of  Germany  and  the  adja- 
cent provinces.  An  account  of  this  visitation  in  the 
Dioceses  of  Passau  and  Salzburg  in  the  year  1569  is 

C"  lished  in  "  Studien  und  Mittheilungen  aus  dem 
edictiner  und  Cistercienser  Orden"  (BrQnn,  1893, 
XIV,  385-398  and  567-589).  In  Nov.,  1571,  Pius  V 
sent  him  as  legate  to  the  emperor  and  to  King  Sigis- 
mund of  Poland  in  the  interest  of  a  crusade.  After 
the  death  of  King  Sigismund,  in  1572,  he  promoted 
the  election  of  Henry,  Duke  of  Anjou,  as  King  of 
Poland,  thereby  incurring  the  displeasure  of  the  em- 
peror. Upon  his  return  to  Italy  in  1573,  Gregory 
XIII  appointed  him  a  member  of  the  newly  founded 
Congregatio  Germanica,  the  purpose  of  which  was  to 
safeguard  Catholic  interests  m  Germany.  He  was  so 
highly  esteemed  by  the  Sacred  College  that,  when 
Gregory  XIII  fell  dangerously  ill,  it  was  generally  be- 
lieved that  Commendone  would  be  elected  pope,  but 
he  was  outlived  by  Gregory. 

Qkaziani.  Vita  Commendoni  CardinalU  (Paris  1869),  Fr.  tr. 
by  FLKCHim  (Paris,  1671,  and  Lyons,  1702);  The  Cambridge 
Modern  Hittory  (London  and  New  York.  1907),  II  and  (1806), 


III,  passim;  Pallavicino,  htoria  del  Concilia  di  Trento  (Roma, 
1846).  II.  13,  15,  III,  24;  Prisac,  Die  Legatrn  Commendone  und 
Capacini  in  Berlin  (Neuss,  1846);  Rkiman,  Die  Sendung  dm 
Nunziue  Commendone  nach  Deulschl.  im  Jahre  1F>HI  in  Forsck- 
ungen  zur  devhch.  Gesch.  (Gottinsen,  1867).  237-80;  Susta, 
Die  romieche  Kurie  und  das  Konzil  von  Trient  unter  Piut  IV. 
(Wien,  1904),  I;  Schwarz,  Der  Briefioechsel  dee  K.  Maximilian 
II.  mil  Pavel  Piut  V.  (Paderbom,  1889);  Gsaziam,  De  tcripHe 
invito  Minerva,  cum  adnolationibut  H.  Lagomarsini  (Florence. 
1746-6). 

Michael  Ott. 


Commentaries  on  the  Bible.— "To  write  a  full 
history  of  exegesis",  says  Farrar,  "would  require  the 
space  of  many  volumes."  Nor  is  this  surprising 
when  it  is  borne  in  mind  that  the  number  of  commen- 
taries on  such  a  recent  writer  as  Dante  reached  the 
grand  total  of  thirteen  hundred  at  the  beginning  of 
the  twentieth  century.  As  the  ground  to  be  covered 
is  so  extensive,  only  the  barest  outline  can  be  given 
here.  The  bibliography  at  the  end  will  enable  the 
reader  to  pursue  the  subject  further.  We  touch  upon 
the  salient  points  of  Jewish,  patristic,  medieval,  and 
modern  (Catholic  and  non-Catholic)  commentaries. 
We  begin  with  the  Jewish  writers,  and  deal  briefly 
with  the  Targums,  Mishna,  and  Talmuds;  for,  though 
these  cannot  be  regarded  as  Bible  commentaries,  in 
the  proper  sense  of  the  word,  they  naturally  lead  up  to 
these  latter.  Those  who  require  further  information 
on  this  head  may  be  referred  to  the  special  articles 
in  The  Catholic  Encyclopedia,  and  to  the  works 
mentioned  in  the  bibliography.  Special  attention  is 
directed  to  the  list  of  the  best  modern  non-Catholic 
commentaries  in  English  [V  (3)J.  The  article  is  divi- 
ded as  follows:  I.  Jewish  Commentaries;  II.  Patristic; 
III.  Medieval;  IV.  Modern  Catholic;  V.  Non- 
Catholic. 

I.  Jewish  Commentaries. — (1)  Philo. — There  was 
a  story  among  the  Jews  in  the  Middle  Ages  to  the 
effect  that  Aristotle  accompanied  Alexander  the 
Great  to  Jerusalem,  and,  with  characteristic  Greek 
craftiness,  obtained  possession  of  the  wisdom  of  Solo- 
mon, which  he  subsequently  palmed  off  on  his  coun- 
trymen as  his  own.  This  accounted  for  everything 
that  was  good  in  Aristotle;  the  defects  were  the  only 
thing  peculiar  to  the  philosopher.  That  Greek  litera- 
ture, in  general,  got  its  inspiration  from  Moses  was  an 
uncritical  idea  that  dated  back  as  far  as  Philo,  the 
great  Jewish  writer  of  Alexandria.  A  visitor  to  Alex- 
andria at  the  time  when  Christ  was  preaching  in  Gali- 
lee would  find  there  and  in  its  vicinity  a  million  Jews 
using  the  Septuagint  as  their  Bible,  and  could  enter 
their  magnificent  Great  Synagogue  of  which  they 
were  justly  proud.  Whoever  had  not  seen  it  was  not 
supposed  to  have  beheld  the  glory  of  Israel.  The 
members  of  their  Sanhedrin,  according  to  Sukkah, 
were  seated  on  seventy-one  golden  thrones  valued  at 
tens  of  thousands  of  talents  of  gold;  and  the  building 
was  so  vast  that  a  flag  had  to  De  waved  to  show  the 
people  when  to  respond.  At  the  head  of  this  assembly, 
on  the  highest  throne,  was  seated  the  alabarch,  the 
brother  of  Philo.  Philo  himself  was  a  man  of  wealth 
and  learning,  who  mingled  with  all  classes  of  men  and 
frequented  the  theatre  and  the  great  library.  Equally 
at  home  in  the  Septuagint  and  the  Greek  classics,  he 
was  struck  and  perplexed  by  the  many  beautiful  and 
noble  thoughts  contained  in  the  latter,  which  could 
bear  comparison  with  many  passages  of  the  Bible. 
As  this  difficulty  must  have  frequently  presented  it- 
self to  the  minds  of  his  coreligionists,  he  endeavoured 
to  meet  it  by  saying  that  all  that  was  great  in  So- 
crates, Plato,  etc.  originated  with  Moses.  He  set 
about  reconciling  Pagan  philosophy  with  the  Old  Tes- 
tament, and  for  this  purpose  he  made  extensive  use  of 
the  allegorical  method  of  interpretation.  Many  pas- 
sages of  the  Pentateuch  were  not  intended  to  be  taken 
literally.  They  were  literally  false,  but  allegorically 
true.  He  did  not  hit  upon  the  distinction,  made 
later  by  St.  Thomas  Aquinas  and  other  Catholic 


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thinkers,  between  natural  and  revealed  religion.  The 
Bible  contains  not  only  revealed  but  also  natural 
religion,  free  from  error  and  with  Divine  sanction. 
Pagan  systems  may  have  natural  religion  highly 
developed,  but  with  much  concomitant  error.  Though 
this  distinction  did  not  occur  to  Philo,  his  exegesis 
Berved  to  tide  over  the  difficulty  for  the  time  amongst 
the  Hellenistic  Jews,  and  had  great  influence  on 
Origen  and  other  Alexandrian  Christian  writers. 

(2)  The  Tarqums. — In  order  to  get  on  the  main 
lines  of  Jewish  interpretation  it  is  necessary  to  turn  to 
the  Holy  Land.  Farrar,  in  his  "  Life  of  Christ",  says 
that  it  has  been  suggested  that  when  Christ  visited 
the  Temple,  at  twelve  years  of  age,  there  may  have 
been  present  among  the  doctors  Jonathan  ben  Uzziel, 
once  thought  the  author  of  the  Yonathan  Targum, 
and  the  venerable  teachers  Hillel  and  Shammai,  the 
handers-on  of  the  Mishna.  The  Targums  (the  most 
famous  of  which  is  that  on  the  Pentateuch  erroneously 
attributed  to  Onkelos,  a  misnomer  for  Aquila,  accord- 
ing to  Abrahams)  were  the  only  approach  to  anything 
like  a  commentary  on  the  Bible  before  the  time  of 
Christ.  They  were  interpretative  translations  or 
paraphrases  from  Hebrew  into  Aramaic  for  the  use  of 
the  synagogues  when,  after  the  Exile,  the  people  had 
lost  the  knowledge  of  Hebrew.  It  is  doubtful 
whether  any  of  them  were  committed  to  writing  be- 
fore the  Christian  Era.  They  are  important  as  indi- 
cating the  character  of  the  Hebrew  text  used,  and  be- 
cause they  agree  with  the  New  Testament  in  inter- 
preting certain  passages  Messianically  which  later 
Jews  denied  to  have  any  Messianic  bearing. 

(3)  The  Mishna  and  Talmuds. — Hillel  and  Shammai 
were  the  last  "pair"  of  several  generations  of  "pairs" 
of  teachers.  These  pairs  were  the  successors  of  the 
early  scribes  who  lived  after  the  Exile.  These  teach- 
ers are  said  to  have  handed  down  and  expanded  the 
Oral  Law,  which,  according  to  the  uncritical  view  of 
many  Jews,  began  with  Moses.  This  Oral  Law. 
whose  origin  is  buried  in  obscurity,  consists  of  legal 
and  liturgical  interpretations  and  applications  of  the 
Pentateuch.  As  no  part  of  it  was  written  down,  it 
was  preserved  by  constant  repetition  (Mishna).  On 
the  destruction  of  Jerusalem  several  rabbis,  learned  in 
this  Law,  settled  at  Jamnia,  near  the  sea,  twenty- 
eight  miles  west  of  Jerusalem.  Jamnia  became  the 
head-quarters  of  Jewish  learning  until  135.  Then 
schools  were  opened  at  Sepphoris  and  Tiberias  to  the 
west  of  the  Sea  of  Galilee.  The  rabbis  comforted 
their  countrymen  by  teaching  that  the  study  of  the 
Law  (Oral  as  well  as  Written)  took  the  place  of  the 
sacrifices.  They  devoted  their  energies  to  arranging 
the  Unwritten  Torah,  or  Law.  One  of  the  most  suc- 
cessful at  this  was  Rabbi  Akiba  who  took  part  in  the 
revolt  of  Bar-Kokba,  against  the  Romans,  and  lost 
his  life  (135).  The  work  of  systeinatization  was  com- 
pleted and  probably  committed  to  writing  by  the 
Jewish  patriarch  at  Tiberias,  Rabbi  Jehudan  ha-Nasi 
"The  Prince"  (150-210).  He  was  of  noble  birth, 
wealthy,  learned,  and  is  called  by  the  Jews  "Our  Mas- 
ter the  Saint"  or  simply  Rabbi  par  excellence.  The 
compilation  made  by  this  Rabbi  is  the  Mishna.  It  is 
written  in  New  Hebrew,  and  consists  of  six  great  divi- 
sions or  orders,  each  division  containing,  on  an  aver- 
age, about  ten  tractates,  each  tractate  being  made  up 
of  several  chapters.  The  Mishna  may  be  said  to  be  a 
compilation  of  Jewish  traditional  moral  theology, 
liturgy,  law,  etc.  There  were  other  traditions  not 
embodied  in  the  work  of  Rabbi,  and  these  are  called 
additional  Mishna. 

The  discussions  of  later  generations  of  rabbis  all 
centred  round  the  text  of  the  Mishna.  Interpreters 
or  "speakers"  laboured  upon  it  both  in  Palestine  and 
Babylonia  (until  500),  and  the  results  are  comprised 
in  the  Palestinian  and  Babylonian  Talmuds.  The 
word  Talmud  means  teaching,  doctrine.  Each  Tal- 
mud consists  of  two  parts,  the  Mishna  (in  Hebrew),  in 


sixty-three  tractates,  and  an  explanation  of  the  same 
(Gemara),  ten  or  twelve  times  as  long.  The  explana- 
tory portion  of  the  Palestinian  Talmud  is  written  in 
Western  Aramaic  and  that  of  the  Babylonian  Talmud 
in  Eastern  Aramaic,  which  is  closely  allied  to  Syriac 
or  Mandaic.  The  passages  in  the  Gemara  containing 
additional  Mishna  are,  however,  given  in  New  He- 
brew. Only  thirty-nine  tractates  of  the  Mishna  have 
Gemara.  The  Talmud,  then,  consists  of  the  Mishna 
(traditions  from  450  b.  c.  till  a.  d.  200),  together  with 
a  commentary  thereon,  Gemara,  the  latter  being 
composed  about  a.  d.  200-500.  Next  to  the  Bible 
the  Babylonian  Talmud  is  the  great  religious  book  of 
orthodox  Jews,  though  the  Palestinian  Talmud  is 
more  highly  prized  by  modern  scholars.  From  the 
year  500  tfll  the  Middle  Ages  the  rabbis  (geonim)  in 
Babylonia  and  elsewhere  were  engaged  in  comment- 
ing on  the  Talmud  and  reconciling  it  with  the  Bible. 
A  list  of  such  commentaries  is  given  in  "The  Jewish 
Encyclopedia  ". 

(4)  The  Midrashim. — Simultaneously  with  the 
Mishna  and  Talmud  there  grew  up  a  number  of 
Midrashim,  or  commentaries  on  the  Bible.  Some  of 
these  were  legalistic,  like  the  Gemara  of  the  Talmud; 
but  the  most  important  were  of  an  edifying,  homi- 
letic  character  (Midrash  Haggadah).  These  latter 
are  important  for  the  corroborative  light  which  they 
throw  on  the  language  of  the  New  Testament.  The 
Gospel  of  St.  John  is  seen  to  be  steeped  in  early 
Jewish  phraseology,  and  the  words  of  Ps.  cix,  "The 
Lord  said  to  my  Lord",  etc.  are  in  one  place  applied 
to  the  Messias,  as  they  are  in  St.  Matthew,  though 
Rashi  and  later  Jews  deprived  them  of  their  Messianic 
sense  by  applying  them  to  Abraham. 

(5)  Karaite  Commentators. — When  the  nature  of 
the  Talmud  and  other  such  writings  is  considered,  it 
is  not  surprising  that  they  produced  a  violent  reaction 
against  Rabbimsm  even  among  the  Jews  themselves. 
In  spite  of  the  few  gems  of  thought  scattered  through 
it  at  long  intervals,  there  is  nothing  in  any  literature 
so  entirely  uninviting  as  the  Talmud.  The  oppos- 
ition to  these  "traditions  of  men"  finally  took  shape. 
Anan  ben  David,  a  prominent  Babylonian  Jew  in  the 
eighth  century,  rejected  Rabbinism  for  the  written 
Old  Testament  and  became  the  founder  of  the  sect 
known  as  Karaites  (a  word  indicating  their  preference 
for  the  written  Bible).  This  schism  produced  great 
energy  and  ability  on  both  sides.  The  principal 
Karaite  Bible  commentators  were  Mahavendi  (ninth 
century) ;  Abul-Faraj  Harun  (ninth  century),  exegete 
and  Hebrew  grammarian;  Solomon  ben  Yerucham 
(tenth  century) ;  Sahal-ben  Mazliach  (d.  950),  Hebrew 
grammarian  and  lexicographer;  Joseph  al-Bazir  (d. 
930);  Japhet  ben  Ali,  the  greatest  Karaite  commen- 
tator of  the  tenth  century;  and  Judah  Hadassi  (d. 
1160). 

(6)  Middle  Ages— Saadiah  of  Fayum  (d.  892),  the 
most  powerful  writer  against  the  Karaites,  translated 
the  Bible  into  Arabic  and  added  notes.  Besides  com- 
mentaries on  the  Bible,  Saadiah  wrote  a  systematic 
treatise  bringing  revealed  religion  into  harmony  with 
Greek  philosophy.  He  thus  Decame  the  forerunner 
of  Maimonides  and  the  Catholic  Schoolmen.  Solomon 
ben  Isaac,  called  Rashi  (b.  1040)  wrote  very  popular 
explanations  of  the  Talmud  and  the  Bible.  Abraham 
Ibn  Ezra  of  Toledo  (d.  1168)  had  a  good  knowledge  of 
Oriental  languages  and  wrote  learned  commentaries 
on  the  Old  Testament.  He  was  the  first  to  maintain 
that  Isaias  contains  the  work  of  two  prophets.  Moses 
Maimonides  (d.  1204),  the  greatest  Jewish  scholar  of 
the  Middle  Ages,  of  whom  his  coreligionists  said  that 
"from  Moses  to  Moses  there  was  none  like  Moses", 
wrote  his  "Guide  to  the  Perplexed",  which  was  read 
by  St.  Thomas.  He  was  a  great  admirer  of  Aristotle, 
who  was  to  him  the  representative  of  natural  knowl- 
edge as  the  Bible  was  of  the  supernatural.  There 
were  the  two  Kimchis,  especially  David  (d.  1235)  of 


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Narbonne.  who  was  a  celebrated  grammarian,  lexicog- 
rapher, and  commentator  inclined  to  the  literal  sense. 
He  was  followed  by  Nachmanides  of  Catalonia  (d. 
1270),  a  doctor  of  medicine  who  wrote  commentaries 
of  a  cabbalistic  tendency;  Immanuel  of  Rome  (b. 
1270);  and  the  Karaites,  Aaron  ben  Joseph  (1294), 
and  Aaron  ben  Elias  (fourteenth  century). 

(7)  Modem. — Isaac  Abarbanel  (b.  Lisbon,  1437 ;  d. 
Venice,  1508)  was  a  statesman  and  scholar.  None  of 
his  predecessors  came  so  near  the  modern  ideal  of  a 
commentator  as  he  did.  He  -prefixed  general  intro- 
ductions to  each  book,  and  was  the  first  Jew  to  make 
extensive  use  of  Christian  commentaries.  -  Elias 
Levita  (d.  1540)  and  Azarias  de  Rossi  (d.  1577)  have 
also  to  be  mentioned.  Moses  Mendelssohn  of  Berlin 
(d.  1786),  a  friend  of  Leasing,  translated  the  Penta- 
teuch into  German.  His  commentaries  (in  Hebrew) 
are  close,  learned,  critical,  and  acute.  He  has  had 
much  influence  in  modernizing  Jewish  methods. 
Mendelssohn  has  been  followed  by  Wessely,  Jaroslaw, 
Homberg,  Euchel,  Friedlander,  Hertz,  Herxheimer, 
Philippson,  etc.,  called  "Biurists",  or  expositors. 
The  modern  liberal  school  among  the  Jews  is  repre- 
sented by  Munk,  Luzzato,  Zunz,  Geiger,  Furst,  etc.  In 

Cages  the  Jews  attributed  both  the  Written  and  the 
rritten Torahs  to  Moses;  some  modern  Jews  seem 
disposed  to  deny  that  he  had  anything  to  do  with  either. 

II.  Patristic  Commentaries. — The  history  of 
Christian  exegesis  may  be  roughly  divided  into  three 
periods:  the  Age  of  the  Fathers,  the  Age  of  Catenas 
and  Scholia  (seventh  to  sixteenth  century),  and  the 
Age  of  Modern  Commentaries  (sixteenth  to  twentieth 
century).  Most  of  the  patristic  commentaries  are  in 
the  form  of  homilies,  or  discourses  to  the  faithful,  and 
range  over  the  whole  of  Scripture.  There  are  two 
schools  of  interpretation,  that  of  Alexandria  and  that 
of  Antioch. 

(1)  Alexandrian  School, — The  chief  writers  of  the 
Alexandrian  School  were  Pantsenus,  Clement  of 
Alexandria,  Origen,  Dionysius  of  Alexandria,  Didy- 
mus  the  blind  priest,  Cyril  of  Alexandria,  and 
Pierius.  To  these  may  be  added  St.  Ambrose,  who, 
in  a  moderate  degree,  adopted  their  system.  Its  chief 
characteristic  was  the  allegorical  method.  This  was, 
doubtless,  founded  on  passages  in  the  Gospels  and  the 
Epistles  of  St.  Paul,  but  it  received  a  strong  impulse 
from  the  writings  of  Alexandrian  Jews,  especially  of 
Philo.  The  great  representative  of  this  school  was 
Origen  (d.  254).  From  his  very  earliest  years  Origen 
manifested  such  extraordinary  marks  of  piety  and 
genius  that  he  was  held  in  the  very  highest  reverence 
by  his  father,  himself  a  saint  and  martyr.  Origen 
became  the  master  of  many  great  saints  and  scholars, 
one  of  the  most  celebrated  being  St.  Gregory  Thauma- 
turgus;  he  was  known  as  the  "Adamantine"  on 
account  of  his  incessant  application  to  study,  writing, 
lecturing,  and  works  of  piety.  He  frequently  kept 
seven  amanuenses  actively  employed;  it  was  said  he 
became  the  author  of  6000  works  (Epiphanius,  Her., 
lxiv,  63);  according  to  St.  Jerome,  who  reduced  the 
number  to  2000  (Contra.  Rufin.,  ii,  22),  he  left  more 
writings  than  any  man  could  read  in  a  lifetime 
(Ep.  xxxiii,  ad  Paulam).  Besides  his  great  labours 
on  the  Hexapia  he  wrote  scholia,  homilies,  and  com- 
mentaries on  the  Old  and  the  New  Testament.  In 
his  scholia  he  gave  short  explanations  of  difficult 
passages  after  the  manner  of  his  contemporaries, 
the  annotators  of  the  Greek  classics.  Most  of  the 
scholia,  in  which  he  chiefly  sought  the  literal  sense, 
are  unfortunately  lost,  but  it  is  supposed  that 
their  substance  is  embodied  in  the  writings  of  St. 
John  Chrysostom  and  other  Fathers.  In  his  other 
works  Origen  pushed  the  allegorical  interpretation  to 
the  utmost  extreme.  In  spite  of  this,  however,  his 
writings  were  of  great  value,  and  with  the  exception 
of  St.  Augustine,  no  writer  of  ancient  times  had  such 
influence.    It  is  lamentable  that  this  great  man  fell 


into  serious  error  on  the  origin  of  souls,  the  eternity 
of  hell,  etc. 

(2)  Antiochene  School. — The  writers  of  the  Anti- 
ochene  School  disliked  the  allegorical  method,  and 
sought  almost  exclusively  the  literal,  primary,  or 
historical  sense  of  Holy  Scripture.  The  principal 
writers  of  this  school  were  St.  Lucian,  Eusebius  of 
Nicomedia,  Maris  of  Chalcedon,  Eudoxius,  Theognis 
of  Nicsea,  Asterius,  Alius  the  heresiarch,  Diodorus  of 
Antioch  (Bishop  of  Tarsus),  and  his  three  great  pupils, 
Theodore  of  Mopsuestia,  Theodore's  brother  Poly- 
chromius,  and  St.  John  Chrysostom.  With  these 
may  be  counted  St.  Ephraem  on  account  of  his 
preference  for  the  literal  sense.  The  great  represen- 
tatives of  this  school  were  Diodorus,  Theodore  of 
Mopsuestia,  and  St.  John  Chrysostom.  Diodorus, 
who  died  Bishop  of  Tarsus  (394),  followed  the  literal 
to  the  exclusion  of  the  mystical  or  allegorical  sense. 
Theodore  was  born  at  Antioch,  in  347,  became  Bishop 
of  Mopsuestia,  and  died  in  the  communion  of  the 
Church,  429.  He  was  a  powerful  thinker,  but  an 
obscure  and  prolix  writer.  He  felt  intense  dislike  for 
the  mystical  sense,  and  explained  the  Scriptures  in 
an  extremely  literal  and  almost  rationalistic  manner. 
His  pupil,  Nestorius,  became  a  founder  of  heresy ; 
the  Nestorians  translated  his  books  into  Syriac  and 
regarded  Theodore  as  their  great  "Doctor".  This 
made  Catholics  suspicious  of  his  writings,  which  were 
finally  condemned  after  the  famous  controversy  on 
The  Three  Chapters.  Theodore's  commentary  on 
St.  John's  Gospel,  in  Syriac,  has  recently  been  pub- 
lished, with  a  Latin  translation,  by  a  Catholic  scholar, 
Dr.  Chabot.  St.  John  Chrysostom,  priest  of  Antioch, 
became  Patriarch  of  Constantinople  in  398.  As  an 
interpreter  of  Holy  Scripture  he  stands  in  the  very 
first  rank  of  the  Fathers.  He  left  homilies  on  most 
of  the  books  of  the  Old  and  the  New  Testament. 
There  is  nothing  in  the  whole  of  antiquity  to  equal 
his  writings  on  St.  Matthew's  Gospel  and  St.  Paul's 
Epistles.  When  St.  Thomas  Aquinas  was  asked  by 
one  of  his  brethren  whether  he  would  not  like  to  be 
the  owner  of  Paris,  so  that  he  could  dispose  of  it  to 
the  King  of  France  and  with  the  proceeds  promote 
the  good  works  of  his  order,  he  answered  that  he 
would  prefer  to  be  the  possessor  of  Chrysostom 's 
"Super  Matthsum".  This  reply  may  be  taken  as 
the  true  expression  of  the  high  admiration  in  which 
the  writings  of  St.  Chrysostom  have  ever  been  held 
in  the  Church.  St.  Isidore  of  Pelusium  said  of  him 
that  if  the  Apostle  St.  Paul  could  have  used  Attic 
speech  he  would  have  explained  his  own  Epistles  in 
tne  identical  words  of  St.  John  Chrysostom. 

(3)  Intermediate  School. — The  other  Fathers  com- 
bined what  was  best  in  both  these  systems,  some  lean- 
ing more  to  the  allegorical  and  some  to  the  literal  sense. 
The  principal  were  Isidore  of  Pelusium,  Theodoret,  St. 
Basil,  St.  Gregory  of  Nazianzus,  St.  Gregory  of  Nyssa, 
St.  Hilary  of  Poitiers,  Ambrosiaster,  St.  Jerome,  St. 
Augustine,  St.  Gregory  the  Great,  and  Pelagius.  St. 
Jerome,  perhaps  the  greatest  Biblical  scholar  of  an- 
cient times,  besides  his  famous  translations  of  the 
Scripture,  and  other  works,  left  many  useful  commen- 
taries, some  of  great  merit.  In  others  he  departed  too 
much  from  the  literal  meaning  of  the  text.  In  the 
hurry  of  composition  he  did  not  always  sufficiently 
indicate  when  he  was  quoting  from  different  authors, 
and  this,  according  to  Richard  Simon,  accounts  for  his 
apparent  discrepancies. 

III.  Medieval  Commentaries. — The  medieval 
writers  were  content  to  draw  from  the  rich  treasures 
left  them  by  their  predecessors.  Their  commentaries 
consisted,  for  the  most  part,  of  passages  from  the 
Fathers,  which  they  connected  together  as  in  a  chain, 
catena  (q.  v.).  We  cannot  give  more  than  the  names 
of  the  principal  writers,  with  the  century  after  each. 
Though  they  are  not  all  known  as  catenists  they  may 
be  regarded  as  such,  for  all  practical  purposes. 


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(1)  Greek  Catenists. — Procopius  of  Gaza  (sixth  cen- 
utry)  was  one  of  the  first  to  write  a  catena.  He  was 
followed  by  St.  Maximus,  Martyr  (seventh),  St.  John 
Damascene  (eighth),  Olympiodorus  (tenth),  GScume- 
nius  (tenth),  Nicetas  of  Constantinople  (eleventh), 
Hieophylactus,  Archbishop  in  Bulgaria  (eleventh), 
Euthymius  Zigabenus  (twelfth),  and  the  writers  of 
anonymous  catense  edited  by  Cramer  and  Cardinal 
Mai. 

(2)  Latin  Catenists,  Scholiasts,  etc. — The  principal 
Latin  commentators  of  this  period  were  the  Venerable 
Bede,  Walaf  rid  Strabo,  Anselm  of  Laon,  Hugh  of  Saint- 
Cher,  St.  Thomas  Aquinas,  and  Nicholas  de  Lyra. 
The  Venerable  Bede  (seventh  to  eighth  century),  a 
good  Greek  and  Hebrew  scholar,  wrote  a  useful  com- 
mentary on  moat  of  the  books  of  the  Old  and  the  New 
Testament.  It  is  in  reality  a  catena  of  passages  from 
Greek  and  Latin  Fathers  judiciously  selected  and  di- 
gested. Walafrid  Strabo  (ninth  century),  a  Bene- 
dictine, wrote  the  "Glossa  Ordinaria"  on  the  entire 
Bible.  It  is  a  brief  explanation  of  the  literal  and 
mystical  sense,  based  on  Rabanus  Maurus  and  other 
Latin  writers,  and  was  one  of  the  most  popular  works 
during  the  Middle  Ages,  being  as  well  known  as  "  The 
Sentences"  of  Peter  Lombard.  Anselm,  Dean  of 
Laon,  and  professor  at  Paris  (twelfth  century),  wrote 
the  "Glossa  Interlinearis",  so  called  because  the  ex- 
planation was  inserted  between  the  lines  of  the  Vulgate. 
The  Dominican  cardinal,  Hugh  of  Saint-Cher  (Hugo  de 
Sancto  Caro,  thirteenth  century),  besides  his  famous 
"Concordance",  composed  a  short  commentary  on 
the  whole  of  the  Scriptures,  explaining  the  literal, 
allegorical,  analogical,  and  moral  sense  of  the  text. 
His  work  was  called  "Postilke",  i.  e.  post  Ma  (verba 
textus),  because  the  explanation  followed  the  words  of 
the  text.  St.  Thomas  Aquinas  (thirteenth  century) 
left  commentaries  on  Job,  Psalms,  Epistles  of  St. 
Paul,  and  was  the  author  of  the  well-known  "Catena 
Aurea"  on  the  Gospels.  This  consists  of  quotations 
from  over  eighty  Greek  and  Latin  Fathers.  He 
throws  much  light  on  the  literal  sense  and  is  most 
happy  in  illustrating  difficult  points  by  parallel  pas- 
sages from  other  parts  of  the  Bible.  Nicholas  de 
Lyra  (thirteenth  century),  a  converted  Jew,  joined 
the  Franciscans  in  1291,  and  brought  to  the  service  of 
the  Church  his  great  knowledge  of  Hebrew  and  rab- 
binical learning.  He  wrote  short  notes  or  "  Postills" 
on  the  entire  Bible,  and  set  forth  the  literal  meaning 
with  great  ability,  especially  of  the  books  written 
in  Hebrew.  This  work  was  most  popular,  and  in 
frequent  use  during  the  late  Middle  Ages,  and 
Luther  was  indebted  to  it  for  his  display  of  learning. 
A  great  impulse  was  given  to  exegetical  studies  by 
the  Council  of  Vienne  which  decreed,  in  1311,  that 
chairs  of  Hebrew,  Chaldean,  and  Arabic  should 
be  established  at  Paris,  Oxford,  Bologna,  and  Sala- 
manca. 

Besides  the  great  writers  already  mentioned  the 
following  are  some  of  the  principal  exegetee,  many  of 
them  Benedictines,  from  patristic  times  till  the  Coun- 
cil of  Trent:  Cassiodorus  (sixth  century);  St.  Isidore 
of  Seville  (seventh);  St.  Julian  of  Toledo  (seventh); 
Alcuin  (eighth) ;  Rabanus  Maurus  (ninth) ;  Druthmar 
(ninth) ;  Remigius  of  Auxerre  (ninth) ;  St.  Bruno  of 
WQrzburg,  a  distinguished  Greek  and  Hebrew  scholar; 
St.  Bruno,  founder  of  the  Carthusians  (eleventh): 
Gilbert  of  Poiree;  St.  Rupert  (twelfth);  Alexander  oi 
Hales  (thirteenth);  Albertus  Magnus  (thirteenth); 
Paul  of  Burgos  (fourteenth  to  fifteenth);  Alphonsus 
Tostatus  of  Avila  (fifteenth);  Ludolph  of  Saxony; 
and  Dionysius  the  Carthusian,  who  wrote  a  pious 
commentary  on  the  whole  of  the  Bible;  Jacobus 
Faber  Stapulensis  (fifteenth  to  sixteenth);  Gagiueus 
(fifteenth  to  sixteenth).  Erasmus  and  Cardinal  Ca- 
ietan  (sixteenth)  wrote  in  a  scientific  spirit,  but  have 
been  justly  blamed  for  some  rash  opinions. 

IV.  Modern  Catholic  Commentaries. — The  in- 


flux ot  Greek  scholars  into  Italy  on  the  fall  of  Con- 
stantinople, the  Christian  and  anti-Christian  Renais- 
sance, the  invention  of  printing,  the  controversial  ex- 
citement caused  by  the  rise  of  Protestantism,  and  the 
publication  of  polyglot  Bibles  by  Cardinal  Ximenes 
and  others,  gave  renewed  interest  to  the  study  of  the 
Bible  among  Catholic  scholars.  Controversy  showed 
them  the  necessity  of  devoting  more  attention  to  the 
literal  meaning  of  the  text,  according  to  the  wise  prin- 
ciple laid  down  by  St.  Thomas  in  the  beginning  of  his 
"Summa  Theologica".. 

It  was  then  that  the  sons  of  St.  Ignatius,  who 
founded  his  order  in  1534,  stepped  into  the  front  rank 
to  repel  the  attacks  on  the  Church.  The  Ratio  Studi- 
orum  of  the  Jesuits  made  it  incumbent  on  their  pro- 
fessors of  Scripture  to  acquire  a  mastery  of  Greek, 
Hebrew,  and  other  Oriental  languages.  Salmeron, 
one  of  the  first  companions  of  St.  Ignatius,  and  the 
pope's  theologian  at  the  Council  of  Trent,  was  a  dis- 
tinguished Hebrew  scholar  and  voluminous  commen- 
tator. Bellarmine,  one  of  the  first  Christians  to 
write  a  Hebrew  grammar,  composed  a  valuable  com- 
mentary on  the  Psalms,  giving  an  exposition  of  the 
Hebrew,  Septuagint,  and  Vulgate  texts.  It  was  pub- 
lished as  part  of  Cornelius  a  Lapide's  commentary  on 
the  whole  Bible.  Cornelius  a  Lapide,  S.  J.  (b.  1566), 
was  a  native  of  the  Low  Countries,  and  was  well 
versed  in  Greek  and  Hebrew.  During  forty  years  he 
devoted  himself  to  teaching  and  to  the  composition  of 
his  great  work,  which  has  been  highly  praised  by 
Protestants  as  well  as  Catholics.  Maldonatus,  a 
Spanish  Jesuit,  born  1534,  wrote  commentaries  on 
Isaias,  Baruch,  Ezechiel,  Daniel,  Psalms,  Proverbs, 
Canticles  (Song  of  Solomon),  and  Ecclesiastes.  His 
best  work,  however,  is  his  Latin  commentary  on  the 
Four  Gospels,  which  is  generally  acknowledged  to  be 
one  of  the  best  ever  written.  When  Maldonatus  was 
teaching  at  the  University  of  Paris  the  hall  was  filled 
with  eager  students  before  the  lecture  began,  and  he 
had  frequently  to  speak  in  the  open  air.  Great  as  was 
the  merit  of  the  work  of  Maldonatus,  it  was  equalled 
by  the  commentary  on  the  Epistles  by  Estius  (b.  at 
Gore  urn,  Holland,  1542),  a  secular  priest,  and  superior 
of  the  College  at  Douai.  These  two  works  are  still  of 
the  greatest  help  to  the  student.  Many  other  Jesuits 
were  the  authors  of  valuable  exegetical  works,  e.  g. : 
Francis  Ribera  of  Castile  (b.  1514) ;  Cardinal  Toletus 
of  Cordova  (b.  1532);  Manuel  Sa  (d.  1596);  Bon- 
frere  of  Dinant  (b.  1573);  Mariana  of  Talavera 
(b.  1637);  Alcazar  of  Seville  (b.  1554):  Barradius 
"the  Apostle  of  Portugal";  Sanchez  of  Alcala  (d. 
1628);  Serarius  of  Lorraine  (d.  1609);  Lorinus  of 
Avignon  (b.  1559);  Tirinus  of  Antwerp  (b.  1580); 
Menochius  of  Pavia;  Pereira  of  Valencia  (d.  1610); 
and  Pineda  of  Seville. 

The  Jesuits  were  rivalled  by  Arias  Montanus  (d. 
1598),  the  editor  of  the  Antwerp  Polyglot  Bible;  Six- 
tus  of  Siena,  O.  P.  (d.  1569);  John  Wild  (Ferus),  O.  S. 
F.;  Dominic  Soto,  O.  P.  (d.  1560);  Masius  (d.  1573); 
Jansen  of  Ghent  (d.  1576);  Gen6brard  of  Cluny  (d. 
1597);  Agellius  (d.  1608);  Luke  of  Bruges  (d.  1619); 
Calasius,  O.  S.  F.  (d.  1620) ;  Malvenda,  O.  P.  (d.  1628) ; 
Jansen  of  Ypres;  Simeon  de  Muis  (d.  1644);  Jean 
Morin,  Oratorian  (d.  1659);  Isaac  Le  Maistre  (de 
Sacy);  JohnSylveira,  Carmelite  (d.  1687);  Bossuet  (d. 
1704);  Richard  Simon,  Oratorian  (d.  1712);  Calmet, 
Oratorian,  who  wrote  a  valuable  dictionary  of  the 
Bible,  of  which  there  is  an  English  translation,  and  a 
highly  esteemed  commentary  on  all  the  books  of 
Scripture  (d.  1757);  Louis  de  Carrieres,  Oratorian  (d. 
1717);  Piconio,  Capuchin  (d.  1709);  Lamy,  Oratorian 
(d.  1715);  Guarin,  O.  S.B.  (d.  1729);  Houbigant,  Ora- 
torian (d.  1783);  Smits,  Recollect  (1770);  Le  Long, 
Oratorian  (d.  1721);  Brentano  (d.  1797).  During 
the  nineteenth  century  the  following  were  a  few  of  the 
Catholic  writers  on  the  Bible:  SchcJz,  Hug,  Jahn,  Le 
Hir,  Allioli,  Mayer,  van  Essen,  Glaire,  Beelin,  Hane- 


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berg,  Meignsn,  Reithmayr,  Patrizi,  Looh,  Bisping 
(his  commentary  on  the  New  Testament  styled  ex- 
cellent" by  Vigouroux),  Corluy,  Fillion,  Lesetre,  Tro- 
chon  (Introductions  and  Comm.  on  Old  and  New 
Test.,  "La  Sainte  Bible",  27  vols.),  Schegg,  Bacuez, 
Kenrick,  McEvilly,  Arnauld,  Schanz  (a  most  valuable 
work,  in  German,  on  the  Gospels),  Fouard,  Maas,  - 
Vigouroux  (works  of  Introduction),  Ward,  Mclntyre, 
etc.  Catholics  have  also  published  important  scientif- 
ical  books.  There  is  the  great  Latin  "Cursus"  on  the 
whole  of  the  Bible  by  the  Jesuit  Fathers,  Cornely, 
Knabenbauer,  and  Hummelauer.  The  writings  of 
Lagrange  (Les  Juges),  Condamin  (Isale),  Calmes  (Saint 
Jean),  Van  Hoonacker  (Lfs  Douze  Petits  Prophetes), 
etc.,  are  all  valuable  works.  For  a  list  of  modern 
Catholic  publications  on  the  Scripture,  the  reader 
may  be  referred  to  the  "Revue  biblique",  edited  by 
Lagrange  (Jerusalem  and  Paris),  and  the  "Biblische 
Zeitschrift",  published  by  Herder  (Freiburg  im 
Breisgau).  For  further  information  concerning  the 
principal  Catholic  commentators  see  respective 
articles. 

V.  Non-Catholic  Commentaries. — (1)  In  Gen- 
eral.— The  commentaries  of  the  first  Reformers, 
Luther,  Melanchthon,  Calvin,  Zwingli,  etc.,  are  mostly 
controversial,  and  are  now  seldom  quoted  by  scholars. 
Their  immediate  successors  were  too  energetically  en- 
gaged in  polemics  among  themselves  to  devote  much 
time  to  regular  works  of  exegesis.  The  following 
wrote  on  Holy  Scripture  during  the  17th  and  18th  cen- 
turies. Lutherans:  Gerhard ;  Geier ;  Calov ;  S.  Schmid ; 
J.H.  Michaeiis;  Lange.  Calvinists:  Drusius;  Louis  de 
Dieu  (great  Oriental  scholar);  Cappel;  Bocnart;  Coc- 
ceius;  vitringa.  Socinians:  John  Crell  and  Jonas 
Schlichting.  Arminians:  Hugo  Grotius  (a  man  of 
great  erudition) ;  Limbroch ;  John  le  Clerc  (rationalis- 
tic). English  Writers:  Brian  Walton  (London  Poly- 
glot), John  Lightfoot  (Hone  Heb.  et  Talm.),  both 
mines  of  learning;  Pearson,  etc.,  editors  of  "Critici 
Sacri"  (compiled  from  the  best  Continental  writers, 
Catholic  ana  Protestant);  Mayer;  S.  Clarke  (brief 
judicious  notes);  Wells;  Gill;  John  Wesley;  Dodd;  W. 
Lowth;  R.  Lowth;  and  the  editors  of  the  Reformer's 
Bible.  During  the  nineteenth  century:  Priestly 
(1803);  Burder  (1809);  D'Oyly  and  Mant  (1820);  A. 
Clarke  (1826,  learned);  Boothroyd  (1823,  Hebrew 
scholar);  Thomas  Scott  (1822,  popular);  Matthew 
Henry  (1827,  a  practical  comm.  on  Old  and  New 
Test.);  Bloomfield  (Greek  Test.,  with  Eng.  notes, 
1832,  good  for  the  time) ;  Kuinoel  (Philological  Comm. 
on  New  Test.,  1828) ;  Oldshausen  (1839);  Haevernick 
(1845);  Baumgarten  (1859);  Tholuck  (1843);  Trench 
(Parables,  Sermon  on  the  Mount,  Miracles,  N.  T.  Syn. 
— very  useful);  "The  Speakers  Commentary"  (still 
valuable);  Alford  (Greek  Test.,  with  critical  and 
exeg.  comm.,  1856,  good);  Franz  Delitzsch  (1870), 
Ebrard  Hengstenberg  (1869);  Wordsworth  (The 
Greek  Test.,  with  notes,  1877);  Keil;  Ellicott  (Epp. 
of  St.  Paul,  highly  esteemed);  Conybeare  and 
Howson  (St.  Paul,  containing  much  useful  informa- 
tion) ;  Lange,  together  with  Schroeder,  Fay,  Cassel, 
Bacher,  Zoeckler,  Moll,  etc.  (Old  and  N.  Test.,  1864- 
78);  Lewin  (St.  Paul,  1878);  Beet;  Cook;  Gloag; 
Perowne;  Bishop  Lightfoot  (Epp.  of  St.  Paul);  West- 
cott.  There  were  many  commentaries  published  at 
Cambridge,  Oxford,  London,  etc.  (see  publishers' 
catalogues,  and  notices  in  "Expositor",  "Expository 
Timesr',  and  "Journal  of  Theological  Studies"). 
Other  writers  are  Farrar,  A.  B.  Davidson,  Fausset, 
Plummer,  Plumptre,  Salmon,  Swete,  Bruce,  Dods, 
Stanley,  Driver,  Kirkpatrick,  Sanday,  Green,  Hovey, 
Robinson,  Schaff,  Bnggs,  Moore,  Gould,  etc.  "The 
International  Critical  Commentary"  is  a  work  by 
many  distinguished  American  and  English  scholars. 
There  are  also  the  Bible  dictionaries  of  Kitto,  Smith, 
and  Hastings.  Many  of  these  works,  especially  the 
later  ones,  are  valuable  for  their  scientific  method, 
IV  —11 


though  not  of  equal  value  for  their  views  or  conclusions. 
[See  below  (3)  The  beet  modern  (non-C.)  Commentaries 
in  English.'] 

(2)  Rationalistic  Commentaries.  —  The  English 
deists,  Lord  Herbert  of  Cherbury  (d.  1648),  Hobbes, 
Blount,  Toland,  Lord  Shaftesbury  (d.  1713),  Mande- 
ville,  tollins,  Woolston  (1731),  Tindal,  Morgan, 
Chubb,  Lord  Bolingbroke  (d.  1751),  Annet,  and  David 
Hume  (d.  1776),  while  admitting  the  existence  of  God, 
rejected  the  supernatural,  and  made  desperate  at- 
tacks on  different  parts  of  the  Old  and  the  New  Testa- 
ment. They  were  ably  refuted  by  such  men  as  New- 
ton, Cudworth,  Boyle,  Bentley,  Lesley,  Locke,  Ibbot, 
Whiston,  S.  Clarke,  Sherlock,  Chandler,  Gilbert  West, 
George  Lord  Lytton,  Waterland,  Foster,  Warburton, 
Lei  and,  Law,  Lardner,  Watt,  Butler.  These  replies 
were  so  effective  that  in  England  deism  practically 
died  with  Hume.  In  the  meantime,  unfortunately, 
the  opinions  of  the  English  rationalists  were  dissemi- 
nated on  the  Continent  by  Voltaire  and  others.  In 
Germany  the  ground  was  prepared  by  the  philosophy 
of  Christian  Wolff  and  the  writings  of  his  disciple 
Semler.  Great  scandal  was  caused  by  the  posthu- 
mous writings  of  Raimarus,  which  were  published  by 
Leasing  between  1774-78  (The  Fragments  of  Wolfen- 
buttel).  Lessing  pretended  that  he  discovered  the 
manuscript  in  the  ducal  library  of  Wolfenbuttel  and 
that  the  author  was  unknown.  According  to  the 
"Fragments",  Moses,  Christ,  and  the  Apostles  were 
impostors.    Lessing  was  vigorously  attacked,  espe- 


cially by  Gotze ;  but  Leasing,  instead  of  meeting  bis 
opponent's  arguments,  with  great  literary  skill 
turned  him  to  ridicule.  The  rationalists,  however, 
soon  realized  that  the  Scriptures  had  too  genuine  a 
ring  to  be  treated  as  the  results  of  imposture.  Eich- 
horo,  in  his  "Introd.  to  the  OldTest. '  (1789),  main- 
tained that  the  Scriptures  were  genuine  productions, 
but  that,  as  the  Jews  saw  the  intervention  of  God  in 
the  most  ordinary  natural  occurrences,  the  miracles 
should  be  explained  naturally,  and  he  proceeded  to 
show  how.  Paul  us  (1761-1850),  following  the  lead 
of  Eichhorn,  applied  to  the  Gospels  the  naturalistic 
method  of  explaining  miracles.  When  Paul  us  was  a 
boy,  his  father's  mind  became  deranged,  he  constantly 
saw  his  deceased  wife  and  other  ministering  angels, 
and  he  perceived  miracles  everywhere.  After  a  time 
the  young  Paulus  began  to  shake  off  this  nightmare 
and  amused  himself  by  taking  advantage  of  his  fath- 
er's weakness,  and  playing  practical  jokes  upon  him. 
He  grew  up  with  tne  most  bitter  dislike  for  every- 
thing supernatural,  and  his  judgment  became  almost 
as  warped  as  that  of  his  father,  but  in  the  opposite 
direction.  The  Apostles  and  early  Christians  ap- 
peared to  him  to  be  people  just  like  his  worthy  parent, 
and  he  thought  that  they  distorted  natural  facts 
through  the  medium  of  their  excited  imaginations. 
This  led  him  to  give  a  naturalistic  explanation  of  the 
Gospel  miracles. 

The  common  sense  of  the  German  rationalists  soon 
perceived,  however,  that  if  the  authenticity  of  the 
Sacred  Books  were  admitted,  with  Eichhorn  and 
Paulus,  the  naturalistic  explanation  of  these  two 
writers  was  quite  as  absurd  as  the  impostor  system  of 
Raimarus.  In  order  to  do  away  with  the  superna- 
tural it  was  necessary  to  get  rid  of  the  authenticity 
of  the  books;  and  to  this  the  observations  of  Richard 
Simon  and  Astruc  readily  lent  themselves.  G.  L 
Bauer,  Heyne  (d.  1812),  and  Creuzer  denied  the  au- 
thenticity of  the  greater  portion  of  the  Pentateuch 
and  compared  it  to  the  mythology  of  the  Greeks  and 
Romans.  The  greatest  advocate  of  such  views  was 
de  Wette  (1780-1849),  a  pupil  of  Paulus,  of  the  hol- 
lowness  of  whose  method  he  soon  became  convinced. 
In  his  "Introd.  to  the  Old  Test."  (1806)  he  main- 
tained that  the  miraculous  narratives  of  the  Old  Testa- 
ment were  but  popular  legends,  which,  in  passing 
from  mouth  to  mouth,  in  the  course  of  centuries,  be- 


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COMMENTARIES 


came  transformed  and  transfused  with  the  marvellous 
and  the  supernatural,  and  were  finally  committed  to 
writing  in  perfectly  good  faith.  Strauss  (1808-74), 
in  his  Das  Leben  Jesu"  (1835)  applied  this  mythical 
explanation  to  the  Gospels.  He  showed  most  clearly 
that  if  with  Paulus  the  Gospels  are  allowed  to  be  au- 
thentic, the  attempt  to  explain  the  miracles  naturally 
breaks  down  completely.  Strauss  rejected  the  au- 
thenticity and  regardea  the  miraculous  accounts  in 
the  Gospels  as  naive  legends,  the  productions  of  the 
pious  imaginations  of  the  early  generations  of  Chris- 
tians. The  views  of  Strauss  were  severely  criticized 
by  the  Catholics,  Kuhn,  Mack,  Hug,  and  Sepp,  and  by 
the  Protestants  Neander,  Tholuck,  Ullman,  Lange, 
Ewald,  Riggenbach,  Weiss,  and  Keim.  Baur  es- 
pecially, the  founder  of  the  Tubingen  School,  proved 
that  Strauss  ran  counter  to  the  most  clearly  estab- 
lished facts  of  early  Christian  history,  and  showed  the 
folly  of  denying  the  historical  existence  of  Christ  and 
His  transcendent  personality.  Even  Strauss  lost  all 
confidence  in  his  own  system.  Baur,  unfortunately, 
originated  a  theory  which  was  for  a  time  in  great 
vogue,  but  which  was  afterwards  abandoned  by  the 
majority  of  critics.  He  held  that  the  New  Testa- 
ment contains  the  writings  of  two  antagonistic  par- 
ties amongst  the  Apostles  and  early  Christians.  His 
principal  followers  were  Zeller,  Schwegler,  Planck, 
K&slin,  Ritsch,  Hilgenfeld,  Volkmar,  Tobler,  Keim, 
Hosten,  some  of  whom,  however,  emancipated  them- 
selves from  their  master. 

Besides  the  writers  already  mentioned,  tha  follow- 
ing wrote  in  a  rationalistic  spirit:  Ernesti  (<L  1781), 
Semler  (1791),  Berthold  (1822),  the  Rosenmullers, 
Crusius  (1843),  Bertheau,  De  Wette,  Hupfeld,  Ewald, 
Thenius,  Fritzsche,  Justi,  Gesenius  (d.  1842),  Lon- 
geike,  Bleek,  Bunsen  (1860),  Umbreit,  Kleinert, 
Knobel,  Nicolas,  Hirzel,  Kuenen,  J.  C.  K.  von  Hoff- 
mann, Hitzig  (d.  1875),  Schulz  (1869),  B.  Weiss, 
Renan,  Tuch,  H.  A.  W.  Meyer  (and  his  continuators 
Huther,  Luneman,  Dusterdieck,  Bruckner,  etc.), 
Wellhausen,  Wieseler,  Julicher,  Beyschlag,  H.  Holtz- 
mann,  and  his  collaborators  Schmiedel,  von  Soden, 
etc.  Holtzmann,  while  practically  admitting  the 
authenticity  of  the  Gospels,  especially  of  St.  Mark, 
endeavours  to  explain  away  the  miracles.  He  ap- 
proaches the  subject  with  his  mind  made  up  that 
miracles  do  not  happen,  and  he  tries  to  get  rid  of 
them  by  cleverly  attempting  to  show  that  they  are 
merely  echoes  o(  Old  Testament  miracle  stories.  In 
this  he  is  quite  as  unsuccessful  as  Paulus,  who  saw  in 
them  only  the  counterpart  of  the  distorted  imaginings 
of  his  unfortunate  father.  Holtzmann  is  severely 
taken  to  task  by  several  writers  in  the  "  International 
Critical  Commentary".  The  attempt  to  get  rid  of 
the  supernatural  bias  completely  failed;  but  the 
activity  of  so  many  acute  minds  has  thrown  great 
light  on  the  language  and  literature  of  the  Bible. 

(3)  The  Best  Modern  {non-Catholic)  Commentaries  in 
English. — There  is  a  very  useful  list  of  such  commen- 
taries in  "The  Expository  Times"  (vol.  XIV,  Jan. 
and  Feb.,  1903,  151,  203),  by  Henry  Bond,  Librarian 
of  Woolwich.  It  is  the  result  of  opinions  which  he 
obtained  from  many  of  the  most  renowned  English 
scholars.  The  number  of  votes  given  for  the  different 
works  is  printed  after  each  name;  but  no  name  ap- 
pears on  the  list  unless  it  received  more  than  five 
votes.  The  editor,  Dr.  James  Hastings,  added  judi- 
cious notes  and  observations  (270,  358).  The  follow- 
ing list  is  based,  in  great  measure,  on  these  papers, 
supplemented  from  other  sources.  The  works  are 
distinguished  as  follows:  (e)  excellent;  (g)  good; 
(f)  fair.  Some  of  those  marked  (g)  and  (f)  were 
excellent  for  the  time  in  which  they  were  published; 
and  they  may  still  be  regarded  as  serviceable.  The 
characterization  of  each  is,  of  course,  from  the  non- 
Catholic  point  of  view. 
Old  Testament. — Introduction:  Driver,  "Introd. 


to  the  Literature  of  the  Old  Test.",  written  from 
a  "Higher  Critical"  standpoint;  on  the  other  side  is 
the  powerful  book  by  Orr,  "The  Problem  of  the  Old 
Testament"  (London,  1906).  Both  contain  ample 
literatures. — Genesis:  Skinner,  in  "International 
Critical  Commentary";  Spurrell  (g)  (notes  on  the 
text);  Delitzsch  (g),  and  Dillmann  (g);  Dods  in 
"Handbook  Series'. — Exodus:  There  is,  at  present, 
no  first-class  commentary  on  Exod.;  Kennedy  in 
"Int.  Crit.  Comm.";  Chadwick  (g).— Leviticus:  Sten- 
ning  in  "Int.  Crit.  Comm.";  Kalish  (g)  the  best  in 
English;  Driver  and  White  (f)  in  Polychrome 
Bible;  Ginsburg  (London);  Kellog  (f)  (London). — 
Numbers:  Buchanan  Gray  (e)  in  "Int.  Crit.  Comm."; 
Kittell,  "History  of  the  Hebrews";  there  is  little  else 
to  refer  to,  as  the  others  are  out  of  date. — Deuter- 
onomy: Driver  (e)  in  "Int.  Crit.  Comm.";  Harper 
(g). — Josue:  Smith  in  "Int.  Crit.  Comm.";  Maclear 

(f)  . — Judges:  Moore  (e)  in  "Int.  Crit.  Comm."; 
Watson  (f);  Lias  (f).— Ruth:  Briggs  in  "Int.  Crit. 
Comm.".— Samuel:  Smith  (e)  in  "Int.  Crit.  Comm."; 
Kirkpatrick  (e). — Kings:  Brown  in  "Int.  Crit. 
Comm.";  Lumby,  an  excellent  popular  work. — 
Chronioles  (Parahp.):  Curtis  in  "Int.  Crit.  Comm."; 
also  his  article  in  Hastings,  "  Diet,  of  the  Bible*';  Ben- 
nett (g);  Barnes  (g). — Esdras  and  Nehemias:  Batten 
in  "  Int.  Crit.  Comm.";  Ryle's  is  an  excellent  popular 
commentary;  Adeney  (f). — Esther:  Paton  in  Int. 
Crit.  Comm.";  Lange  (f);  Adeney  (f). — Job:  There 
appears  to  be  no  first-rate  students'  commentary  on 
Job;  Davidson's  is  an  excellent  popular  book;  earlier 
works  of  Driver,  Gibson,  and  Cox  are  fair. — Psalms: 
Briggs  (e)  in  "Int.  Crit.  Comm.";  Delitzsch  (e); 
Kirkpatrick  (e);  Perowne  (g);  Cheyne  (f). — Prov- 
erbs: Toy  (e)  in  "Int.  Crit.  Comm.". — Ecclesiastes: 
Barton  (e)  in  "Int.  Crit.  Comm.";  Strong  (e);  Tyler 

(g)  |  Plumptre,  a  good  popular  comm.  ■  Delitzsch  (f); 
Wright  (f). — Song  of  Solomon  (Canticles):  Briggs  in 
"Int.  Crit.  Comm.":  Harper,  a  valuable  work;  Gins- 
burg (f). — Isaias:  Driver  and  Gray  in  "Int.  Crit. 
Comm.";  Smith  (e);  Delitzsch  (g);  Cheyne  (f).— 
Jeremias:  Kirkpatrick  in  "Int.  Crit.  Comm.": 
Streane  an  excellent  popular  work;  that  of  Ball 
and  Bennett  is  good;  Orelli  (f). — Lamentations: 
Briggs  in  "Int.  Crit.  Comm.";  Streane  and  Adeney, 
good  popular  books. — Ezechiel:  Cooke  and  Bur- 
ney  in  "Int.  Crit.  Comm.";  Cobern  (g);  Toy  (f)  in 
"Polychrome  Bible";  Davidson  (e),  an  excellent 
popular  commentary. — Daniel:  Peters  in  "Int.  Crit. 
Comm.";  Kennedy  (g);  Bevan  (g);  Driver  has  a 
first-class  popular  commentary. — Amos  and  Osee: 
Harper  (e)  in  "Int.  Crit.  Comm.";  three  excellent 
popular  works  are  by  Smith,  Driver,  and  Cheyne. — 
Other  Minor  Prophets:  Smith,  etc.,  in  "Int. 
Crit.  Comm.";  Smith  (e);  Davidson  (g),  and 
Perowne  (g);  Orelli  (f);  Dods,  "Post-exilian  Proph- 
ets", in  Handbook  Series;  Low  (g);  Zechariah  (g); 
Pusey  (f). 

New  Testament. — Introduction:  Salmon,  "Introd. 
to  the  New  Test.",  an  excellent  book;  Westcott, 
"Canon  of  the  New  Test."  (7th  ed.,  1896);  Lightfoot, 
"Essays  on  Supernatural  Religion"  (1893), a  power- 
ful reply  to  the  attacks  of  an  anonymous  rationalist 
on  the  New  Test.;  also  his  "Dissertations  on  the 
Apostolic  Age",  and  Biblical  Essays;  Ramsay,  "St. 
Paul  the  Traveller",  "Was  Christ  born  in  Bethle- 
hem?", etc.;  Hamack,  "St.  Luke  the  Physician", 
defends  the  authenticity  of  the  Gospel  and  Acts; 
Hawkins,  " Howe  Synopticss".  Text:  "Variorum  New 
Test.";  Weymouth,  "The  Resultant  Greek  Test.", 
showing  the  Greek  readings  of  eleven  great  editions; 
Westcott  and  Hort,  "The  New  Test,  in  Greek",  vol. 
II,  Introd.;  Salmon,  "Some  Criticism  of  the  Text" 
(1897),  a  criticism  of  Westcott  and  Hort;  "The  Ox- 
ford Debate  on  the  Textual  Criticism  of  the  New 
Test."  (Oxford,  1897):  Kenyon,  "Our  Bible  and  the 
Ancient  Manuscripts' ,  an  invaluable  book;  also  bis 


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OOMMINX8 


"Handbook  of  the  Textual  Criticism  of  the  New 
Test."  (1901);  Hammond,  "Outlines  of  Text.  Crit. 
applied  to  N.  Teat."  (Oxford) ;  Nestle  (also  tr.),  and  the 
exhaustive  work  by  von  Soden  (both  in  German). — St. 
Matthew's  Gospel:  Allen  (e)  in  "Int.  Crit.  Comm."; 
Meyer  (e),  one  of  the  older  works,  but  still  used,  Dr. 
Hastings  says,  by  some  of  the  finest  scholars,  who 
keep  it  always  near  at  hand;  Bruce  (g)  in  "Exp. 
Greek  Test."';  Alford  (f);  Morison  (g);  Carr  (g); 
"Camb.  Greek  Test."— St.  Mark:  Swete  (e);  Gould 
(g)  in  "Int.  Crit.  Comm.";  Hort  (g)  Lindsay,  an  ex- 
cellent little  book. — St.  Luke:  Plummer  (e)  in  "Int. 
Crit.  Comm.";  Wright  (g),  "St.  Luke's  Gospel  in 
Greek";  Godet  (g);  Farrar  (g).— St.  John:  Westcott 
(e)  in  "Speakers  Comm.",  the  most  highly  praised 
of  all  the  commentaries  on  St.  John's  Gospel;  Ber- 
nard in  "Int.  Crit.  Comm.";  Godet  (g) ;  Uilligun  and 
Moulton  (g) ;  Dods  in  "  Exp.  Gr.  Test.7*  (g) ;  Reith  (g). 

Acts:  Knowling  (e),  "Exp.  Gr.  Test.  ,  one  of  the 
best  commentaries  on  Acts  in  any  language;  Turner 
in  "Int.  Crit.  Comm.";  Rendafl  (g);  Lumby  (g) 
Rackn<i-n  (g);  Page  (g). — Romans:  Sanday  and  Head- 
lam  (e)  in  Int.  Crit.  Comm.",  one  of  the  best  com- 
mentaries in  existence  on  Romans,  rendering  all  other 
lish  commentaries  superfluous. — I  Corinthians: 
ertson  and  Walker  in  "Int.  Crit.  Comm.";  Evans 


in  "Speaker's  Comm.";  Findlay  (g)  in  "Exp. 
:k  Test.";  Edwards  (g);  Ellicott  (e);  G 
Massie  in  Century  Bible  (g):— JI  Corinthians:  Meyer 


& 


in  "Int.  Crit.  Comm.";  Bernard  (g)  in  "Exp. 
*eek  Test.";  Waite  (g)  in  "Speakers  Commen- 
tary".— Galatians:  Lightfoot  (e)  (London,  1874),  a 
a  masterpiece  of  exegesis;  Burton  in  "Int.  Crit. 
Comm.";  Kendall  (g)  in  "Exp.  Greek.  Test.":  Ellicott 
(g);  Ramsay  (g);  Sanday  (g). — Ephesians:  Abbott  (e) 
in  "Int.  Crit.  Comm."  (Edinburgh) ;  Armitage  Robin- 
son (e);  Macpherson  (g);  Ellicott  (g);  Salmond  (g)  in 
"Exp.  Greek  Test.";  Alford  (f)  (London):  Meyer  (0; 
Miller,  good  but  daring. — Philippians  and  Philemon: 
Lightfoot  (e),  another  masterpiece ;  Vincent  (e)  in  "  Int. 
Crit.  Comm.'';  Ellicott  (f);  Moule  (g).  "Philippian 
Studies",  and  in  "Camb.  Greek  Test." — Colossians: 
Lightfoot  (e),  another  great  work ;  Abbott  (e)  in  "  Int. 
Crit.  Comm."  (in  the  same  volume  as  Ephesians); 
Peake  (g)  in  ,lExp.  Greek  Test.";  Maclaren  (g); 
Ellicott  (f);  Findlay  (f)  in  "Pulpit Comm.":  Moule 
(g),  "Colossian  Studies". — Thessalonians:  Milligan 
(e),  highly  esteemed;  Frame  in  "Int.  Crit.  Comm."; 
Ellicott  (e);  Meyer  and  Alford  (f);  Findlay  (e); 
Denney  (g);  Mason  (g). — Pastoral  Epistles:  Lock  in 
"Int.  Crit.  Comm.";  Ellicott  (e):  Bernard  (g)  in 
"Camb.Greek  Test.";  Meyer  (f);  Lilley  (g)  in  "Hand- 
book Series";  to  these  must  be  added  the  valuable 
book  by  James,  "The  Genuineness  and  Authorship  of 
the  Pastoral  Epistles"  (1906).— Hebrews:  Westcott 
'e),  on  a  level  with  Lightfoot,  the  greatest  work  on 
ebrews;  Nairne  in  "Int.  Crit.  Comm.";  Davidson 
(g);  Farrar  (g). — Ep.  of  St.  James:  Mayor  (e);  Ropes 
in  " Int.  Crit.  Comm.";  Alford  and  Meyer  (f) ;  Plump- 
tre  (g).— Epp.  of  St.  Peter  and  St.  Jude:  Bigg  (e)  in 
"Int.  Crit.  Comm.":  Hort  (e),  a  splendid  fragment; 
Masterman  (g),  "I  Peter";  Salmon  (g),  "I  Peter'* 
in  "Popular  Commentary". — Epp.  of  St.  John:  West- 
cott (e),  another  of  his  great  works;  Haupt  (g)  and 
Huther  (g);  Watson  (g),  "I  John".— Revelation 
(Apocalypse):  Swete  (e),  the  greatest  commentary 
on  the  Apocalypse;  Charles  in  "Int.  Crit.  Comm."; 
Milligan  (e);  Simcox  (g);  Hort  (e). 

Jewish  Commentators. — Abrahams,  Short  History  of  Jewish 
Literature  (London,  1906);  Graetz,  History  of  the  Jew  J 
(Philadelphia,  1891-98)  ;Oesterlet  and  Box,  The.Rtlimon  and 
Worship  of  Ota  Synagogue  (London,  1907);  Bacher,  Bible  Exe- 
gesis in  Jewish  Encuc.;  Schechtkr,  Talmud  in  Hist.  Diet.  Bib. ; 
Parrar,  History  of  Interpretation  (London,  1886);  vonSchCrxr, 
The  Jewish  People  m  the  Time  of  Jesus  Christ  (Edinburgh,  1902). 
Patristic  Commentaries. — Bahdenhewer,  Gesch.  der  altkireh- 
Udten  LitteratuT  (Freiburg,  1902-3);  Idem,  Patrologie  (1894; 
Fr.  tr,  Paris.  1899);  Turner  in  Hast,  Diet,  of  the  Bible,  extra 
vol.;  Ehrhakd,  Altchr.  Litteratur  (Freiburg,  1900).  Later  Com- 
mentators.— Cauiet,  Diet.  Bib.,  I;  Dixon,  General  Introd.  to  the 


S.  Scriptures  (Dublin,  1872),  II:  Qioot,  General  Introd.  to  the 
Holy  Scriptures  (New  York,  1900);  Richard  Simon,  Histoir* 
critique  dee  principaux  commentateurs  du  N.  T.  (Rotterdam, 
1689);  Horne,  Introd.  to  the  Scriptures  (London.  1834),  II; 
Hurter,  Nomenelator;  Vioodrocx,  Manuel  bibliaue  (Paris, 
1882);  Idem,  Let  Livres  saints  et  la  critique  rationalist*  (Paris, 
1886),  n. 

C.  Ahernb. 

Oommines  (also  Comtkbs  or  Comynks),  Philippe 
de,  French  historian  and  statesman,  b.  in  Flanders 
probably  before  1447;  d.  at  the  Chateau  d'Argenton, 
France,  about  1611.  He  was  the  son  of  Colard  van 
den  Clyte,  chief  bailiff  of  Flanders  for  the  Duke  of 
Burgundy,  and  of  Marguerite  d'Armuyden.  His 
family  owned  the  seigniory  of  Coinmines  on  the  Lys, 
and  some  of  his  ancestors  had  been  aldermen  of  Ypres. 
He  was  brought  up  as  a  knight,  spoke  Flemish  and 
French,  but  complains  that  he  had  never  learned 
Latin — in  the  course  of  his  travels  he  had  learned 
Italian.  In  1464  Commines  was  presented  at  the 
court  of  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  in  Lille  and  became 
squire  to  the  duke's  son,  the  Count  of  Charolais,  after- 
wards Charles  the  Bold.  From  1464  to  1472  he  was 
in  the  service  of  Charles,  took  part  in  his  expeditions, 
and  in  1466  was  present  at  the  battle  of  Montlhery. 
After  the  death  of  Philip  the  Good  he  was  made 
chamberlain  to  the  new  Duke  of  Burgundy  (1467). 
During  the  interview  held  at  Peronne  (1468)  Com- 
mines was  taken  into  Charles  the  Bold's  confidence 
and  then  turned  to  Louis  XI  whom  he  secretly  in- 
formed of  his  master's  intentions.  He  nevertheless 
remained  in  the  service  of  Charles  who  entrusted  him 
with  various  missions  to  the  governor  of  Calais  (1470), 
to  Brittany,  and  to  Spain  (1471).  Nevertheless,  on 
8  August,  1172,  he  suddenly  abandoned  Charles  the 
Bold  during  the  duke's  expedition  in  Normandy 
and  went  to  Ponts-de-Ce'  to  join  Louis  XI.  The 
latter  loaded  him  with  favours  and  estates,  and  in 
1473  arranged  his  marriage  with  Helene  de  Cham- 
bes,  a  wealthy  heiress  whose  dowry  was  the  seig- 
niory of  Argenton  in  Poitou.  Commines  now  became 
one  of  the  king's  confidants  and  chief  diplomatic 
agents. 

However,  after  the  death  of  Charles  the  Bold,  the 
frankness  with  which  Commines  urgei  moderation 
upon  the  king  aroused  passing  disfavour,  but  in  1478 
Louis  XI  appointed  him  to  conduct  iome  difficult 
negotiations  with  the  princes  of  Italy.  After  the  con- 
spiracy of  the  Pazzi  he  saved  the  power  <if  the  Medici, 
allies  of  France,  who  were  threatened  by  the  pope  and 
the  dukes  of  Milan;  in  1479  he  protected  the  young 
Duke  of  Savoy  against  Lodovico  ll  Moro,  and  in  1481 
succeeded  in  maintaining  French  influence  in  Savoy. 
Upon  the  death  of  Louis  XI,  however,  in  1483,  at  which 
event  he  was  present,  Commines  permitted  himself, 
however,  to  be  drawn  into  the  faction  of  the  Duke  of 
Orleans  and  conspired  against  the  regent,  Anne  of  Beau- 
jeu.  In  1487  he  was  arrested,  confined  at  Loches  in 
one  of  the  iron  cages  used  by  Louis  XI,  and  after- 
wards banished  by  Parliament  to  his  own  estates;  he 
was  also  deprived  of  his  principality  of  Talmont  which 
was  reclaimed  by  the  La  Tremoille  family.  In  1491 
he  returned  to  court  and,  although  opposed  to  the  ex- 
pedition of  Charles  VIII  into  Italy,  he  nevertheless 
accompanied  it  and  was  sent  to  Venice,  where  he  was 
utterly  powerless  to  prevent  the  intrigues  that  cul- 
minated in  the  league  against  Charles  VIII  (1496). 
After  the  battle  of  Fornovo,  he  reti  rned  to  Venice 
and  Milan,  where  he  was  totally  unsuccessful. 

On  the  accession  of  Louis  XII  in  1498,  Commines, 
for  some  unknown  reason,  lost  caste  at  court  and  only 
reappeared  there  in  1505,  thanks  to  the  influence  of 
Anne  of  Brittany.  His  "Memoires"  give  but  meagre 
information  as  to  himself  and  leave  many  points  in 
doubt;  even  the  exact  dates  of  his  birth  and  death  are 
uncertain,  and  but  little  is  known  of  the  part  he  played 
at  Peronne,  of  his  defection  in  1472,  his  retirement  at 
the  accession  of  Louis  XII,  and  of  other  matters.  The 


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"Memoires"  constitute  a  political  history  of  Europe 
from  1464  to  1498  and,  according  to  the  preface,  are 
material  intended  exclusively  for  the  use  of  Angclo 
Cato,  Archbishop  of  Vienne,  who  was  to  write  a  Latin 
history  of  Louis  XI.  The  first  part  of  the  work,  deal- 
ing with  the  period  between  1464  and  1483,  was  pre- 
pared between  1489  and  1491,  that  containing  the  ac- 
count of  the  reign  of  Charles  VIII  being  completed  in 
1498.  Commines  is  rather  analytic  than  graphic,  de- 
votes himself  more  to  ascertaining  the  causes  of  events 
than  to  describing  the  events  themselves ;  his  language 
seems  inferior  to  his  thought  and  his  style  is  abrupt 
and  periphrastic.  The  thought  bears  the  impress  of 
the  realistic  politics  of  the  Renaissance,  but  the  man- 
ner of  expression  is  still  medieval.  The  work  has  been 
preserved  in  manuscript  and  in  sixteenth-century  edi- 
tions, the  first  edition  being  that  of  Galliot  du  Pre1 
(Paris,  1524,  fol.).  A  manuscript,  written  about 
1530,  and  recovered  by  de  Mandrot,  is  the  only  one 
containing  the  complete  text.  The  chief  editions  are 
those  of  Mile  Dupont  in  the  publications  of  the  So- 
ciety de  l'Histoire  de  France  (Paris,  1847,  3  vols.), 
Chantelauze  (Paris,  1881).  and  de  Mandrot  (Paris, 
1903,  2  vols.).  Commines'  tomb,  on  which  is  a  kneel- 
ing figure  of  him  and  also  one  of  his  wife,  Helene  de 
Chambes,  is  preserved  in  the  Louvre. 

Introduction  to  the  editions  of  Mlle  Dupont  and  de 
Mandrot:  Kebvtn  de  Lettenhovi.  Leant  et  negotiation!  de 
Philippe  de  Commines  (Brussels,  1874};  Fierville,  Document* 
ineavs  tur  Philippe  de  Commine*  (Pans,  1881);  Chantelauze, 
Philippe  de  Commynee  in  the  Correspondent  (1880-81 );  Sooble, 
tr.  in  Bohn'e  Library  of  French  Memoirs  (London,  1856).  I,  II. 
Commines'  tomb  is  reproduced  in  Petit  de  Julleville,  Hietoire 
de  la  litUrature  franchise  (Paris,  1896),  II,  330. 

Louis  Br£hier. 

Commissariat  of  the  Holy  Land,  in  the  Order  of 
Friars  Minor  the  territory  or  district  assigned  to  a  com- 
missary, whose  duty  it  is  to  collect  alms  for  the  main- 
tenance of  the  Holy  Places  in  Palestine  committed  to 
the  care  of  the  Friars  Minor:  also,  in  a  more  restricted 
sense,  the  convent  where  the  aforesaid  commissary 
resides.  The  commissary,  who  is  always  a  member 
of  the  order,  receives  his  appointment  by  letters 
patent  from  the  minister  general,  to  whom  he  is  bound 
to  transmit  every  year  a  detailed  account  of  the  alms 
received.  These  alms  may  not,  under  any  circum- 
stances, without  express  permission  of  the  Holy  See, 
be  applied  to  other  purposes,  however  pious  and  meri- 
torious, under  grave  ecclesiastical  penalties.  The 
alms  taken  up  by  the  bishops  at  the  annual  collections 
for  the  Holy  Land  are  conveyed  to  the  custos  in  Jeru- 
salem through  the  commissary  in  whose  district  the 
dioceses  of  the  bishops  are  situated.  There  are  at 
present  forty  commissariats  throughout  the  Christian 
world.  The  most  ancient  is  that  of  Naples,  founded 
in  1333,  when  Robert  of  Anjou  redeemed  the  Holy 
Places  from  the  Sultan  of  Egypt.  In  English-speak- 
ing countries  there  are  seven — three  in  the  United 
States,  one  in  Canada,  one  in  Great  Britain,  one  in 
Ireland,  and  one  in  Australia.  The  Commissariat  of 
the  United  States  was  founded  in  1882,  and  the  com- 
missary resides  in  the  new  convent  of  Mount  St. 
Sepulchre,  Washington,  D.  C.  In  1902,  commissariats 
were  erected  in  California  and  at  St.  Louis. 

Conspectus  Omnium  Missionum  Qrd.  FF.  Minorum  exhibitue 
Capituto  Oenerali  Roma  habito  die  SO  Maii,  1903  (Rome,  1903); 
Remda  et  Constiiutiones  Generates  Fratr.  Minorum  (Rome, 
1897);  several  Bulls  and  Briefs  issued  at  different  periods  by 
the  Holy  See,  of  which  the  following  are  the  principal:  Brxrus 

V,  Nostri  pastoralis  (13  Dec.,  1589);  Paul  V,  Calettis  Regis 
(22  Jan.,  1618):  Urban  VIII,  Alias  a  feUcu  (18  June,  1634)  in 
Bull.  Rom.,  XV,  320  Bqq. ;  Benedict  XIV,  Emanarunt  nuper 
(20  Aug.,  1743)  In  BuUar.  Benedict.  XIV  (Prato,  1845),  I,  313; 
Piue  VI,  Inter  catera  (31  July,  1778)  in  Bull.  Rom.  Cant.  (Turin), 

VI,  pt.  I,  605:  Leo  XIII,  Salvaioris  (26  Dec.,  1887).  Bee  also 
S.  C.S.  (Wen  (28  June,  1876);  S.  C.  Prop.  Fide  (20  Feb.,  1891) 
in  Collectanea  3.  C.  Prop.,  n.  1632,  1638. 

Gregory  Cleart. 

Commissary  Apostolic  (Lat.  Commitaarius  A-pot- 
tolicus),  one  who  has  received  power  from  a  legitimate 


superior  authority  to  pass  judgment  in  a  certain  cause 
or  to  take  informations  concerning  it.  When  such  a 
delegate  has  been  appointed  by  the  pope,  he  is  called 
a  commissary  Apostolic.  The  custom  of  appointing 
such  commissaries  by  the  Holy  See  is  a  very  ancient 
one.  A  noteworthy  instance  is  the  commission  issued 
to  St.  Cryil  of  Alexandria  by  Pope  Celestine  I,  in  the 
early  part  of  the  fifth  century,  by  which  that  holy 
patriarch  was  empowered  to  judge  Nestorius  in  the 
pope's  name.  English  history  furnishes,  among  other 
instances,  that  of  the  commission  which  constituted 
Cardinals  Wolsey  and  Campeggio  papal  representa- 
tives for  the  judicial  hearing  of  the  divorce  case  of 
Henry  VIII.  Sometimes  Apostolic  commissions  are 
constituted  permanently  by  the  Holy  See.  Such  are 
the  various  Roman  congregations  presided  over  by 
the  cardinals.  The  full  extent  of  the  authority  of 
commissaries  Apostolic  must  be  learnt  from  the  di- 
ploma of  their  appointment.  The  usual  powers 
which  they  possess,  however,  are  defined  in  the  com- 
mon law  of  the  Church.  Commissaries  are  empow- 
ered not  only  for  judicial  but  also  for  executive  pur- 
poses. When  a  papal  commission  mentions  explicitly 
certain  persons  and  certain  things  as  subject  to  the 
authority  of  a  commissary,  and  then  adds  in  general 
that  "other  persons  and  other  things"  (quidam  alii  et 
res  alia)  are  also  included,  it  is  understood  that  the 
latter  phrase  refers  only  to  persons  and  things  of  equal 
or  lower  importance  than  those  that  are  expressly 
named,  and  under  no  circumstances  can  the  commis- 
sary's power  extend  to  what  is  higher  or  more  digni- 
fied (Cap.  xv,  de  rescript.).  If  a  bishop  be  appointed 
commissary  Apostolic  m  matters  that  already  belong 
to  his  ordinary  jurisdiction,  he  does  not  thereby  re- 
ceive a  delegated  jurisdiction  superadded  to  that 
which  he  already  possessed;  such  an  Apostolic  com- 
mission is  said  to  excite,  not  to  alter,  the  prelate's 
ordinary  jurisdiction. 

As  a  commissary  Apostolic  is  a  delegate  of  the  Holy 
See,  an  appeal  may  be  made  to  the  pope  against  his 
judgments  or  administrative  acts.  When  several 
commissaries  have  been  appointed  for  the  same  case, 
they  are  to  act  together  as  one ;  but  if.  owing  to  death 
or  any  other  cause,  one  or  other  of  the  commissaries 
should  be  hindered  from  acting,  the  remaining  mem- 
bers have  full  power  to  execute  their  commission.  In 
case  the  commissaries  be  two  in  number  and  they  dis- 
agree in  the  judgment  to  be  given,  the  matter  must  be 
decided  by  the  Holy  See.  A  commissary  Apostolic 
has  the  power  to  subdelegate  another  person  for  the 
cause  committed  to  him,  unless  it  has  been  expressly 
stated  in  his  diploma  that,  owing  to  the  importance  of 
the  matter  at  issue,  he  is  to  exercise  jurisdiction  per- 
sonally. By  the  plenitude  of  his  power,  the  pope  can 
constitute  a  layman  commissary  Apostolic  for  ecclesi- 
astical affairs,  hut  according  to  the  common  law  only 
prelates  or  clerics  of  the  higher  orders  should  receive 
such  a  commission  (Lib.  Sext.,  c.  II,  de  rescr.,  1,  3). 
The  Council  of  Trent  (Sees.  XXV,  c.  xvi,  de  Ref.)  pre- 
scribes that  each  bishop  should  transmit  to  the  Holy 
See  the  names  of  four  persons  capable  of  receiving 
such  delegation  for  his  diocese.  It  has  consequently 
become  customary  for  the  pope  to  choose  commissariee 
Apostolic  from  the  locality  where  they  are  to  investi- 
gate or  pass  judgment  or  execute  a  mandate. 

Humphrey,  Vrbs  et  Orbit  (London,  1899);  Andre-Wagner, 
Diet,  ds  droit  canon.  (Paris,  1901),  I;  Pionatelu,  Consult 
Canon.  (Venice,  1894),  IX. 

William  H.  W.  Fanning. 

Commissions,  Ecclesiastical,  bodies  of  ecclesias- 
tics juridically  established  and  to  whom  are  com- 
mitted certain  specified  functions  or  charges.  They 
are:  I.  Pontifical ;  II.  Roman  Prelatitial;  III. 
Diocesan. 

I.  Pontifical  commissions  are  special  committees  of 
cardinals  created  by  the  pope  for  some  particular 


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e.  g.  for  the  proper  interpretation  and  de- 
fence of  Sacred  Scripture  (see  Biblical  Commission), 
for  historical  studies  (see  Ecclesiastical  History), 
for  the  codification  of  the  canon  law  (see  Law),  for 
the  supervision,  correction,  etc.  of  the  liturgical  books 
of  the  Roman  Church,  e.  g.  the  Breviary,  Missal, 
Pontifical,  Ritual,  etc  (see  Breviary;  Liturgy),  for 
the  restoration  and  perfection  of  ecclesiastical  music 
(see  Gregorian  Chant),  for  the  reunion  of  dissenting 
churches  (see  Eastern  Church),  for  the  preservation 
of  the  Faith  (see  Italy;  Rome). 

II.  Prelatitial  commissions  are  composed  of  Roman 
prelates,  secretaries,  consul  tors,  etc.,  and  may  be 
presided  over  by  a  cardinal.  Such,  e.  g.,  are  the  Com- 
mission of  Sacred  Archaeology  (see  Archaeology),  for 
the  preservation  and  illustration  of  the  Christian 
antiquities  of  Rome,  the  commission  for  the  adminis- 
tration of  Peter's-pence  (q.  v.),  and  the  Palatine 
Commission  (established  by  Leo  XIII)  for  the  settle- 
ment of  controversies  or  lawsuits  between  the  per- 
sonnel of  the  Vatican  or  other  papal  residences.  Most 
of  these  commissions,  however,  are  attached  to  the 
Roman  Congregations,  as  special  departments  or 
sections,  and  are  described  in  the  article  Congrega- 
tions, Roman,  e.  g.  the  Liturgical  Commission  at- 
tached to  the  Congregation  of  Rites;  the  commissions 
for  the  examination  of  episcopal  reports,  for  the 
revision  and  correction  of  the  liturgical  books  of  the 
Eastern  Church  (q.  v.),  and  for  the  examination  of 
religious  institutes  in  Propaganda  territory,  all  three 
attached  to  the  Congregation  of  Propaganda;  for  the 
examination  of  new  religious  institutes  attached  to 
the  Congregation  of  Bishops  and  Regulars;  for  the 
selection  of  bishops  in  Italy  (now  suppressed  and 
its  attributions  vested  in  the  Congregation  of  the 
Inquisition). 

HI.  The  diocesan  commissions  provided  for  by  gen- 
eral ecclesiastical  law  are  four:  the  commission  for 
seminaries  (in  two  sections  for  spiritual  and  temporal 
concerns,  respectively),  according  to  the  Council  of 
Trent  (Sees.  XXIII,  cap.  xviii,  De  ref.),  for  which  see 
Seminary,  Ecclesiastical;  the  commission  of  ex- 
aminers of  the  clergy  (see  Examiners,  Synodal),  to 
aid  in  the  control  of  all  competition  for  vacant  paro- 
chial benefices ;  the  commission  on  sacred  music  (Motu 
proprio  of  Pius  X,  22  Nov.,  1903)  for  the  improvement 
of  tne  character  and  execution  of  ecclesiastical  music 
in  the  churches:  a  vigilance  committee  (Consilium  a 
vigOantia)  for  the  repression  of  modernism  (Pius  X, 
"Pascendi  Dominici  Gregis",  8  Sept.,  1907).  In 
many  dioceses  of  England  there  exist  diocesan  school 
commissions  or  associations.  There  exists  also  in 
England  (since  1853)  for  each  diocese  a  commission 
of  investigation  for  criminal  and  disciplinary  causes 
of  ecclesiastics  (Taunton,  210-213);  a  similar  com- 
mission for  the  dioceses  of  the  United  States,  estab- 
lished by  Propaganda  in  1878,  was  abrogated  in  1884 
in  favour  of  a  new  form  of  procedure,  detailed  in  the 
Instruction  qf  that  year,  "Cum  Magnopere".  For 
Ireland  see  "Acta  et  Dec  rota",  by  the  Synod  of 
Maynooth  (1900),  p.  75;  and  for  Scotland,  Taunton, 
op.  cit.,  214-20.  The  scope,  authority,  and  attribu- 
tions of  these  bodies  are  described  either  in  the  pontifi- 
cal documents  that  create  them,  or  in  the  legislation 
pertaining  to  the  Roman  congregations,  or  in  the 
common  ecclesiastical  law  and  its  authoritative  inter- 
pretations. 

Battanmbk,  Ann.  ■pant.  cath.  CPari«..  1899):  Bacmoartsn, 
Dtr  Paptt,  die  Regieruna  und  Vervtdtung  der  keUigm  Kirche  in 
Rom  (Munich,  1904);  TAUNTON,  The  Law  of  the  Church  (Lon- 
don, 1906),  209-22. 

Thomas  J.  Shahan. 

Oommodiantu,  a  Christian  poet,  the  date  of  whose 
birth  is  uncertain,  but  generally  placed  at  about  the 
middle  of  the  third  century,  or  between  the  end  of 
Diocletian's  persecution  and  the  issuing  of  the  edict 
of  Maxentius  (305-11).   It  has  lately  been  asserted, 


however,  that  Commodianus  lived  under  Julian  or 
even  in  the  middle  of  the  fifth  century.  He  is  not 
known  outside  of  his  own  writings  except  through  a 
notice  by  Gennadius,  "De  Viris  iflustribus"  (ch.  xv), 
and  the  condemnation  of  Pseudo-Gelasius,  who  pro- 
hibits the  reading  of  his  books  ("  De  Libris  recipiendis 
et  non  recipiendis",  in  Migne,  P.  L.,  LIX,  163)  Gen- 
nadius seems  to  draw  his  information  chiefly  from  the 
works  themselves,  and  claims  that  Commodianus  im- 
itated Tertullian,  Lactantius,  and  Papias.  From  two 
passages  in  his  manuscripts  it  was  gleaned  that  Com- 
modianus came  from  Gaza  in  Palestine  and  had  been 
invested  with  the  episcopal  dignity,  but  the  first  of 
these  passages  has  a  very  uncertain  meaning,  and  the 
second  has  been  attributed  to  the  mistake  of  a  copy- 
ist. Commodianus  declares  that  he  is  not  a  "doc- 
tor", which  has  led  to  the  belief  that  he  was  a  layman. 
He  styles  himself  "mendicant  of  Christ",  mendicua 
ChrMi,  but  that  could  also  mean  "one  who  implores 
Christ"  or  "one  who  begs  for  Christ".  What  is  cer- 
tain, however,  is  that,  after  various  religious  expe- 
riences, such  as  associating  with  pagans  and  practis- 
ing the  occult  sciences,  and  probably  conforming  to 
the  religious  doctrines  and  rites  of  the  Jews,  he 
adopted  Christianity,  having  been  converted  by  read- 
ing the  Bible. 

His  works  are  a  collection  of  "Instructions"  and  a 
"Carmen  apologeticum".  The  former  consists  of 
eighty  acrostic,  or  abecedarian,  essays,  divided  into 
two  books.  The  plan  of  this  work  and  the  Biblical 
quotations  introduced  therein  reveal  the  influence  of 
St.  Cyprian's  "Testimonia".  The  first  book  is  against 
the  Jews  and  pagans,  the  second  being  addressed  to 
different  categories  of  the  faithful:  catechumens,  bap- 
tized Christians,  penitents,  matrones,  clerks,  priests, 
and  bishops.  In  parts  its  tone  is  decidedly  satirical. 
The  author  is  manifestly  engrossed  with  ethics,  and 
recommends  alms-deeds  above  all  else.  The  "Car- 
men apologeticum"  has  a  misleading  title,  thanks  to 
Pitra,  its  first  editor  (1852).  It  may  be  divided  into 
four  parts:  a  preamble  (1-88);  a  resume1  of  the  doc- 
trine on  God  and  Christ  (89-578);  a  demonstration 
of  the  necessity  of  faith  for  salvation  (579-790);  and 
a  description  of  the  end  of  the  world  (791-1060).  It 
is  principally  this  picture  that  has  made  the  name  of 
Commodianus  famous.  According  to  it  the  Chris- 
tians are  a  prey  to  a  seventh  persecution — the  num- 
ber is  symbolical  and  indicates  the  last  persecution. 
The  Goths  surprise  and  destroy  Rome.  Suddenly 
Nero,  the  Antichrist  of  the  West,  reappears,  recap- 
tures Rome  from  the  Goths,  associates  himself  with 
two  Ccesars  and  maltreats  the  Christians  for  three 
and  a  half  years.  Then  a  second  Antichrist,  the  man 
from  Persia,  comes  from  the  East,  conquers  Nero, 
burns  Rome,  establishes  himself  in  Judea.  and  works 
wonders.  But  God,  with  an  army  of  the  blessed,  ad- 
vances from  beyond  Persia  in  a  triumphal  march; 
Antichrist  is.  overcome,  and  Christ  ana  His  saints 
settle  in  Jerusalem.  To  learn  what  follows  we  must 
consult  the  "  Instructions"  (II,  1-4).  First  of  all  the 
elect  rise  from  the  dead  and  for  1000  years  lead  lives 
of  pleasure  and  happiness.  At  the  end  of  that  time 
the  world  is  destroyed  by  fire,  Christ  appears,  and  all 
the  dead  arise  for  the  Last  Judgment,  which  leads 
either  to  the  joys  of  Paradise  or  the  pains  of  Hell. 

The  sources  of  Commodianus 's  information  were 
the  Bible — principally  the  Apocalypse,  the  Prophets, 
and  the  Fourth  Book  of  Esdras — the  Sibylline  oracles, 
Tertullian,  Minucius  Felix,  Cyprian,  and  Lactantius. 
From  Terence,  Lucretius,  Horace,  Cicero,  and  most  of 
all  from  Virgil,  he  borrows  modes  of  expression.  His 
theology  is  not  reliable;  besides  Millenarianism,  he 
seems  to  profess  Monarchianism  and  Patripassianism, 
two  heresies  in  regard  to  the  Trinity.  _  His  language 
is  not  only  crude,  but  incorrect,  and  it  would  be  a 
mistake  to  seek  in  Commodianus  the  origin  of  versi- 
fication based  on  accent.   Although  unacquainted 


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with  prosody,  he  tries  to  write  in  dactylic  hexameter, 
and  succeeds  in  only  63  out  of  more  than  2000  verses. 
However,  his  shortcomings  are  somewhat  atoned  for 
by  his  use  of  parallelism,  rhyme,  and  the  acrostic, 
and  the  regular  division  of  his  verses;  moreover,  in 
spite  of  its  defects,  his  work  is  decidedly  energetic. 
He  has  well -defined  formulae,  he  conjures  up  magnifi- 
cent pictures,  and  among  the  many  artists  and  writers 
who  nave  attempted  a  portrayal  of  the  end  of  the 
world,  Commodianufl  occupies  a  prominent  place. 
His  works  have  been  edited  by  Ludwig  (Leipzig, 
1877-78)  and  by  Dombart  (Vienna,  1877,  in  "Corpus 
scriptorum  eccles.  latinorum",  XV).  The  poem 
against  Marcdo,  attributed  by  some  critics  to  Com- 
modianus,  is  the  work  of  an  imitator. 

Schani,  GeachidUe  der  rdmischen  Liieraiur  in  the  Randbuch 
der  klaetiechen  AUertumewiteenechaft  of  von  UCues  (Munich, 
1905),  VIII,  pt.  Ill,  427-36;  Monosaux,  Hietoire  lUUmirt  d» 
I'Afrujue  chriticnne  (Paris,  1905),  III,  451-89:  Brewer,  Kom- 
modian  von  Gaza,  ein  arelaiensucner  Laiendicnter  aus  der  Mitte 
des  lunften  JahrhunderU  (Paderboro,  1905) — the  thesis  implied 
in  this  title  is  very  uncertain,  see  Revue  critique  tThuioire  et  d» 
litUrature  (Paris,  1907).  II,  199. 

Paul  Lejay. 

OommoduB  (Marcus  Aurelius  Commodus  Antoni- 
nus), Roman  Emperor,  b.  161 ;  d.  at  Rome,  31  Decem- 
ber, 192.    He  was  the  son  of  Marcus  Aurelius  and 

Annia  Faustina, 
and  was  the  first 
among  the  Roman 
emperors  to  enjoy 
the  distinction  of 
being  born  in  the 
purple.  His  reign, 
180-193,  was  the 
turning-point  in 
the  greatness  of 
Rome.  Some  his- 
torians have  at- 
tempted to  exon- 
erate Commodus 
from  the  charge 
of  innate  deprav- 
ity and  to  attrib- 
ute the  failure 
of  his  career  to 
weakness  of  char- 
acter and  vicious 
associates.  It  is, 
however,  undeni- 
able that  a  con- 
dition, which  re- 
sulted in  the  slow 
but  inevitable  de- 
struction of  the  Roman  power,  was  brought  about  by 
the  lack  of  capacity  and  evil  life  of  Commodus,  coupled 
with  the  overcentralization  in  Roman  administration 
by  which ,  since  the  time  of  Augustus,  the  most  absolute 
power  in  the  State  and  religious  affairs  had  been  gradu- 
ally vested  in  the  person  of  the  emperor.  Everystage 
in  the  career  of  Commodus  was.  marked  by  greed  and 
suspicion,  producing,  as  might  be  expected  in  those 
times,  wholesale  confiscation  and  numerous  murders. 
One  result  of  his  cruel  policy  was  to  divert  attention 
for  a  time  from  the  Christians  and  to  lead  to  a  partial 
cessation  of  persecution.  No  edicts  were  issued 
against  the  Christians  who,  though  persecuted  by  the 
proconsuls  in  some  provinces,  enjoyed  a  period  of 
respite  and  comparative  immunity  from  pursuit. 
There  were  many  Christians  at  the  court  of  Commo- 
dus and  in  the  person  of  Marcia,  the  concubine  or 
morganatic  wife  of  the  emperor,  they  had  a  powerful 
advocate  through  whose  kind  offices  on  one  occasion 
many  Christian  prisoners  were  released  from  the 
mines  in  Sardinia.  Commodus  was  murdered  by 
strangling,  one  of  the  conspirators  being  Marcia. 
There  is  no  evidence  that  the  Christians  were  in  any 
way  connected  with  his  death. 


Emperor  Commodus  as  Hercot.es 
(Capitoline  Museum.  Home) 


The  works  of  Dio  Cassics,  Herodian,  Aurelius  Victor, 
and  Ectroptcs,  and  the  Scnptore*  Historia  Augusta  are  the 
principal  pagan  sou  roes.  Tertuujan,  Hippolttds,  and  Eu- 
8EBIDS  are  the  principal  Christian  sources.  The  Roman  histo- 
ries of  Gibbon,  Mkrivale,  Durot,  and  Schiller  should  also 
be  consulted. 

Patrick  J.  Healt. 

Oommon.  See  Breviary. 
Oommon  Law.   See  Law. 

Oommon  Life,  Brethren  of  the,  a  community 
founded  by  Geert  De  Groote,  of  rich  burgher  stock,  b. 
at  Deventer  in  Gelderland  in  1340;  d.  1384.  Having 
read  at  Cologne,  at  the  Sorbonne,  and  at  Prague,  he 
took  orders  and  obtained  preferment — a  canon's  stall 
at  Utrecht  and  another  at  Aachen.  His  relations 
with  the  German  Goltesfreunde  and  the  writings  of 
Ruysbroek,  who  later  became  his  friend,  gradually 
inclined  him  to  mysticism,  and  on  recovering  from 
an  illness  in  1373  he  resigned  his  prebends,  bestowed 
his  goods  on  the  Carthusians  of  Amheim,  and  lived 
in  solitude  for  seven  years.  Then,  feeling  himself 
constrained  to  go  forth  and  preach,  he  went  from 
place  to  place  calling  men  to  repentance,  proclaiming 
the  beauty  of  Divine  love,  and  bewailing  the  relaxa- 
tion of  ecclesiastical  discipline  and  the  degradation  of 
the  clergy.  The  effect  of  his  sermons  was  marvellous ; 
thousands  hung  on  his  lips.  "The  towns",  says 
Moll,  "were  filled  with  devotees;  you  might  know 
them  by  their  silence,  their  ecstasies  during  Mass, 
their  mean  attire,  their  eyes,  flaming  or  full  of  sweet- 
ness." A  little  band  of  these  attached  themselves  to 
Groote  and  became  his  fellow-workers,  thus  becoming 
the  "first  "Brethren  of  the  Common  Life".  The  re- 
former, of  course,  was  opposed  by  the  clerks  whose  evil 
lives  he  denounced,  but  the  cry  of  heresy  was  raised 
in  vain  against  one  who  was  no  less  zealous  for  purity 
of  faith  than  for  purity  of  morals.  The  best  of  the 
secular  clergy  enrolled  themselves  in  his  brotherhood, 
which  in  due  course  was  approved  by  the  Holy  See. 
Groote,  however,  did  not  hve  lone  enough  to  perfect 
the  work  he  had  begun.  He  died  in  1384,  and  was 
succeeded  by  Florence  Radewyns,  who  two  years  later 
founded  the  famous  monastery  of  Windesheim  which 
was  thenceforth  the  centre  of  the  new  association. 

The  Confraternity  of  the  Common  Life  resembled 
in  several  respects  the  Beghard  and  Beguine  communi- 
ties which  had  flourished  two  centuries  earlier  and 
were  then  decadent.  The  members  took  no  vows, 
neither  asked  nor  received  alms;  their  first  aim  was 
to  cultivate  the  interior  life,  and  they  worked  for  their 
daily  bread.  The  houses  of  the  Brethren  were  more 
closely  knit  together,  and  the  brothers  and  sisters 
alike  occupied  themselves  exclusively  with  literature 
and  education,  and  priests  also  with  preaching. 
When  Groote  began,  learning  in  the  Netherlands  was 
as  rare  as  virtue;  the  University  of  Lou  vain  had  not 
yet  been  founded,  and  the  fame  of  the  schools  of 
Lidge  was  only  a  memory.  Save  for  a  clerk  here  and 
there  who  had  studied  at  Paris  or  Cologne,  there  were 
no  scholars  in  the  land;  even  amongsr  the  higher 
clergy  there  were  many  who  were  ignorant  of  Latin, 
and  the  burgher  was  quite  content  if  when  his  children 
left  school  they  were  able  to  read  and  write.  Groote 
determined  to  change  all  this,  and  his  disciples  accom- 
plished much.  Through  their  unflagging  toil  in  the 
scriptorium  and  afterwards  at  the  press  they  were 
able  to  multiply  their  spiritual  writings  and  to  scatter 
them  broadcast  throughout  the  land,  instinct  with 
the  spirit  of  the  "Imitation".  Amongst  them  are  to 
be  found  the  choicest  flowers  of  fifteenth-century 
Flemish  prose.  The  Brethren  spared  no  pains  to 
obtain  good  masters,  if  necessary  from  foreign  parts, 
for  their  schools,  which  became  centres  of  spiritual 
and  intellectual  life;  amongst  those  whom  they 
trained  or  who  were  associated  with  them  were  men 
like  Thomas  k  Kempis,  Dierick  Maertens,  Gabriel 
Biel.  and  the  Dutch  Pope  Adrian  VI. 


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Before  the  fifteenth  century  closed,  the  Brethren 
of  the  Common  Life  had  studded  all  Germany  and 
the  Netherlands  with  schools  in  which  the  teaching 
was  given  for  the  love  of  God  alone.  Gradually  the 
course,  at  first  elementary,  embraced  the  humanities, 

{>hUosophy,  and  theology.  The  religious  orders 
coked  askance  at  these  Brethren,  who  were  neither 
monks  nor  friars,  but  the  Brethren  found  protectors 
in  Popes  Eugenius  IV,  Pius  II,  and  Sixtus  IV.  The 
great  Cardinal  Nicholas  of  Cusa  had  been  their  pupil 
and  became  their  stanch  protector  and  benefactor. 
He  was  likewise  the  patron  of  Rudolph  Agricola,  who 
in  his  youth  at  Zwoile  had  sat  at  the  feet  of  Thomas 
a  Kempis;  and  so  the  Brethren  of  the  Common  Life, 
through  Cusa  and  Agricola,  influenced  Erasmus  and 
other  adepts  in  the  New  Learning.  More  than  half 
of  the  crowded  schools — in  1500  Deventer  counted 
over  two  thousand  students — were  swept  away  in  the 
religious  troubles  of  the  sixteenth  century.  Others 
languished  until  the  French  Revolution,  while  the 
rise  of  universities,  the  creation  of  diocesan  seminaries, 
and  the  competition  of  new  teaching  orders  gradually 
extinguished  the  schools  that  regarded  Deventer  and 
Windesheim  as  their  parent  establishments.  A  life 
of  De  Groote  is  to  be  found  among  the  works  of 
Thomas  a  Kempis. 

Delprat,  Over  de  Broedersdiap  van  Groot  (Utrecht,  1830); 
Kettlewell,  Thomas  it  Kempis  and  the  Brothers  of  Ike  Com- 
mon Lift  (London,  1882). 

Ernest  Giixiat-Smith. 

Common  Sense,  Philosophy  of. — The  term  com- 
mon sense  designates  (1)  a  special  faculty,  the  sensus 
communis  of  the  Aristotelean  and  Scholastic  philos- 
ophy; (2)  the  sum  of  original  principles  found  in 
all  normal  minds ;  (3)  the  ability  to  judge  and  reason 
in  accordance  with  those  principles  (recta  ratio,  good 
sense).  It  is  the  second  of  these  meanings  that  is 
implied  in  the  philosophy  of  common  sense — a  mean- 
ing well  expressed  by  Fenelon  when  he  identifies 
common  sense  with  "those  general  ideas  or  notions 
which  I  can  neither  contradict  nor  examine,  but 
according  to  which  I  examine  and  decide  on  every- 
thing; so  that  I  smile  rather  than  answer  whenever 
anything  is  proposed  to  me  that  obviously  runs 
counter  to  those  unchangeable  ideas"  (De  l'existence 
de  Dieu,  p.  XXII,  c.  H).  The  philosophy  of  common 
sense  sometimes  called  Scottish  philosophy  from  the 
nationality  of  its  exponents  (though  not  all  Scottish 

Ehilosophers  were  adherents  of  the  Common  Sense 
chool),  represents  one  phase  of  the  reaction  against 
the  idealism  of  Berkeley  and  Hume  which  in  Germany 
was  represented  by  Kant.  The  doctrine  of  ideas, 
which  Locke  had  adopted  from  Descartes,  had  been 
made  use  of  by  Berkeley  as  the  foundation  of  his 
theory  of  pure  idealism,  which  resolved  the  external 
world  into  ideas,  without  external  reality,  but  directly 
impressed  on  the  mind  by  Divine  power.  Hume,  on  the 
other  hand,  had  contended  that  there  was  no  ground 
for  assuming  the  existence  of  any  mental  substance 
as  the  subjective  recipient  of  impressions  and  ideas, 
all  that  we  know  of  mind  being  a  succession  of  states 
produced  by  experience.  Thus,  between  the  two, 
both  subject  and  object  disappeared,  and  philosophy 
ended  in  mere  scepticism. 

Thomas  Reid  (1710-1796),  whose  dissent  from 
Locke's  doctrine  of  ideas  had  been  to  some  extent 
anticipated  by  Francis  Hutcheson  (1694-1746),  set 
out  to  vindicate  the  common  sense,  or  natural  judg- 
ment, of  mankind,  by  which  the  real  existence  of  bow 
subject  and  object  is  held  to  be  directly  known 
(natural  realism).  He  argued  that  if  it  cannot  be 
proved  that  there  is  any  real  external  world  or  con- 
tinuously existing  mind,  the  true  conclusion  is  not 
that  these  have  no  existence  or  are  unknowable,  but 
that  our  consciousness  of  them  is  an  ultimate  fact, 
which  neither  needs  nor  is  capable  of  proof,  but  is 
itself  the  ground  of  all  proof,   "AU  knowledge  and 


all  science  must  be  built  upon  principles  that  are  self- 
evident;  and  of  such  principles  every  man  who  has 
common  sense  is  a  competent  judge"  (Works,  ed. 
1863,  p.  422).  Dugald  Stewart  (1763-1828),  who 
followed  Reid's  method  without  serious  modification, 
was  more  precise,  and  gave  greater  prominence  than 
Reid  to  his  doctrine  of  "suggestion  ,  or  the  associa- 
tion of  ideas.  Dr.  Thomas  Brown  (1778-1820),  while 
accepting  Reid's  main  principle,  carried  the  analysis 
of  the  phenomena  of  perception  further  than  either 
Reid  or  Stewart,  resolving  some  of  their  first  princi- 
ples into  elements  of  experience,  particularly  in  his 
treatment  of  the  notion  of  causality.  Sir  James 
Mackintosh  (1765-1832)  adopted  the  principles  of 
common  sense,  but  accepted  the  utilitarian  criterion 
of  morality,  held  by  the  school  of  Hartley,  and  applied 
the  analytic  method  to  the  moral  faculty  which  Reid 
had  taken  to  be  "an  original  power  in  man".  Sir 
William  Hamilton  (1788-1856)  illustrated  the  prin- 
ciple of  common  sense  with  wider  learning  and  greater 
philosophical  acumen  than  any  of  his  predecessors. 
He  was  much  influenced  by  Kant,  and  he  introduced 
into  his  system  distinctions  which  the  Common  Sense 
School  had  not  recognized.  While  professing  himself 
a  natural  realist,  he  held  a  somewhat  extreme  doctrine 
of  the  relativity  of  knowledge.  His  comments  on 
Reid  indicate  many  ambiguities  and  inaccuracies  on 
the  part  of  that  author.  James  Oswald  (1727-1793) 
made  use  of  Reid's  principles  in  support  of  religious 
belief,  and  James  Beattie  (1735-1803)  in  defence  of 
the  existence  of  a  moral  faculty. 

The  common  sense  philosophy,  adopting  the  Bacon- 
ian method  of  "interrogation",  or  analysis,  rejects, 
as  contrary  to  the  universal  convictions  of  mankind, 
the  notion  of  ideas  as  a  lertium  quid  intervening  be- 
tween the  object  perceived  and  the  perceiving  subject. 
All  knowledge  comes  by  way  of  sensation;  and  the 
reality  of  the  external  object  is  implied  in  sensation, 
together  with  the  metaphysical  principles  of  the 
existence  of  bodily  and  mental  substance,  of  causality, 
and  of  design  and  intelligence  in  causation.  What 
sensation  is  in  itself  it  is  impossible  to  say;  it  is  an 
ultimate  fact,  and  cannot  be  described  or  defined. 
But  sensations  are  clearly  not  images  or  ideas  of  the 
objects  which  cause  them;  there  is  no  resemblance 
between  the  pain  of  a  wound  and  the  point  of  a  sword. 
Reid  and  his  successors  insist  on  the  distinction  be- 
tween primary  and  secondary  quaUties,  the  former 
(extension,  figure,  hardness,  etc.)  being  "suggested" 
by  sensations  as  essentially  belonging  to  the  object 
perceived,  and  the  latter  (as  colour,  taste,  smell,  etc.) 
being  no  more  than  sensations  in  the  subject  arising 
from  qualities  of  the  object  which  are  only  accidental 
or  contingent.  Hamilton,  however,  subdivides  sec- 
ondary qualities  into  secondary  and  secundo-primary, 
a  distinction  now  generally  considered  to  be  ill- 
founded.  The  mental  powers  are  divided  into  intel- 
lectual and  active,  a  distinction  corresponding  to  the 
peripatetic  classification  of  cognitive  and  appetitive. 
All  cognition  has  thus  an  intellectual  element,  and 
takes  place  by  way  of  suggestion,  or  association  (a 
theory  in  which  Reid  was  anticipated  by  Hutcheson). 
In  cognition  the  mind  is  partly  active  and  partly 
passive;  the  notion  that  it  is  a  mere  receptacle  for 
ideas  is  rejected.  Consciousness  is  regarded  by  Reid 
as  a  separate  faculty,  somewhat  resembling  the  scho- 
lastic sensus  communis;  Brown  and  Hamilton  dissent 
from  this  view,  holding  "consciousness"  to  be  merely 
a  general  expression  for  the  fundamental  condition  of 
all  mental  activity.  The  idea  of  causality,  which 
implies  the  universal  necessity  of  causation,  cannot 
be  educed  from  experience,  since  necessity  (as  opposed 
to  mere  invariableness)  cannot  be  known  by  expe- 
rience; it  is  therefore  an  original  principle  in  the 
mind.  In  like  manner,  the  will  is  known  imme- 
diately as  free;  its  freedom  is  not  susceptible  of  proof 
but  is  intuitively  recognized;  and  it  is  from  the  con- 


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Bciousness  of  will-power  in  ourselves  that  we  derive 
our  notion  of  causation.  Brown,  however,  while  ac- 
cepting Beid's  intuitional  view  of  the  idea  of  causality, 
inclines  towards  Hume  in  his  definition  of  causation 
as  no  more  than  invariable  sequence;  he  also  differs 
from  Reid  in  making  will  a  modification  of  desire  or 
appetite.  The  belief  in  the  uniformity  of  nature,  on 
which  all  scientific  discovery  is  based,  is  held  by  Reid 
to  be  an  original  principle  in  the  mind.  _  Conscience, 
or  the  moral  sense,  is  taken  to  be  an  original  faculty 
by  the  Common  Sense  School  in  general,  with  the 
exception  of  Mackintosh,  who  derives  the  so-called 
faculty  in  great  measure  from  the  influence  of  social 
experience  upon  the  will. 

The  psychological  analysis  of  this  school  is  valu- 
able; but  its  main  principle  has  been  considerably 
weakened  by  contact  with  Kantian  criticism  and  the 
evolutionist  doctrine,  and  with  Hamilton  lost  much 
of  its  polemical  effectiveness.  "The  philosophy  of 
Common  Sense,  devised  by  Reid  as  a  safeguard  against 
Scepticism  and  Idealism,  was  so  transmuted  by 
Hamilton  as  to  lead  back  again  to  the  conclusion  that 
nothing  can  be  known,  and  consequently  that  nothing 
can  be  affirmed  or  denied,  beyond  the  fleeting  phenom- 
ena of  consciousness"  (Laurie,  Scottish  Philosophy, 
p.  291).  In  France,  Royer-Collard  (1763-1845)  in- 
troduced the  principles  of  the  Scottish  School ;  Jouffroy 
(1796-1842)  translated  the  works  of  Reid;  and 
Cousin  (1792-1867)  in  his  "Philosophic  ecossaise" 
praised  Reid's  philosophy  in  the  highest  terms.  It 
may  be  safely  said  that  the  materialistic  tendency  of 
French  speculation  was  checked  by  the  influences 
derived  from  the  philosophy  of  common  sense. 

Hctcheson,  Essay  on  the  Passions  and  Affections  (London, 
1728);  Idem.  Metaphysical  Synopsis  (London,  1742);  Idem, 
System  of  Moral  Phil.  (Glasgow,  1755);  Reid,  Works,  with 

?reface,  notes,  and  dissertation  by  Hamilton  (Edinburgh, 
848);  new  ed.  by  Manbel  (1863);  Bcffier.  Premieres  Veritfs 
(tr.  London,  1781), "with  a  detection  of  the  plagiarism,  conceal- 
ment and  ingratitude  of  Drs.  Reid,  Beattie  and  Oswald". 
Jouefroy,  CEuvres  completes  de  Reid  (Paris,  1829);  Oswald, 
Appeal  to  Common  Sense  (Edinburgh,  1768);  Beattie,  Essay  on 
Truth  (Aberdeen,  1770);  Idem,  Elements  of  Moral  Science 
(1790);  Priestley,  Examination  of  Reid,  etc.  (London,  1774); 
Stewart,  Compute  Works  (Cambridge,  Mass.,  1829-31);  ed. 
with  additions  and  memoir  by  Sir  W.  Hamilton  and  com- 

Sleted  by  Veitch  (Edinburgh,  1858);  Brown,  Inquiry  into 
'elation  of  Cause  and  Effect  (Edinburgh,  1804);  Idem,  Lectures 
on  the  Phil,  of  the  Human  Mind  (Edinburgh,  1820);  Mackin- 
tosh, On  the  Progress  of  Ethical  Philosophy  in  Encyc.  Brit. 
(1830);  ed.  with  preface  by  Whewell  (Philadelphia,  1832); 
Idem,  two  papers  in  Edinburgh  Review,  XXVII,  XXXVI ;  Ham- 
ilton, Lectures,  ed.  Mansel  and  Veitch  (London,  Edinburgh, 
and  Boston,  I860);  Idem,  Essays  in  Edinburgh  Review  (1829- 
30-32);  Idem,  Metaphysial,  ed.  Bowen  (Cambridge,  Mass., 
1870);  see  Mill,  Exam,  of  Hamilton's  Philosophy  (London, 
1865);  MoCosh,  Scottish  Philosophy  (London,  1875):  Seth  (A. 
S.  Prinole-Patctson),  Scottish  Philosophy  (Edinburgh  and 
London,  1885  and  1900);  Ferrier,  Reid  and  the  Philosophy  of 
Common  Sense  (1847)  in  Ferrier's  Works  (Edinburgh  and 
London,  1883),  III,  407;  see  also  Mauer,  Psychology  (London, 
1903),  33,  49,  102  sqq.;  James,  Pragmatism  (London  and  New 
York,  1907),  lect  v.;  Laurie  Scottish  Philosophy  in  its  Na- 
tional Development  (London  and  Glasgow,  1902). 

A.  B.  Sharps. 

Commune,  Martyrs  of  the  Paris,  the  secu- 
lar priests  and  the  religious  who  were  murdered  in 
Pans,  in  May,  1871,  on  account  of  their  sacred  calling. 
They  may  be  divided  into  three  groups:  (1)  those  who 
on  the  24th  of  May  were  executed  within  the  prison  of 
La  Roquette;  (2)  the  Dominican  Fathers,  who,  on  the 
following  day,  were  shot  down  at  the  Barriere  d  'Italie ; 
(3)  the  priests  and  religious,  who,  on  the  26th  of  May, 
were  massacred  at  Belleville.  The  revolutionary 
party  which  took  possession  of  the  city  after  the  siege 
of  Paris  by  the  Prussians  began,  in  the  last  days  of 
March,  to  arrest  the  priests  and  religious  to  whom 
personal  character  or  official  position  gave  a  certain 
prominence.  No  reason  was  given  for  these  arbitrary 
measures,  except  the  hatred  with  which  the  leaders  of 
the  Commune  regarded  the  Catholic  Church  and  her 
ministers. 

(1)  At  the  head  of  the  first  group  of  martyrs  is  the 
Archbishop  of  Paris,  Monseigneur  Georges  Darboy,  to 


whom  the  discomforts  of  his  prison  life  were  pecul- 
iarly trying  on  account  of  his  feeble  health.  His  fellow 
sufferers  were:  the  Abb4  Deguerry,  curd  of  the  im- 
portant parish  of  La  Madeleine,  an  old  man,  well  ad- 
vanced in  years,  but  bright  and  vigorous ;  the  AbM 
Allard,  a  secular  priest,  who  had  rendered  good  service 
to  the  wounded  during  the  siege,  and  two  Jesuits, 
Fathers  Ducoudray  and  Clerc.  The  first  was  rector 
of  the  Ecole  Sainte-Genevieve,  a  well  known  prepara- 
tory school  for  the  army:  the  second  had  been  a  dis- 
tinguished naval  officer;  both  were  gifted  and  holy 
men.  To  these  five  ecclesiastics  was  added  a  magis- 
trate, Senator  Bonjean.  After  several  weeks  of  con- 
finement, first  in  the  prison  of  Mazas,  then  at  La  Ro- 
quette, these  six  prisoners  were  executed  on  24  May. 
There  was  no  pretence  made  of  judging  them,  neither 
was  any  accusation  brought  against  them.  The  revo- 
lutionary party  still  held  possession  of  the  east  side  of 
Paris,  but  the  regular  army,  whose  head-quarters  were 
at  Versailles,  was  fast  approaching,  and  the  leaders  of 
tie  Commune,  made  desperate  by  failure,  wished  to 
inflict  what  evil  they  could  on  an  enemy  they  no  longer 
hoped  to  conquer.  The  priests  had,  one  and  all,  en- 
dured their  captivity  with  patience  and  dignity;  the 
Jesuits,  their  letters  prove  it,  had  no  illusions  as  to 
their  probable  fate;  Archbishop  Darboy  and  the  Abbe 
Deguerry  were  more  sanguine.  "What  have  they  to 
gain  by  killing  us?  What  harm  have  we  done  them?" 
often  said  the  latter.  The  execution  took  place  in  the 
evening.  The  archbishop  absolved  his  companions, 
who  were  calm  and  recollected.  They  were  told  to 
stand  against  a  wall,  within  the  precincts  of  the  prison, 
and  here  they  were  shot  down  at  close  quarters  by 
twenty  men,  enlisted  for  the  purpose.  The  arch- 
bishop's hand  was  raised  to  give  a  last  blessing: 
"Here,  take  my  blessing",  exclaimed  one  of  the  mur- 
derers and  by  discharging  his  gun  he  gave  the  signal 
for  the  execution. 

(2)  The  Dominican  Fathers,  who  perished  the  fol- 
lowing day.  25  May,  belonged  to  the  College  of 
Arcueil,  close  to  Paris.  Their  superior  was  Father 
Captier,  who  founded  the  college  and  under  whose 
government  it  had  prospered.  With  him  were  four 
religious  of  his  order:  Fathers  Bourard,  Delhorme, 
Cottrault,  and  Chatagneret,  and  eight  laymen,  who 
belonged  to  the  college,  either  as  professors  or  as  serv- 
ants. They  were  arrested  on  the  19th  of  May  and 
imprisoned  in  the  outlying  fort  of  BicStre,  where  they 
suffered  from  hunger  and  thirst.  On  the  25th  of  May 
they  were  transferred  from  Bicfitre  to  a  prison  within 
the  city,  situated  on  the  Avenue  d'Italie._  The  ex- 
citement and  anarchy  that  reigned  in  Paris,  and  the 
insults  that  were  levelled  at  the  prisoners  as  they 
were  led  from  one  prison  to  another  prepared  them 
for  the  worst;  they  made  their  confession  and  pre- 
pared for  death.  Towards  five  in  the  afternoon,,  tney 
were  commanded  to  go  into  the  street  one  by  one: 
Father  Captier,  whose  strong  faith  sustained  his  com- 
panions' courage,  turned  to  them:  "Let  us  go,  my 
friends,  for  the  sake  of  God".  The  street  was  filled 
with  armed  men  who  discharged  their  guns  at  the 
prisoners  as  they  passed.  Father  Captier  was  mor- 
tally wounded;  his  companions  fell  here  and  there: 
some  were  killed  on  the  spot;  others  lingered  on  till 
their  a««ng«ina  put  them  out  of  pain.  Their  dead 
bodies  remained  for  twenty-four  hours  on  the  ground, 
exposed  to  every  insult  ;  only  the  next  morning,  when 
the  troops  from  Versailles  had  conquered  the  Com- 
mune, were  they  claimed  by  the  victims'  friends  and 
conveyed  to  Arcueil. 

(3)  The  third  group  of  martyrs  perished  on  the  26th 
of  May;  the  revolutionists  were  now  driven  back  by 
the  steady  advance  of  the  regular  troops,  and  only  the 
heights  of  Belleville  were  still  in  possession  of  the 
Commune.   Over  fifty  prisoners  were  taken  from  the 

firison  of  La  Roquette  and  conducted  on  foot  to  this 
ast  stronghold  of  the  revolution.   Among  them  were 


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eleven  ecclesiastics:  three  Jesuits,  four  members  of 
the  Congregation  of  the  Sacred  Hearts  of  Jesus  and 
Mary,  three  secular  priests,  and  one  seminarist.  All 
displayed  heroic  courage;  the  best  known  among 
them  was  Father  Olivaint,  rector  of  the  Jesuit  house 
of  the  Rue  de  Sevres,  who  thirsted  for  martyrdom. 
After  a  painful  journey  through  the  streets,  which 
were  filled  with  an  infuriated  rabble,  the  prisoners 
were  driven  into  an  enclosure,  called  the  eiti  Vin- 
cennes,  on  the  heights  of  Belleville.  Here  they  were 
literally  hacked  to  pieces  by  a  crowd  of  men,  women, 
and  even  children.  There  was  no  attempt  to  organize 
a  regular  execution  like,  the  one  at  La  Roquette;  the 
massacre  lasted  an  hour,  and  most  of  the  bodies  were 
disfigured  beyond  recognition.  Only  a  few  hours 
later  the  regular  troops  forced  their  way  to  La  Ro- 

Suette,  delivered  the  prisoners  that  still  remained 
lere,  and  took  possession  of  Belleville,  the  last 
stronghold  of  the  Commune. 

do  Camp,  Convulsion!  de  Paris  (Paris,  1883);  Rbtnibb,  Vie 
du  R.  P.  Captier,  fondateur  de  I'BcoU  d"Areueit  (Paris,  1878); 
de  Ponievot,  Aete*  de  la  captiviU  el  de  la  mart  dee  RR.  PP. 
Oiivaini,  Duantdmy,  Cauberi,  CUrrc,  de  Benin  (Paris,  1864); 
Foulon,  Hist,  de  la  vie  et  dee  atuvree  de  Mar  Darboy  (Paris, 

1889).  Barbara  de  Courson. 

Oommunicatio  Idiomatum,  a  technical  expression 
in  the  theology  of  the  Incarnation.  It  means  that 
the  properties  of  the  Divine  Word  can  be  ascribed  to 
the  man  Christ,  and  that  the  properties  of  the  man 
Christ  can  be  predicated  of  the  Word.  The  language 
of  Scripture  and  of  the  Fathers  shows  that  such  a 
mutual  interchange  of  predicates  is  legitimate;  in  this 
article  its  source  and  the  rules  determining  its  use  will 
be  briefly  considered. 

I.  Source. — The  source  of  the  oommunicatio  idio- 
matum is  not  to  be  sought  in  the  close  moral  union 
between  Christ  and  God  as  maintained  by  the  Nesto- 
rians,  nor  in  Christ's  fullness  of  grace  and  supernatural 
gifts,  nor,  again,  in  the  fact  that  the  Word  owns  the 
human  nature  of  Christ  by  right  of  creation.  God  the 
Father  and  the  Holy  Ghost  have  the  same  right  and 
interest  as  the  Son  m  all  created  things  except  in  the 
human  nature  of  Jesus  Christ.  This  the  Son  by 
Assumption  has  made  His  own  in  a  way  that  it  is  not 
theirs,  i.  e.  by  the  incommunicable  property  of  per- 
sonal union.  In  Christ  there  is  one  person  with  two 
natures,  the  human  and  the  Divine.  In  ordinary 
language  all  the  properties  of  a  subject  are  predicated 
of  its  person ;  consequently  the  properties  of  Christ's 
two  natures  must  be  predicated  of  His  one  person, 
since  they  have  only  one  subject  of  predication.  He 
Who  is  the  Word  of  God  on  account  of  His  eternal 
generation  is  also  the  subject  of  human  properties; 
and  He  Who  is  the  man  Christ  on  account  of  having 
assumed  human  nature  is  the  subject  of  Divine 
attributes.    Christ  is  God;  God  is  man. 

II.  Use. — The  oommunicatio  idiomatum  is  based 
on  the  oneness  of  person  subsisting  in  the  two  natures 
of  Jesus  Christ.  Hence  it  can  be  used  as  long  as  both 
the  subject  and  the  predicate  of  a  sentence  stand  for 
the  person  of  Jesus  Christ,  or  present  a  common  sub- 
ject of  predication.  For  in  this  case  we  simply  affirm 
that  He  Who  subsists  in  the  Divine  nature  and  pos- 
sesses certain  Divine  properties  is  the  same  as  He  Who 
subsists  in  the  human  nature  and  possesses  certain 
human  properties.  The  following  considerations  will 
show  the  application  of  this  principle  more  in  detail : — 

(1)  In  general,  concrete  terms  stand  for  the  person: 
hence,  statements  interchanging  the  Divine  and  hu- 
man properties  of  Christ  are,  generally  speaking,  cor- 
rect if  both  their  subjects  and  predicates  be  concrete 
terms.  We  may  safely  say,  "  God  is  man ' ',  though  we 
must  observe  certain  cautions:  (a)  The  concrete 
human  names  of  Christ  describe  His  person  according 
to  His  human  nature.  They  presuppose  the  Incarna- 
tion, and  their  application  to  Christ  previously  to  the 
completion  of  the  hypostatic  union  would  involve  the 


Nestorian  view  that  Christ's  human  nature  had  its 
own  subsistence.  Consequently,  such  expressions  as 
"  man  became  God  "  are  to  be  avoided,  (b)  Concrete 
terms  used  reduplicatively  emphasize  the  nature 
rather  than  the  person.  The  statement  "  God  as  God 
has  suffered"  means  that  God  according  to  His  Divine 
nature  has  suffered;  needless  to  say,  such  statements 
are  false,  (c)  Certain  expressions,  though  correct  in 
themselves,  are  for  extrinsic  reasons,  inadmissible;  the 
statement  "One  of  the  Trinity  was  crucified"  was 
misapplied  in  a  Monophysite  sense  and  was  therefore 
forbidden  by  Pope  Hormisdas;  the  Arians  misinter- 
preted the  words  "Christ  is  a  creature";  both  Arians 
and  Nestorians  misused  the  expressions  "  Christ  had  a 
beginning"  and  "Christ  is  less  than  the  Father"  or 
"less  than  God":  the  Docetists  abused  the  terms 
"incorporeal"  and  "impassible". 

(2)  Abstract  terms  generally  stand  for  their  re- 
spective nature.  Now  m  Christ  there  are  two  natures. 
Hence  statements  interchanging  the  Divine  and 
human  properties  of  Christ  are,  generally  speaking, 
incorrect  if  their  subject  and  predicate,  either  one  or 
both,  be  abstract  terms.  We  cannot  say,  "the 
Divinity  is  mortal",  or,  "the  humanity  is  increated". 
The  following  cautions,  however,  must  be  added: 
(a)  Aside  from  the  personal  relations  in  God  there  is 
no  real  distinction  admissible  in  Him.  Hence  ab- 
stract names  and  attributes  of  God,  though  standing 
formally  for  the  Divine  nature,  imply  really  also  the 
Divine  persons.  Absolutely  speaking,  we  may  re- 
place a  concrete  Divine  name  by  its  corresponding 
abstract  one  and  still  keep  the  communicatio  idio- 
matum. Thus  we  may  say,  "  Omnipotence  was  cruci- 
fied", in  the  sense  that  He  Who  is  omnipotent 
(Omnipotence)  is  the  same  as  He  Who  was  crucified. 
But  such  expressions  are  liable  to  be  misunderstood 
and  great  care  must  be  exercised  in  their  use.  (b) 
There  is  less  danger  in  the  use  of  those  abstract  terms 
which  express  attributes  appropriated  to  the  Second 
Person  of  the  Trinity.  We  may  say,  "  Eternal  Wis- 
dom became  man",  (c)  There  is  no  communicatio 
idiomatum  between  the  two  natures  of  Christ,  or 
between  the  Word  and  the  human  nature  as  such  or 
its  parts.  The  fundamental  error  of  the  Ubiquitists 
(q.  v.)  consists  in  predicating  of  the  human  nature  or 
of  humanity  the  properties  of  the  Divine  nature.  We 
cannot  say  that  "the  Word  is  the  humanity",  and 
still  less  that  "the  Word  is  the  soul"  or  "the  body  of 
Christ".. 

(3)  In  statements  which  interchange  the  Divine  and 
the  human  properties  of  Christ,  care  must  be  taken  not 
to  deny  or  destroy  one  of  Christ's  natures  or  its  prop- 
erties. This  is  apt  to  be  done:  (a)  In  negative  sen- 
tences: though  it  be  true  that  Christ  did  not  die 
according  to  His-  Divine  nature,  we  cannot  say, 
"Christ  did  not  die",  without  impairing  His  human 
nature;  (b)  in  exclusive  sentences:  if  we  say,  "Christ 
is  only  God"  or  "Christ  is  only  man",  we  destroy 
either  His  human  or  His  Divine  nature;  (c)  in  the  use 
of  ambiguous  terms:  the  Arians,  the  Nestorians,  and 
the  Adoptionists  misused  the  term  "servant",  infer- 
ring from  the  expression,  "Christ  is  the  servant  of 
God",  conclusions  agreeing  with  their  respective 
heresies.  (For  the  use  of  the  communicatio  idioma- 
tum in  a  wider  sense,  i.  e.  as  applied  to  the  Body  of 
Christ  and  the  Sacramental  Species,  see  Eucharist. 
See  also  Incarnation;  Jesus  Christ.) 

St.  Thomas,  Summa  Theol.,  Ill,  Q.  xvi;  Idem,  Led.  ii  in  I 
Cor.,  ii;  Petavius,  De  Incarnatione,  IV.  15-16  (especially  for 
doctrine  of  the  Fathers);  Wilhelm  and  Scannell,  A  Manual 
of  Catholic  Theology  (London.  1898),  II;  Franselin,  De  Verbo 
Incarnato  (Rome,  1881);  Pohle,  Lehrbuch  d.  Dogmaiik  (Pader- 
boro,  1903),  II.  A.  J.  MAAS. 

Communion,  Holt.   See  Holt  Communion. 

Oommunion-Antiphon. — The  term  Communion 
(Communio)  is  used,  not  only  for  the  reception  of  the 
Holy  Eucharist,  but  also  as  a  shortened  form  for  the 


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antiphon  (Antiphona  ad  Communionem)  that  was 
originally  sung  while  the  people  were  receiving  the 
Blessed  Sacrament,  but  which  has  now  been  displaced, 
so  as  to  follow  that  moment.  In  the  Ambrosian  Rite 
this  antiphon  is  called  the  Transitorium,  apparently 
because  the  celebrant  after  the  Communion  goes  over 
(transit)  to  the.  Epistle  side  of  the  altar  to  read  it.  It 
is  the  fourth  and  last  of  the  changeable  parts  of  the 
Mass  (Proprium)  sung  by  the  choir  (Introit,  Gradual, 
Offertory,  Communion),  and  is  at  least  as  old  as  the 
fourth  century.  In  St.  Augustine's  time  (d.  430), 
together  with  the  Offertory-Antiphon,  it  had  lately 
been  introduced  into  Africa;  he  wrote  a  treatise  (Con- 
tra Hilarium)  to  defend  their  use  (Duchesne,  Origines, 
166, 179).  But  the  present  Communion  is  only  a  frag- 
ment of  the  older  chant.  It  was  originally  a  psalm, 
with  the  Gloria  Patri,  preceded  and  concluded  by  an 
antiphon.  The  First  Roman  Ordo  (about  770)  con- 
tains the  direction:  "As  soon  as  the  pontiff  begins 
to  give  Communion  in  the  Senatorium  [where  the 
most  distinguished  people  stood]  at  once  the  choir 
begins  the  antiphon  for  the  Communion,  singing  it 
alternately  with  the  subdeacons ;  and  they  go  on  until 
all  the  people  have  received  Communion.  Then  the 
pontiff  makes  a  sign  to  them  to  sing  the  Gloria  Patri; 
and  so,  when  they  have  repeated  the  antiphon  [repe- 
tito  versu]  they  stop"  (ed.  Atchley,  144).  This  is  the 
first  definite  rubric  we  have  about  the  Communio.  It 
shows  us  that  it  was  to  be  sung  while  the  celebrant 
goes  around  to  Communicate  the  people;  and  that  it 
consisted  of  a  psalm,  sung  alternately  with  its  anti- 
phon, as  were,  at  that  time,  also  the  Introit  and  Offer- 
tory. So  also  Micrologus  (Bernold  of  Constance,  d. 
1100)  says  that  when  the  people  Communicate, 
"meanwhile  the  antiphon  is  sung  which  takes  its 
name  from  the  Communion,  to  which  a  psalm  must 
be  added  with  its  Gloria  Patri  if  need  be"  (ch.  xviii  in 
Migne,  P.  L.,  CLI,  973  so.).  It  was,  then,  like  the 
other  three  parts  that  make  up  the  Proprium  of  the 
choir,  a  chant  to  be  sung  so  as  to  fill  up  the  time  while 
the  clergy  were  engaged  in  some  action. 

The  two  changes  in  its  history  are  that  it  has  been 
removed  to  its  place  after  the  Communion  and  has 
been  shortened.  Its  postponement  began  in  the 
twelfth  century.  Abbot  Rupert  of  Deutz  (d.  1135) 
says:  "The  chant  that  we  call  the  Communion,  which 
we  sing  after  the  heavenly  food,  is  a  thanksgiving" 
(De  div.  off.,  II,  xviii,  in  Migne,  P.  L.,  CLXX,  13  sq.), 
and  Durandus:  "The  aatiphon,  which  is  called  Post- 
communion  by  many  because  it  is  sung  after  the  Com- 
munion ..."  (Rationale,  IV,  56).  But  he  goes  on  to 
describe  the  final  collect  as  that  which  "is  properly 
called  Post-communion"  (ib.,  57).  There  are  other 
instances  of  this  antiphon  occasionally  being  called 
Post-Communion.  The  reason  of  its  removal  seems 
to  have  been,  on  the  one  hand,  the  place  of  the  Agnus 
Dei,  which  at  that  time  began  to  be  sung  during  the 
Communion,  and  to  be  repeated  thrice,  thus  taking  up 
more  time  (Gihr,  Messopfer,  671);  on  the  other  hand, 
the  gradual  lessening  of  the  number  of  communicants 
at  high  Mass.  Its  shortened  form  is  part  of  the  cur- 
tailing of  all  the  prayers  of  the  Mass  that  was  the  re- 
sult of  the  multiplication  of  low  Masses.  Only  in 
requiems  have  we  a  remnant  of  the  older  form.  Here 
after  the  first  verse  (Lux  aeterna)  follows  an  antiphon 
(Cum  Sanctis  tuis),  then  the  "Requiem  neternam" — 
last  vestige  of  the  psalm — and  the  antiphon  is  re- 
peated. Otherwise  the  Communion  is  always  one 
short  antiphon,  sung  by  the  choir  immediately  after 
the  Agnus  Dei,  and  said  by  the  celebrant  after  the 
Communion.  It  is  generally  a  verse  from  Holy  Scrip- 
ture, referring,  not  to  the  Holy  Eucharist,  but  rather 
to  the  feast  which  is  celebrated  or  to  the  special  season 
(de  tempore)  or  to  the  purpose  (in  voti ves)  for  which  the 
Mass  is  offered.  But  not  seldom  it  is  a  text  taken 
from  some  other  source,  or  specially  composed  for  this 
use.    It  is  always  said  by  the  priest  at  the  altar.  Since 


the  common  use  of  low  Mass,  in  which  he  substitutes 
the  choir's  part  himself,  the  rule  is  that  the  priest  also 
says  whatever  is  sung  by  them.  As  soon  as  he  has  ar- 
ranged the  chalice  and  paten  in  the  middle  of  the  altar 
(at  high  Mass  the  subdeacon  does  this,  and  takes  them 
to  the  credence-table)  he  goes  with  joined  hands  to  the 
Missal,  which  has  been  replaced  at  the  Epistle  side, 
and  there,  the  hands  still  joined,  reads  the  Commun- 
ion from  the  Proprium.  He  then  comes  back  to  the 
middle  for  the  Dominus  vobiscum  before  the  Post- 
Communion. 

Rubricat  Generates,  XIII,  1:  Ritus  cel.,  XI,  1;  Atchlkt,  Ordo 
Romcnus  Primus  (London,  1905);  Benedict  Xl\,DeSS.  Mixta 
Sacrifi 
Br 


tWn   l«uu  rai.,    i  bus,    »  udu  /,    ±  \r\j,    x  i  a,  a  a^h'i^j'  \  ?  tj  .  .!^5.i«t£ 

Praxis  (9th  ed.,  Lou  vain,  1894),  389-390.  480-483:  Mohan. 
Essays  on  the  Origin,  Doctrine  and  Discipline  of  the  Early  Irish 
Church  (Dublin  1864)  165-66;  also  P.  L.,  LXX,  580. 

Adrian  Fortebctte. 

Communion-Bench,  an  adaptation  of  the  sanctu- 
ary-guard or  altar-rail.  [See  sub-title  Altar-Rail  s.  v. 
Altar  (In  Liturgy).]  Standing  in  front  of  this  bar- 
rier, in  a  space  called  the  chancel,  or  pectoral,  the 
faithful  were  wont  in  early  times  to  receive  Holy  Com- 
munion, the  men  taking  the  Consecrated  Bread  into 
their  hands  and  the  women  receiving  it  on  a  white 
cloth,  called  the  domenical,  while  deacons  adminis- 
tered the  Precious  Blood  which  each  took  through  a 
reed  of  gold  or  silver.  About  the  twelfth  century 
when  the  custom  arose  of  receiving  under  one  kind 
only,  the  priests  placed  the  small  Hosts  on  the  tongues 
of  the  communicants  at  the  chancel-rail.  Later  on, 
about  the  fifteenth  century  the  practice  was  intro- 
duced of  receiving  Holy  Communion  kneeling,  and  so 
the  altar-rail  gradually  came  to  assume  a  form  better 
suited  to  its  modern  use,  and  like  what  it  is  at  present 
(BourassS,  Diet.  D'Arch.,  Paris,  1851).  When  large 
crowds  approach  the  altar  on  special  occasions  so  that 
the  ordinary  accommodation  for  receiving  is  not  ade- 
quate, a  row  of  prie-Dieu  or  benches  provided  with 
Communion  cloths  or  cards,  with  a  lighted  candle  at 
the  end  of  each  row,  may  be  arranged  around  the 
chancel.    (Cong,  of  Rites,  Deer.  3086,  Nov.  ed.) 

Patrick  Morrisroe. 

Oommunion-Oloth.   See  Altar,  under  Altar-RaU. 

Communion  of  Children. — In  order  to  get  some 
insight  into  the  historical  aspect  of  this  subject  it  will 
be  useful  to  dwell  upon  (1)  the  ancient  practice,  and 
(2)  the  present  discipline  of  the  Church  in  regard  to  the 
Communion  of  children. 

(1)  Ancient  Practice. — It  is  now  well  established 
that  in  the  early  days  of  Christianity  it  was  not  un- 
common for  infants  to  receive  Communion  immedi- 
ately after  they  were  baptized.  Among  others  St. 
Cyprian  (Lib.  de  Lapsis,  c.  xxv)  makes  reference  to 
the  practice.  In  the  East  the  custom  was  pretty  uni- 
versal, and  even  to  this  day  exists  in  some  places,  but 
in  the  West  infant  Communion  was  not  so  general. 
Here,  moreover,  it  was  restricted  to  the  occasions  of 
baptism  and  dangerous  illness.  Probably  it  origi- 
nated in  a  mistaken  notion  of  the  absolute  necessity  of 
the  Blessed  Eucharist  for  salvation,  founded  on  the 
words  of  St.  John  (vi,  54).  In  the  reign  of  Charle- 
magne an  edict  was  published  by  a  Council  of  Tours 
(813)  prohibiting  the  reception  by  young  children  of 
Communion  unless  they  were  in  danger  of  death 
(Zaccaria,  Bibl.  Rit.,  II,  p.  161)  and  Odo,  Bishop  of 
Paris,  renewed  this  prohibition  in  1175.  Still  the 
custom  died  hard,  for  we  find  traces  of  it  in  Hugh  of 
St.  Victor  (De  Sacr.,  I,  c.  20)  and  Martene  (De  Ant.  Ecc. 
Rit.,  I  bk.,  I,  c.  15)  alleges  that  it  had  not  altogether 
disappeared  in  his  own  day.  The  manner  of  Commu- 
nicating infants  was  by  dipping  the  finger  in  the  con- 
secrated chalice  and  then  applying  it  to  the  tongue  of 
the  child.  This  would  seem  to  imply  that  it  was  only 
the  Precious  Blood  that  was  administered,  but  ev»- 


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dence  is  not  wanting  to  show  that  the  other  Conse- 
crated Species  was  also  given  in  similar  circumstances 
(cf.  Sebastiano  Giribaldi,  Op.  Mor.,  I,  c.  72).  That  in- 
fants and  children  not  yet  come  to  the  use  of  reason 
may  not  only  validly  but  even  fruitfully  receive  the 
Blessed  Eucharist  is  now  the  universally  received 
opinion,  but  it  is  opposed  to  Catholic  teaching  to  hold 
that  this  sacrament  is  necessary  for  their  salvation 
(Council  of  Trent,  Sess.  XXI,  can.  iv). 

II.  Present  Discipline. — The  existing  legislation 
with  regard  to  the  Communion  of  children  has  been 
definitely  settled  by  the  Fourth  Lateran  Council,  which 
was  afterwards  confirmed  by  the  authority  of  the 
Council  of  Trent.  According  to  its  provisions  chil- 
dren may  not  be  admitted  to  the  Blessed  Eucharist 
until  they  have  attained  to  years  of  discretion,  but 
when  this  period  is  reached  then  they  are  bound  to  re- 
ceive this  sacrament.  When  may  they  be  said  to  have 
attained  the  age  of  discretion?  In  the  best-supported 
view  of  theologians  this  phrase  means,  not  the  attain- 
ment of  a  definite  number  of  years,  but  rather  the  ar- 
rival at  a  certain  stage  in  mental  development,  when 
children  become  able  to  discern  the  Eucharistic  from 
ordinary  bread,  to  realize  in  some  measure  the  dignity 
and  excellence  of  the  Sacrament  of  the  Altar,  to  be- 
lieve in  the  Real  Presence,  and  adore  Christ  under  the 
sacramental  veils.  De  Lugo  (De  Euch.,  disp.  xiii,  n. 
36,  Ben.  XIV,  De  Syn.,  vii)  says  that  if  children  are 
observed  to  assist  at  Mass  with  devotion  and  attention 
it  is  a  sign  that  they  are  come  to  this  discretion. 

Thus  it  is  seen  that  a  keener  religious  sense,  so  to 
speak,  is  demanded  for  the  reception  of  Communion 
than  for  confession.  Moreover,  it  is  agreed  that  children 
in  danger  of  death  ought  to  be  admitted  to  Communion 
even  though  they  may  not  have  the  same  decree  of 
fitness  that  would  be  required  in  ordinary  circum- 
stances. In  answer  to  a  question  as  to  whether  a  cer- 
tain episcopal  ordinance  should  be  upheld  that  fixed  a 
definite  age-limit  under  which  children  could  not  be 
admitted  to  First  Communion,  the  Congregation  of 
the  Council  replied  in  the  affirmative,  provided,  how- 
ever, that  those  children  adjudged  to  have  reached  the 
discretion  required  by  the  Councils  of  Lateran  and 
Trent  might  not  be  excluded  (21  July,  1888).  This 
reply  bears  out  the  interpretation  already  given  of 
"the  years  of  discretion"  and  it  may  be  said  in  the 
words  of  the  Catechism  of  the  Council  of  Trent  (pt.  II,  c. 
iv,  a.  63)  that  "no  one  can  better  determine  the  age 
at  which  the  sacred  mysteries  should  be  given  to  young 
children  than  their  parents  and  confessor". 

The  duty  of  preparing  candidates  for  First  Commu- 
nion is  the  most  important  that  can  fall  to  the  lot  of  a 
pastor  (O'Kane,  Rubrics  of  Rom.  Rit.,  p.  391).  This  is 
amply  recognized  by  the  Church  in  every  country,  for 
almost  every  diocese  has  its  statutes  regulating  with 
scrupulous  exactness  all  the  preliminaries  ot  this 
sacred  and  solemn  event  (cf.  Deer,  of  III  Plen.  Bait, 
no.  217,  218,  etc.).  A  long  course  of  religious  instruc- 
tion is  usually  prescribed  while  the  moraJtraimng  and 
virtuous  formation  of  the  mind  is  also  urgently  in- 
sisted upon.  In  regard  to  First  Communion  it  may 
be  observed:  (1)  that  it  should  take  place  during  pas- 
cal time ;  (2)  that  it  should  be  received  as  a  rule  in  the 
parochial  church,  unless  the  consent  of  the  pastor  is 
had  for  receiving  it  elsewhere;  (3)  that  no  effort 
should  be  spared  to  fix  the  occasion  indelibly  on  the 
mind  of  the  young  communicant;  and  (4)  that  for 
this  purpose  the  Mass  at  which  it  is  received  should  be 
celebrated  with  special  solemnity,  boys  and  girls  being 
suitably  attired  and  assigned  to  separate  sections  of 
the  church.  A  short  address  may  be  given  in  this 
case  immediately  before  the  distribution  of  Commu- 
nion (De  Herdt,  Praxis  Lit.,  I,  277;  Rom.  Rit.,  De 
Euch.,  t.  XXIII).  The  decree  "Sacra  Tridentina 
Synodns",  published  Dec,  1905,  about  daily  Commu- 
nion applies  to  all  persons,  young  and  old,  who  have 
made  their  First  Communion  (Anal.  Eccl.,  1906,  p.  833). 


In  addition  to  the  ordinary  handbook*  on  Christian  doctrine, 
see  also:  Dn  Logo,  De  Sand.  Euch.  Soer.,  disp.  xiii;  Ijouohi, 
Thtol.  Mor..  I,  lib.  VI;  Lkhukuhl,  Tlieol.  Mor.  Comp.,  II; 
Ga&parju,  Tract.  Can.  ae  Euch.,  II;  Gihr.  V Eucharittie. 

Patrick  Morrisroe. 

Communion  of  Saints  (communio  sanctorum, 
Kotruyla  iyluy,  a  fellowship  of,  orwith,  the  saints),  the 
doctrine  expressed  in  the  second  clause  of  the  ninth 
article  in  the  received  text  of  the  Apostles'  Creed:  I 
believe  .  .  .  the  Holy  Catholic  Church,  the  Commu- 
nion of  Saints.  This,  probably  the  latest,  addition  to 
the  old  Roman  Symbol,  is  found  in  the  Gallican  Lit- 
urgy of  the  seventh  century  (P.  L.,  LXXII,  349,  597) ; 
in  some  letters  of  the  Pseudo- Augustine  (P.  L., 
XXXIX,  2189,  2191,  2194),  now  credited  to  St. 
CKsarius  of  Aries  (c.  543) ;  in  the  "  De  Spiritu  Sancto  " 
(P.  L.,  LXII,  11),  ascribed  to  Faustus  of  Riez  (c.  460) : 
in  the  "Explanatio  Symboli"  (P.  L.,  LII,  871)  of 
Nicetas  of  Remesiana  (c.  400) ;  and  in  two  documents 
of  uncertain  date,  the  "Fides  Hieronymi"  (Analecta 
Maredsolana,  1903),  and  an  Armenian  confession 
(Hahn,  Bibliothek  der  Symbole,  §  128).  On  these 
facts  critics  have  built  various  theories.  Harnack 
(Das  apost.  Glaubensbekenntniss,  Berlin,  1892,  p.  31) 
holds  the  addition  to  be  a  protest  against  Vigilantius, 
who  condemned  the  veneration  of  the  saints;  and  he 
connects  that  protest  with  Faustus  in  Southern  Gaul 
and  probably  also  with  Nicetas  in  Pannonia,  who  was 
influenced  by  the  "Catecheses"  of  St.  Cyril  of  Jerusa- 
lem. Swete  (The  Apostles'  Creed,  London,  1894) 
sees  in  it  at  first  a  reaction  against  the  separatism  of 
the  Donatists,  therefore  an  African  and  Augustinian 
conception  bearing  only  on  church  membership,  the 
higher  meaning  of  fellowship  with  the  departed  saints 
having  been  introduced  later  by  Faustus.  Morin 
thinks  that  it  originated,  with  an  anti-Donatist  mean- 
ing, in  Armenia,  whence  it  passed  to  Pannonia,  Gaul, 
the  British  Isles,  Spain,  etc.,  gathering  new  meanings 
in  the  course  of  its  travels  till  it  finally  resulted  in  the 
Catholic  synthesis  of  medieval  theologians.  These 
and  many  other  conjectures  leave  undisturbed  the 
traditional  doctrine,  ably  represented  by  Kirsch,  ac- 
cording to  which  the  communion  of  saints,  whereso- 
ever it  was  introduced  into  the  Creed,  is  the  natural 
outgrowth  of  Scriptural  teaching,  and  chiefly  of 
the  baptismal  formula;  still  the  value  of  the  dogma 
does  not  rest  on  the  solution  of  chat  historical  prob- 
lem. 

Catholic  Doctrine. — The  communion  of  saints  is 
the  spiritual  solidarity  which  binds  together  the  faith- 
ful on  earth,  the  souls  in  purgatory,  and  the  saints  in 
heaven  in  the  organic  unity  of  the  same  mystical  body 
under  Christ  its  head,  and  m  a  constant  interchange  of 
supernatural  offices.  The  participants  in  that  soli- 
darity are  called  saints  by  reason  of  their  destination 
and  of  their  partaking  of  the  fruits  of  the  Redemption 
(I  Cor.,  i,  2— Greek  Text).  The  damned  are  thus  ex- 
cluded from  the  communion  of  saints.  The  living, 
even  if  they  do  not  belong  to  the  body  of  the  true 
Church,  share  in  it  according  to  the  measure  of  their 
union  with  Christ  and  with  the  soul  of  the  Church. 
St.  Thomas  teaches  (III,  Q.  viii,  a.  4)  that  the  angels, 
though  not  redeemed,  enter  the  communion  of  saints 
because  they  come  under  Christ's  power  and  receive  of 
His  gratia  capitis.  The  solidarity  itself  implies  a  vari- 
ety of  inter-relations:  within  the  Church  Militant,  not 
only  the  participation  in  the  same  faith,  sacraments, 
and  government,  but  also  a  mutual  exchange  of  ex- 
amples, prayers,  merits,  and  satisfactions;  between 
the  Church  on  earth  on  the  one  hand,  and  purgatory 
and  heaven  on  the  other,  suffrages,  invocation,  inter- 
cession, veneration.  These  connotations  belong  here 
only  in  so  far  as  they  integrate  the  transcendent  idea 
of  spiritual  solidarity  between  all  the  children  of  God. 
Thus  understood,  the  communion  of  saints,  though 
formally  defined  onlv  in  its  particular  bearings  (Coun- 
cil of  Trent,  Sess.  XXV,  decrees  on  purgatory;  on  the 


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invocation,  veneration,  and  relics  of  saints  and  on 
sacred  images;  on  indulgences),  is,  nevertheless,  a 
dogma  commonly  taught  and  accepted  in  the  Church. 
(See  Holden, "  Divinse  fidei  analysis  "  in  Migne, "  Theo- 
logian Curs  us  Completus",  VI,  803;  Natalia  Alexan- 
der, "De  Symbokr',  ibid.,  333;  Cnristmann,  "Collee- 
tio  dogmatum  credendorum",  ibid.,  997.)  It  is  true 
that  the  Catechism  of  the  Council  of  Trent  (Pt.  I, 
ch.  x)  seems  at  first  sight  to  limit  to  the  living  the  bear- 
ing of  the  phrase  contained  in  the  Creed,  but  by  mak- 
ing the  communion  of  saints  an  exponent  and  function, 
as  it  were,  of  the  preceding  clause,  "the  Holy  Catholic 
Church  ",  it  really  extends  to  what  it  calls  the  Church's 
"constituent  parts,  one  gone  before,  the  other  follow- 
ing every  day";  the  broad  principle  it  enunciates 
thus:  "every  pious  and  holy  action  done  by  one  be- 
longs and  is  profitable  to  all,  through  chanty  which 
seeketh  not  her  own". 

In  this  vast  Catholic  conception  rationalists  see  not 
only  a  late  creation,  but  also  an  ill-disguised  reversion 
to  a  lower  religious  type,  a  purely  mechanical  process 
of  justification,  the  substitution  of  impersonal  moral 
value  in  lieu  of  personal  responsibility.  Such  state- 
ments are  met  best  by  the  presentation  of  the  dogma 
in  its  Scriptural  basis  and  its  theological  formulation. 
The  first  spare  yet  clear  outline  of  the  communion  of 
saints  is  found  in  the  "kingdom  of  God"  of  the  Synop- 
tics, not  the  individualistic  creation  of  Harnack  nor 
the  purely  eschatological  conception  of  Loisy,  but  an 
organic  whole  (Matt.,  xiii,  31),  which  embraces  in  the 
bonds  of  charity  (Matt.,  xxii,  39)  all  the  children  of 
God  (Matt.,  xix,  28;  Luke,  xx,  36)  on  earth  and  in 
heaven  (Matt.,  vi,  20),  the  angels  themselves  joining 
in  that  fraternity  of  souls  (Luke,  xv,  10).  One  cannot 
read  the  parables  of  the  kingdom  (Matt.,  xiii)  without 
perceiving  its  corporate  nature  and  the  continuity 
which  links  together  the  kingdom  in  our  midst  and  the 
kingdom  to  come.  (See  Rose,  Studies  on  the  Gospel.) 
The  nature  of  that  communion,  called  by  St.  John  a 
fellowship  with  one  another  ("  a  fellowship  with  us" — 
I  John,  l,  3)  because  it  is  "a  fellowship  with  the 
Father,  and  with  his  Son",  and  compared  by  him  to 
the  organic  and  vital  union  of  the  vine  and  its 
branches  (John,  xv),  stands  out  in  bold  relief  in  the 
Pauline  conception  of  the  mystical  body.  Repeatedly 
St.  Paul  speaks  of  the  one  body  whose  head  is  Christ 
(Col.,  i,  18),  whose  energizing  principle  is  charity 
(Eph.,  iv,  16),  whose  members  are  the  saints,  not  only 
of  this  world,  but  also  of  the  world  to  come  (Eph„  l, 
20;  Heb.,xii,22).  In  that  communion  there  is  no  foss 
of  individuality,  yet  such  an  interdependence  that  the 
saints  are  "members  one  of  another"  (Rom.,  xii,  5), 
not  only  sharing  the  same  blessings  (I  Cor.,  xii,  13)  and 
exchanging  good  offices  (ibid.,  xii,  25)  and  prayers 
(Eph.,  vi,  18),  but  also  partaking  of  the  same  corpor- 
ate life,  for  "the  whole  body  ...  by  what  every 
joint  supplieth  .  .  .  maketh  increase  .  .  .  unto  the 
edifying  of  itself  in  charity"  (Eph.,  iv,  16). 

Recent  well-known  researches  in  Christian  epi- 
graphy have  brought  out  clear  and  abundant  proof  of 
the  principal  manifestations  of  the  communion  of 
saints  in  the  early  Church.  Similar  evidence,  care- 
fully sifted  by  Kirsch,  is  to  be  found  in  the  Apostolic 
Fathers  with  an  occasional  allusion  to  the  Pauline 
conception.  For  an  attempt  at  the  formulation  of 
the  dogma  we  have  to  come  down  to  the  Alexandrian 
School.  Clement  of  Alexandria  shows  the  "gnos- 
tic's" intimate  relations  with  the  angels  (Strom.,  VI, 
xii,  10)  and  the  departed  souls  (ibidT,  VIII,  xii,  78) ; 
and  he  all  but  formulates  the  thesaurus  ecclesuB  in  his 
presentation  of  the  vicarious  martyrdom,  not  of  Christ 
alone,  but  also  of  the  Apostles  and  other  martyrs 
(ibid.,  IV,  xii,  87).  Origen  enlarges,  almost  to  exag- 
geration, on  the  idea  of  vicarious  martyrdom  (Exhort, 
ad  martyr.,  ch.  1)  and  of  communion  between  man  and 
angels  (De  orat.,  xxxi) ;  and  accounts  for  it  by  the  uni- 
fying power  of  Christ's  Redemption,  ut  aelestibus  ter- 


rena  sociaret  (In  Levit.,  horn,  iv)  and  the  force  of  char- 
ity, stranger  in  heaven  than  upon  earth  (De  orat.,  xi). 
With  St.  Basil  and  St.  John  Chry sob  torn  the  commu- 
nion of  saints  has  become  an  obvious  tenet  used  as  an 
answer  to  such  popular  objections  as  these:  what  need 
of  a  communion  with  others?  (Basil,  Ep.  cciii) ;  an- 
other has  sinned  and  I  shall  atone?  (Chrysostom, 
Horn,  i,  de  poenit.).  St.  John  Damascene  has  only  to 
collect  the  sayings  of  the  Fathers  in  order  to  support 
the  dogma  of  the  invocation  of  the  saints  and  the 
prayers  for  the  dead. 

But  the  complete  presentation  of  the  dogma  comes 
from  the  later  Fathers.  After  the  statements  of  Ter- 
tullian,  speakingof  "common hope,  fear,  joy,  sorrow, 
and  suffering"  (De  poenit.,  ix  ana  x);  of  St.  Cyprian, 
explicitly  setting  forth  the  communion  of  merits  (De 
lapsis,  xvii);  of  St.  Hilary,  giving  the  Eucharistic 
Communion  as  a  means  and  symbol  of  the  communion 
of  saints  (in  Ps.  briv.  14),  we  come  to  the  teaching  of  St. 
Ambrose  and  St.  Augustine.  From  the  former,  the 
thesaurus  ecclesia,  the  best  practical  test  of  the  com- 
munion of  saints,  receives  a  definite  explanation  (De 
poenit.,  I,  xv ;  De  officiis,  I,  xix).  In  the  transcendent 
view  of  the  Church  taken  by  the  latter  (Enchir.,  lvi) 
the  communion  of  saints,  though  never  so  called  by 
him,  is  a  necessity;  to  the  Civitas  Dei  must  needs  cor- 
respond the  unttas  caritatis  (De  unitate  eccl.,  ii), 
which  embraces  in  an  effective  union  the  saints  and 
angels  in  heaven  (Enarr.  in  Psalmos,  XXXVI,  iii,  4), 
the  just  on  earth  (De  bapt.,  Ill,  xvii),  and,  in  a  lower 
degree,  the  sinners  themselves,  the  putrida  membra  of 
the  mystic  body ;  only  the  declared  heretics,  schismat- 
ics, and  apostates  are  excluded  from  the  society, 
though  not  from  the  prayers,  of  the  saints  (Semi, 
exxxvii).  The  Augustinian  concept,  though  some- 
what obscured  in  the  catechetical  expositions  of  the 
Creed  by  the  Carlovingian  and  later  theologians  (P. 
L.,  XCLX,  CI,  CVIII,  CX,  CLII,  CLXXXVI),  takes 
its  place  in  the  medieval  synthesis  of  Peter  Lombard, 
St.  Bonaventure,  St.  Thomas,  etc.  (See  Schwane- 
Degert,  Hist,  des  dogmes,  V,  229.) 

Influenced  no  doubt  by  early  writers  like  Yvo  of 
Chartres  (P.  L.,  CLXII,  6061),  Abelard  (P.  L., 
CLXXXIII,  630),  and  probably  Alexander  of  Hales 
(III,  Q.  box,  a.  1),  St.  Thomas  (Expos,  in  symb.,  10) 
reads  in  the  neuter  the  phrase  of  the  Creed,  communio 
sanctorum  (participation  of  spiritual  goods),  but  apart 
from  the  point  of  grammar  his  conception  of  the  dog- 
ma is  thorough.  General  principle:  the  merits  of 
Christ  are  communicated  to  all,  and  the  merits  of  each 
one  are  communicated  to  the  others  (ibid.).  The 
manner  of  participation:  both  objective  and  inten- 
tional, in  radice  operis,  ex  intentions  facientis  (Suppl., 
lxxi,  a.  1).  The  measure:  the  degree  of  charity  (Ex- 
pos, in  symb.,  10).  The  benefits  communicated:  not 
the  sacraments  alone  but  the  superabundant  merits  of 
Christ  and  the  saints  forming  the  thesaurus  ecclesios 
(ibid,  and  Quodlib.,  II,  Q.  vhi,  a.  16).  The  partici- 
pants: the  three  parts  of  the  Church  (Expos,  in 

rb.,  9);  consequently  the  faithful  on  earth  ex- 
iting merits  and  satisfactions  (I— II,  Q.  cxiii,  a.  6, 
and  Suppl.,  Q.  xiii,  a.  2),  the  souls  in  purgatory  profit- 
ing by  the  suffrages  of  the  living  and  the  intercession 
of  the  saints  (Suppl.,  Q.  lxxi),  the  saints  themselves 
receiving  honour  and  giving  intercession  (II— II,  Q. 
lxxxiii,  aa.  4, 11 ;  III;  Q.  xxv,  a.  6),  and  also  the  angels, 
as  noted  above.  Later  Scholastics  and  post-Reforma- 
tion theologians  have  added  little  to  the  Thomistic 
presentation  of  the  dogma.  They  worked  rather 
around  than  into  it,  defending  such  points  as  were  at- 
tacked by  heretics,  showing  the  religious,  ethical,  and 
social  value  of  the  Catholic  conception;  and  they  in- 
troduced the  distinction  between  the  body  ana  the 
soul  of  the  Church,  between  actual  membership  and 
membership  in  desire,  completing  the  theory  of  the 
relations  between  church  membership  and  the  com- 
munion of  saints  which  had  already  been  outlined  by 


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St.  Optatua  of  Mileve  and  St.  Augustine  at  the  time  of 
the  Donatist  controversy.  (See  Church.)  One  may 
regret  that  the  plan  adopted  by  the  Schoolmen  af- 
forded no  comprehensive  view  of  the  whole  dogma, 
but  rather  scattered  the  various  components  of  it 
through  a  vast  synthesis.  This  accounts  for  the  fact 
that  a  compact  exposition  of  the  communion  of  saints 
is  to  be  sought  less  in  the  works  of  our  standard  theo- 
logians than  in  our  catechetical,  apologetic,  pastoral, 
and  even  ascetic  literature.  It  may  also  partly  ex- 
plain, without  excusing  them,  the  gross  misrepresenta- 
tions noticed  above. 

In  the  Anglo-Saxon  Church. — That  the  Anglo- 
Saxons  held  the  doctrine  of  the  communion  of  saints 
may  be  judged  from  the  following  account  given  by 
Lingard  in  his  "  History  and  Antiquities  of  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  Church".  They  received  the  practice  of  vene- 
rating the  saints,  he  says,  together  with  the  rudiments 
of  the  Christian  religion;  and  they  manifested  then- 
devotion  to  them  both  in  public  and  private  worship  : 
in  public,  by  celebrating  the  anniversaries  of  indi- 
vidual saints,  and  keeping  annually  the  feast  of  All- 
Hallows  as  a  solemnity  of  the  first  class;  and  in  their 
private  devotions,  by  observing  the  instructions  to 
worship  God  and  then  to  "pray,  first  to  Saint  Mary, 
and  the  holy  apostles,  ana  the  holy  martyrs,  and 
all  God's  saints,  that  they  would  intercede  for  them 
to  God".  In  this  way  they  learned  to  look  up  to  the 
saints  in  heaven  with  feelings  of  confidence  and  affec- 
tion, to  consider  them  as  friends  and  protectors,  and 
to  implore  their  aid  in  the  hour  of  distress,  with  the 
hope  that  God  would  grant  to  the  patron  what  he 
might  otherwise  refuse  to  the  supplicant. 

Like  all  other  Christians,  the  Anglo-Saxons  held  in 
special  veneration  "the  most  holy  mother  of  God, 
tne  perpetual  virgin  Saint  Mary  (Beatissima  Dei  geni- 
trix  et  perpetua  virgo. — Bede,  Horn,  in  Purif.).  Her 
praises  were  sung  by  the  Saxon  poets;  hymns  in  her 
honour  were  chanted  in  the  public  service;  churches 
and  altars  were  placed  under  her  patronage;  miracu- 
lous cures  were  ascribed  to  her;  and  four  annual 
feasts  were  observed  commemorating  the  principal 
events  of  her  mortal  life:  her  nativity,  the  Annuncia- 
tion, her  purification,  and  assumption.  Next  to  the 
Blessed  Virgin  in  their  devotion  was  Saint  Peter, 
whom  Christ  had  chosen  for  the  leader  of  the  Apostles 
and  to  whom  he  had  given  the  keys  of  the  Kingdom 
of  Heaven,  "with  the  chief  exercise  of  judicial  power 
in  the  Church;  to  the  end  that  all  might  know  that 
whosoever  should  separate  himself  from  the  Unity  of 
Peter's  faith  or  of  Peter's  fellowship,  that  man  could 
never  attain  absolution  from  the  bonds  of  sin.  nor 
admission  through  the  gates  of  the  heavenly  king- 
dom" (Bede).  These  words  of  the  Venerable  Bede 
refer,  it  is  true,  to  Peter's  successors  as  well  as  to 
Peter  himself,  but  they  also  evidence  the  veneration 
of  the  Anglo-Saxons  for  the  Prince  of  the  Apostles,  a 
veneration  which  they  manifested  in  the  number  of 
churches  dedicated  to  his  memory,  in  the  pilgrimages 
made  to  his  tomb,  and  by  the  presents  sent  to  the 
church  in  which  his  remains  rested  and  to  the  bishop 
who  sat  in  his  chair.  Particular  honours  were  paid 
also  to  Saints  Gregory  and  Augustine,  to  whom  they 
were  chiefly  indebted  for  their  knowledge  of  Chris- 
tianity. They  called  Gregory  their  "foster-father  in 
Christ"  and  themselves  "his  foster-children  in  bap- 
tism"; and  spoke  of  Augustine  as  "  the  first  to  bring 
to  them  the  doctrine  of  faith,  the  sacrament  of  bap- 
tism, and  the  knowledge  of  their  heavenly  country  '. 
Whue  these  saints  were  honoured  by  the  whole  people, 
each  separate  nation  revered  the  memory  of  its  own 
apostle.  Thus  Saint  Aidan  in  Northumbria,  Saint 
Birinus  in  Wessex,  and  Saint  Felix  in  East  Anglia 
were  venerated  as  the  protectors  of  the  countries 
which  had  been  the  scenes  of  their  labours.  All  the 
saints  so  far  mentioned  were  of  foreign  extraction; 
but  the  Anglo-Saxons  soon  extended  their  devotion 


to  men  who  had  been  bom  and  educated  among  them 
and  who  by  their  virtues  and  seal  in  propagating 
Christianity  had  merited  the  honours  of  sanctity. 

This  account  of  the  devotion  of  the  Anglo-Saxons 
to  those  whom  they  looked  up  to  as  their  friends  and 
protectors  in  heaven  is  necessarily  brief,  but  it  is 
amply  sufficient  to  show  that  they  believed  and  loved 
the  doctrine  of  the  communion  of  saints. 

Protestant  Views. — Sporadic  errors  against  spe- 
cial points  of  the  communion  of  saints  are  pointed  out 
by  the  Synod  of  Gangra  (Mansi,  II,  1103),  St.  Cyril  of 
Jerusalem  (P.  G.,  XXXIII,  1116),  St.  Epiphanius 
(ibid.,  XLII,  604),  Arteritis  Amasensis  (ibid.,  XL, 
332),  and  St.  Jerome  (P.  L.,  XXIII.  362).  From  the 
forty-second  proposition  condemned,  and  the  twenty- 
ninth  question  asked,  by  Martin  V  at  Constance  (Den- 
zinger,  nos.  518  and  573),  we  also  know  that  Wyclif 
and  Hus  had  gone  far  towards  denying  the  dogma 
itself.  But  the  communion  of  saints  became  a  direct 
issue  only  at  the  time  of  the  Reformation.  The  Lu- 
theran Churches,  although  commonly  adopting  the 
Apostles'  Creed,  still  in  their  original  confessions, 
either  pass  over  in  silence  the  communion  of  saints  or 
explain  it  as  the  Church's  "union  with  Jesus  Christ  in 
the  one  true  faith"  (Luther's  Small  Catechism  in 
Schaff,  "The  Creeds  of  Christendom",  III,  80),  or  as 
"  the  congregation  of  saints  and  true  believers  "  (Augs- 
burg Confession,  ibid.,  Ill,  12),  carefully  excluding,  if 
not  the  memory,  at  least  the  invocation  of  the  saints, 
because  Scripture  "propoundeth  unto  us  one  Christ, 
the  Mediator,  Propitiatory,  High-Priest,  and  Interces- 
sor" (ibid.,  Ill,  26).  .The  Reformed  Churches  gener- 
ally maintain  the  Lutheran  identification  of  the  com- 
munion of  saints  with  the  body  of  believers  but  do  not 
limit  its  meaning  to  that  body.  Calvin  (Inst,  chrgt., 
IV,  1,  3)  insists  that  the  phrase  of  the  Creed  is  more 
than  a  definition  of  the  Church ;  it  conveys  the  mean- 
ing of  such  a  fellowship  that  whatever  benefits  God 
bestows  upon  the  believers  they  should  mutually  com- 
municate to  one  another.  That  view  is  followed  in 
the  Heidelberg  Catechism  (Schaff,  op.  cit.,  Ill,  325), 
and  emphasized  in  the  Gallican  Confession,  wherein 
communion  is  made  to  mean  the  efforts  of  believers  to 
mutually  strengthen  themselves  in  the  fear  of  God 
(ibid.,  Ill,  375).  Zwingli  in  his  articles  admits  an  ex- 
change of  prayers  between  the  faithful  and  hesitates 
to  condemn  prayers  for  the  dead,  rejecting  only  the 
saints'  intercession  as  injurious  to  Christ  (ibid.,  Ill, 
200  and  206).  Both  the  Scotch  and  Second  Helvetic 
Confessions  bring  together  the  Militant  and  the  Tri- 
umphant Church,  but,  whereas  the  former  is  silent  on 
the  signification  of  the  fact,  the  latter  says  that  they 
hold  communion  with  each  other:  "nihilominus  ha- 
bent  illte  inter  sese  communionem,  vel  conjunctionem" 
(ibid.,  Ill,  272  and  459). 

The  double  and  often  conflicting  influence  of  Luther 
and  Calvin,  with  a  lingering  memory  of  Catholic  or- 
thodoxy, is  felt  in  the  Anglican  Confessions.  On  this 
point  the  Thirty-nine  Articles  are  decidedly  Lutheran, 
rejecting  as  they  do  "  the  Romish  Doctrine  concerning 
Purgatory,  Pardons,  Worshipping  and  Adoration  as 
well  of  Images  as  of  Relics,  and  also  Invocation  of 
Saints ' ',  because  they  see  in  it "  a  fond  thing,  vainly  in- 
vented, and  grounded  upon  no  warranty  of  Scripture, 
but  rather  repugnant  to  the  Word  of  God"  (Schaff, 
III,  501).  On  the  other  hand,  the  Westminster  Con- 
fession, while  Ignoring  the  Suffering  and  the  Trium- 
phant Church,  goes  beyond  the  Calvinistic  view  and 
falls  little  short  of  the  Catholic  doctrine  with  regard  to 
the  faithful  on  earth,  who,  it  says,  "being  united  to 
one  another  in  love,  have  communion  in  each  other's 
gifts  and  graces"  (ibid.,  IH,  659).  In  the  United 
States,  the  Methodist  Articles  of  Religion,  1784  (ibid., 
HI,  807),  as  well  as  the  Reformed  Episcopal  Articles 
of  Religion,  1875  (ibid.,  in,  814),  follow  the  teachings 
of  the  Thirty-nine  Articles,  whereas  the  teaching  of 
the  Westminster  Confession  is  adopted  in  the  Phila- 


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delphia  Baptist  Confession,  1688,  and  in  the  Confes- 
sion of  the  Cumberland  Presbyterian  Church,  1829 
(ibid.,  Ill,  771).  Protestant  theologians,  just  as 
Protestant  confessions,  waver  between  the  Lutheran 
and  the  Calvinistic  view.  There  is,  however,  in  the 
present  instance  a  decided  leaning  towards  the  Cath- 
olic doctrine  pure  and  simple  in  such  English  or  Amer- 
ican divines  as  Pearson  (Exposition  of  the  Creed,  Ox- 
ford, 1843),  Luckock  (Intermediate  State,  New  York, 
1891),  Mortimer  (The  Creeds,  New  York,  1902), 
Waudrey  (The  Meaning  of  the  Doctrine  of  the  Com- 
munion of  Saints,  London,  1904),  etc. 

The  cause  of  the  perversion  by  Protestants  of  the 
traditional  concept  of  the  communion  of  saints  is  not 
to  be  found  in  the  alleged  lack  of  Scriptural  and  early 
Christian  evidence  in  favour  of  that  concept;  well- 
informed  Protestant  writers  have  long  since  ceased  to 
press  that  argument.    (See  Lange  and  Martensen 

Suoted  by  Hettinger,  op.  cit.  below,  p.  381.)  Nor  is 
iere  any  force  in  the  oft-repeated  argument  that  the 
Catholic  dogma  detracts  from  Christ's  mediatorship,  for 
it  is  plain,  as  St.  Thomas  had  already  shown  (Suppl., 
Q.  lxxii,  a.  2,  ad  1),  that  the  ministerial  mediator- 
ship  of  the  saints  does  not  detract  from,  but  only  en- 
hances, the  magisterial  mediatorship  of  Christ.  Some 
writers  have  traced  that  perversion  to  the  Protestant 
concept  of  the  Church  as  an  aggregation  of  souls  and  a 
multitude  of  units  bound  together  by  a  community  of 
faith  and  pursuit  and  by  the  ties  of  Christian  sym- 
pathy, but  in  no  way  organized  or  interdependent  as 
members  of  the  same  body.  This  explanation  is  de- 
fective because  the  Protestant  concept  of  the  Church 
is  a  fact  parallel  to,  but  in  no  way  causative  of,  their 
view  of  the  communion  of  saints.  The  true  cause 
must  be  found  elsewhere.  As  early  as  1519,  Luther, 
the  better  to  defend  his  condemned  theses  on  the 
papacy,  used  the  clause  of  the  Creed  to  show  that  the 
communion  of  saints,  and  not  the  papacy,  was  the 
Church:  "non,  ut  aliqui  somniant,  credo  ecclesiam 
esse  pnelatum  .  .  .  sed  .  .  .  communionem  sanc- 
torum^' (Werke,  II,  190,  Weimar,  1884).  This  was 
simply  playing  on  the  words  of  the  Symbol.  At  that 
time  Luther  still  held  the  traditional  communion  of 
saints,  little  dreaming  that  he  would  one  day  give  it 
up.  But  he  did  give  it  up  when  he  formulated  his 
theory  on  justification.  The  substitution  of  the  Prot- 
estant motto,  "Christ  for  all  and  each  one  for  him- 
self", in  place  of  the  old  axiom  of  Hugh  of  St.  Victor, 
"Singula  sint  omnium  et  omnia  singulorum"  (each 
for  afl  and  all  for  each — P.  L.,  CLXXV,  416),  is  a  logi- 
cal outcome  of  their  concept  of  justification:  not  an 
interior  renovation  of  the  soul,  nor  a  veritable  regen- 
eration from  a  common  Father,  the  second  Adam,  nor 
yet  an  incorporation  with  Christ,  the  head  of  the  mys- 
tical body,  out  an  essentially  individualistic  act  of 
fiducial  faith.  In  such  a  theology  there  is  obviously 
no  room  for  that  reciprocal  action  of  the  saints,  that 
corporate  circulation  of  spiritual  blessings  through  the 
members  of  the  same  family,  that  domesticity  and 
saintly  citizenship  which  lie  at  the  very  core  of  the 
Catholic  communion  of  saints.  Justification  and  the 
communion  of  saints  go  hand  in  hand.  The  efforts 
which  are  being  made  towards  reviving  in  Protestant- 
ism the  old  and  still  cherished  dogma  of  the  commu- 
nion of  saints  must  remain  futile  unless  the  true  doc- 
trine of  justification  be  also  restored.  (See  Dead, 
Prayers  for  the;  Justification;  Saints.) 

Besides  references  in  the  text,  see  Natalib  Alexander,  Theot. 
dogm.  et  moral,  secundum  ordinem  Catech.  Trid.  (Paris,  1714); 
Fouroez,  Le  Symbols  des  Apdtrcs  expose"  et  dfferuiu  (Paris,  1861); 
Bbringer,  Let  Indulgence)!  (Paris,  1890).  I.  20:  Moehler,  tr. 
Robertson,  Symboltsm  (New  York,  1894);    Hettinger,  tr. 

  A  --'-yie  du  chriitianisme  (Pans,  ».  r1  ^    T*  oort- 

ystical  Body  in  Kara  Sayings 


Veloourt,  Apologie  du  christianisme  (Pans,  s.  dj,  II,  380; 
Tyrrell,  The  Mystical  Body  in  Kara  Sayings  (New  York, 
1902);  Wiseman,  Principal  Doctrines  and  Practices  of  the  Catholic 


Church  (New  York,  s.  tl.);  De  Waal,  tl  simboto apostolico  illus. 
trato  dalle  iscrizioni  dei  primisccoli  (Rome,  1896);  Kirscii,  Die 
hehrc  von  dpr  Gemcinsrhaft  dcr  ffeilifien  (Mainz.  1900);  Morin, 
Sanctorum  Communiontm  in  Rev.  ifhist.  et  litt.  relia.  (1904); 
Bernard  and  Bour,  Communion  des  Saints  in  Diet,  de  thiol,  calh. 


Bareille,  he  Symbols  in  he  Catechisms  Remain  (Montre- 
jeau,  1900),  II,  648.  Also  dogmatic  theologies  of  Schouppe, 
Junou ann,  HnsTXR  PAQ.nET,  etc.,  and  sermons  of  Newman, 
Manning,  Monbabre.  etc.  J.  F.  Sollier. 

Communion  of  the  Sick. — This  differs  from  ordi- 
nary Communion  as  to  the  class  of  persons  to  whom  it  is 
administered,  as  to  the  dispositions  with  which  it  may 
be  received,  and  as  to  the  place  and  ceremonies  of  ad- 
ministration. In  her  anxious  solicitude  for  the  spir- 
itual welfare  of  her  children  the  Church  earnestly 
desires  that  those  who  are  unable  through  illness  to 
receive  the  Blessed  Eucharist  in  the  usual  way  at  the 
altar,  should  not  be  deprived  of  the  consolations  of 
this  sacrament,  and,  accordingly,  she  exhorts  her  pas- 
tors to  satisfy  always  the  pious  desires,  not  only  of  all 
who  are  stricken  with  a  dangerous  sickness  and  re- 
quire strength  to  prepare  them  for  the  final  struggle, 
but  also  of  those  who  may  wish  to  comply  with  the 
paschal  precept  and  cannot  do  so  in  church,  and,  in 
fine,  of  everyone  who  hungers  after  this  life-giving 
bread  even  from  mere  devotion.  When  Communion 
is  administered  to  persons  in  danger  of  death  and  likely 
to  receive  it  for  the  last  time  it  is  called  the  Viaticum. 
With  this  form  of  Communion  there  is  no  need  to  deal 
at  present,  as  everything  concerning  it  will  be  treated 
afterwards  in  its  own  place  (see  Viaticum).  The 
present  article  is  concerned  with  Communion  which  is 
given  to  persons  in  their  own  houses  who,  though  not 
dangerously  ill,  yet  are  so  physically  indisposed  that 
they  cannot  witnout  very  grave  inconvenience  go  to 
church  to  receive  in  the  ordinary  way.  In  the  first 
place,  then,  the  pastor  is  bound  to  minister  Communion 
in  their  homes  to  such  as  have  to  fulfil  their  paschal 
duty  and  cannot  do  so  in  church  owing  to  illness. 
The  pastor's  obligation  in  the  matter  is  not,  of  course, 
purely  personal,  and  hence  it  can  be  discharged  vicari- 
ously. Again  he  is  bound,  though  not  so  strictly,  to 
satisfy  the  reasonable  desires  of  all  sick  persons  who 
are  confined  to  their  homes  by  infirmity  of  any  kind 
and  who  wish  to  receive  the  Blessed  Eucharist.  The 
Roman  Ritual  observes  that  these  pious  wishes  should 
be  especially  gratified  on  the  occasion  of  a  solemn  festi- 
val or  other  celebration  of  the  kind  (Tit.  IV,  cap.  iv). 

Dispositions. — The  sick  who  desire  to  receive 
Communion  out  of  mere  devotion  were  hitherto  bound 
to  receive  it  before  tasting  any  food  or  drink.  Even 
those  who  had  to  fufil  their  paschal  duty  and  who 
could  not  fast  up  to  a  suitable  hour  in  the  morning 
would  not  be  exempted  from  the  obligation  of  fasting, 
according  to  many  theologians.  A  recent  Instruction 
of  the  Congregation  of  the  Council,  dated  7  Decem- 
ber, 1906,  has  modified  very  considerably  the  regu- 
lations hitherto  prevailing  in  regard  to  the  obligation 
of  observing  the  natural  fast  from  the  previous  mid- 
night, as  far  at  least  as  the  sick  are  concerned.  In  ac- 
cordance with  the  provisions  of  this  new  decree  all 
persons  confined  to  their  homes  by  reason  of  indispo- 
sition may  be  Communicated  even  though  not  fasting, 
provided  (1)  that  they  have  been  sick  for  a  month ;  (2) 
that  they  have  medical  testimony  as  to  their  inability 
to  fast;  (3)  that  there  is  no  certain  hope  of  a  speedy 
recovery;  and  (4)  that  only  liquid  food  is  taken. 
When  these  specified  conditions  are  present  Commu- 
nion may  be  given  once  or  twice  a  week  to  those  who 
live  in  houses  where  Mass  is  celebrated  daily,  as  in 
convents,  and  once  or  twice  a  month  to  others  not  so 
placed.  It  is  unnecessary  to  observe  that  the  same  dis- 
positions of  soul  are  required  in  the  sick  as  in  all  other 
persons  for  the  fruitful  reception  of  Holy  Communion. 

Ceremonies. — The  Roman  Ritual  (Tit.  IV,  c.  iv) 
prescribes,  in  detail,  all  the  ceremonies  to  be  observed 
when  Communion  is  given  to  the  sick.  The  manner 
of  carrying  the  Blessed  Sacrament  and  of  administer- 
ing it  is  accurately  described.  The  Consecrated  Species 
should  be  borne  with  all  due  honour,  reverence,  and 
dignity,  in  solemn  procession,  with  lights,  and  all  the 
other  customary  formalities.   This,  however,  is  ac- 


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cording  to  the  general  law  of  the  Church.  Many  coun- 
tries, at  the  present  day,  in  which  this  solemn  and 
public  conveyance  of  the  Blessed  Sacrament  is  not  pos- 
sible, have  obtained  an  Apostolic  indult  in  virtue  of 
which  the  Sacred  Species  may  be  carried  privately  and 
without  any  pomp  or  external  ceremonial  (Second  Plen. 
Counc.  of  Bait.,  n.  264),  but  it  must  always  be  enclosed 
in  a  silver  box  or  pyx,  which  should  be  securely  fast- 
ened around  the  person.  Other  cases  of  exception 
are  also  recognized  (Ben.  XIV,  "Inter  Unigenas"). 
Whilst  carrying  the  Blessed  Sacrament  in  this  private 
manner,  the  priest  need  not  wear  any  sacred  vestment, 
but  in  the  actual  administration  he  should  wear  at 
least  a  stole,  soutane,  and  surplice  (Cong,  of  Rites,  n. 
2650).  The  sick  chamber  should  be  neatly  and 
chastely  arranged.  Near  the  bed  there  ought  to  be  a 
table  covered  with  a  white  cloth,  with  a  crucifix,  two 
candles,  small  vessel  of  clean  water,  Holy  Water  and 
■prinkler,  and  communion-card.  It  only  remains  to 
•ay  that  the  form  used  in  giving  Communion  in  pri- 
vate houses  should  be  the  usual  one,  the  Accipe 
frater  or  soror,  etc.  being  restricted  to  the  administra- 
tion of  the  Viaticum. 

Rit.  Rom.,  De  Com.  Inf.,  Tit.  IV.  Cap.  iv;  Catalan].  Com- 
meniarium  tn  Rit.  Rom.  (Rorne,  1850),  I;  Babuffaldi,  Rit. 
Rom.,  Com.  Inl.  (Florence,  1847);  O'Kane,  Note*  on  Rubric* 
of  Rom.  Rit.  (Dublin,  1887) ;  Van  Deb  Stapkn.  De  Adm. 
Sacr.  (Mechlin.  1002) ;  Gaspahrj,  Tract.  Can.  de  Euch.  (Paris. 
1900),  II;  Lehmkuhl,  Comp.  Thtol.  Mot.  (Freiburg.  1806),  II; 
OrHR,  L'Eueharittie. 

Patrick  Morrishoe. 


Communion  under  Both  Kinds. — Communion 
under  one  kind  is  the  reception  of  the  Sacrament  of 
the  Eucharist  under  the  species  or  appearance  of  bread 
alone,  or  of  wine  alone;  Communion  under  two  or 
both  kinds,  the  distinct  reception  under  the  two  or 
both  species,  sub  utrdque  specie,  at  the  same  time.  In 
the  present  article  we  shall  treat  the  subject  under  the 
following  heads:  I.  Catholic  Doctrine  and  Modern 
Discipline;  II.  History  of  Disciplinary  Variations; 
III.  Theological  Speculation. 

I.  Catholic  Doctrine  and  Modern  Discipline. — 
(1)  Under  this  head  the  following  points  are  to  be 
noted:  (a)  In  reference  to  the  Eucharist  as  a  sacrifice, 
the  Communion,  under  both  kinds,  of  the  celebrating 
priest  belongs  at  least  to  the  integrity,  and,  according 
to  some  theologians,  to  the  essence,  of  the  sacrificial 
rite,  and  may  not,  therefore,  be  omitted  without  vio- 
lating the  sacrificial  precept  of  Christ:  "Do  this  for 
a  commemoration  of  me"  (Luke,  xxii,  19).  This  is 
taught  implicitly  by  the  Council  of  Trent  (Sees.  XXI, 
c.  i;  XXll,  c.  i).  (b)  There  is  no  Divine  precept 
binding  the  laity  or  non-celebrating  priests  to  receive 
the  sacrament  under  both  kinds  (Trent,  Sess.  XXI, 
c.  i).  (c)  By  reason  of  the  hypostatic  union  and  of 
the  indivisibility  of  His  glorified  humanity,  Christ  is 
really  present  and  is  received  whole  and  entire,  body 
and  blood,  soul  and  Divinity,  under  either  species 
alone;  nor,  as  regards  the  fruits  of  the  sacrament,  is 
the  communicant  under  one  kind  deprived  'of  any 
grace  necessary  for  salvation  (Trent,  Sess.  XXI,  c.  iii). 
(d)  In  reference  to  the  sacraments  generally,  apart 
from  their  substance,  salvd  eorum  substanliA,  l.  e. 
apart  from  what  has  been  strictly  determined  by  Di- 
vine institution  or  precept,  the  Church  has  authority 
to  determine  or  modify  the  rites  and  usages  employed 
in  their  administration,  according  as  she  judges  it  ex- 
pedient for  the  greater  profit  of  the  recipients  or  the 
better  protection  of  the  sacraments  themselves  against 
irreverence.  Hence  "although  the  usage  of  Com- 
munion under  two  kinds  was  not  infrequent  in  the 
early  ages  [ab  initio]  of  the  Christian  religion,  yet,  the 
custom  in  this  respect  having  changed  almost  uni- 
versally [latisrime]  in  the  course  of  time,  holy  mother 
the  Church,  mindful  of  her  authority  in  the  adminis- 
tration of  the  Sacraments,  and  influenced  by  weighty 
and  just  reasons,  has  approved  the  custom  of  com* 


municating  under  one  kind,  and  decreed  it  to  have  the 
force  of  a  law,  which  may  not  be  set  aside  or  changed 
but  by  the  Church's  own  authority"  (Trent,  Sess. 
XXI,  c.  ii).  Not  only,  therefore,  is  Communion  under 
both  kinds  not  obligatory  on  the  faithful,  but  the 
chalice  is  strictly  forbidden  by  ecclesiastical  law  to  any 
but  the  celebrating  priest.  These  decrees  of  the  Coun- 
cil of  Trent  were  directed  against  the  Reformers  of  the 
sixteenth  century,  who,  on  the  strength  of  John,  vi, 
54,  Matt.,  xx vi,  27,  and  Luke,  xxii,  17,  19,  enforced 
in  most  cases  by  a  denial  of  the  Real  Presence  and  of 
the  Sacrifice  of  the  Mass,  maintained  the  existence  of 
a  Divine  precept  obliging  the  faithful  to  receive  under 
both  kinds,  and  denounced  the  Catholic  practice  of 
withholding  the  cup  from  the  laity  as  a  sacrilegious 
mutilation  of  the  sacrament.  A  century  earlier  the 
Hussites,  particularly  the  party  of  the  Calixtines,  had 
asserted  tne  same  doctrine,  without  denying,  however, 
the  Real  Presence  or  the  Sacrifice  of  the  Mass,  and  on 
the  strength  principally  of  John,  vi,  54;  and  the 
Council  of  Constance  in  its  thirteenth  session  (1415) 
had  already  condemned  their  position  and  affirmed  the 
binding  force  of  the  existing  discipline  in  terms  prac- 
tically identical  with  those  of  Trent  (see  decree  ap- 
proved by  Martin  V,  1418,  in  Denzinger,  Enchiridion, 
n.  585).  It  is  to  be  observed  that  neither  council  in- 
troduced any  new  legislation  on  the  subject;  both 
were  content  with  declaring  that  the  existing  custom 
had  already  acquired  the  force  of  law.  A  few  priv- 
ileged exceptions  to  the  law  and  a  few  instances  of  ex- 
press dispensation,  occurring  later,  will  be  noticed 
below  (II). 

(2)  Regarding  the  merits  of  the  Utraquist  contro- 
versy, if  we  assume  the  doctrinal  points  involved — viz. 
the  absence  of  a  Divine  precept  imposing  Communion 
under  both  kinds,  the  integral  presence  and  reception 
of  Christ  under  either  species,  and  the  discretionary 
power  of  the  Church  over  everything  connected  with 
the  sacraments  that  is  not  Divinely  determined — the 
question  of  giving  or  refusing  the  chalice  to  the  laity 
becomes  purely  practical  and  disciplinary,  and  is  to  be 
decided  by  a  reference  to  the  twofold  purpose  to  be  at- 
tained, of  safeguarding  the  reverence  due  to  this  most 
august  sacrament  and  of  facilitating  and  encouraging 
its  frequent  and  fervent  reception.  Nor  can  it  be 
doubted  that  the  modern  Catholic  discipline  best  se- 
cures these  ends.  The  danger  of  spilling  the  Precious 
Blood  and  of  other  forms  of  irreverence;  the  incon- 
venience and  delay  in  administering  the  chalice  to 
large  numbers;  the  difficulty  of  reservation  for  Com- 
munion outside  of  Mass;  the  not  unreasonable  objec- 
tion, on  hygienic  and  other  grounds,  to  promiscuous 
drinking  from  the  same  chalice,  which  of  itself  alone 
would  act  as  a  strong  deterrent  to  frequent  Commu- 
nion in  the  case  of  a  great  many  otherwise  well-dis- 
posed people;  these  and  similar  "weighty  and  just 
reasons"  against  the  Utraquist  practice  are  more  than 
sufficient  to  justify  the  Church  in  forbidding  it.  Of 
the  doctrinal  points  mentioned  above,  the  only  one  that 
need  be  discussed  here  is  the  question  of  the  existence 
or  non-existence  of  a  Divine  precept  imposing  Com- 
munion sub  utr&que.  Of  the  texts  brought  forward  by 
Utraquists  in  proof  of  such  a  precept,  the  command, 
"  Drink  ye  all  of  this"  (Matt.,  xxvi,  27),  ajid  its  equiv- 
alent in  St.  Luke  (xxii,  17,  i.  e.  supposing  the  reference 
here  to  be  to  the  Eucharistic  and  not  to  the  paschal 
cup),  cannot  fairly  be  held  to  apply  to  any  but  those 
present  on  the  occasion,  ana  to  them  only  for 
that  particular  occasion.  Were  one  to  insist  that 
Christ's  action  in  administering  Holy  Communion 
under  both  kinds  to  the  Apostles  at  the  Last  Supper 
was  intended  to  lay  down  a  law  for  all  future  recipi- 
ents, he  should  for  the  same  reason  insist  that  several 
other  temporary  and  accidental  circumstances  con- 
nected with  the  first  celebration  of  the  Eucharist 
(v.  g.  the  preceding  paschal  rites,  the  use  of  un- 
leavened bread,  the  talcing  of  the  Sacred  Species  by  the 


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ecipients  themselves)  were  likewise  intended  to  be 
obligatory  for  all  future  celebrations.  The  institution 
under  both  kinds,  or  the  separate  consecration  of  the 
bread  and  wine,  belongs  essentially,  in  Catholic  opin- 
ion, to  the  sacrificial,  as  distinct  from  the  sacramental, 
character  of  the  Eucharist;  and  when  Christ,  in  the 
ffords,  "Do  this  for  a  commemoration  of  me"  (Luke, 
xxii,  19),  gave  to  the  Apostles  both  the  command  ana 
the  power  to  offer  the  Eucharistic  sacrifice,  they  under- 
stood Him  merely  to  impose  upon  them  and  their  suc- 
cessors in  thepnesthood  the  obligation  of  sacrificing 
sub  utr&que.  This  obligation  the  Church  has  rigorously 
observed. 

In  John,  vi,  54,  Christ  says:  "Except  you  eat  the 
flesh  of  the  Son  of  man,  and  drink  his  blood,  you  shall 
not  have  life  in  you";  but  in  verses  52  and  59  he 
attributes  life  eternal  to  the  eating  of  "this  bread" 
(which  is  "my  flesh  for  the  life  of  the  world"),  with- 
out mention  of  the  drinking  of  His  blood:  "if  anyone 
eat  of  this  bread  he  shall  live  forever".  Now  the 
Utraqui8t  interpretation  would  suppose  that  in  verse 
54  Christ  meant  to  emphasize  the  distinction  between 
the  mode  of  reception  "by  eating"  and  the  mode  of 
reception  "by  drinking",  and  to  include  both  modes 
distinctly  in  the  precept  He  imposes.  But  such 
literalism,  extravagant  in  any  connexion,  would  result 
in  this  case  in  putting  verse  54  in  opposition  to  52  and 
59,  interpreted  in  the  same  rigid  way.  From  which 
we  may  infer  that,  whatever  special  significance  at- 
taches to  the  form  of  expression  employed  in  verse  54, 
Christ  did  not  have  recourse  to  that  form  for  the  pur- 
pose of  promulgating  a  law  of  Communion  sub  utr&que. 
The  twofold  expression  is  employed  by  Christ  in  order 
to  heighten  the  realism  of  the  promise — to  emphasize 
more  vividly  the  reality  of  the  Eucharistic  presence, 
and  to  convey  the  idea  that  His  Body  and  Blood  were 
to  be  the  perfect  spiritual  aliment,  the  food  and  drink, 
of  the  faithful.  In  the  Catholic  teaching  on  the 
Eucharist  this  meaning  is  fully  verified.  Christ  is 
really  and  integrally  present,  and  really  and  integrally 
received,  under  either  kind ;  and  from  the  sacramental 
point  of  view  it  is  altogether  immaterial  whether  this 
perfect  reception  takes  place  after  the  analogy  in  the 
natural  order  of  solid  or  of  liquid  food  alone,  or  after 
the  analogy  of  both  combined  (cf.  Ill  below).  In  I 
Cor.,  xi,  28,  to  which  Utraquists  sometimes  appeal,  St. 
Paul  is  concerned  with  the  preparation  required  for  a 
worthy  reception  of  the  Eucharist.  His  mention  of 
both  species,  "this  bread  and  the  chalice",  is  merely 
incidental,  and  implies  nothing  more  than  the  bare 
fact  that  Communion  under  both  kinds  was  the  pre- 
vailing usage  in  Apostolic  times.  From  the  verse 
immediately  preceding  (27)  a  difficulty  might  be 
raised  against  the  dogmatic  presuppositions  of  the 
great  majority  of  Utraquists,  and  an  argument  ad- 
vanced in  proof  of  the  Catholic  doctrine  of  the  integral 


guilty  of  the  body  and  of  the  blood  of  the  Cord",  i.  e. 
w  hoe  ver  receives  either  unworthily  is  guilty  of  both .  But 
it  is  unnecessary  to  insist  on  this  argument  in  defence 
of  the  Catholic  position.  We  are  justified  in  conclud- 
ing that  the  N.  T.  contains  no  proof  of  the  existence 
of  a  Divine  precept  binding  the  faithful  to  Communi- 
cate under  both  kinds.  It  will  appear,  further,  from 
the  following  historical  survey,  that  the  Church  has 
never  recognized  the  existence  of  such  a  precept. 

II.  History  or  Disciplinary  Variations. — From 
the  First  to  the  Twelfth  Century. — It  may  be  stated  as  a 
general  fact,  that  down  to  the  twelfth  century,  in  the 
West  as  well  as  in  the  East,  public  Communion  in  the 
churches  was  ordinarily  administered  and  received 
under  both  kinds.  That  such  was  the  practice  in 
Apostolic  times  is  implied  in  1  Cor.,  xi,  28  (see  above), 
nor  does  the  abbreviated  reference  to  the  "  breaking 
of  bread"  in  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles  (ii,  46)  prove 


anything  to  the  contrary.  The  witnesses  to  the  same 
effect  for  the  sub-Apostolic  and  subsequent  ages  are 
too  numerous,  and  the  fact  itself  too  dearly  beyond 
dispute,  to  require  that  the  evidence  should  be  cited 
here.  But  side  by  side  with  the  regular  liturgical 
usage  of  Communion  sub  utr&que,  there  existed  from 
the  earliest  times  the  custom  of  communicating  in 
certain  cases  under  one  kind  alone.  This  custom  is 
exemplified  (1)  in  the  not  infrequent  practice  of 
private  domestic  Communion,  portion  of  the  Euchar- 
istic bread  being  brought  by  the  faithful  to  their 
homes  and  there  reserved  for  this  purpose;  (2)  in  the 
Communion  of  the  sick,  which  was  usually  adminis- 
tered under  the  species  of  bread  alone;  (3)  in  the 
Communion  of  children  which  was  usually  given,  even 
in  the  churches,  under  the  species  of  wine  alone,  but 
sometimes  under  the  species  of  bread  alone;  (4)  in 
the  Communion  under  the  species  of  bread  alone  at 
the  Mass  of  the  Presanctifiea,  and,  as  an  optional 
practice,  in  some  churches  on  ordinary  occasions. 
To  these  examples  may  be  added  (5)  the  practice  of 
the  intinctio  panis,  i.  e.  the  dipping  of  the  consecrated 
bread  in  the  Precious  Blood  ana  its  administration 
per  modum  cibi.  We  will  notice  briefly  the  history 
of  each  of  these  divergent  practices. 

(1)  During  the  third  century,  in  Africa  at  least,  as 
we  learn  from  Tertullian  and  St.  Cyprian,  the  practice 
on  the  part  of  the  faithful  of  bringing  to  their  homes 
and  reserving  for  private  Communion  a  portion  of  the 
Eucharistic  oread,  would  appear  to  have  been  univer- 
sal. Tertullian  refers  to  this  private  domestic  Com- 
munion as  a  commonplace  in  Christian  life,  and  makes 
it  the  basis  of  an  argument,  addressed  to  his  wife, 
against  second  marriage  with  an  infidel  in  case  of  his 
own  death:  "Non  sciet  maritus  quid  secreto  ante 
omnem  cibum  gustes,  et  si  sciverit  esse  panem,  non 
ilium  credet  esse  qui  dicitur?"  (Ad  Uxor.,  c.  v,  P.  L., 
I,  1296).  There  can  be  question  here  only  of  the 
species  of  bread,  and  the  same  is  true  of  the  two 
stories  told  by  St.  Cyprian:  the  one  of  a  man  who, 
before  Communion,  had  attended  an  idolatrous  func- 
tion, and  on  retiring  from  the  altar  and  opening  his 
hand,  in  which  he  had  taken  and  carried  the  Sacred 
Species,  found  nothing  in  it  but  ashes;  the  other  of 
a  woman  who  "cum  arcam  suam,  in  qua  Domini 
sanctum  fuit,  manibus  indignis  tentasset  aperire,  igne 
hide  surgente  deterrita  est  (De  Lapsis,  26,  P.  L., 
IV,  486).  This  custom  owed  its  origin  mostprobably 
to  the  dangers  and  uncertainties  to  which  Christians 
were  subject  in  times  of  persecution ;  but  we  have  it 
on  the  authority  of  St.  Basil  (Ep.  xciii,  P.  G.,  XXXII, 
485)  that  in  the  fourth  century,  when  the  persecutions 
had  ceased,  it  continued  to  be  a  general  practice  in 
Alexandria  and  Egypt;  and  on  the  authority  of  St. 
Jerome  (Ep.  xlvui,  15,  P.  L.,  XXII,  506)  that  it 
still  existed  at  Rome  towards  the  end  of  the  same 
century.  It  is  impossible  to  say  at  what  precise 
period  the  practice  disappeared.  The  many  obvious 
objections  against  it  would  seem  to  have  led  to  its 
abolition  in  the  West  without  the  need  of  formal  legis- 
lation. The  third  canon  attributed  to  the  Council  of 
Saragossa  (380)  and  the  fourteenth  canon  of  the  Coun- 
cil of  Toledo  (400),  excommunicating  those  who  do 
not  consume  in  the  church  the  Eucharist  received 
from  the  priest  (Hefele,  Conciliencesch.,  1, 744;  II,  79), 
were  directed  against  the  Priscillianists  (who  refused 
to  consume  any  portion  of  the  Eucharistic  bread  in 
the  church),  and  do  not  seem  to  have  been  intended 
to  prohibit  the  practice  of  reserving  a  portion  for 
private  Communion  at  home.  In  the  East  the  prac- 
tice continued  long  after  its  disappearance  in  the 
West,  and  in  the  eighth  century  the  faithful  were  able 
to  avail  themselves  of  it  as  a  means  of  avoiding  as- 
sociation with  the  Iconoclastic  heretics  (Pargoire, 
L'Eglise  byzantine,  Paris,  1905,  p.  339  sq.).  It  had 
already  been  adopted  by  the  anchorites,  as  St.  Basil 
(loc.  cit.)  tells  us,  and  continued  to  be  a  feature  of 


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anchoretio  life  as  late  as  the  ninth  century  (see  Theo- 
dore Studita  (d.  826),  Ep.  i,  57,  ii,  209,  in  P.  G., 
XCIX,  1115, 1661). 

(2)  That  Communion  of  the  sick  under  the  species 
of  bread  alone  was  the  ordinary  usage  at  Alexandria 
in  the  middle  of  the  third  century  is  proved  by  the 
account  of  the  death-bed  Communion  of  the  old  man 
SerapionaatoldbyEusebius  (H.  E.,  VI,  xliv,  in  P.  G., 
XX,  629),  on  the  authority  of  Dionysius  of  Alexandria 
(d.  264).  It  is  recorded  of  St.  Basil  that  he  received 
Holy  Communion  several  times  on  the  day  of  his 
death,  and  under  the  species  of  bread  alone,  as  may 
be  inferred  from  the  biographer's  words  (Vita  Basilii, 
iv,  P.  G.,  XXIX,  315).  We  have  it  on  the  authority 
of  Paulinus,  secretary  and  biographer  of  St.  Ambrose, 
that  the  saint  on  his  death-bed  received  from  St. 
Honoratus  of  Veroelli  "  Domini  corpus,  quo  acoepto, 
ubi  glutivit,  emisit  spiritum,  bonum  viaticum  secum 
ferens"  (Vita  Ambr.,  47,  P.  L.,  XIV,  43).  These 
testimonies  are  sufficient  to  establish  the  fact  that, 
in  the  early  oenturies,  reservation  of  the  Eucharist 
for  the  sick  and  dying,  of  which  the  Council  of  Nicsea 
(325)  Bpeaks  (can.  xui)  as  "  the  ancient  and  canonical 
rule",  was  usual  under  one  kind.  The  reservation  of 
the  species  of  wine  for  use  as  the  Viaticum  would  have 
involved  so  many  practical  difficulties  that,  in  the 
absence  of  clear  evidence  on  the  subject,  we  may  feel 
sure  that  it  was  never  the  general  practice.  We  are 
told  by  St.  Justin  Martyr  (Apol.,  I,  67,  P.  G.,  VI,  429) 
that  on  Sundays,  after  the  celebration  of  the  Sacrifice, 
the  Eucharistic  elements  were  received  by  all  present 
and  carried  by  the  deacons  to  those  absent.  But  this 
would  have  been  possible  only  in  small  and  compact 
communities,  and  that  it  was  not  a  general  custom 
and  did  not  long  survive  may  be  inferred  from  the 
fact  that  no  subsequent  mention  of  it  is  to  be  found. 
St.  Jerome  (Ep.  cxxv,  20,  P.  L.,  XXII,  1085)  speaks 
of  St.  Exupenus  of  Toulouse,  "qui  corpus  Domini 
canistro  vimineo,  sanguinem  portat  in  vitro",  but  this 
example  of  a  private  devotional  practice,  which  is  also 
exceptional  in  its  way,  throws  no  light  on  the  usage  of 
Communion  for  the  sick.  It  is  recorded  in  the  life  of 
St.  Mary  of  Egypt  (21  sq..  P.  L.,  LXXIII,  686)  that 
the  Abbot  Zosimos  brought  Communion  under  both 
kinds  to  her  solitary  retreat  in  the  desert,  and  in  later 
times  there  are  several  examples  of  dying  persons 
communicating  sub  utrdque.  But  everything  leads 
us  to  suppose  that  such  Communions,  as  a  rule,  were 
administered  in  connexion  with  Mass,  celebrated  in 
the  house  of  the  sick  person  or  in  the  immediate 
vicinity;  and  this  supposition  is  strongly  confirmed 
by  the  well-known  fact  that  the  sick  were  sometimes 
carried  to  the  church  for  the  purpose  of  receiving  both 
the  Eucharist  and  Extreme  Unction  (see  Chardon, 
Hist.  Du  Sacrem.  de  l'Eucharistie,  c.  v,  Migne,  Theol. 
Cursus  Completus,  XX,  282).  It  is  to  be  noted, 
finally,  that  the  sick  who  could  not  consume  the  Host 
were  allowed  to  receive  under  the  species  of  wine 
alone  (Council  of  Toledo,  675,  can.  ii,  Mansi,  XI, 
143-4). 

(3)  It  was  the  practice  in  the  Early  Church  to  give 
the  Holy  Eucharist  to  children  even  before  they  at- 
tained the  use  of  reason.  It  is  implied  by  St.  Cyprian 
(De  Lapsis,  25,  P.  L.,  IV,  484)  that  the  chalice  alone 
was  offered  to  them;  and  St.  Augustine,  in  his  inci- 
dental references  to  child-Communion,  speaks  of  it  as 
administered  under  either  species  (Ep.  ccxvii,  5, 
P.  L.,  XXXIII,  984  sq.),,  or  under  the  species  of  wine 
alone  (Opus  Imp.,  II,  30,  P.  L.,  XLV,  1154).  St. 
Paulinus  of  Nola,  speaking  of  newly-baptized  children, 
states  that  the  priest  "cruda  salutiferis  imbuit  ora 
cibis"  (Ep.  xxrii,  6,  P.  L.,  LXI,  333),  which  is 
applicable  only  to  the  species  of  wine.  In  the  East 
also,  in  some  churches  at  least,  children,  especially 
suckling  infants,  communicated  under  the  species  of 
wine  alone  (see  Dom  Martene,  De  Antiq.  Eccl.  Ritibus, 
I,  xhr;  Gasparri,  Tract.  Canon,  de  SS.  Eucharistia, 

IV.— 12 


II,  n.  1121).  There  are  examples,  on  the  other  hand, 
both  in  the  Western  and  Eastern  Churches,  of  Com- 
munion administered  to  children  under  the  species  of 
bread  alone.  Thus  the  Council  of  Macon  (586)  de- 
creed that  the  fragments  of  consecrated  bread  remain- 
ing over  after  the  Sunday  Communion  were  to  be  con- 
sumed by  children  (innocentes)  brought  to  the  church 
for  that  purpose  on  the  following  Wednesday  or 
Friday  (Labbe-Cossart,  VI,  675);  and  Evagrius  (d. 
594)  tells  us  that  a  similar  custom  existed  at  Constan- 
tinople from  ancient  times  (Hist.  Eocl.,  IV,  36,  P.  G., 
LXXXVI,  2769). 

(4)  The  Mass  of  the  Presanctified,  in  which  the 
essence  of  the  sacrifice  as  such  is  wanting,  admits  of 
Communion  only  under  the  species  of  bread.  The 
custom  of  celebrating  in  this  manner  was  introduced 
in  the  East  by  the  Council  of  Laodicea  in  the  fourth 
century  (can.  xlix)  and  confirmed  by  the  Second 
Council  in  Trullo  in  692  (Hefele,  op.  cit.,  I,  772).  It 
was  the  rule  for  all  fast  days  during  Lent,  and  the  faith- 
ful were  in  the  habit  of  receiving  at  it  (Pargoire,  op. 
cit.,  p.  341  sq.).  This  custom  is  still  maintained  i« 
the  East  (Gasparri,  op.  cit.,  I,  n.  68).  In  the  West  the 
Mass  of  the  Presanctified,  celebrated  only  on  Good 
Friday,  is  mentioned  in  the  Gelasian  Sacramentary  (P. 
L.,  LXXIV,  1105)  and  in  later  sources,  and  in  the  be- 
ginning the  faithful  used  to  communicate  at  it.  Apart 
from  the  Mass  of  the  Presanctified  the  faithful  were 
sometimes  allowed  to  receive  under  the  species  of 
bread  alone,  even  at  the  public  Communion  in  the 
church.  From  an  incident  recorded  by  Sozomen 
(H.  E.,  VIII,  v,  P.  L.,  LXVII,  1528  sq.)  as  having 
occurred  at  Constantinople  in  the  time  of  St.  John 
Chrysostom,  it  would  seem  to  follow  that  the  recep- 
tion of  the  consecrated  bread  alone  was  sufficent  to 
satisfy  the  requirements  of  the  then  existing  disci- 
pline. The  point  of  the  story  is,  that  the  unconverted 
wife  of  a  converted  Macedonian  heretic,  being  com- 
pelled by  her  husband  to  communicate  in  the  Catholic 
Church,  secretly  substituted  at  the  moment  of  recep- 
tion a  piece  of  ordinary  bread,  which  her  servant  had 
brought  for  the  purpose,  but  was  balked  in  her  deceit- 
ful design  by  a  miracle,  which  petrified  the  bread  with 
the  marks  of  her  teeth  upon  it.  In  the  West,  as  is 
clear  from  St.  Leo  the  Great  (Serm.  xlii,  5,  P.  L., 
LlV,  279  sq.),  the  Manichteans  at  Rome,  towards  the 
middle  of  the  fifth  century,  sometimes  succeeded  in 
communicating  fraudulently  in  the  Catholic  Church: 
"ore  indigno  corpus  Christi  accipiunt,  sanguinem 
autem  redemptions  nostra  haurire  omnino  dechnant ' '. 
This  sacrilega  simulatio  on  the  part  of  the  heretics 
would  have  been  impossible,  unless  it  was  customary 
at  the  time  for  at  least  some  of  the  faithful  to  receive 
under  one  kind  alone.  That  those  detected  in  this 
simulatio  are  ordered  by  St.  Leo  to  be  excluded  alto- 
gether from  Communion,  implies  no  reprobation  on 
the  merits  of  Communion  under  one  kind  ■  and  the 
same  is  true  of  the  decree  attributed  by  Gratian  to 
Pope  Gelasius,  "aut  integra  sacramenta  percipiant, 
aut  ab  integris  arceantur"  (De  Consec.,  D.  II,  c.  xii, 
P.  L.,  CLXXXVII,  1736).  In  the  monastic  rule 
attributed  to  St.  Columbanus  (d.  615)  it  is  prescribed 
that  novices  and  those  not  properly  instructed  "ad 
calicem  non  accedant"  (P.  L.,  LXXX,  220).  This 
also  seems  to  imply  the  usage  in  some  cases  of  Com- 
munion under  one  kind ;  and,  as  a  further  instance  of 
divergence  in  this  direction  from  Communion  strictly 
sub  utrdque,  may  be  mentioned  the  practice,  intro- 
duced about  this  time,  of  substituting  for  consecrated 
wine,  in  the  Communion  of  the  faithful,  ordinary  wine, 
into  which  a  few  drops  of  the  consecrated  wine  had 
been  poured.  According  to  the  "Ordo  Roman  us 
Primus",  which  in  its  present  form  dates  from  the 
ninth  century,  this  usage  was  followed  at  the  pontifical 
Mass  in  Rome  (see  Mabillon,  P.  L.,  LXXVIII,  875, 
882,  903).  It  was  adopted  also  in  several  other 
churches  (Dom  Martene,  op.  cit.,  I,  ix).   Some  theolo- 


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gians  of  the  period  held  with  Amalarius  of  Metz  (d. 
837)  (De  Eccl.  off.,  I,  15,  P.  L.,  CV,  1032)  that  in  this 
case  the  common  wine  received  a  certain  consecration 
by  the  infusion  of  the  consecrated  drops;  but  the 
majority,  including  St.  Bernard  (Bp.  hax,  2,  P.  L., 
QLXXXII,  181),  denied  that  there  was  any  consecra- 
tion in  the  proper  sense,  or  that  the  reception  of  this 
chalice  was  strictly  speaking  the  reception  of  the 
Precious  Blood. 

-  (5)  The  practice  of  the  intinclio  pants,  mentioned 
abovfc,  which  is  the  last  disciplinary  variation  to  be 
noticed  during  this  period,  was  already  forbidden  by 
the. Council  of  Braga  in  676  (Mansi,  XI,  155),  but,  as 
appears  from  the  "Micrologus"  (xix,  P.  L.,  CLI,  989 
sqijl  was  reintroduced  in  the  eleventh  century.  It 
Wjttldondemned  once  more  by  the  Council  of  Clermont 
(Mw)  under  the  presidency  of  Urban  II,  but  with  the 
limilfAtyon  "nisi  per  necessitatem  et  per  cautelam" 
(Ifansi*  XX,  818).  The  exception  "per  cautelam" 
atypws  the  intinclio  when  it  might  be  necessary  as  a 
atiop  against  the  spilling  of  the  Precious  Blood, 
» later  prohibition  of  Paschal  II  (Ep.  535,  P.  L., 
,  .il„  442)  makes  an  exception  only  "in  parvulis 
i«3  oraoino  infirmis  qui  panem  absorbere  non  possunt ". 
Notwithstanding  these  prohibitions  the  practice  sur- 
vivedin  many  paces,  as  we  learn  from  Robert  Pulleyn 
(<uJ146;  Sent.  VIII,  iii,  P.  L.,  CLXXXVI,  964),  who 
owvdemns  it.  Its  prohibition  is  renewed  as  late  as 
l 175  by  a  Council  of  London  or  Westminster  (Hefele, 
op.  oit.»  V,  688).  There  is  no  evidence  of  the  intinctio 
in,, -the  East  during  the  first  ten  centuries,  but  its 
existence  in  the  eleventh  century  is  one  of  the  grounds 
oil  reproach  advanced  by  Cardinal  Humbert  (d.  1061) 
against  the  Greeks  (Adv.  Graec.  calumnias,  33,  P.  L., 
CXLXII,  957  sq.).  According  to  Dora  Martene  (d. 
1739)  the  practice  still  existed  in  the  East  in  his  own 
time  (op.  cit.,  I,  13);  while  the  custom  of  pouring 
some  drops  of  the  Precious  Blood  on  the  consecrated 
bread,  which  was  then  dried  by  heating  and  reserved 
during  a  whole  year  for  the  Communion  of  the  sick, 
may  .  be  considered  as  a  kind  of  intinctio.  This  latter 
custom  was  prohibited  by  Benedict  XIV  for  the  Italo- 
G  reeks  in  1752,  but  the  usage,  where  it  existed  among 
them,  of  receiving  the  Host  on  a  spoon  with  some 
dxops  of  the  Precious  Blood,  was  allowed  to  be  re- 
tained (Gasparri,  op.  cit.,  II,  1177). 

It  is  abundantly  clear  from  this  brief  survey  of  dis- 
ciplinary variations  during  the  first  twelve  centuries 
that  the  Church  never  regarded  Communion  under 
both  kinds  as  a  matter  of  Divine  precept. 

Since  the  Twelfth  Century. — The  final  suppression 
of  the  intinctio  was  followed  in  the  thirteenth  century 
by  the  gradual  abolition  for  the  laity  of  Communion 
under  the  species  of  wine.  The  desuetude  of  the 
chalice  was  not  yet  universal  in  St.  Thomas'  time 
(d.  1274):  "provide  in  quibusdam  ecclesiis  observa- 
tur",  he  says,  "ut  populo  sanguis  sumendus  non 
detur,  sed  solum  a  saceidote  sumatur"  (Summa,  III, 
Q.  lxxx,  a.  12).  The  Council  of  Lambeth  (1281)  directs 
that  the  consecrated  wine  is  to  be  received  by  the 
priest  alone,  and  non-consecrated  wine  distributed  to 
the  faithful  (Mansi,  XXIV,  405).  It  is  impossible  to 
say  exactly  when  the  new  custom  became  universal, 
or  when,  by  the  Church's  approval,  it  acquired  the 
force  of  law.  But  such  was  already  the  case  long 
before  the  outbreak  of  the  Hussite  disturbances,  as  is 
clear  from  the  decree  of  the  Council  of  Constance  (see 
I  above).  The  Council  of  Basle  granted  (1433)  the 
use  of  the  chalice  to  the  Calixtines  of  Bohemia  under 
certain  conditions,  the  chief  of  which  was  the  acknowl- 
edgment of  Christ's  integral  presence  under  either 
kind.   This  concession,  which  had  never  been  ap- 

C roved  by  any  pope,  was  positively  revoked  in  1462 
y  the  Nuncio  Fantini  on  the  order  of  Pius  II.  The 
Council  of  Trent  while  defining  the  points  already 
mentioned,  referred  to  the  pope  the  decision  of  the 
question  whether  the  urgent  petition  of  the  German 


emperor  to  have  the  use  of  the  chalice  allowed  in  his 
dominions  should  be  granted;  and  in  1564  Pius  IV 
authorized  some  German  bishops  to  permit  it  in 
their  dioceses,  provided  certain  conditions  were  ful- 
filled. But,  owing  to  the  inconveniences  that  were 
found  to  result,  this  concession  was  withdrawn  in  the 
following  year.  Benedict  XIV  states  (De  Misses 
Sacrif.,  II,  xxii,  n.  32)  that  in  his  time  the  kings  of 
France  had  the  privilege  of  communicating  sub 
utrdque  at  their  coronation  and  on  their  death-bed. 
In  the  eighteenth  century  the  deacon  and  subdeacon 
officiating  at  High  Mass  in  the  Church  of  Saint-Denis, 
Paris,  on  Sundays  and  solemn  feasts,  and  at  Cluny  on 
all  feasts  of  obligation,  were  allowed  to  receive  sub 
utr&que  (Benedict  XIV,  loc.  cit.).  The  only  surviving 
example  of  this  privilege  is  in  the  case  of  the  deacon 
and  subdeacon  officiating  in  the  solemn  Mass  of  the 
pope. 

III.  Theological  Speculation. — The  definition 
of  the  Council  of  Trent,  to  the  effect  that  the  com- 
municant under  one  kind  is  deprived  of  no  grace  neces- 
sary for  salvation  (see  I),  was  intended  merely  to 
negative  the  Utraquist  contention,  and  is  not  to  be 
understood  as  implying  that  Communion  under  one 
kind  involves  incompleteness  of  sacramental  causal- 
ity or  a  curtailment  of  sacramental  grace.  The  coun- 
cil had  no  thought  of  deciding  this  point,  which  had 
been  held  to  be  an  open  question  by  theologians  since 
the  twelfth  century  and  has  continued  to  be  treated 
as  such  down  to  our  own  day.  Without  attempting 
to  sketch  the  history  of  the  discussion,  we  will  state 
here  very  briefly  the  ultimate  form  which  the  question 
has  assumed  and  the  opposing  answers  that  have  been 
given. 

It  is  a  recognized  principle  in  sacramental  theology 
that  the  sacraments  cause  what  they  signify,  and  the 
present  discussion  turns  upon  the  interpretation  of 
this  principle  in  reference  to  the  Holy  Eucharist. 
Does  the  principle  mean,  not  merely  that  the  external 
rites  are  intended  to  signify,  in  a  sufficiently  distinc- 
tive way,  the  special  graces  they  were  instituted  to 
confer,  but  that  their  efficacy  in  the  production  of 
grace  is  measured  by  the  degree  of  clearness  (where 
degrees  are  admissible)  with  which  the  sacramental 
signification  is  expressed?  In  the  Eucharist  grace  is 
symbolized  as  a  spiritual  refection  or  aliment,  after 
the  analogy  of  corporal  nourishment;  and  this  signifi- 
cation is  admittedly  expressed  with  greater  clearness 
in  the  distinct  reception  of  both  species  than  in  Com- 
munion under  one  kind.  Are  we  to  hold,  therefore, 
that  Communion  sub  utr&que,  being  a  more  perfect 
symbol  of  a  complete  refection,  confers  a  fuller  degree 
of  sacramental  grace  than  Communion  under  one 
kind,  or  in  other  words,  that  by  Divine  institution 
there  is  a  twofold  causality  or  two  distinct  lines  of 
causality  in  the  Eucharist,  corresponding  to  the  two 
modes  of  reception,  and  that  both  lines  of  causality 
are  required  for  the  complete  production  of  its  fruits? 
A  minority  of  the  great  theologians  have  answered 
this  question  in  the  affirmative,  e.  g.  Vasquez  (in  III, 
Q.  lxxx,  a.  12,  disp.  ccxv,  c.  ii),  De  Lugo  (De  Sac.  Euch., 
disp.  xii,  iii,  68  sq.),  the  Salmanticenses  (De  Euch. 
Sac.,  disp.  x,  52  sq.).  Arguing  on  the  lines  indicated, 
these  theologians  hold  that  -per  se  Communion  under 
both  kinds  confers  more  grace  than  Communion  under 
one  kind,  and  admit  that  the  modern  discipline  of  the 
Church  withdraws  this  opportunity  of  more  abundant 
grace  from  the  faithful.  Bu,t  in  doing  so  it  inflicts, 
they  maintain,  no  notable  spiritual  privation,  with- 
holding no  grace  that  is  even  remotely  necessary  for 
salvation;  while,  indirectly,  the  many  advantages 
resulting  from  this  discipline,  particularly  the  in- 
creased reverence  for  the  sacrament  which  it  secures 
and  the  additional  opportunities  for  frequent  Com- 
munion which  it  provides,  more  than  make  up  for 
whatever  loss  is  involved. 

The  majority  of  theologians,  however,  rightly  deny 


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that  Communion  under  one  kind  involves  per  se  any 
loss  or  curtailment  of  sacramental  grace.  St.  Thomas 
(III,  Q.  lxxx,  a.  12,  ad  3)  and  St.  Bonaventure  (In 
Sent.  IV,  XI,  punct.  ii,  a.  1,  a.  2)  may  fairly  be  claimed 
for  this  view,  which  is  defended  by  Cajetan  (In  III,  q. 
lxxx,  a.  12,  II),  Dominicus  Soto  (In  Sent.  IV,  XII,  q. 
i,  a.  12),  Bellarmine  (De  Sac.  Euch.,  IV,  33),  Suarez 
(In  III,  q.  lxxix,  a.  8,  disp.  lxiii,  VI,  8,  sq.),  Sylvius 
(In  III,  q.  lxxx,  a.  12,  q.  2),  Gonet  (De  Sac.  Euch., 
disp.  viii,  a.  4,  n.  69),  and  a  host  of  later  writers. 
While  admitting  that  the  sacraments  cause  what  they 
signify,  these  theologians  deny  that  the  extent  of  their 
causality  is  dependent  on  the  mode  or  degree  of  per- 
fection m  which  this  signification  is  realized,  or  that 
there  is  any  ground  for  distinguishing  a  twofold 
causality  in  the  Eucharist  depending  on  the  twofold 
manner  of  reception.  There  is  all  the  more  reason  for 
denying  this  in"  the  case  of  the  Holy  Eucharist,  since 
both  the  Body  and  Blood  of  Christ  are  really  present, 
and  the  complete  refection  intended  by  Christ  is  really 
received,  under  either  species  alone;  and  since,  more- 
over, in  the  production  of  whatever  grace  is  given,  in 
addition  to  the  grace  of  mere  presence,  the  more  impor- 
tant cause  is  Christ  Himself  in  His  sacred  humanity  per- 
sonally present  in  the  recipient.  Must  we  hold  that 
Christ  limited  the  grace-giving  efficacy  of  His  invis- 
ible presence  so  as  to  male  it  dependent  on  the  acci- 
dental mode  in  which  that  presence  is  visibly  sym- 
bolized rather  than  on  the  presence  itself?  Or  that 
He  curtailed  the  spiritually  nutritive  effects  of  what  is 
de  facto  complete  as  an  aliment  and,  as  such,  is  suffi- 
ciently symbolized  by  either  species,  merely  because 
the  physical  analogy  in  the  manner  of  reception  is  not 
reproduced  as  literally  and  completely  as  it  might  be? 
Even  in  the  natural  order  we  do  not  always  insist  on 
the  distinction  between  eating  and  drinking  in  refer- 
ence to  our  bodily  refection,  and  in  the  spiritual  and 
supernatural  sphere,  where  there  is  question  of  the 
soul's  refection  by  Divine  grace,  it  is  surely  an  over- 
straining of  the  law  of  sacramental  symbolism  to  urge 
that  distinction  as  insistently  as  do  theologians  of  the 
first  opinion.  Such  briefly  is  the  line  of  argument  by 
which  the  common  opinion  is  supported.  It  only  re- 
mains to  add  that  in  this  opinion  the  reception  of  the 
chalice  may  augment,  per  accidens,  the  grace  of  the 
sacrament,  by  securing  a  longer  continuance  of  the 
species  and  thereby  of  the  Real  Presence,  and  by 
helping  to  prolong  or  renew  the  fervent  dispositions 
of  the  recipient. 

Among,  and  in  addition  to,  the  authors  and  works  mentioned 
in  the  course  of  this  article,  the  following  are  particularly  note- 
worthy: Hcdlky,  The  Holy  Eucharist  (in  the  Westminster 
library  series,  London,  1907),  ch.  vi,  p.  84  sq.:  Daloairns, 
The  Holy  Communion  (Dublin.  1861),  vi;  Bt.Thouas,  Sum. 
Theol.,  Ill,  Q.  baa,  a.  12;  St.  Bonavkntuke,  In  Sent.  IV,  XI, 
punct.  ii,  a.  1,  q.  ii  (Quaraechi);  Cajetan,  In  III,  Q.  lxxx,  a.  12, 
also  De  Comm.  tub  ulraque  specie,  tr.  XII  infer  opuscula; 
Bbixabmine,  De  Sacram.  Such.,  IV,  30  sq.;  Bona,  Rer. 
Liturg.,  II,  xvii-xx;  Bomtjet,  TraiU  de  la  Comm.  sous  lee  deux 
especes;  La  tradition  deftndue  eur  la  maitiere  de  la  Comm.  sous 
me  espece;  Benedict  XIV,  De  Sacrosancto  Missa  SaeriAcio, 
II,  c.  xxii,  n.  18,  sq.;  Chardon,  Histoire  du  Sacremenl  de  VEu- 
eharistie  in  HlGNB,  Theol.  Curau*  Computus,  XX;  Probst, 
Sacramente  und  Sacrammlalien  in  den  drei  ereten  Jahrhunderten 
(TObingen,  1872);  Corblet,  Histoire  du  Sacremenl  de  I'Eu- 
charistte  (Paris,  1886);  Gasparri,  Tractatue  Canonicus  de  SS. 
Eueharietia  (Paris,  1807),  I;  Hetjseb  in  Kirehenlex.,  Ill,  723 
aqq.;  Ddblancst  in  Diet,  de  thiol,  cath..  Ill,  552  sqq. 

P.  J.  Toner. 

Communism  (Lat.  communis). — In  its  more  general 
signification  communism  refers  to  any  social  system 
in  which  all  property,  or  at  least  all  productive  prop- 
erty, is  owned  by  the  group,  or  community,  instead  of 
by  individuals.  Thus  understood  it  comprises  com- 
munistic anarchism,  socialism,  and  communism  in  the 
strict  sense.  Communistic  anarchism  (as  distin- 
guished from  the  philosophic  variety)  would  abolish 
not  only  private  property,  but  political  government. 
Socialism  means  the  collective  ownership  and  man- 
agement not  of  all  property,  but  only  of  the  material 
agencies  of  production.  Communism  in  the  strict  sense 


demands  that  both  production-goods,  such  as  land, 
railways,  and  factories,  and  consumption-goods,  such 
as  dwellings,  furniture,  food,  and  clothing,  should  be 
the  property  of  the  whole  community.  Previous  to 
the  middle  of  the  nineteenth  century  the  term  was 
used  in  its  more  general  sense,  even  by  socialists. 
Marx  and  Engels  called  the  celebrated  document  in 
which  they  gave  to  socialism  its  first  "scientific"  ex- 
pression, the  "Communist  Manifesto".  They  could 
scarcely  do  otherwise,  since  the  word  Socialism  was 
used  for  the  first  time  in  the  year  1833,  in  England. 
Before  long,  however,  most  of  the  followers  of  the 
new  movement  preferred  to  call  their  economic  creed 
Socialism  and  themselves  Socialists.  To-day  no  so- 
cialist who  believes  that  individuals  should  be  allowed 
to  retain  ownership  of  consumption-goods  would  class 
himself  as  a  communist.  Hence  the  word  is  at  pres- 
ent pretty  generally  employed  in  the  narrower  sense. 
Its  use  to  designate  merely  common  ownership  of 
capital  is  for  the  most  part  confined  to  the  unin- 
formed, and  to  those  who  seek  to  injure  socialism  by 
giving  it  a  bad  name. 

Communism  in  the  strict  sense  is  also  distinguished 
from  socialism  by  the  fact  that  it  usually  connotes  a 
greater  degree  of  common  life.  In  the  words  of  the 
Rev.  W.  D.  P.  Bliss,  "socialism  puts  its  emphasis  on 
common  production  and  distribution;  communism,  on 
life  in  common"  ("Handbook  of  Socialism",  p.  12). 
Communism  aims,  therefore,  at  a  greater  measure  of 
equality  than  socialism.  It  would  obtain  more  uni- 
formity in  the  matter  of  marriage,  education,  food, 
clothing,  dwellings,  and  the  general  life  of  the  com- 
munity. Hence  the  various  attempts  that  have  been 
made  by  small  groups  of  persons  living  a  common  life 
to  establish  common  ownership  of  industry  and  com- 
mon enjoyment  of  its  products,  have  generally  been 
described  as  experiments  in  communism.  In  fact 
socialism,  in  its  proper  sense  of  ownership  and  opera- 
tion of  capital-instruments  by  the  entire  democratic 
State,  has  never  been  tried  anywhere.  This  calls  to 
mind,  the  further  distinction  that  communism,  even 
as  a  present-day  ideal,  implies  the  organization  of  in- 
dustry and  life  by  small  federated  communities, 
rather  than  by  a  centralized  State.  William  Morris 
thus  distinguishes  them,  and  hopes  that  socialism  will 
finally  develop  into  communism  ("Modern  Social- 
ism", edited  by  R.  C.  K.  Ensor,  p.  88).  Combining 
all  these  notes  into  a  formal  definition,  we  might  say 
that  complete  communism  means  the  common  owner- 
ship of  both  industry  and  its  products  by  small  fed- 
erated communities,  living  a  common  life. 

History. — The  earliest  operation  of  the  commu- 
nistic principle  of  which  we  have  any  record,  took 
place  in  Crete  about  1300  b.  c.  All  the  citizens  were 
educated  by  the  State  in  a  uniform  way,  and  all  ate 
at  the  public  tables.  According  to  tradition,  it  was 
this  experiment  that  moved  Lycurgus  to  set  up  his 
celebrated  regime  in  Sparta.  Under  his  rule,  Plu- 
tarch informs  us,  there  was  a  common  system  of  edu- 
cation, gymnastics,  and  military  training  for  all  the 
youth  ofboth  sexes.  Public  meals  and  public  sleep- 
ing apartments  were  provided  for  all  the  citizens. 
The  land  was  redistributed  so  that  all  had  equal 
shares.  Although  marriage  existed,  it  was  modified 
by  a  certain  degree  of  promiscuity  in  the  interest  of 
race-culture.  The  principles  of  equality  and  common 
life  were  also  enforced  m  many  other  matters.  As 
Plutarch  says,  "no  man  was  at  liberty  to  live  as  he 

£ leased,  the  city  being  like  one  great  camp  where  all 
ad  their  stated  allowance".  In  several  other  re- 
spects, however,  the  regime  of  Lycurgus  fell  short  of 
normal  communism:  though  the  land  was  equally 
distributed  it  was  privately  owned;  the  political  sys- 
tem was  not  a  democracy  but  a  limited  monarchy, 
and  later  an  oligarchy;  and  the  privileges  of  citizen- 
ship and  equality  were  not  enjoyed  by  the  entire 
population.  The  Helots,  who  performed  all  the  dis- 


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agreeable  work,  were  slaves  in  the  worst  sense  of  that 
term.  Indeed,  the  purpose  of  the  whole  organization 
was  military  and  political  rather  than  economic  and 
social.  As  Lycurgus  was  inspired  by  the  Cretan  ex- 
periment, so  Plato  was  impressed  by  the  achievement 
of  Lycurgus.  His  "Republic"  describes  an  ideal 
commonwealth  in  which  there  was  to  be  community' 
of  property,  meals,  and  even  of  women.  The  State 
was  to  control  education,  marriage,  births,  the  occu- 
pation of  the  citizens,  and  the  distribution  and  en- 
joyment of  goods.  It  would  enforce  perfect  equality 
of  conditions  and  careers  for  all  citizens  and  for  both 
sexes.  Plato's  motive  in  outlining  this  imaginary 
social  order  was  individual  welfare,  not  State  aggran- 
dizement. He  wanted  to  call  the  attention  of  the 
world  to  a  State  which  was  unique  in  that  it  was  not 
composed  of  two  classes  constantly  at  war  with  each 
other,  the  rich  and  the  poor.  But  his  model  com- 
monwealth was  to  have  slaves. 

The  communistic  principle  governed  for  a  time  the 
lives  of  the  first  Christians  of  Jerusalem.  In  the 
fourth  chapter  of  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles  we  learn 
that  none  of  the  brethren  called  anything  that  he 
possessed  his  own;  that  those  who  had  houses  and 
lands  sold  them  and  laid  the  price  at  the  feet  of  the 
Apostles,  who  distributed  "  to  everyone  according  as 
he  had  need".  Inasmuch  as  they  made  no  distinc- 
tion between  citizens  and  slaves,  these  primitive 
Christians  were  in  advance  of  the  communism  of 
Plato.  Their  communism  was,  moreover,  entirely 
voluntary  and  spontaneous.  The  words  of  St.  Peter 
to  Ananias  prove  that  individual  Christians  were 
quite  free  to  retain  their  private  property.  Finally, 
the  arrangement  did  not  long  continue,  nor  was  it 
adopted  by  any  of  the  other  Christian  bodies  outside 
of  Jerusalem.  Hence  the  assertion  that  Christianity 
was  in  the  beginning  communistic  is  a  gross  exaggera- 
tion. And  the  claim  that  certain  Fathers  of  the 
Church,  notably  Ambrose,  Augustine,  Basil,  Chrys- 
ostom,  and  Jerome,  condemned  all  private  property 
and  advocated  communism,  is  likewise  unwarranted.. 
Most  of  the  religious,  that  is,  ascetic  and  monastic 
orders  and  communities  which  have  existed,  both 
within  and  without  the  Christian  fold,  exhibit  some 
of  the  features  of  communism.  The  Buddhist  monks 
in  India,  the  Essenes  in  Judea,  and  the  Therapeutee 
in  Egypt,  all  excluded  private  ownership  and  led  a 
common  life.  The  religious  communities  of  the  Cath- 
olic Church  have  always  practised  common  owner- 
ship of  goods,  both  productive  (whenever  they  pos- 
sessed these)  and  non-productive.  Their  communism 
differs,  however,  from  that  of  the  economic  com- 
munists in  that  its  primary  object  is  not  and  never 
has  been  social  reform  or  a  more  just  distribution  of 
goods.  The  spiritual  improvement  of  the  individual 
member  and  the  better  fulfilment  of  their  charitable 
mission,  such  as  instructing  the  young  or  caring  for 
the  sick  and  infirm,  are  the  ends  that  they  nave 
chiefly  sought.  These  communities  insist,  moreover, 
that  their  mode  of  life  is  adapted  only  to  the  few. 
For  these  reasons  we  find  them  always  apart  from  the 
world,  making  no  attempt  to  bring  in  any  consider- 
able portion  of  those  without,  and  observing  celibacy. 
One  important  feature  of  economic  communism  is 
wanting  to  nearly  all  religious  communities,  namely, 
common  ownership  and  management  of  the  material 
agents  of  production  from  which  they  derive  their 
sustenance.  In  this  respect  they  are  more  akin  to 
wage-earning  bodies  than  to  communistic  organiza- 
tions. 

During  the  Middle  Ages  communism  was  held,  and 
in  various  degrees  practised,  by  several  heretical 
sects.  In  this  they  professed  to  imitate  the  example 
of  the  primitive  Christians.  Their  communism  was, 
therefore,  like  that  of  the  monastic  orders,  religious 
rather  than  economic.  On  the  other  hand,  the  motive 
of  the  religious  orders  was  Christ's  counsel  to  seek  per- 


fection. Chief  among  the  communistic  heretical  sects 
were:  the  Catharists,  the  Apostolics,  the  Brothers  and 
Sisters  of  the  Free  Spirit,  the  Hussites,  the  Moravians, 
and  the  Anabaptists.  None  of  them  presents  facta 
of  any  great  importance  to  the  student  of  commun- 
ism. The  next  notable  event  in  the  history  of  com- 
munism is  the  appearance  of  St.  Thomas  More's  "  Uto- 
pia" (1516).  The  purpose  of  this  romantic  account 
of  an  ideal  commonwealth  was  economic,  not  military 
or  religious.  The  withdrawal  of  large  tracts  of  land 
from  cultivation  to  be  used  for  sheep-raising,  the  cur- 
tailment of  the  tenant's  rights  to  the  common,  and 
the  rise  in  rents  had  already  begun  to  produce  that 
insecurity,  poverty,  and  pauperism  which  later  on  be- 
came so  distressing  in  England,  and  which  still  consti- 
tute a  most  perplexing  problem.  By  way  of  contrast 
to  these  conditions.  More  drew  his  ideal-  picture  of  the 
State  of  Utopia.  In  his  conception  of  industrial  con- 
ditions, needs,  and  tendencies,  More  was  ages  ahead 
of  his  time.  "  I  can  have ' ',  he  says,  "  no  other  notion 
of  all  the  other  governments  that  I  see  or  know  than 
that  they  are  a  conspiracy  of  the  rich,  who  on  pretence 
of  managing  the  public  only  pursue  their  private  ends, 
and  devise  all  the  ways  and  arts  they  can  find  out: 
first,  that  they  may  without  danger  preserve  all  that 
they  have  so  01  acquired,  and  then  that  they  may  en- 
gage the  poor  to  toil  and  labour  for  them  at  as  low  rates 
as  possible,  and  oppress  them  as  much  as  they  please." 
This  reads  more  like  an  outburst  from  some  radical 
reformer  of  the  twentieth  century  than  the  testimony 
of  a  state  chancellor  of  the  early  sixteenth.  In  "  Uto- 
pia" all  goods  are  held  and  enjoyed  in  common,  and 
all  meals  are  taken  at  the  public  tables.  But  there  is 
no  community  of  wives.  The  disagreeable  work  is 
done  by  slaves,  but  the  slaves  are  all  convicted  crim- 
inals. Concerning  both  the  family  and  the  dignity 
and  rights  of  the  individual,  "Utopia"  is,  therefore, 
on  higher  ground  than  the  "Republic".  There  are 
several  other  descriptions  of  ideal  States  which  owe 
their  inspiration  to  '  Utopia".  The  most  important 
are:  "Oceana"  (1656)  by  James  Harrington;  "The 
City  of  the  Sun"  (1625)  by  Thomas  Campanella  (q. 
v.);  and  Francis  Bacon's  "New  Atlantis"  (1629). 
None  of  them  has  been  nearly  so  widely  read  nor  so 
influential  as  their  prototype.  Campanella,  who  was 
a  Dominican  monk,  represents  the  authorities  of  "  The 
City  of  the  Sun"  as  compelling  the  best-developed 
women  to  mate  with  the  best-developed  men,  in  order 
that  the  children  may  be  as  perfect  as  possible. 
Children  are  to  be  trained  by  the  State  not  by  the 
parents,  for  they  "are  bred  for  the  preservation  of 
the  species  and  not  for  individual  pleasure". 

The  comprehensive  criticism  of,  and  revolt  against 
social  institutions  carried  on  by  French  writers  m  the 
eighteenth  century  naturally  included  theories  for  the 
reconstruction  of  the  economic  order.  Gabriel  de  Mably 
(Doutes  proposes  aux  philosophes  economiques,  1768) 
who  seems  to  have  borrowed  partly  from  Plato  and 
partly  from  Rousseau,  declared  that  community  of 
goods  would  secure  equality  of  condition  and  the 
highest  welfare  of  the  race;  but  he  shrank  from  ad- 
vocating this  as  a  practical  remedy  for  the  ills  of  his 
own  time.  Morelly  (Code  de  la  nature,  1755)  agreed 
with  Rousseau  that  all  social  evils  were  due  to  insti- 
tutions, and  urged  the  ownership  and  management  of 
all  property  and  industry  by  the  State.  Both  de  Mably 
and  Morelly  were  apostate  priests.  Morelly 's  views 
were  adopted  by  one  of  the  French  Revolutionists, 
F.  N.  BabcBuf,  who  was  the  first  modern  to  take 
practical  steps  toward  the  formation  of  a  communistic 
society.  His  plans  included  compulsory  labour  on 
the  part  of  all,  and  public  distribution  of  the  product 
according  to  individual  needs.  To  convert  his  theo- 
ries into  reality,  he  founded  the  "Society  of  Equals" 
(1796)  and  projected  an  armed  insurrection;  but  the 
conspirators  were  soon  betrayed  and  their  leader 
guillotined  (1797).   Count  Henri  de  Saint-Simon, 


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whose  theories  received  their  final  shape  in  his  "  Nou- 
vesu  Christian) wne"  (1825),  did  not  demand  common 
ownership  of  all  property.  Hence  he  is  looked  upon 
as  the  first  socialist  rather  than  as  a  communist.  He 
was  the  first  to  emphasise  the  division  of  modern 
society  into  employers  and  workingmen,  and  the  first 
to  advocate  a  reconstruction  of  the  industrial  and 
political  order  on  the  basis  of  labour  and  in  the  par- 
ticular interest  of  the  working  classes.  According  to 
his  view,  the  State  should  become  the  director  of 
industry,  assigning  tasks  in  proportion  to  capacity 
and  rewards  m  proportion  to  work.  He  is  also  a 
socialist  rather  than  a  communist  in  his  desire  that 
reforms  should  be  brought  about  by  the  central 
Government,  instead  of  by  local  authority  or  volun- 
tary associations.  Charles  Fourier  (Traits  de  l'as- 
sociation  domestique-agrioole,  1822)  did  not  even  ask 
for  the  abolition  of  all  capital.  Yet  he  was  more  of  a 
communist  than  Saint-Simon  because  his  plans  were 
to  be  carried  out  by  the  local  communities,  to  which 
he  gave  the  name  of  "phalanxes",  and  because  the 
members  were  to  live  a  common  life.  All  would  dwell 
in  one  large  building  called  the  "phalansterie".  Tasks 
were  to  be  assigned  with  some  regard  to  the  prefer- 
ences of  the  individual,  but  there  were  to  be  frequent 
changes  of  occupation.  Every  worker  would  get  a 
minimum  wage  adequate  to  a  comfortable  livelihood. 
The  surplus  product  would  be  divided  among  labour, 
capital,  and  talent,  but  in  such  a  way  that  those  doing 
the  most  disagreeable  work  would  obtain  the  highest 
compensation.  Marriage  would  be  terminable  by  the 
parties  themselves.  An  attempt  to  establish  a  pha- 
lanx at  Versailles  in  1832  resulted  in  complete  failure. 

Etienne  Cabet  drew  up  a  communistic  programme 
in  his  "  Voyage  en  Icarie  (1840),  which  was  modelled 
upon  the  work  of  Sir  Thomas  More.  He  would  abolish 
private  property  and  private  education,  but  not  mar- 
riage nor  the  family  life.  Goods  were  to  be  produced 
and  distributed  by  the  community  as  a  whole,  and  there 
was  to  be  complete  equality  among  all  its  members. 
In  1848  he  emigrated  with  a  band  of  his  disciples  to 
America,  and  established  the  community  of  Icaria  in 
Texas.  In  1849  they  moved  to  the  abandoned  Mor- 
mon settlement  of  Nauvoo,  Illinois.  Here  the  com- 
munity prospered  for  several  years,  until  the  usual 
solvent  appeared  in  the  shape  of  internal  dissension. 
In  1856  the  small  minority  that  sided  with  Cabet 
settled  at  Cheltenham,  near  St.  Louis,  while  the 
greater  number  moved  to  Southern  Iowa,  where  they 
established  a  new  oommunity  to  which  they  gave  the 
old  name  of  Icaria.  The  latter  settlement  flourished 
until  1878,  when  there  began  a  final  series  of  disrup- 
tions, secessions,  and  migrations.  The  last  band  of 
Icarians  was  dissolved  in  1895.  At  that  time  the 
community  numbered  only  twenty-one  members;  in 
Nauvoo  there  were  five  hundred.  Icaria  has  been 
called  "the  most  typical  experiment  ever  made  in 
democratic  communism"  and  "more  wonderful  than 
any  other  similar  colony,  in  that  it  endured  so  long 
without  any  dogmatic  basis".  The  Icarians  prac- 
tised no  religion.  In  his  "Organisation  du  travail" 
(1840)  Louis  Blanc  demanded  that  the  State  establish 
national  workshops,  with  a  view  to  ultimate  State 
ownership  and  management  of  all  production.  After 
the  Revolution  of  1848  the  French  Government  did 
introduce  several  national  workshops,  but  it  made  no 
honest  effort  to  conduct  them  according  to  the  ideas 
of  M.  Blanc.  They  were  all  unsuccessful  and  short- 
lived, like  Saint-Simon,  Louis  Blanc  was  a  socialist 
rather  than  a  communist  in  his  theories  of  social  re- 
organisation, property,  and  individual  freedom.  From 
his  time  forward  all  the  important  theories  and  move- 
ments concerning  the  reorganization  of  society,  in  the 
other  countries  of  Europe  as  well  as  in  France,  fall 
properly  under  the  head  of  socialism.  The  remainder 
of  the  history  of  oommunism  describes  events  that 
occurred  in  the  United  States.    In  his  "American 


Communities"  William  A.  Hinds  enumerates  some 
thirty-five  different  associations  in  which  commu- 
nistic principles  were  either  partially  or  wholly  put 
into  operation. 

Communistic  Societies  in  the  United  States. — 
The  Ephrata  Community  (Pennsylvania)  was,  with 
two  unimportant  exceptions,  the  earliest.  It  was 
founded  in  1732  by  Conrad  Beissel,  a  German,  who 
had  for  some  years  led  the  life  of  a  religious  hermit. 
Three  men  and  two  women  who  shared  his  views  on 
the  Sabbath  were  permitted  to  join  him,  and  thus 
the  six  became  a  community.  The  members  held 
property  in  common,  laboured  in  common,  lived  in 
common,  and  observed  complete  equality  of  condi- 
tions. They  regarded  celibacy  as  preferable  to  the 
wedded  state,  and  during  the  early  years  of  the 
community  the  majority  remained  unmarried.  Their 
primary  aim,  therefore,  was  religious  and  spiritual 
instead  of  social  and  economic.  The  community 
never  had  more  than  three  hundred  members ;  in  1900 
it  had  only  seventeen. 

The  most  important  communistic  organization  in 
the  United  States  is  that  of  the  Shakers.  Their  first 
community  was  founded  at  Mt.  Lebanon,  N.  Y.,  in 
1787.  At  present  there  are  thirty-five  separate  com- 
munities with  a  total  membership  of  one  thousand; 
once  they  aggregated  five  thousand.  Like  the  Ephra- 
tans,  the  Shakers  are  a  religious  sect  and  live  a  com- 
munity life  for  a  religious  purpose.  The  founders  of 
their  first  American  settlement  were  a  band  of  English 
Quakers  to  whom  the  name  Shakers  was  given  because 
of  their  bodily  agitations  under  the  supposed  influence 
of  spiritual  forces  in  their  religious  meetings.  In  the 
Shaker  communities  property  is  held  in  common  (ex- 
cept in  the  case  of  members  who  have  not  reached 
the  Third,  or  Senior  Order),  meals  are  taken  in  com- 
mon, there  is  a  common  hour  for  rising,  modes  of 
dress  are  uniform,  and  there  are  minute  rules  govern- 
ing manners  and  conduct  generally.  While  au  mem- 
bers are  on  a  footing  of  equality,  the  government  is 
hierarchical  rather  than  democratic.  They  make  con- 
fession of  sin  before  entering,  observe  celibacy,  ab- 
stain from  alcoholic  drinks,  discourage  the  use  of 
tobacco,  and  endeavour  to  avoid  "all  worldly  usages, 
manners,  customs,  loves  and  affections,  which  inter- 
pose between  the  individual  citizen  of  the  heavenly 
kingdom  and  his  duties  and  privileges  therein ' '.  Ow- 
ing to  its  principles  and  practices.  Shaker  communism 
is  as  little  suited  to  the  generality  of  men  as  monas- 
ticism.  Their  membership  is  recruited  mostly 
through  religious  revivals  and  the  reception  of  home- 
less children.  Nevertheless  the  community  has  not 
been  a  complete  failure  as  regards  those  who  have 
remained  faithful  to  its  life.  For  more  than  a  hun- 
dred years",  they  maintain,  "they  have  lived  pros- 
perous, contented,  happy  lives,  making  their  land 
bloom  like  the  fairest  garden;  and  durmg  all  these 
years  have  never  spent  among  themselves  a  penny  for 
police,  for  lawyers,  for  judges,  for  poor-houses,  for 
penal  institutions  or  any  like  'improvements'  of  the 
outside  world." 

Two  communities  that  had  a  considerable  resem- 
blance to  each  other  were  the  Harmonists,  established 
in  Pennsylvania  in  1805  by  George  Rapp,  and  the 
Separatists  of  Zoar,  founded  in  1818  by  Joseph  Bau- 
meler  in  Ohio.  Both  communities  were  German, 
were  religious  rather  than  economic,  held  the  same 
religious  views,  and  practised  celibacy.  Early  in 
their  history  the  Separatists  abandoned  celibacy,  but 
continued  to  regard  it  as  a  higher  state  than  marriage. 
The  Harmonists  had  at  one  time  one  thousand  mem- 
bers, but  by  the  year  1900  dissensions  had  reduced 
them  to  nine.  The  Separatists  never  numbered  more 
than  five  hundred.  They  ceased  to  exist  as  a  com- 
munity in  1898.  The  New  Harmony  Community 
was  established  in  1825  on  land  in  Indiana  that  had 
once  been  occupied  by  the  Harmonists.   Its  founder 


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was  Robert  Owen,  a  Welshman,  who  had  managed 
with  remarkable  success  the  New  Lanark  mills  in  Scot- 
land. He  was  the  first  to  introduce  the  ten-hour  day 
into  factories  and  to  refuse  to  employ  very  young 
children  and  pauper  children.  He  also  established 
the  first  infant  schools  in  England.  He  made  the 
village  of  New  Lanark  a  model  of  good  order,  temper- 
ance, thrift,  comfort,  and  contentment.  He  was  a 
humanitarian  and  reformer  who  did  not  shrink  from 
large  sacrifices  on  behalf  of  his  theories.  Encouraged 
by  the  success  of  his  efforts  at  New  Lanark,  and  be- 
lieving that  men  were  good  by  nature  and  needed  only 

he  proper  environment  to  become  virtuous,  strong, 
intelligent,  and  contented,  he  began  to  dream  of  a 
communism  that  should  be  world-wide.  He  would 
ha  /e  all  persons  gathered  into  villages  of  between 
three  hundred  and  two  thousand  souls,  each  of  whom 
was  to  have  from  one-half  to  one  and  one-half  acres  of 
land .  The  dwellings  of  each  village  would  be  arranged 
in  a  parallelogram,  with  common  kitchens,  eating- 
houses,  and  schools  in  the  centre.  Individual  prop- 
erty was  to  be  abolished.  Such  were  the  plans  that 
he  intended  to  try  for  the  first  time  in  the  community 
of  New  Harmony.  Before  the  end  of  its  first  year 
this  community  nad  nine  hundred  souls  and  thirty 
thousand  acres  of  land.  Before  two  years  had  passed 
dissensions  had  arisen,  two  new  communities  had  been 
formed  by  seceders,  and  the  original  community  had 
been  dissolved.  Several  other  communistic  settle- 
ments which  owed  their  existence  to  the  teaching  and 
example  of  Owen,  were  established  in  different  States, 
but  none  of  them  outlived  New  Harmony.  Like  the 
latter,  they  all  expressly  rejected  any  religious  basis. 
This  seems  to  have  been  one  of  the  chief  reasons  for 
their  early  dissolution.  Toward  the  end  of  his  life 
Owen  gave  up  his  materialistic  notions,  and  admitted 
the  supreme  importance  of  spiritual  forces  in  the  for- 
mation of  sound  character. 

The  Oneida  Community  of  Oneida,  N.  Y.,  was 
founded  in  1848  by  J.  H.  Noyes.  Its  purpose  was 
primarily  religious,  "the  establishment  of  the  king- 
dom of  God  .  At  one  period  it  had  five  hundred 
members.  For  more  than  thirty  years  its  members 
practised  not  only  community  of  property  and  of  life 
generally,  but  also  of  women,  through  their  so-called 

complex  marriages".   The  rearing  of  children  was 

fiartly  a  parental  Dut  chiefly  a  community  function, 
n  deference  to  public  sentiment  outside,  the  practice 
of  "complex  marriage"  was  in  1879  discontinued. 
They  then  divided  themselves  into  two  classes,  "  the 
married  and  the  celibate,  both  legitimate  but  the  last 
preferred".  However,  nearly  all  of  them  got  married 
within  a  very  short  time.  In  1881  the  community 
was  converted  into  a  joint-stock  company,  the  mem- 
bers owning  individual  shares.  Financially,  the  new 
corporationhas  been  a  success,  but  most  of  its  common- 
life  features  disappeared  with  "complex  marriage". 

Between  1840  and  1850  some  thirty  communities 
modelled  upon  the  phalanxes  of  Fourier  were 
established  in  different  parts  of  the  United  States. 
Only  one  lasted  longer  than  six  years,  and  the 
great  majority  disappeared  within  three  years.  Their 
rise  was  due  chiefly  to  the  writings  and  efforts 


Henry  Charming,  Charles  A.  Dana,  Nathaniel  Haw- 
thorne, and  Elizabeth  Peabody.  The  most  notable 
of  these  experiments  was  the  one  at  Brook  Farm. 
Although  it  took  the  form  of  a  joint-stock  company, 
paying  five  per  cent  interest,  it  exemplified  the  prin- 
ciples of  communism  in  many  particulars.  The  in- 
dustries were  managed  by  the  community  and  all  the 
members  took  turns  at  the  various  tasks;  all  received 
the  same  wages,  all  were  guaranteed  support  for  them- 
selves and  their  dependents,  and  all  enjoyed  the  same 
'  advantages  in  the  matter  of  food,  clothing,  and  dwell- 


ings. For  the  first  two  years  (1841-43)  the  life  was 
charming;  but  the  enterprise  was  not  a  success  finan- 
cially. In  1844  the  organization  was  converted  into 
a  Fourieristic  phalanx,  which  had  an  unsuccessful 
existence  of  a  few  brief  months.  Brook  Farm  failed 
thus  early  because  it  had  too  many  philosophers  and 
too  few  "hard-fisted  toilers". 

The  Amana  Community  (Iowa)  was  begun  in  1865 
by  a  band  of  Germans  who  called  themselves  "True 
Inspirationists",  on  account  of  their  belief  that  the 
inspiration  of  the  Apostolic  age  is  still  vouchsafed  to 
Christians.  Their  distinctive  religious  tenets  reach 
back  to  the  Pietists  of  the  seventeenth  century,  but  as 
an  organization  they  began  at  Hesse,  Germany,  in 
1714.  They  came  to  America  to  escape  religious  per- 
secution, not  to  practise  communism.  According  to 
their  own  testimony,  the  communistic  feature  was 
introduced  solely  as  a  means  to  a  better  Christian  life. 
The  community  tolerates  marriage  but  prefers  celi- 
bacy. Those  who  marry  suffer  a  decline  in  social 
standing,  and  are  compelled  to  wait  for  some  time 
before  they  can  regain  their  former  position.  One 
of  their  "  Rules  for  Daily  Life"  reads  thus:  "  Fly  from 
the  society  of  woman-kind  as  much  as  possible,  as  a 
very  highly  dangerous  magnet  and  magical  fire." 
The  families  live  separately,  Dut  eat  in  groups  of  from 
thirty-five  to  fifty.  All  property  belongs  to  the  com- 
munity. In  order  the  better  to  achieve  their  supreme 
purpose— self-denial  and  the  imitation  of  Christ — 
their  life  is  very  simple,  and  barren  not  only  of  luxury 
but  of  any  considerable  enjoyment.  The  Amana 
Community  has  for  a  long  time  been  the  largest  com- 
munity in  existence,  numbering  between  seventeen 
and  eighteen  hundred  members.  During  sixty  years 
the  members  of  this  community  have  lived  in  peace, 
comfort,  and  contentment,  having  neither  lawyers, 
sheriffs,  nor  beggars. 

None  of  the  other  communistic  settlements  of 
America  presents  features  worthy  of  special  mention. 
Of  all  the  experiments  made  only  the  Amana  Com- 
munity and  the  Shakers  survive.  Societies  like  the 
Co-operative  Brotherhood  and  the  Equality  Com- 
monwealth of  the  State  of  Washington  are  examples 
of  co-operation,  or  at  most  of  socialism.  Besides, 
they  are  all  very  young  and  very  small. 

Generalizations  Drawn  prom  Communistic  Ex- 
periments.— The  history  of  communistic  societies 
suggests  some  interesting  and  important  generaliza- 
tions. Firtt:  All  but  three  of  the  American  commu- 
nities, namely  those  founded  by  Robert  Owen,  the 
Icarians,  and  the  Fourieristic  experiments,  and  abso- 
lutely all  that  enjoyed  any  measure  of  success,  were 
organized  primarily  for  religious  ends  under  strong 
religious  influences,  and  were  maintained  on  a  basis 
of  definite  religious  convictions  and  practices.  Many 
of  their  founders  were  looked  upon  as  prophets.  The 
religious  bond  seems  to  have  been  the  one  force 
capable  of  holding  them  together  at  critical  moments 
of  their  history.  Mr.  Hinds,  who  is  himself  a  firm 
believer  in  communism,  admits  that  there  must  be 
unity  of  belief  either  for  or  against  religion.  The  im- 
portance of  the  spiritual  and  ascetic  elements  is 
further  shown  by  the  fact  that  nearly  all  the  more 
successful  communities  either  enjoined,  or  at  least 
preferred,  celibacy.  If  communism  needs  the  ascetic 
element  to  this  extent  it  is  evidently  unsuited  for 
general  adoption. 

Second:  It  would  seem  that  where  religion  and 
asceticism  are  not  among  the  primary  ends,  com- 
munity of  wives  as  well  as  of  property  easily  suggests 
itself  to  communists  as  a  normal  and  logical  feature 
of  their  system.  Even  Campanella  declared  that  "  all 
private  property  is  acquired  and  improved  for  the 
reason  that  each  one  of  us  by  himself  has  his  own 
home  and  wife  and  children".  Speaking  of  the  de- 
cline of  the  Oneida  Community,  Mr.  Hinds  says: 
"The  first  step  out  of  communism  was  taken  when 


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'mine  and  thine'  were  applied  to  husband  and  wife; 
then  followed  naturally  an  exclusive  interest  in  chil- 
dren; then  the  desire  to  accumulate  individual  prop- 
erty for  their  present  and  future  use."  The  founder 
of  this  community  was  of  opinion  that  if  the  ordinary 
principles  of  marriage  are  maintained,  communistic 
associations  will  present  greater  temptations  to  un- 
lawful love  than  ordinary  society.  Communism 
therefore  seems  to  face  the  Scylla  of  celibacy  and  the 
Charybdis  of  promiscuity. 

Third:  All  the  American  communities  except  those 
founded  by  Owen,  were  composed  of  picked  and  select 
souls  who  were  filled  with  enthusiasm  and  willing  to 
make  great  sacrifices  for  their  ideal.  Owen  admitted 
recruits  indiscriminately,  but  keenly  regretted  it  after- 
wards ;  for  he  recognized  it  as  one  of  the  chief  causes 
of  premature  failure.  Moreover,  the  other  commu- 
nities separated  themselves  from  and  discouraged  con- 
tact witn  the  outside  world.  Most  of  the  deserters 
were  members  who  had  violated  this  injunction,  and 
become  enamoured  of  worldly  ways. 

Fourth:  The  success  attained  by  the  American  com- 
munities was  in  a  very  large  measure  due  to  excep- 
tionally able,  enthusiastic,  and  magnetic  leaders.  As 
soon  as  these  were  removed  from  leadership  their 
communities  almost  invariably  began  to  decline 
rapidly.  This  fact  and  the  facts  mentioned  in  the 
last  paragraph  add  weight  to  the  conclusions  drawn 
from  the  first  two,  namely  that  communism  is  utterly 
unsuited  to  the  majority. 

Fifth:  It  is  possible  for  small  groups  of  choice 
spirits,  especially  when  actuated  by  motives  of  religion 
and  asceticism,  to  maintain  for  more  than  a  century 
a  communistic  organization  in  contentment  and  pros- 
perity. The  proportion  of  laziness  is  smaller  and  the 
problem  of  getting  work  done  simpler  than  is  com- 
monly assumed.  And  the  habit  of  common  life  does 
seem  to  root  out  a  considerable  amount  of  human 
selfishness. 

Finally:  The  complete  equality  sought  by  commu- 
nism is  a  well-meantbut  mistaken  interpretation  of  the 
great  moral  truths,  that,  as  persons  ana  in  the  sight  of 
God,  all  human  beings  are  equal;  and  that  all  have 
essentially  the  same  needs  and  the  same  ultimate 
destiny.  In  so  far  as  they  are  embodied  in  the  prin- 
ciple of  common  ownership,  these  truths  have  found 
varied  expressions  in  various  countries  and  civiliza- 
tions. Many  economic  historians  maintain  that  com- 
mon ownership  was  everywhere  the  earliest  form  of 
land  tenure.  It  still  prevails  after  a  fashion  in  the 
country  districts  of  Russia.  Within  the  last  half- 
century,  the  sphere  of  common  or  public  ownership 
has  been  greatly  extended  throughout  almost  all  of 
the  Western  world,  and  it  is  certain  to  receive  still 
wider  expansion  in  the  future.  Nevertheless,  the 
verdict  of  experience,  the  nature  of  man,  and  the 
attitude  of  the  Church,  all  assure  us  that  complete 
communism  will  never  be  adopted  by  any  consider- 
able section  of  any  people.  While  the  Church  sanc- 
tions the  principle  of  voluntary  communism  for  the 
few  who  have  a  vocation  to  the  religious  life,  she  con- 
demns universal,  compulsory,  or  legally  enforced 
communism,  inasmuch  as  she  maintains  the  natural 
right  of  every  individual  to  possess  private  property. 
She  has  reprobated  communism  more  specifically  in 
the  Encyclical  "Rerum  Novarum"  of  Pope  Leo 
XIII.  For  the  theories  condemned  in  that  docu- 
ment under  the  name  of  socialism  certainly  include 
communism  as  described  in  these  pages.  See  Col- 
lectivism, Socialism;  Pbopebtt. 

Plato,  Republic  (London,  1802);  Cathbein,  Socialism,  tr. 
from  the  German  by  Gettelmann  (New  York,  1904):  POhl- 
vann,  Oeschichte  dee  antiken  Communismus  und  Sorialismus 
(Munich,  1893-1901);  Capabt,  La  proprUtt  individuelle  et  I* 
collectivism):  (Namur,  1898);  Kautskt,  Communism  in  Central 
Europe  at  the  Time  o)  the  Reformation  (London,  1897);  Moh- 
ut,  Ideal  Commonaealths  (London,  1885),  comprising  Plu- 
tarch's Lyeurov,  Moss's  Utopia,  Bacon's  New  Atlantis, 
Vmp  ajtella's,  Cilu  a/  the  Sun,  and  Hall's  Mundus  alter  et  idem; 


Harrington,  Commonwealth  of  Oceana  (London,  1887);  LMfe- 
tenberoer,  he  socialism*  an  XV 111'  siicle  (Paris,  1898); 
Ely,  French  and  German  Socialism  (New  York,  1883) ;  Noan- 
hofp.  Communistic  Societies  of  the  United  States  (New  Yprk, 
1875):  Woolsey,  Communism  and  Socialism  (New  York, 
1880);  Hinds,  American  Communities  (Chicago,  1902);  Stam- 
hammeh,  Bibl.  des  Sozialismus  und  Communismus  (Jena,  1888- 

1900).  John  A.  Ryan.. 

Community.  See  Monasticism  ;  Religious  Obdebs. 

Oomo,  Diocese  of  (Comensis)  . — Como  is  an  import- 
ant town  in  the  province  of  Lombardy  (Northern  I  taly ) , 
picturesquely  situated  on  Lake  Como,  the  ancient 
Locus  Larius.  The  city  is  of  Celtic  origin  and  was 
called  Comum.  In  195  b.  c.  it  became  a  Roman  col- 
ony. Destroyed  by  the  Rhtetian  Gauls,  it  was  recon- 
structed by  Pompeius  Strabo  and  called  Novoromum. 
It  shared  the  vicissitudes  of  the  surrounding  .-egion. 
In  the  tenth  century  the  Bishops  of  Como  were  also  its 
temporal  lords.  In  the  eleventh  century  the  city  be- 
came a  free  commune.  In  1153  Como  was  devas- 
tated by  the  Milanese  on  account  of  its  attachment  to 
Frederick  Barbarossa,  who  rebuilt  the  city  in  1158. 
Then  followed  the  rule  of  the  Rusca  family.  In  1355 
Franchin  Rusca  freely  ceded  the  town  to  the  Visccnti. 
from  which  time  it  shared  the  fortune  of  the  Duchy  of 
Milan.  Como  is  now  the  centre  of  the  silk  industry 
in  Italy,  and  according  to  the  census  of  1901  had  a 
population  of  38,902.    It  has  been  the  birthplace  of 


Cathedral,  Como 

many  famous  men,  among  them  the  elder  and  the 
younger  Pliny,  the  historian  Paulus  Jovius,  Pope 
Innocent  XI,  and  the  physicist  Volta.  Local  leg- 
end credits  the  conversion  of  Como  to  the  apostolate 
of  St.  Hermagoras  of  Aquileia  (died  c.  70).  Until 
1528  Como  was,  indeed,  a  suffragan  of  Aquileia  (later 
of  Venice)  and  followed  the  Aquileian  Rite.  The 
first  known  bishop  was  St.  Felix,  ordained  by  St. 
Ambrose  in  379,  and  it  is  not  improbable  that  he  was 
the  first  bishop.  Many  Bishops  of  Como  are  venerated 
as  saints:  St.  Probinus  (391);  St.  Amantius  (420);  St. 
Abundius  (450),  sent  as  legate  to  the  Council  of  Chal- 
cedon  by  St.  Leo  the  Great;  St.  Consul  (469);  St.  Ex- 
uperantius  (495);  St.  Eusebius  (512);  St.  Eutychius 
(525);  St.  Euplius  (532);  St.  Flavianus  (535);  St. 


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Prosper  (560);  St.  John  Orcus  (565);  St.  Agrippinus 
(568);  St.  Rubianus  (586);  St.  Martinianus  (615);  St. 
Victorinus  (628),  opponent  of  Arianism  as  propagated 
by  the  Lombards;  Alberico  (1010),  founder  of  the 
Abbey  of  Sant'Abondio;  Rainaldo  (1061),  expelled  by 
Henry  IV  for  his  loyalty  to  Gregory  VII ;  Guglielrao 
della  Torre  (1204),  builder  of  many  churches  and 
founder  of  a  hospital;  Benedetto  Asinaga  (1328),  who 
fled  from  the  persecution  of  the  Rusca,  Lords  of  Como; 
Lucchino  Borsano  (1396),  who  began  the  new  cathe- 
dral; the  learned  reformer,  Gian  Antonio  Volpi  (1559). 
The  cathedral  of  Como  is  a  splendid  monument  of 
Christian  art.  It  was  begun  in  1396,  and  was  com- 
pleted only  in  1595;  later  the  cupola  and  some  small 
chapels  were  added  (1730-44).  In  1528  Como  was 
placed  under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Archbishop  of 
Milan.  The  diocese  has  a  population  of  340,000,  has 
325  parishes,  3  religious  houses  of  men  and  12  of  women. 

Cappelletti,  Le  chiene  aVIlalia  (Venice,  1844).  XI,  307-443; 
Cant6,  Storia  della  ciUh  e  dioeeei  di  Como  (Como,  1829-31); 

toLDONi,  Storia  della  Cattedraledi  Como  (Como,  1821);  Ann. 
cd.  (Rome,  1907),  411-18.  U.  BenIONI. 

Oompagnie  du  Saint-Sacrement,  a  Catholic  secret 
society  which  included  among  its  members  many 
Catholic  celebrities  of  the  seventeenth  century.  It 
was  founded  in  March,  1630,  at  the  Convent  of  the 
Capuchins  in  the  Faubourg  Saint-Honor^  by  Henri  de 
Levis,  Due  de  Ventadour,  who  had  just  escorted  his 
wife  to  the  Convent  of  Mont-Carmel ;  Henri  de  Pichery, 
officer  of  Louis  XIII's  household;  Jacques  Adhemar 
de  Monteil  de  Grignan,  a  future  bishop,  and  Philippe 
d  'Angoumois,  the  Capuchin.  Amongst  those  who 
soon  joined  it,  should  be  mentioned  Pere  Suffren,  a 
Jesuit,  confessor  to  Louis  XIII  and  Marie  de'  Medici; 
the  son  and  grandson  of  Coligny,  the  Protestant  ad- 
miral, and  Charles  de  Condren,  General  of  the  Orator- 
ians.  In  1631  this  association  was  called  the  Company 
of  the  Most  Blessed  Sacrament.  It  was  organized 
under  the  authority  of  a  board  composed  of  nine 
members,  changed  every  three  months,  and  which  in- 
cluded a  superior,  usually  a  layman,  and  a  spiritual  di- 
rector who  was  a  priest.  The  associates  met  weekly 
and  their  organization  was  simultaneously  a  pious 
confraternity,  a  charitable  society,  and  a  militant 
association  for  the  defence  of  the  Church. 

The  company  was  an  absolutely  secret  one.  Louis 
XIII  covertly  encouraged  it  but  it  never  wished  to 
have  the  letters  patent  that  would  have  rendered  it 
legal.  Archbishop  Gondi  of  Paris  refused  his  bless- 
ing to  the  company  although,  in  1631,  Louis  XIII 
wrote  him  a  personal  letter  requesting  him  to  confer  it. 
The  Brief  obtained  from  the  pope  in  1633  by  the  Count 
de  Brassan,  one  of  the  members,  was  of  no  importance 
and  the  company,  eager  to  secure  a  new  one,  was 
granted  only  a  few  indulgences  which  it  would  not  ac- 
cept, as  it  did  not  wish  to  be  treated  as  a  simple  con- 
fraternity. Guido  Bagni,  nuncio  from  1645  to  1656, 
often  attended  the  sessions  of  the  company  but  its  ex- 
istence was  never  regularly  acknowledged  by  an  offi- 
cial document  from  Rome.  The  rule  of  secrecy 
obliged  members  "not  to  speak  of  the  company  to 
those  who  do  not  belong  to  it  and  never  to  make 
known  the  names  of  the  individuals  composing  it". 
New  members  were  elected  by  the  board  and  it  was 
soon  decided  that  no  congrfganiste,  i.  e.  member  of 
a  lay  congregation  directed  by  ecclesiastics,  could  be 
eligible.  Matters  of  an  especially  delicate  nature  were 
not  discussed  at  the  weekly  meetings,  these  being  fre- 
quently attended  by  a  hundred  members,  but  were 
reserved  for  the  investigation  of  the  board.  The  com- 
pany printed  nothing  and  the  keeping  of  written  min- 
utes was  conducted  with  the  utmost  caution.  There 
were  fifty  important  branches  outside  of  Paris,  about 
thirty  being  unknown  even  to  the  bishops.  Among 
other  members  were  the  Prince  de  Conti,  the  Marechal 
de  Sehomberg,  the  Baron  de  Renty,  Magistrates 
Lamoignon,  de  Mesnes,  and  Le  Ffrvre  d'Ormesson; 


Alain  de  Solminihac,  Bishop  of  Cahors,  now  declared 
Venerable;  St.  Vincent  de  Paul,  Olier,  and  Bossuet. 

The  association  laboured  zealously  to  correct  abuses 
among  the  clergy  and  in  monasteries,  to  insure  good 
behaviour  in  the  churches,  to  procure  missions  for 
country  parishes,  and  it  had  the  nonour  of  urging  the 
establishment  of  a  Seminary  of  Foreign  Missions  for 
the  evangelizing  of  infidels.  It  also  endeavoured  to 
reform  the  morals  of  the  laity  by  encouragingthe  ef- 
fective crusade  of  the  Marquis  de  Salignac-Fenelon 
against  duelling.  Moreover,  it  was  interested  in  the 
care  of  the  poor,  the  improvement  of  hospitals,  and 
the  administration  of  galleys  and  prisons;  and  that  the 
poor  might  have  legal  advice,  it  created  what  are  to- 
day known  as  the  secretariats  du  pevple.  It  protected 
the  fraternities  of  shoemakers  and  tailors  organized 
by  the  Baron  de  Renty  and  assisted  St.  Vincent  de 
Paul  in  most  of  his  undertakings.  In  1652  when 
Louis  XIV,  conqueror  of  the  Fronde,  re-entered  Paris 
and  the  city  was  flooded  with  peasants,  fugitive  reli- 
gious, and  hungry  priests,  the  members  of  the  company 
multiplied  their  generous  deeds,  demanded  alms  from 
their  fellow-members  outside  of  Paris,  sent  priests  to 
hear  the  confessions  of  the  sick  in  districts  that  had 
been  decimated  by  war,  founded  parish  societies  for 
the  relief  of  the  poor,  and  established  at  Paris  a  gen- 
eral storehouse  stocked  with  provisions,  clothing,  and 
agricultural  implements  to  be  distributed  among  the 
impoverished  peasants.  At  that  time  the  company 
spent  300,000  livres  (equal  to  300,000  dollars)  in  char- 
ity each  year.  Finally,  it  was  instrumental  in  bring- 
ing about  the  ordinance  establishing  the  General  Hos- 

§ital  where  Christophe  du  Plessis,  the  magistrate,  and 
t.  Vincent  de  Paul  organized  the  hospitals  for  mendi- 
cants. 

Even  those  historians  to  whom  the  secret  character 
of  this  association  is  obnoxious,  give  due  credit  to  its 
admirable  charities,  but  they  attack  its  action  in  re- 
gard to  Protestants.  The  company  laboured  dili- 
gently to  increase  conversions  and  organized  the 
preaching  of  missions  for  Protestants  m  Lorraine, 
Dauphine.  and  Limousin  and  founded  establishments  in 
Paris,  Sedan,  Metz,  and  Puy  for  young  converts  from 
Protestantism.  Moreover,  it  strove  to  suppress  the 
outrages  perpetrated  by  Protestants  against  the  Cath- 
olic religion  and  opposed  the  oppression  of  Catholics 
by  Protestants  in  a  Protestant  city  like  La  Rochelle. 
Finally,  without  seeking  the  revocation  of  the  Edict  of 
Nantes,  the  Company  nevertheless  remained  con- 
stantly on  the  alert,  lest  any  concession  be  made  to 
Protestants  beyond  what  the  formal  text  of  the  edict 
demanded  and  its  members  sent  documents  to  Jean 
Filleau,  a  Poitiers  lawyer,  who  for  twenty-five  years 
issued  "Catholic  decisions"  from  a  juridical  point  of 
view,  on  the  interpretation  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes. 
The  protestation  of  the  general  assembly  of  the  clergy 
in  1656  against  the  infringement  of  the  edict  by  Prot- 
estants, was  the  outgrowth  of  a  long  documental 
work  prepared  by  the  members.  In  1660,  Lechassier 
who  was  Mattre  des  Camvtes  and  also  one  of  the 
company,  forwarded  to  all  the  country  branches  a 
questionnaire  t  i.  e.  a  series  of  questions  asked  with  a 
view  to  helping  the  inquiry,  of  thirty-one  articles  on 
the  infringement  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes  by  Protes- 
tants. The  answers  were  collected  by  Forbin-Janson, 
Bishop  of  Digne,  who  took  active  part  in  the  assembly 
of  clergy,  the  result  being  that  commissaries  were  sent 
into  the  provinces  for  the  purpose  of  setting  right  these 
abuses.  But,  in  its  own  turn,  the  company  violated 
the  Edict  of  Nantes  (of  which  Art.  27  declared  Hugue- 
nots wholly  eligible  to  public  office),  and,  by  secret 
manoeuvring,  one  day  prevented  twenty-five  young 
Protestants  from  being  received  as  attorneys  at  the 
Parlement  of  Paris.  The  members  thought  they 
were  doing  right",  explained  Pere  de  la  Briere, 
"nevertheless,  if  we  consider  not  their  intention,  but 
the  very  nature  of  their  act  and  of  their  procedure,  it  is 


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impossible  to  doubt  that  they  were  guilty  of  an  iniq- 
uity". According  to  the  testimony  of  Pere  Rapin  and 
the  Count  d'Argenson,  these  proceedings  of  the  Com- 
pany were  the  starting-point  of  the  policy  that  was  to 
culminate  in  1685  in  the  revocation  of  the  Edict  of 
Nantes. 

The  year  1660  witnessed  the  decline  of  the  company. 
In  consequence  of  incidents  that  had  occurred  at 
Caen,  it  was  vigorously  attacked  in  a  libel  by  Charles 
du  Four,  Abbot  of  Aulnay,  and  denounced  to  Cardi- 
nal Mazarin  by. Francois  Harlay  de  Champvallon, 
Archbishop  of  Rouen.  On  13  December,  1660,  the 
members  held  a  last  general  meeting  at  which,  amid 
expressions  of  regret  and  deep  emotion,  it  was  decided 
to  suspend  their  Thursday  sessions  and  to  add  "ten  or 
twelve  elders"  to  the  members  of  the  board  so  that 
the  company  might  continue  to  act  provisionally; 
then  these  eiders  and  the  board  selected  eight  indi- 
viduals who  were  to  correspond  with  the  country 
branches,  one  of  the  eight  being  Bossuet.  On  13  De- 
cember, 1660,  Parliament  issued  a  decree  prohibiting 
all  illicit  assemblies,  confraternities,  congregations,  and 
communities  but  Lamoignon,  a  member  of  the  com- 
pany and  the  first  president,  succeeded  in  preventing 
it  from  being  designated  by  name.  It  seems  that  the 
meetings  of  the  board  and  the  elders,  held  regularly 
enough  in  1664  to  be  instrumental  in  obtaining  the  in- 
terdiction of  "Tartuffe",  ceased  almost  altogether  in 
1665.  The  General  Hospital  and  the  Seminary  of 
Foreign  Missions  continued  to  exist  as  magnificent 
legacies  of  this  association  which  Mazarin  and  many 
hostile  historians  who  came  after  him,  scornfully  called 
the  "Cabal  of  Devotees". 

DWBOE.vsojf,  Annalea  de  la  compagnie  du  Saini-Saerement 
(Marseilles,  1900),  an  important  document;  Rapin,  Memoires 
(Paris,  1805),  II;  Cum,  La  oampagp.it  du  Saint-Sacremenl:  une 
page  de  I'histoire  de  la  ehariti  au  XVP  tilde  in  Etudes  (1888, 
1889);  Rabbe,  Une  tocUU  secrete  catholigue  au  XVII*  tilde  in 
Rente  Hietorique,  1  Nov.,  1899:  very  hostile);  Cherot,  Lettre 
a  M.  Rabbe  in  Etudee,  20  Nov.,  1889);  Allied,  La  eabale  da 
depot)  (Paris,  1902,  very  hostile);  Rkbelliau,  Vn  tmxode  de 
VkUtoire  rdigieuee  du  XVII*  eiede  in  Revue  dee  Deux 
Monde*.  X  July,  1  Aug.  and  1  Sept.,  1903:  a  great  effort  at  im- 
partiality: and  de  la  Briere,  Co  que  fut  la  eabale  dee  devote 
(Paris,  1906),  an  excellent  resume. 

Georges  Goyatj. 

Company  of  Mary.  See  Mart,  Missionaries  of 
the  Company  op. 

Company  of  St.  Ursula.   See  Ursuunbs. 

Compensation,  as  considered  in  the  present  article 
denotes  the  price  paid  for  human  exertion  or  labour. 
Wherever  men  have  been  free  to  sell  their  labour  they 
have  regarded  its  compensation  as  a  matter  that  in- 
volved questions  of  right  and  wrong.  This  conviction 
has  been  shared  by  mankind  generally,  at  least  in 
Christian  countries.  At  the  beginning  of  the  fourth 
century,  the  Emperor  Diocletian  issued  an  edict 
which  fixed  the  maximum  prices  for  the  sale  of  all 
goods,  and  appointed  a  legal  schedule  of  wages  for 
nineteen  different  classes  of  workingmen.  In  the  pre- 
amble of  the  edict  the  emperor  declares  that  his  mo- 
tive is  to  establish  justice  among  his  people  (Levas- 
seur,  "Classes  ouvrieres  avant  1789'*,  I,  112-114). 
Throughout  the  Middle  Ages  and  down  almost  to  the 
beginning  of  the  nineteenth  century,  there  was  con- 
siderable legal  regulation  of  wages  in  most  of  the 
countries  ofEurope.  This  practice  indicated  a  belief 
that  the  compensation  of  labour  ought  to  be  brought 
under  the  rule  of  law  and  fairness,  as  these  legislators 
conceived  fair  dealing. 

The  Fathers  of  the  Church  implicitly  asserted  the 
right  of  the  labourer  to  sufficient  compensation  for  the 
maintenance  of  his  life  when  they  declared  that  God 
wished  the  earth  to  be  the  common  heritage  of  all 
men,  and  when  they  denounced  as  robbers  the  rich 
who  refused  to  share  their  surplus  goods  with  the 
needy.  The  theologians  and  canonists  of  the  Middle 
Ages  held  that  all  commodities  should  be  sold  at  that 


8 rice  which  the  social  estimate  regarded  as  just;  but 
ley  insisted  that  in  arriving  at  this  estimate  the  com- 
munity ought  to  take  into  account  the  utility,  the 
scarcity,  and  the  cost  of  production  of  the  commodity. 
Inasmuch  as  the  cost  of  production  at  that  time  was 
chiefly  labour-cost,  or  wages,  a  just  price  for  goods 
woula  necessarily  include  a  just  price  for  the  labour 
that  produced  the  goods.  St.  Thomas  reflects  the 
common  view  when  ne  says  that  labour  as  well  as 
goods  should  bring  a  just  price  (Summa  Theologies, 
I-II,  Q.  cxiv,  a.  1).  Langenstein,  in  the  fourteenth 
century,  is  more  specific;  for  he  declares  that  anyone 
can  ascertain  the  just  price  of  the  wares  that  he  has  to 
sell  by  referring  to  the  cost  of  living  of  one  in  his  sta- 
tion in  life  (De  Contractibus,  Pt.  I,  cap.  xii).  Since  the 
seller  of  the  goods  was  generally  the  maker  of  them  also, 
Langensteurs  rule  was  equivalent  to  the  doctrine  that 
the  compensation  of  the  master-workman  should  be 
sufficient  to  furnish  him  a  decent  livelihood.  And  we 
know  that  his  remuneration  did  not  differ  greatly 
from  that  of  the  journeyman.  From  the  meagre  ac- 
counts that  have  come  down  to  us,  we  are  probably 
justified  in  concluding,  with  Professor  Brants,  that 
these  standards  of  compensation  and  the  methods  of 
enforcing  them  generally  secured  to  the  medieval 
labourer  a  livelihood  which  the  notions  of  the  time 
regarded  as  becoming  (Theories  economiques  aux  xiii" 
et  xiv*  siecles,  p.  123).  At  the  beginning  of  the  seven- 
teenth century  we  find  such  writers  as  Molina  and 
Bonacina  asserting  that  the  customary  compensation 
of  a  place  is,  generally  speaking,  just  compensation, 
and  assuming  that  the  worker  has  a  right  to  a  living 
from  his  labour. 

To-day  Catholic  teaching  on  compensation  is  quite 
precise  as  regards  the  just  minimum.  It  may  be  sum- 
marized in  these  words  of  Pope  Leo  XIII  in  the  fa- 
mous Encyclical "  Rerum  Novarum"(15  May,  189 1),  on 
the  condition  of  the  working  classes :"  there  is  a  dictate 
of  nature  more  ancient  and  more  imperious  than  any 
bargain  between  man  and  man,  that  the  remunera- 
tion must  be  sufficient  to  support  the  wage-earner  in 
reasonable  and  frugal  comfort.  If  through  necessity 
or  fear  of  a  worse  evil  the  workman  accepts  harder 
conditions,  because  an  employer  or  contractor  will 
give  him  no  better,  he  is  the  victim  of  fraud  and  in- 
justice." Shortly  after  the  Encyclical  appeared, 
Cardinal  Goossens,  the  Archbishop  of  Mechlin,  asked 
the  Holy  See  whether  an  employer  would  do  wrong 
who  should  pay  a  wage  sufficient  for  the  sustenance  of 
the  labourer  himself  but  not  for  that  of  his  family. 
An  unofficial  response  came  through  Cardinal  Zig- 
liara,  saying  that  such  conduct  would  not  be  contrary 
to  justice,  But  that  it  might  sometimes  violate  char- 
ity, or  natural  righteousness — i.  e.  reasonable  grati- 
tude. As  a  consequence  of  the  teaching  of  Leo  XIII, 
there  has  been  widespread  discussion,  and  there  exists 
an  immense  literature  among  the  Catholics  of  Europe 
and  America  concerning  the  minimum  just  wage. 
The  present  Catholic  position  may  be  summarized 
somewhat  as  follows:  First,  all  writers  of  authority 
agree  that  the  employer  who  can  reasonably  afford  it 
is  morally  obliged  to  give  all  his  employees  compensa- 
tion sufficient  for  decent  individual  maintenance,  and 
his  adult  male  employees  the  equivalent  of  a  decent 
living  not  only  for  themselves  but  for  their  families ; 
but  not  all  place  the  latter  part  of  the  obligation  under 
the  head  of  strict  justice.  Second,  some  writers  base 
this  doctrine  of  a  minimum  just  wage  upon  the  prin- 
ciple of  just  price,  according  to  which  compensation 
should  be  equivalent  to  labour,  while  others  declare 
that  it  is  implicitly  contained  in  the  natural  right  of 
the  labourer  to  obtain  a  decent  livelihood  in  the  only 
way  that  is  open  to  him,  namely,  through  his  labour- 
contract  and  in  the  form  of  wages.  The  latter  is  un- 
doubtedly the  view  of  Leo  XIII,  as  is  evident  from 
these  words  of  the  Encyclical:  "It  follows  that  each 
one  has  a  right  to  procure  what  is  required  in  order  to 


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live;  and  the  poor  can  procure  it  in  no  other  way  than 
by  work  and  wages." 

Authoritative  Catholic  teaching  does  not  go  be- 
yond the  ethical  minimum,  nor  declare  what  is  com- 
pletely just  compensation.  It  admits  that  full  and 
exact  justice  will  frequently  award  the  worker  more 
than  the  minimum  equivalent  of  decent  living,  but  it 
has  made  no  attempt  to  define  precisely  this  larger 
justice  with  regard  to  any  class  of  wage-earners.  And 
wisely  so;  for,  owing  to  the  many  distinct  factors  of 
distribution  involved,  the  matter  is  exceedingly  com- 
plicated and  difficult.  Chief  among  these  factors  are, 
from  the  side  of  the  employer,  energy  expended,  risk 
undergone,  and  interest  on  his  capital:  from  the  side 
of  the  labourer,  needs,  productivity,  efforts,  sacrifices, 
and  skill;  and  from  the  side  of  the  consumer,  fair 
prices.  In  any  completely  just  system  of  compensa- 
tion and  distribution  all  these  elements  would  be  given 
weight;  but  in  what  proportion?  Should  the  man 
who  produces  more  than  his  fellow-worker  always  re- 
ceive a  larger  reward,  regardless  of  the  effort  that  he 
has  made?  Should  skill  be  more  highly  compensated 
than  work  that  is  degrading  and  disagreeable?  Even 
if  all  men  were  agreed  as  to  the  different  factors  of  dis- 
tribution and  their  relative  importance,  from  the  side 
of  capital  and  labour,  there  would  remain  the  problem 
of  justice  to  the  consumer.  For  example,  ought  a 
part  of  the  benefits  arising  from  improvements  in  the 
productive  processes  to  go  to  him?  or  should  they  all 
be  appropriated  by  the  agents  of  production?  Pope 
Leo  XIII  showed  nis  practical  wisdom  when,  instead 
of  dealing  in  detail  with  this  question,  he  insisted 
strongly  on  the  practice  of  arbitration.  When  wage- 
disputes  are  submitted  to  fair  arbitration,  all  the  cri- 
teria and  factors  of  distribution  above  enumerated  are 
usually  taken  into  account,  and  accorded  weight  in 
conformity  with  practical  justice.  This  is  not,  indeed, 
the  same  as  ideal  justice,  but  in  most  cases  it  will  ap- 
proximate that  goal  as  closely  as  is  feasible  in  a  world 
that  is  not  absolutely  perfect. 

Levassecr,  Lea  classes  ouvritres  en  France  avant  17S9  (Paris, 
1900);  Capart,  La  propriiU  individuals  et  le  colUctivisme 
(Namur,  1898);  Brants,  Lee  theories  economiques  aux  xiiis  et 
ziv  nicies  (Paris,  1895):  Garnier,  De  Vidlt  du  juste  mix 
(Paris,  1900);  Ash  let,  English  Economic  History  (London, 
1893);  Palorave,  Dictionary  of  Political  Economy  (New  York, 
1891),  s.  v.  Government  Regulation  of  Industry:  Leo  XIII, 
Encyclical,  Rerum  Novarum;  Vekheersch,  Quastionee  de 
Justilia  (Bruges,  1901):  Pottier,  De  Jure  et  Justitid  (Liege, 
1900);  Meter  et  al..  Die  soziale  Frage,  reprinted  from  the 
Stimmen  aus  Maria-Laach;  Rtan,  A  Living  Wage  (New  York, 

John  A.  Rtan. 

Compensation,  Occult. — An  extra-legal  manner 
of  recovering  from  loss  or  damage;  the  taking,  by 
stealth  and  on  one's  private  authority,  of  the  value  or 
equivalent  of  one's  goods  from  a  person  who  refuses  to 
meet  the  demands  of  justice. 

Considered  strictly  from  the  standpoint  of  commu- 
tative justice,  although  this  proceeding  may  have  on 
the  surface  all  the  appearance  of  theft,  it  is  in  reality 
the  farthest  removed  from  such.  As  defined,  it  im- 
plies a  debtor  who  is  able,  but  unwilling,  to  restore 
what  he  holds  unjustly  and  a  creditor  who  has  an  op- 
portunity to  recover  possession  of  what  is  his  own  cer- 
tain due.  Since  the  effect  as  well  as  the  purpose  is 
solely  to  make  a  wrong  cease,  the  transfer  brought 
about  by  this  method  of  self-protection  is  manifestly  in 
keeping  with  equity  and  right.  Thus  occult  compen- 
sation is  based  on  the  right  of  self-defence.  It  is  clear 
that  such  dealing-out  of  justice  to  oneself  without  the 
sanction  of  public  authority  may  become  a  course 
gravely  prejudicial  to  public  and  social  order  and  open 
to  all  manner  of  abuses  and  dangers.  But  the  evil  is 
no  less  real  and  pernicious,  if,  while  avoiding  this  ex- 
treme, one  runs  to  the  opposite,  and  denies  prin- 
ciples whioh  safeguard  natural  rights  of  the  individual 
and  protect  the  weak  against  the  constant  danger  of 
oppression  from  the  strong.    Catholic  moralists  steer 


clear  of  these  two  extremes  and  teach  that  it  is  licit, 
under  certain  conditions  and  with  certain  precautions, 
to  have  recourse  to  occult  compensation. 

In  Doctor  Bouquillon's  scholarly  article  in  the 
"Catholic  University  Bulletin"  (1896),  II,  50-61,  it  is 
proved  not  only  that  the  doctrine  is  sound  and  reason- 
able, but  that  it  has  been  accepted  by  philosophers 
and  jurists,  as  far,  even,  as  the  terminology  in  which  it 
has  been  formulated  by  our  theologians;  that  it  has 
always  been  substantially  the  same  since  the  days  of 
St.  Irenseus  and  Clement  of  Alexandria,  though  in  the 
course  of  time  it  has  gained  in  clearness;  and  that  when 
writings  capable  of  pernicious  influence  have  appeared 
they  have  been  carefully  weeded  out." 

The  requisite  conditions  may  be  reduced  to  three. 
First,  the  right  of  the  creditor  must  be  certain.  Then, 
respect  for  law  and  order  demands  that  the  authority 
of  the  law  should  be  invoked  whenever  it  is  possible 
and  recourse  to  established  justice  does  not  involve 
difficulties  and  losses  out  of  all  proportion  with  the 
gain  to  be  derived.  When  laws  operating  through  the 
regular  channels  fail  to  protect  and  are  helpless  to  re- 
move the  evil  of  injustice,  respect  for  them  should  not 
prevent  one  from  taking  one  s  own  by  extraordinary 
means.  Finally,  provision  should  be  made  against 
the  event  of  a  later  settlement  by  the  debtor  or  his 
lawful  heirs,  which  would  necessitate  restitution;  and 
every  reasonable  effort  should  be  made  to  avoid 
scandal  or  other  evils  of  accusations,  distrust,  etc.,  to 
which  cause  may  be  given  through  ignorance  of  the 
moral  value  of  such  methods.  When  the  danger  to 
the  community  is  thus  minimized  as  far  as  it  is  humanly- 
possible,  legal  justice  honoured  as  far  as  it  is  entitled 
to  honour,  and  the  necessity  of  justice  and  right  urgent, 
it  is  lawful  in  conscience,  according  to  our  accredited 
moralists,  to  avail  oneself  of  the  theory  of  occult 
compensation.  It  remains,  however,  that  such  cases 
are  rare,  that  it  is  still  more  rarely  within  the  compe- 
tence of  the  ordinary  individual  to  decide  his  own  case 
without  the  advice  of  a  prudent  and  disinterested 
counsellor,  and  that  occult  compensation  should  never 
be  advised  save  in  exceptional  circumstances,  on  ac- 
count of  its  potency  for  havoc  in  the  hands  of  the 
ignorant  or  unscrupulous.  But  disregard  for  any  or  all 
of  these  precautions,  while  offending  against  legal,  does 
not  violate  commutative  justice,  nor  entail  the  duty 
of  restitution,  if  the  essential  right  is  present. 

Liouori,  Theol.  Mor.  (Paris,  1845),  Lib.  IV,  521:  D«  hvoo, 
Disputat.  de  just,  et  jure  (Paris,  1868),  16;  Scatini,  Theol.  Mor. 
Univers.,  de  Reetilut.  (Paris,  1867);  Ballerini,  Opus  Theol. 


Mor.  Institut.,  De  just,  et  jure  (Lou vain,  1905);  Sarbtti-Bar- 
rett,  Theol.  Mor.,  De  just,  et  jure  (New  York,  1906);  Koninos, 
Theol.  Mor.,  De  jure  et  just.  (New  York,  1877). 

John  H.  Stapleton. 

Competency,  Privilege  of  (Lat.  PriviUgium  Com- 
petentiai). — (1).  The  competency  of  a  cleric  means  his 
right  to  proper  sustenance.  When  a  parochial  church 
has  been  incorporated  with  a  collegiate  institution  or 
monastery  ana  a  vicar  has  been  appointed  to  the  cure 
of  souls  in  the  parish,  the  possessors  of  the  benefice  are 
obliged  to  give  him  the  needful  salary.  Nor  can  the 
right  to  this  competency  be  done  away  with  by  agree- 
ment. If  a  private  contract  be  made  by  which  a  less 
sum  is  to  be  accepted,  it  will  not  bind  the  successor  of 
the  contracting  vicar.  Even  if  the  contract  be  ap- 
proved by  public  authority,  it  is  not  binding  unless  an 
amount  sufficient  for  the  proper  support  of  the  pastor 
be  stipulated.  The  right  to  competency  also  has 
place  when  several  simple  benefices  are  united  with  a 
parish  church.  If  the  endowment  is  not  sufficient  for 
the  necessary  number  of  pastors,  then  recourse  is  to  be 
had  to  firstfruits,  tithes,  and  collections  among  the 
parishioners  (Council  of  Trent,  Sess.  XXIV,  c.  xiii, 
de  Ref.).  It  is  the  duty  of  the  bishop  to  see  that 
those  who  have  the  care  of  souls  be  provided  with 


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proper  support.  By  the  privilege  of  competency,  the 
goods  of  a  cleric,  burdened  with  debt,  cannot  be  at- 
tached or  sold  without  leaving  him  sufficient  means 
of  support  (Cap.  3,  x.,  Ill,  23).  A  cleric  loses  this 
privilege,  however,  if  he  fraudulently  contracts  un- 
necessary debts,  in  abuse  of  the  privilege.  The  civil 
law  in  some  countries  recognizes  this  right  of  com- 
petency. In  Austria,  while  the  property  of  a  benefice 
cannot  be  attached,  the  revenues  can,  but  only  to  such 
an  extent  that  at  least  300  or  210  florins,  according  to 
the  rank  of  the  benefice,  must  remain  intact.  In  Ger- 
many, whatever  is  necessary  for  exercising  the  min- 
istry is  free  from  attachment.  The  civil  laws  of  the 
United  States  and  Great  Britain  make  no  exception 
for  clerics.  (2)  The  term  competency  is  also  used  for 
the  sum  total  of  the  rights  belonging  to  any  ecclesi- 
astical dignitary,  as  of  the  pope,  bishops,  etc.  Ob- 
jectively, such  competency  is  determined  by  the  vari- 
ous functions  to  which  it  extends,  such  as  ordination, 
matrimony,  and  so  forth. 

Aichner,  Compend.  Jur.  Eccl.  (Brixen,  1895):  Ferraris, 
SMicth.  Prompta  Canon.  (Room,  1886),  II;  Latjrentiub, 
hutit.  Jur.  Bed.  (Freiburg,  1903). 

William  H.  W.  Fanning. 

Competent**.    See  Catechumen. 

Complin. — The  term  Complin  is  derived  from  the 
Latin  completorium,  complement,  and  has  been  given 
to  this  particular  Hour  because  Complin  is,  as  it  were, 
the  completion  of  all  the  Hours  of  the  day:  the  close 
of  the  clay.  The  word  was  first  used  in  this  sense 
about  the  beginning  of  the  sixth  century  by  St.  Bene- 
dict in  his  Rule  fee.  xvi,  xvii,  xviii,  and  xlii),  and  he 
even  uses  the  verb  complere  to  signify  Complin:  "Om- 
nes  ergo  in  unum  positi  compleant'*;  "et  exeuntes  a 
completorio"  (xlii).  The  Hour  of  Complin,  such  as 
it  now  appears  in  the  Roman  Breviary,  may  be  di- 
vided into  several  parts,  viz. :  the  beginning  or  intro- 
duction, the  psalmody,  with  its  usual  accompaniment 
of  anthems,  the  hymn,  the  capitulum,  the  response, 
the  evangelical  canticle,  the  prayer,  and  the  benedic- 
tion. 

The  origin  of  Complin  has  recently  given  rise  to 
considerable  discussion  among  liturgists.  General 
opinion,  which  is  also  that  of  Baumer  and  Batiffol, 
ascribes  the  origin  of  this  Hour  to  St.  Benedict,  in  the 
beginning  of  the  sixth  century.  It  was  St.  Benedict 
who  first  gave  it  this  name;  he  decided  also  that  this 
Hour  should  consist  of  three  psalms  (iv,  xc,  and 
exxxiii)  to  be  said  without  anthems,  the  hymn,  the 
lesson,  the  versicle  Kyrie  eleison^  the  benediction,  and 
the  dismissal  (ch.  xvii  and  xviii).  But  Father  Par- 
goire and,  later  still,  A.  Vandepitte  oppose  this  opin- 
ion and  seek  a  more  ancient  origin  for  this  Hour.  A 
text  in  Callinicus  (between  447  and  450),  first  intro- 
duced in  Father  Pargoire's  argument,  informs  us  that 
between  Vespers  and  the  night  Office  there  was  cele- 
brated in  the  East  a  canonical  Hour  called  in  this  text 
TpwBfarvM,  because  it  preceded  the  first  sleep,  be- 
ing nothing  but  what  the  Greeks  of  to-day  call 
apodeijmon,  on  account  of  the  meal  it  follows.  How- 
ever, in  the  thirty-seventh  question  of  his  rules,  St. 
Basil,  also,  speaks  of  an  intermediate  Hour  between 
Vespers  and  the  night  Office.  Father  Pargoire  there- 
fore disputes  the  assertion  that  St.  Benedict  was  the 
originator  of  Complin,  being  rather  disposed  to  trace 
its  source  to  St.  Basil.  In  the  article  mentioned 
Father  Vandepitte  confirms  these  conclusions;  nev- 
ertheless he  states,  in  the  clearest  terms,  that  it  was 
not  in  Csesarea  in  375,  but  in  his  retreat  in  Pontus, 
(358-362)  that  Basil  established  Complin,  which  Hour 
did  not  exist  prior  to  his  time,  that  is,  until  shortly 
after  the  middle  of  the  fourth  century.  Dom  Plaine 
also  traced  the  source  of  Complin  back  to  the  fourth 
century,  finding  mention  of  it  in  a  passage  in  Euse- 
bius  and  in  another  in  St.  Ambrose,  and  also  in 
Cassian.  These  passages  have  been  critically  ex- 
amined, and  Fathers  Pargoire  and  Vandepitte  have 


proved  that  before  St.  Basil's  time  the  custom  of 
reciting  Complin  was  unknown.  At  any  rate,  even 
if  these  texts  do  not  express  all  that  Dom  Plaine 
says  they  do,  at  least  they  bear  witness  to  the  private 
custom  of  saying  a  prayer  before  retiring  to  rest.  If 
this  was  not  the  canonical  Hour  of  Complin,  it  was 
certainly  a.  preliminary  step  towards  it.  The  same 
writers  reject  the  opinion  of  Ladeuze  and  Dom  Besse, 
both  of  whom  believe  that  Complin  had  a  place  in  the 
Rule  of  St.  Pachomius,  which  would  mean  that  it 
originated  still  earlier  in  the  fourth  century.  It  is 
not  necessary  to  enter  into  this  discussion,  but  it 
might  be  possible  to  conciliate  these  different  senti- 
ments by  stating  that,  if  it  be  an  established  fact  that 
St.  Basil  instituted  and  organized  the  Hour  of  Com- 
plin for  the  East,  as  St.  Benedict  did  for  the  West, 
there  existed  as  early  as  the  days  of  St.  Cyprian  and 
Clement  of  Alexandria  the  custom  of  reciting  a  prayer 
before  sleep,  in  which  practice  we  find  the  most  re- 
mote origin  of  our  Complin.  But  let  the  result  of 
this  discussion  be  what  it  may,  it  cannot  be  denied 
that  St.  Benedict  invested  the  Hour  of  Complin  with 
its  liturgical  character  and  arrangement,  which  were 
preserved  in  the  Benedictine  Order  and  almost  com- 
pletely adopted  by  the  Roman  Church;  it  is  hardly 
to  be  believed,  as  Dom  Plaine  maintains,  that  the 
Hour  of  Complin,  at  least  such  as  it  now  exists  in  the 
Roman  Breviary,  antedated  the  Benedictine  Office. 
In  default  of  other  proof,  it  may  Re  noted  that  the 
Benedictine  Office  gives  evidence  of  a  less  advanced 
liturgical  condition,  as  we  have  seen  that  it  consists 
of  a  few  very  simple  elements.  The  Roman  Office  of 
Complin  is  richer  and  more  complicated.  To  the 
simple  Benedictine  psalmody — modified,  however,  by 
the  insertion  of  a  fourth  psalm  (xxx),  "  In  te  Domine 
speravi  " — it  adds  the  solemn  introduction  of  a  bene- 
diction with  a  reading  [perhaps  the  spiritual  reading 
which,  in  St.  Benedict,  precedes  Complin  (ch.  xlii  of 
the  Rule)],  and  the  confession  and  absolution  of 
faults.  But  what  endows  the  Roman  Complin  with 
a  distinctive  character  and  greater  solemnity  is,  to 
say  nothing  of  the  ending,  the  addition  of  the  beau- 
tiful response,  In  manus  tuas,  Domine,  with  the  evan- 
gelical canticle  Nunc  Dimittis  and  its  anthem,  which 
is  very  characteristic.  It  is  really  difficult  to  under- 
stand why  St.  Benedict,  whose  liturgical  taste  fa- 
voured solemnity  in  the  Office,  should  have  sacrificed 
these  elements,  especially  the  evangelical  canticle. 
By  way  of  liturgical  variety  the  service  of  initiwn 
noctis  may  also  be  studied  in  the  Celtic  Liturgy  (see 
Celtic  Rite),  such  as  it  is  read  in  the  Bangor  Antiph- 
ohary,  its  plan  being  set  forth  by  Warren  and  by 
Bishop.  Under  the  title  of  Apodeipnon  (after  meals), 
the  Greeks  have  an  Hour  that  corresponds  to  our 
Latin  Complin;  it  is  very  long  and  complicated,  and 
its  description  may  be  seen  in  Father  Petrides'  article, 
cited  below.  This  Apodeipnon,  or  Grand  Apodeip- 
non, appears  in  an  abridged  form,  or  Small  Apo- 
deipnon. 

Pargoire,  Prime  et  complies  in  Rev.  d'hiet.  et  de  litter,  relig. 

(1898)  ,  III,  281-288,  456-467;  Vandepitte,  Saint  Battle  et 
I'origine  de  complies  in  Rev.  A uouetinienne  (1903),  II,  268-264; 
Pargoire  and  Petrides  in  Diet,  d'arch.  et  de  lilurgie,  s.  v. 
Apodeipnon,  I,  2579-2589;  Dom  Plaine,  La  Oiniee  hie- 
torique  dee  Heurte  in  Rev.  Anglo-romaine.  I,  593;  Idem,  De 
officii  seu  curmie  Romani  origine  in  Studien  u.  Mitiheilungen 

(1899)  ,  X,  364-397;  Baumer,  Hietoire  du  Breviaire,  tr. 
Biron,  I,  135,  147-149  and  passim;  Batiffol,  Hietoire  du 
brfviaire  romam,  35;  Ladeuze,  Etude  eur  le  ctnobitieme  pakho- 
mien  pendant  le  IVe  eiede  et  la  premiere  moiiii  du  V*  (Louvain, 
1898),  288;  Besse,  Le*  Maine*  a"  Orient  anterieur*  au 
concHe  de  Chalctdoine  (Paris,  1900),  333;  Bishop,  A  Service 
Book  of  the  Seventh  Century  in  The  Church  Quarterly  Review 
(January,  1894),  XXXVII,  347;  Cabrol,  Le  Zivre  de  la  Pritn 
antique,  224. 

Fernand  Cabrol. 

Oompluto,  Diocese  of.   See  Madrid. 

Oompostela,  a  famous  city  of  Spain,  situated  on 
an  eminence  between  the  Sar  (the  Sara  of  Pomponius 
Mela)  and  the  Sarela.   At  a  very  remote  period  thin 


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hill  was  crowned  by  a  Celtic  castle,  known  as  Liberum 
Donum,  according  to  the  twelfth-century  "Historia 
Compos telana"  (cf.  Welsh  Uwybr,  "way  ,  and  don, 
"tower",  "castle".  Compostela  overlooks  two  Ro- 
man roads;  the  Cel to- Roman  name  was  probably 
Uberodunum).  It  has  been  an  archiepiscopal  see 
since  1120,  but  as  the  successor  to  the  ancient  See  of 
Iria  its  episcopal  rank  dates  certainly  from  the  fourth, 
probably  from  the  first,  century  of  our  era. 

Etymology. — The  name  Compostela  does  not  ap- 
pear before  the  tenth  century.  In  a  document  of  912 
it  is  said  of  the  monastery  of  St.  Martin,  near  the  cathe- 
dral :  quod  situm  est  in  urbe  Compostella.  King  Ferdi- 
nand I  in  a  privilege  of  10  March,  1063,  apropos  of  St. 
James  the  Great,  says :  cujus  corpus  reijuiescit  Gallecia  in 
vrbe  Compostelld.  Three  years  previous  a  council  held 
in  the  cathedral  is  called  ComposleUanum.  From  this 
the  name  is  in  frequent  use  and  gradually  usurps  the 
names  familiar  to  previous  centuries;  locus  sanctus, 
arris  marmoreis,  eccUsia,  or  civitas  sancti  Jacobi.  The 
name  seems  to  be  a  diminutive  of  composta,  "estab- 
lished", in  reference  to  the  stronghold  (civitatella)  of 
the  city.  Similar  diminutives  abound  in  the  Middle 
Ages.  The  cite  of  Paris,  the  city  of  London,  the  Tole- 
tula  of  Toledo,  the  Almudena,  diminutive  of  Almedi- 
na,  in  Madrid  and  in  Palma  (Majorca),  recall  the 
former  distinction  between  the  territory  without  the 
walls  and  the  city  (civitas)  properly  so  called.  The 
episcopal  city  of  the  Island  of  Minorca  (in  Romano- 
Punic,  Iamo)  yet  retains  its  medieval  name  Ciutadilla. 

The  See  of  Compostela. — Its  history  may  be 
divided  into  two  periods,  before  and  after  its  elevation 
(1120)  to  the  metropolitan  dignity. — The  Bishopric. — 
The  Sax  swollen  by  the  Sarela  flows  onward  from  Com- 
postela some  fifteen  or  sixteen  miles  until  it  joins  the 
Ulla,  and  empties  into  the  sea  at  Padr6n  (Patronus), 
a  hamlet  which  has  borne  that  name  since  the  ninth 
century  in  memory  of  the  fact  that  it  was  the  landing- 
place  of  the  galley  which  bore  to  Gallicia  the  body  of 
the  Apostle  St.  James  the  Great.  Here  stood  in  those 
days  the  city  of  Iria,  capital  of  the  Gallician  Caporos, 
as  may  be  seen  from  its  Roman  ruins,  especially  the 
inscriptions,  some  of  which  are  contemporary  with  the 
beginning  of  the  Christian  Era.  Pomponius  Mela, 
who  lived  in  the  reign  of  Emperor  Claudius,  i.  e.  at  the 
time  of  St.  James's  martyrdom,  says  that  the  Sar  en- 
ters the  ocean  near  the  Tower  of  Augustus  (Turn's 
Augusti) ;  the  foundations  of  the  latter  are  still  recog- 
nizable in  the  outer  harbour  of  Iria.  In  the  reign  of 
Vespasian  the  cognomen  Flavia  was  added;  as  Iria 
Flavia  it  appears  in  the  Geography  of  Ptolemy.  Ac- 
cording to  a  very  probable  tradition,  it  was  here  that 
the  Apostle  St.  James  the  Great  preached  the  Christian 
religion  and  founded  an  episcopal  see.  This  tradition 
was  already  widespread  in  the  year  700,  when  St.  Aid- 
helm,  Abbot  of  Malmesbury,  later  Bishop  of  Sher- 
borne, wrote  as  follows  (P.  L.,  LXXXIX,  293): — 

Hie  quoque  Jacobus,  cretus  genitore  vetusto 
Delubrum  aancto  defendit  tegmine  celsum ; 
Qui,  clamante  pio  ponti  de  margine  Christo, 
Linquebat  proprium  panda  cum  puppe  parentem. 
Primitus  Hispanas  cpnvertit  dogmate  gentes, 
Barbara  divinis  convertens  agmina  dictis, 
Quae  priscos  dudum  ritus  et  lurida  fana, 
Dsemonis  horrendi  deceptte  fraude,  colebant; 
Plurima  hie  pratsul  patravit  signa  stupendus 
Qua;  nunc  in  chart  is  scribuntur  rite  quadrat  is. 

(Here  also  James,  born  of  an  ancient  sire,  protects 
the  lofty  shrine  with  a  holy  roof — he  who,  when  dear 
Christ  called  him  from  the  seashore,  left  his  own 
father  with  the  curved  ship.  He,  at  the  first  did 
convert  the  Spanish  peoples  by  his  teaching,  turning 
towards  God's  word  the  barbarous  hordes  that  had 
long  practised  primitive  rites  and  worshipped  at  the 
shnnes  of  darkness,  being  deceived  by  the  craft  of 
the  evil  one.    Here  did  the  wonderful  bishop  per- 


form many  portents,  which  are  now  set  down  in 
order  upon  our  fourfold  chart.) 

The  list  of  the  bishops  of  Iria  known  to  us  from  their 
presence  at  councils  and  from  other  authentic  sources 

begins  with  the  year  400.   They  are:  Ortigius  

Andreas  (572),  Dominicus,  Samuel,  .  .  .  ,  Gotuma- 
rus  (646),  VincibOis,  Ildulfus  Felix  (683),  Selva,  Leo- 
sindus,  .  .  .  ,  Theudemirus  (808?),  Adaulfus  I 
(843),  and  AdaulfusII  (851-79).  Under  the  last-named 
the  city  was  destroyed  by  Norman  pirates,  on  which 
occasion  both  bishop  and  chapter  took  refuge  behind 
the  strong  walls  of  Compostela.  Soon  they  peti- 
tioned King  Ordofio  II  and  Pope  Nicholas  I  to  permit 
them  to  transfer  the  see  from  Iria  to  Compostela, 
near  the  sepulchre  and  church  of  St.  James.  Both 
pope  and  king  consented,  on  condition,  however,  that 
the  honour  of  the  see  should  be  divided  between  the 
two  places.  From  the  second  half  of  the  ninth  cen- 
tury therefore,  the  bishops  of  this  see  are  known  indis- 
criminately as  Irienses  or  Sancti  Jacobi,  even  as  eccle- 
site  apostolica  sancti  Jacobi,  finally  as  Compostellani. 
At  the  end  of  the  eleventh  century,  through  rever- 
ence for  the  body  and  the  sepulchre  of  St.  James,  Ur- 
ban II  withdrew  from  Iria  its  episcopal  rank  and  trans- 
ferred the  see  in  its  entirety  to  Compostela.  At  the 
same  time  he  exempted  it  from  the  authority  of  the 
metropolitan  and  made  it  immediately  subject  to  the 
Holy  See.  This  is  evident  from  the  Bull  of  5  Dec., 
1095,  in  favour  of  the  Cluniac  bishop,  Dalmatius, 
present  at  the  famous  Council  of  Clermont. 

The  Metropolitan  See. — Thenceforth  the  see  grew  in 
importance,  likewise  its  magnificent  Romanesque 
church,  modelled  on  that  of  Puy  in  France,  and  fre- 

Euented  by  pilgrims  from  all  parts  of  Christendom, 
like  the  cathedral  of  Toledo  after  the  reconquest 
(1085),  it  became  the  principal  centre  of  the  political 
renaissance  of  Catholic  Spain  and  its  self-assertion 
against  the  Moslem  power.  Pope  Callistus  II  recog- 
nized the  great  merits  of  Diego  Gelmfrez,  Bishop  of 
Compostela,  and  in  view  of  the  reconquest  of  much 
Portuguese  territory,  and  the  near  recovery  of  its  free- 
dom by  Merida,  the  ancient  metropolis  of  Lusitania 
(Portugal),  confided  to  him  the  perpetual  administra- 
tion of  that  archdiocese,  whereby  Compostela  became 
a  metropolitan  see.  Since  then  it  has  been  occupied 
by  many  illustrious  men,  not  a  few  of  whom  were 
raised  to  the  cardinalitial  dignity  (Gams,  "Series  epis- 
coporum  ecclesisa  Catholics  ,  Ratisbon,  1873;  Eubel, 
"Hierarchia  catholica  medii  sevi",  Munster,  1898). 
The  Bull  of  Callistus  II  (26  Feb.,  1120)  clothed  the 
metropolitan  of  Compostela  with  authority  over  the 
following  dioceses  of  the  ancient  Provincia  Lusitana: 
Salamanca,  Avfla,  Coria,  Ciudad  Rodrigo,  Plasencia, 
Badaioz — (in  Spain);  Idanha(Guarda),  Lamego,  Lis- 
bon, Evora,  Osonova  (SQves) — in  Portugal  beyond  the 
Duero.  Though  Compostela  lost  the  Portuguese 
dioceses,  10  Nov.,  1399,  when  Lisbon  was  made  an 
archbishopric,  it  acquired  in  return  Astorga,  Lugo, 
Mondofiedo,  Orense,  Tuy,  and  Zamora.  The  Concordat 
of  1851  left  it  with  only  five :  Lugo,  Mondofiedo,  Orense, 
Oviedo,  and  Tuy.  The  list  of  the  councils  of  Com- 
postela may  be  seen  in  the  aforementioned  work  of 
Gams,  and  their  text  in  Mansi  or  Aguirre.  One  of  the 
most  important  is  the  provincial  council  which  as- 
serted the  innocence  of  the  Templars  within  its  juris- 
diction; another,  held  29  Oct.,  1310,  anticipated  in  its 
fourth  canon  the  action  of  the  Council  of  London  (29 
Oct.,  1329)  under  Simon  of  Mepham,  Archbishop  of 
Canterbury  in  decreeing  the  yearly  celebration  of  the 
feast  of  the  Conception  of  the  Blessed  Virgin  through- 
out the  province  of  Compostela  on  the  eighth  of 
December.  Among  those  who  have  occupied  the  See 
of  Compostela  may  be  mentioned:  St.  Rosendus  (970- 
77);  St.  Peter  de  Mosoncio  (986-1000),  probably  the 
author  of  the  Salve  Regina;  Diego  Pelaez  (1070-88), 
who  began  the  reconstruction  of  the  cathedral ;  Diego 
Gelmfrez  (1100-42?),  the  first  Archbishop  of  Corn- 


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postela,  and  who  continued  the  work  of  Bishop  Pelaez ; 
Pedro  Mufios  (1207-11),  who  finished  the  cathedral; 
Cardinal  Miguel  Paya  y  Rico  (1874-85),  who  had  the 
honour  of  discovering  in  a  crypt  behind  the  high  altar 
of  the  cathedral  the  sepulchre  and  the  relics  of  the 
Apostle  St.  James. 

The  sepulchre  of  St.  James  and  questions  relat- 
ing thereto  are  treated  in  the  article  Jambs  the 
Greater,  Saint.  It  will  suffice  to  mention  here  the 
document  which  confirms  better  than  any  other  the 
history  and  the  authenticity  of  this  sacred  relic  of  the 
primitive  Christian  life  of  Spain,  i.  e.  the  solemn  Bull 
of  Leo  XIII  (1  Nov.,  1884)  in  which  he  confirms  the 
declaration  of  Cardinal  PayA,  Archbishop  of  Compos- 
tela,  concerning  the  identity  of  the  bodies  of  the  Apos- 
tle St.  James  the  Greater  and  his  disciples  Athanasius 
and  Theodoras. 

Lopez  Ferreiro,  Hitloria  de  la  Santa  Apottdlica  Metroppli- 
tana  Iglesia  de  Compotttla  (Santiago,  1898-1908),  I-VIII; 
Floeez  Bspana  Sqgrada  (MadW.  1754-1792),  III.  XIX,  XX; 
Fita,  Santiago  da  Galieia  in  Raton  y  Ft  (Madrid,  1901,  1902); 
Rtvett-Carnac  La  Piedra  de  la  coronation  en  la  abadia  de 
Westminster  y  su  conexion  Ugendaria  con  Santiago  de  Compostela 
in  BoUtin  de  la  Real  Academia  de  la  Hitloria  (Madrid,  1902), 
XL.  430:  Brut  ai  lb,  L'ArdUologie  du  Moyen  Age  (Paris,  1900); 
Loraz  Ferreiro  t  Fit*,  MonumerUos  antiguot  de  la  Igletia 
Compostdana  (Madrid,  1883);  Fita,  Adas  iniditat  (allot  JEW- 
ISH) de  tiete  concHtot  espa/lolee  (Madrid,  1882);  Etta  t 
Feknandu  Gubrra,  Reeuerdos  de  un  viaje  d  Santiago  de  Galieia 
(Madrid.  1880).  The  Bull  of  Lao  XIII,  Omnipotent  Deut,  it  in 
Acta  Sanaa  Sedit  (Rome,  1884),  XVII  262.  See  Acta  SS.,  26 
July  (Venice,  1748),  and  for  the  Church  of  St.  James,  Street, 
Some  Account  of  Gothic  Architecture  in  Spain  (London,  1866): 
Barker,' Church  of  St.  Jama  of  Compostela  in  Catholic  World 
(1878)TXXVI,  163:  Pilgrimage  to  Santiago  de  Compotttla  in 
Prater' t  Magazine  (1864),  LXX,  274;  Villawl  t  Castro,  La 
catedral  ComposteUtna  en  la  toad  media  y  el  eepulcro  de  Santiago 
(Madrid.  1879) :  Chevalier,  Topo-bibl.,  a,  v.  Compotttla  and 
Bio-bibl..  a  v.  Jacques  le  Majeur. 


F.  Fit  a. 


Compromise  (in  Canon  Law),  in  a  general  sense,  is 
a  mutual  promise  or  contract  of  two  parties  in  con- 
troversy to  refer  their  differences  to  the  decision  of 
arbitrators.  Compromise  (Lat.  Compromissum)  may 
take  place  either  in  elections  or  in  other  matters  in 
which  dispute  arises.  In  the  latter  case  it  may  be 
effected  either  by  law  or  by  option.  If  the  arbiter 
holds  his  position  by  prescription  of  law,  ex  jure,  the 
compromise  is  bylaw  or  necessary;  if  by  agreement  of 
the  parties,  the  compromise  is  by  option  or  voluntary 
{arbiter  compromissariut) .  In  compromise  by  law  the 
arbiter  juris  is  compelled  to  take  the  office ;  his  sentence 
can  be  appealed  from ;  but  he  has  coercive  power  over 
all  and  can  examine  and  punish.  Whereas  in  compro- 
mise by  option  the  voluntary  arbiter  is  free  to  under- 
take the  office ;  there  is  no  appeal  from  his  decision,  for 
the  parties  freely  bind  themselves  to  abide  by  it;  he 
can  only  take  cognisance  of  the  case-  and  his  duties 
and  powers  are  defined,  conferred  and  imposed  by  the 
parties  who  have  freely  chosen  him.  According  to 
Roman  law,  and  also  the  old  canon  law  (jus  vetus), 
there  was  no  appeal  from  the  decision  of  the  voluntary 
arbiter.  Later  canon  law,  however,  admits  of  an  ex- 
trajudicial appeal  (provocaiio  ad  causam),  especially  if 
there  be  manifest  injustice  in  the  decision.  If  more 
than  one  arbiter  be  appointed,  the  number  should  be  an 
odd  one.  The  subject  Of  compromise  can  only  be  such 
matter  as  lies  within  the  disposition  of  the  contesting 
parties.  Hence  causes  beyond  the  disposal  of  private 
parties  cannot  be  made  the  subject  of  compromise, 
as,  e.  g.,  criminal  causes,  matrimonial  causes  properly 
so  called,  causes  reserved  by  law  to  the  supreme 
courts. 

Compromise  in  elections  consists  in  a  commission 
given  by  the  body  of  electors  to  one  or  several  persons 
to  designate  the  elected  person  in  the  place  of  all. 
This  compromise,  in  order  to  be  valid,  must  be  the  act 
of  all  the  electors,  unless  it  results  from  a  pontifical 
declaration.  It  is  not  necessary  that  the  compromit- 
nm  thus  chosen  belong  to  the  chapter  (q.  v.)  or  to 
the  body  of  electors;  they  must,  however,  be  clerics, 


as  laymen  cannot  exercise  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction 
and  are  expressly  excluded  from  elections  by  law. 
The  electors  can  posit  conditions  which  must  be  ful- 
filled by  the  arbiters,  if  they  are  not  against  the  gen- 
eral canon  law.  If  such  conditions  are  legitimate, 
they  must  be  fulfilled  under  penalty  of  nullity  of  the 
compromise  or  of  the  election  thus  performed.  In  an 
absolute  and  unconditioned  compromise  the  arbiters 
are  bound  only  by  the  general  laws  of  procedure  to  be 
observed  in  elections.  If  the  person  thus  designated 
by  the  comprxrmitsarii  be  qualified  and  worthy,  and 
the  form  and  the  limits  of  the  compromise  be  ob- 
served, the  electors  must  abide  by  the  result  of  this 
decision. 

Permanbdbh  in  Kirchenlex.,  Ill,  778;  Ferraris,  Prompta 
Bibliotheca  (Rome,  1885),  I,  s.  v.  Arbiter,  Arbitrator;  Taunton, 
The  Law  of  the  Church  (London,  1906),  s.  v.  Arbiter. 

Leo  Cans. 

Oomte,  Augusts.   See  Positivism. 

Conal  (or  Con  all),  Saint,  an  Irish  bishop  who 
flourished  in  the  second  half  of  the  fifth  century  and 
ruled  over  Hie  church  of  Drum,  County  Roscommon, 
the  place  being  subsequently  named  Drumconnell, 
after  St.  Co  rial.  Co  lean  and  his  copyists  inaccurately 
locate  his  church  at  Kilconnell  in  County  Galway,  but 
it  is  now  certain  that  the  church  of  which  St.  Conal 
was  bishop  was  south  of  Boyle,  and,  as  a  matter  of  fact, 
the  saint  is  known  as  "  Blessed  Conal  of  Drum ' '.  The 
error  of  ascribing  Kilconnell  and  Aughrim,  County 
Galway,  as  foundations  of  St.  Conal  can  also  be  dis- 
sipated by  a  reference  to  the  life  of  St.  Attracts, 
wherein  it  is  recorded  that  she  came  to  the  neighbour- 
hood of  Boyle  in  order  to  build  a  cell  near  the  church 
of  her  uterine  brother,  St.  Conal,  but  was  dissuaded 
from  her  project  by  St.  Dachonna  of  Eas  Dachonna, 
now  Assylin,  at  the  bidding  of  the  saint.  We  read 
that  St.  Attracts  prophesied  that  the  episcopal 
churches  of  St.  Conal  (Drumconnell)  and  St.  Dach- 
onna (Eas  Dachonna)  would  in  after  days  be  reduced 
to  poverty,  owing  to  the  fame  of  a  new  monastic  estab- 
lishment. This  prophecy  was  strikingly  fulfilled,  inas- 
much as  Drum  ana  Assylin  soon  after  ceased  to  be 
episcopal  sees,  while  in  1148  the  great  Cistercian 
Abbey  of  Boyle  (q.  v.)  was  founded.  St.  Conal  died 
about  the  year  500,  and  his  feast  is  celebrated  on  18 
March,  though  some  assign  9  February  as  the  date. 

Colo  an.  Acta  Sand.  Mb.;  Acta  SS.,  II;  O'Hanlon,  Lives  of 
the  Irith  Saints,  III,  837  sq.;  Kelly,  Martyrology  of  Tailaght 
(Dublin,  1857);  Todd  and  Reeves,  Martyrology  of  Donegal 
(Dublin,  1864);  O'Rorke,  History  of  Sligo  (Dublin.  1886); 
Kellt,  Patron  Saints  of  the  Diocese  of  Elphin  (Dublin,  1904). 

W.  H.  G rattan-Flood. 

Oonan,  Saint,  Bishop  of  the  Isle  of  Man,  d.  Janu- 
ary, 684 ;  an  Irish  missionary,  also  known  as  Moch- 
onna.  He  is  not  to  be  confounded  with  St.  Conindrius, 
who  is  said  to  have  been  a  disciple  of  St.  Patrick,  and 
to  have  lived  to  a  very  advanced  age  (17  November, 
660).  The  Bollandists  place  St.  Co  nan  amongst  the 
early  bishops  of  Man,  and  Colgan  gives  an  account  of 
his  fife  and  labours.  Unfortunately  the  history  of  the 
Isle  of  Man  in  the  fifth  and  sixth  centuries  is  very  ob- 
scure, and  it  is  difficult  to  get  at  definite  facts,  yet  St. 
Co  nan,  or  Mochonna,  who  is  also  described  as  "Bishop 
of  Inis-Patrick"  left  a  distinct  impress  of  his  seal  for 
souls  in  Manx] and.  Some  authorities  give  the  date  of 
his  death  as  26  January,  but  Colgan,  quoting  from  the 
ancient  Irish  martyrologies,  gives  13  January,  on  which 
day  St.  Conan's  feast  is  observed.  There  are  also  sev- 
eral minor  Irish  saints  of  the  same  name,  including  St. 
Conan  of  Assaroe  (8  March),  and  St.  Co  nan  of  BalBaa- 
more  (26  April). 

Irish' 


Bctler,  Ltvet  of  the  Saints  (London,  1857-60),  I;  Coloa 
Ada  SS.  Hib.  (Louvain,  1645);  O'Hanlon,  Lives  of  the  Irii 
Saints  (Dublin,  1876),  I,  446  sqq.;  Knox,  Notes  on  the  Diocese 
of  Tuam  (1904). 

W.  H.  Grattan-Flood. 


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OOMCXUATION 


Ooncannen,  Richard  Luke. 
Archdiocese  of. 


See  New  York, 


Ooncelebration  is  the  rite  by  which  several  priests 
say  Mass  together,  all  consecrating  the  same  bread  and 
wine.  It  was  once  common  in  both  East  and  West. 
As  late  as  the  ninth  century  priests  stood  around  their 
bishop  and  "consented  to  his  sacrifice"  (Corp.  Jur. 
Can.,  Deer.  Grat.,  Pars  III,  dist.  I,  cap.  59).  The  rite 
of  Concelebration  was  modified  at  Rome  (perhaps  in 
the  time  of  Pope  Zephyrinus,  202-218)  so  that  each 
priest  should  consecrate  a  separate  host  (the  deacons 
holding  these  in  patens  or  corporals) ;  but  they  all  con- 
secrated the  same  chalice  ("Ordo  Rom.  I",  48;  see 
also  Duchesne,  "Liber  Pont.",  I,  139  and  246).  In 
the  sixth  century  this  rite  was  observed  on  all  station 
days;  by  the  eighth  century  it  remained  only  for  the 
greatest  feasts,  Easter,  Christmas,  Whitsunday,  and 
St.  Peter  ("Ordo  Rom.  I",  48;  Duchesne, "  Origines", 
167).  On  other  days  the  priests  assisted  but  did  not 
concelebrate.  Innocent  III  (1198-1216)  says  that  in 
his  time  the  cardinals  concelebrate  with  the  pope  on 
certain  feasts  (De  Sacr.  Attar.  Myst.  in  Migne,  P.  L., 
CCXVII,  IV,  25).  Durandus,  who  denied  the  possi- 
bility of  such  a  rite  (Rationale  Div.  Off.,  IV,  d.  xiii, 
q.  3)is  refuted  by  Cardinal  Bona  (Rer.  Liturg.,  I,  xviii, 
9).  St.  Thomas  defends  its  theological  correctness 
(Summa  Theol.,  Ill,  Q.  Ixxxii,  a.  2).  Concelebration 
is  still  common  in  all  the  Eastern  Churches  both 
.  Uniat  and  schismatic.  In  these,  on  any  greater  feast 
day,  the  bishop  says  the  holy  liturgy  surrounded  by 
his  priests,  who  consecrate  with  him  and  receive  Holy 
Communion  from  him,  of  course  under  both  kinds.  So 
also,  at  any  time,  if  several  priests  wish  to  celebrate 
on  the  same  day,  they  may  do  so  together. 

In  the  Latin  Church  the  rite  survives  only  at  the  ordi- 
nation of  priests  and  bishops.  The  newly-ordained 
priests  say  the  Offertory  prayers  and  the  whole  Canon, 
including  the  words  of  consecration,  aloud  with  the 
bishop,  kneeling  around  him.  The  words  of  consecra- 
tion especially  must  be  said  "slowly  and  rather  loud" 
and  "at  the  same  moment  with  the  pontiff"  (Pont. 
Rom.,  de  Ord.  Presb.,  rubric).  They  must  say  the 
words  significative,  that  is  with  the  intention  of  con- 
secrating (Benedict  XIV,  de  SS.  Missse  Sacr.,  Ill, 
xvi,  6),  and  must  be  careful  not  to  say  them  before, 
but  exactly  with,  the  bishop  (op.  cit.,  loc.  cit.,  7). 
They  receive  Holy  Communion  under  one  kind.  The 
same  rite  is  used  at  a  bishop's  consecration,  except 
that  in  this  case  the  new  bishop  communicates  with 
the  consecrator  under  both  kinds  (Pont.  Rom.,  de 
Cons.  Electi  in  Episc,  rubric  in  the  text). 

Benedict  XIV,  De  SS.  Missa  Sacrificio,  III,  xvi;  9r. 
Thomas,  Summa  Theol.,  Ill,  Q.  Ixxxii,  a.  2;  Atchlet,  Ordo 
Romanus  Primus  (London,  1905),  113,  149,  158:  Duchesne, 
Let  origines  du  etdte  chrHien  (2nd  ed.,  Paris,  1898),  167,  tr. 
Christian  Worship  (London,  1904). 

Adrian  Fortescue. 

Ooncepcidn,  Diocese  of  (Sanctissim*  Concep- 
tionis  de  Chile),  in  the  Republic  of  Chile,  suffragan 
to  Santiago  de  Chile.  The  diocese  embraces  the  prov- 
inces of  Aranco,  Bfo-Bfo,  Concepci6n,  Nuble,  Maule, 
Linares,  and  Malleco,  comprising  an  area  of  27,901 
square  miles.  The  Bull  of  erection  was  issued  by 
Pius  IV,  22  May,  1563,  since  which  time,  with  the  ex- 
ception of  the  period  between  1818-32  when  the  see 
was  vacant,  a  bishop  has  always  had  his  seat  at  Con- 
cepci6n.  Among  the  institutions  of  the  diocese  may 
be  mentioned  an  orphan  asylum  and  a  missionary 
college  under  the  Capuchins. 

In  the  diocese  there  are  represented'  ten  religious 
congregations  of  men  and  seven  of  women,  among  the 
latter  the  Sisters  of  Providence,  Sisters  of  Mercy,  Sis- 
ters of  Christian  Charity,  who  have  a  novitiate  and 
college,  Sisters  of  the  Good  Shepherd,  and  Sisters  of 
the  Sacred  Heart;  they  number  in  all  393.  The  dio- 
cese has  a  Catholic  population  of  835,790,  with  52 


parishes,  190  priests,  91  secular  and  99  regular,  136 
churches  and  chapels.  In  addition  to  the  college  and 
seminary  there  are  nine  Catholic  schools  with  an  at- 
tendance of  2550  pupils.    (See  Chile.) 

Battandier,  Ann.  pent.  Cath.  (Paris,  1908);  Ann.  Bed. 
(Rome.  1908). 

F.  M.  Rudge 

Conceptionists,  a  branch  of  the  Order  of  Saint 
Clare,  founded  by  Beatriz  de  Silva.  Isabel ,  the  daugh- 
ter of  Edward,  King  of  Portugal,  having  married  John 
II  (1406-1454)  of  Castile,  took  her  kinswoman,  Beat- 
riz de  Silva,  sister  of  James  I,  Count  of  Portalegre, 
with  her.  The  beautiful  Beatriz,  however,  aroused 
the  suspicion  and  jealousy  of  the  queen,  and  was  im- 

Srisoned.  Escaping,  she  fled  to  the  Sisters  of  St. 
•ominic  at  Toledo,  where  she  lived  about  forty  years. 
Her  veneration  for  the  Immaculate  Conception  of 
Mary  inspired  her  to  found,  with  twelve  companions, 
a  special  order  in  honour  of  Mary's  privilege.  Queen 
Isabella  gave  her  the  castle  of  Galliana  in  1484.  The 
sisters  followed  the  Cistercian  rule,  reciting  the  Office 
of  the  Blessed  Virgin  in  addition.  Beatriz  died  1 
Sept.,  1490,  at  the  age  of  sixty-six. 

Through  the  influence  of  Ximenes  de  Cisneros,  the 
famous  Archbishop  of  Toledo,  the  Conceptionists  were 
subordinated  to  the  Franciscans,  and  in  1501  they 
adopted  the  rules  of  the  Order  of  Saint  Clare,  modified 
with  the  authorization  of  Alexander  VI.  Julius  II 
sanctioned  them  anew  in  1506;  Quinonez,  provincial  of 
the  Franciscans  of  Castile,  and  later  general  of  the  en- 
tire order,  drew  up  their  constitution  in  1516.  The 
second  convent  was  founded  at  Torrigo,  another  at 
Madrid  in  1512,  and  one  at  Assisi  in  the  same  year. 
Maria  Theresa  of  Austria,  daughter  of  Philip  IV  of 
Spain,  summoned  them  to  the  Faubourg  Saint-Germain 
at  Paris,  where  the  Sisters  of  Saint  Clare  adopted  their 
rules,  which  were  again  modified  by  a  Brief  of  Clement 
X.  The  Conceptionists  wear  a  white  habit  and  scapu- 
lar with  a  blue  cloak,  and  an  image  of  the  Blessed 
Virgin  on  their  habit.  The  celebrated  Maria  de  Agreda 
(q.  v  ),  author  of  "The  Mystical  City  of  God",  was 
a  Conceptionist.  The  Conceptionist  congregation  is 
at  present  spread  widely  throughout  Spain  and  Bel- 
gium. 

Heltot.  Hist,  des  ordret  monastiques,  VII,  334-39;  Wad- 
ding. Annates  Min.  (Rome.  1738),  XV,  451,  XVI;  Heim- 
bucher,  Die  Orden  und  Kongreoationen  der  kath.  Kirche 
(Paderbon  — ' 
XVI,  347 


(Paderborn.  1907),  II,  488  sqq.;  Ada  Ordinis  Min.  (1907), 
XVI,  347  soa.;  Hisl.  abrigfe  de  Vordre  de  Ste  Clairt  d' Assise 
(Lyons  and  Paris,  1908),  II,  259  sqq. 


Michael  Brax. 

Oonceptnalism.    See  Nominalism  and  Realism. 

Conciliation,  Industrial,  is  the  discussion  and 
adjustment  of  mutual  differences  by  employers  and 
employees  or  their  representatives.  Arbitration 
(q.  v.)  implies  the  submission  of  such  differences  to  a 
body  in  which  the  authoritative  decision  is  rendered  by 
a  disinterested  person.  In  mediation  a  disinterested 
person  strives  either  to  bring  the  parties  together  for 
conciliation  or  to  induce  them  to  make  such  mutual 
concessions  as  will  lead  to  an  agreement.  The  term, 
"  boards  of  conciliation",  describes  not  merely  commit- 
tees of  employers  and  employees,  but  also  those  ap- 
pointed by  the  civil  authority,  and  by  private  associa- 
tions. The  two  latter  arc  primarily  concerned  with 
the  work  of  mediation. 

In  France  conciliation  has  been  practised  since  1806 
by  the  conaeils  de  prudhommes,  or  committees  of  ex- 
perts. These  are  composed  of  equal  numbers  of  em- 
ployers and  employees,  and  are  legally  .authorized  to 
interpret  existing  labour  contracts  and  adjust  minor 
grievances.  Within  this  limited  field  they  have  been 
quite  successful.  Five-sixths  of  the  strikes  that  were 
settled  by  the  French  Conciliation  and  Arbitration 


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OONCDTA 


Act  of  1892,  during  the  first  ten  years  of  its  existence, 
were  disposed  of  by  the  method  of  conciliation.  For 
the  last  thirty-five  years  conciliation  has  practically 
eliminated  strikes  from  the  manufactured  iron  and 
steel  trade  in  the  north  of  England.  Recourse  was 
had  to  conciliation  in  506  of  the  788  disputes  that 
were  adjusted  by  boards  of  conciliation  and  arbitra- 
tion throughout  England  in  the  year  1903.  In  the 
United  States  about  half  the  States  have  boards  of 
conciliation  and  arbitration,  while  the  chairman  of  the 
Interstate  Commerce  Commission  and  the  Commis- 
sioner of  Labour  are  directed  by  the  federal  law  of 
1898  to  endeavour  to  bring  about  conciliation  or  arbi- 
tration whenever  they  are  appealed  to  by  one  of  the 
parties  to  any  dispute  which  threatens  seriously  to 
interfere  with  interstate  commerce.  Only  five  of  the 
State  boards  have  accomplished  anything  worthy  of 
notice,  and  these  five  have  settled  relatively  few  dis- 
putes^— mostly  by  conciliation.  The  national  board 
has  recently  given  promise  of  a  considerable  meas- 
ure of  usefulness.  Boards  of  conciliation  composed 
jointly  of  employers  and  employees  have  adjusted  a 
large  number  of  important  differences  in  many  indus- 
tries— for  example,  in  the  shoe  industry,  the  building 
trades,  and  the  coal  mints  of  the  East  and  the  Middle 
West.  Conciliation  has  also  had  considerable  success 
through  the  mediation  of  prominent  citizens,  and  of 
bodies  like  the  Civic  Federation. 

The  importance  of  conciliation  finds  recognition  in 
the  recommendation  of  Pope  Leo  XIII  (Encyclical  on 
the  Condition  of  Labour,  "  Rerum  Novarum  ,  15  May, 
1891)  that  masters  and  workmen  should  unite  in  joint 
associations,  and  select  capable  committees  for  the 
decision  of  disputes.  This  method  is  highly  consonant 
with  Christian  peace  and  Christian  charity.  Its  chief 
advantages  over  arbitration  are  that  it  brings' the  two 
parties  together  in  friendly  and  informal  discussion, 
teaches  each  to  appreciate  the  position  and  rights  of 
the  other,  and  results  in  a  decision  that  is  more  will- 
ingly accepted  and  more  faithfully  observed.  There 
are,  however,  two  important  situations  in  which  con- 
ciliation can  have  but  slight  success:  first,  where  com- 
pulsory arbitration  is  in  vogue;  second,  where  the 
employees  have  not  sufficient  economic  strength  to 
inflict  considerable  damage  upon  their  employer 
through  the  alternative  of  a  strike.  'The  experience 
of  Western  Australia  and  New  Zealand  seems  to  prove 
the  first  contention  (cf.  Clark,  The  Labour  Move- 
ment in  Australasia,  p.  161),  while  the  second  seems 
established  by  the  fact  that  conciliation  was  practi- 
cally unknown  before  the  era  of  labour  unions,  and 
that  it  has  still, very  little  application  in  unorganized 
trades.  On  the  other  hand,  the  first  step  towards  con- 
ciliation, namely,  discussion  of  differences  on  an  equal 
plane,  becomes  quite  feasible  as  soon  as  each  side 
realizes  the  strength  of  the  other.  When  they  treat 
each  other  as  equals  and  as  reasonable  men,  they 
easily  reach  an  agreement.  Conciliation  then  becomes 
much  more  frequent  than  voluntary  arbitration;  in- 
deed, it  renders  the  latter  method  almost  superfluous. 
The  labour  unions  are  committed  to  it,  and  seem  to 
prefer  it  to  arbitration.  John  Mitchell  sees  in  the 
trade  agreement,  which  is  essentially  the  method  of 
conciliation,  the  greatest  hope  for  industrial  peace 
in  America  (Organized  Labour,  p.  354),  and  Pro- 
fessor T.  S.  Adams  thinks  that  America  will  follow 
the  same  line  of  development  as  England,  where 
conciliation  has  already  produced  conditions  of  in- 
dustrial peace  which  are  almost  entirely  satisfactory 
(Labour  Problems,  pp.  312,  314,  319).  Not  the 
least  of  the  influences  making  for  the  extension  of 
conciliation  in  the  United  States  is  public  sentiment, 
which  threatens  to  establish  the  alternative  of  com- 
pulsory arbitration. 

Hatch,  Bulletin  of  the  U.  8.  Bureau  of  Labor,  No.  80;  Adams 
and  Suknf.r,  Labor  Problem*  (New  York,  1906).  viii;  Bolbn 
Getting  a  Living  (New  York,  1903),  xxvii;  Mitchell,  Organited 
Labor  (Philadelphia,  1903),  xxxix;   Webb,  Industrial  Democ- 


racy (London,  New  York,  and  Bombay,  1897),  pt.  I,  jii;  final 
Report  of  V.  8.  Industrial  Commission,  pp.  833-847;  Oilman, 
Methods  of  Industrial  Peace  (New  York,  1904):  Antoinb,  Court 
d'economie  socials  (Pane,  1899),  467-470;  Tdrman,  Activites 
eociales  (Paris,  1907). 

John  A.  Ryan. 

Ooncina,  Daniello,  Dominican  preacher,  contro- 
versialist and  theologian;  b.  at  Clauzetto  or  San 
Daniele,  small  places  in  the  Italian  province  of  Friuli, 
2  October,  1687;  d.  at  Venice,  21  February,  1756.  On 
the  completion  of  his  early  studies  at  the  Jesuit  college 
at  Gorz,  Austria,  he  entered  the  Dominican  Order, 
making  his  religious  profession  in  March,  1708,  in  the 
convent  of  Sts.  Martin  and  Rose.  After  studying 
philosophy  three  years,  he  was  sent  to  study  theology 
in  the  convent  of  the  Holy  Rosary  at  Venice,  where  he 
spent  eight  years  under  the  direction  of  the  fathers  of 
his  order,  Andruisso  and  Zanchio.  In  1717  he  was 
appointed  to  the  chair  of  philosophy,  and  later  to  that 
of  theology,  in  the  convent  of  Forll.  About  this  time 
he  began  to  attract  attention  as  a  preacher.  He  con- 
fined nimself  at  first  to  the  smaller  places,  but  his 
success  soon  brought  him  to  the  pulpits  of  the  chief 
cities  of  Italy;  and  he  preached  the  Lenten  sermons 
Beven  times  in  the  principal  churches  of  Rome. 

Concina's  literary  activity  was  confined  chiefly  to 
moral  topics.  His  career  as  a  theologian  and  contro- 
versialist began  with  the  publication  of  his  first  book, 
"  Commentarius  historico-apologeticus  ",  etc.  (Venice, 
1736,  1745),  in  which  be  refuted  the  opinion,  then  re- 
cently adopted  by  the  Bollandists,  that  St.  Dominic 
had  borrowed  his  ideas  and  form  of  religious  poverty 
from  St.  Francis.  While  engaged  in  the  sharp  con- 
troversy aroused  by  this  work,  he  entered  into  another 
concerning  the  Lenten  fast,  which  was  not  closed  until 
Benedict  XIV  issued  (30  May,  1741)  the  Encyclical 
"Non  ambigimus"  which  was  favourable  to  Con- 
cina's contention.  Shortly  afterwards  he  published 
his  "Storia  del  probabilismo  e  rigorismo"  (Venice, 
1743),  a  work  composed  of  theological,  moral,  and 
critical  dissertations.  Being  directed  against  the 
Jesuits,  it  naturally  gave  rise  to  a  large  controversial 
literature.  The  work  was  highly  praised  by  some, 
notably  by  Benedict  XIV,  but  amongothers  it  met 
with  a  very  unfavourable  reception.  The  Fathers  of 
the  Society  of  Jesus,  the  recognized  champions  of 
probable  opinions  in  matters  of  conscience,  were  not 
slow  in  defending  their  position.  The  controversy 
reached  a  climax  when  Concina  published  under  the 
auspices  of  Benedict  XIV,  his  "Theologia  Christiana 
dogma tico-moralis"  (12  vols,  in  4to,  Rome  and 
Venice,  1749-51).  The  Jesuits  appealed  to  the  pope 
to  have  it  condemned  on  the  ground  that  it  contained 
errors  and  was  very  injurious  to  the  Society.  A  com- 
mission of  theologians  was  then  appointed  to  examine 
the  work,  with  the  result  that  Concina  was  requested 
to  prefix  to  the  subsequent  edition  a  declaration  dic- 
tated by  the  pope.  Tpis  declaration,  which  was  prac- 
tically a  summary  of  the  petition  of  condemnation 
made  by  his  opponents,  appeared  in  the  edition  of 
1752,  but  that  work  itself  snowed  no  changes  of  im- 
portance, except  the  addition  of  one  chapter  to  the 
preface  in  which  the  author  protested  that  he  had 
always  entertained  the  sincerest  regard  for  the  Society 
of  Jesus,  that  as  private  theologian  he  refuted  opin- 
ions which  he  considered  lax,  regardless  of  authorship, 
and  that  if  he  had  erred  in  any  way  or  done  any 
wrong,  he  was  ready  to  make  a  full  retractation  (cf. 
TheoL  Christ.,  ch.  xiii,  in  prsef.  t.  1,  p.  exxiv). 

In  his  "Theologia  Christiana"  Concina  found  occa- 
sion to  pay  to  the  Society  as  a  whole  a  glowing  tribute. 
Many  of  its  writers  are  spoken  of  by  him  in  terms  of 
high  esteem.  In  Italy  he  promoted  the  publication 
of  a  moral  theology  by  the  French  Jesuit  Gabriel  An- 
toine,  which  Benedict  XIV  ordered  to  be  taught  in  the 
College  of  the  Propaganda.  The  truth  is,  he  was  an 
ardent  probabiliorist,  and  from  his  point  of  view 


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many  of  the  opinions  of  the  probabilists  were  lax  and 
pernicious.  In  refuting  them  he  at  times  undoubt- 
edly censured  their  authors  too  severely  and  spoke  with 
an  excessive  asperity.  It  must  be  admitted,  how- 
ever, that  he  placed  a  salutary,  if  disagreeable,  re- 
straint upon  the  new  thought  of  the  time.  To-day  it 
is  readily  seen  that  some  of  the  authors  whom  he  at- 
tacked favoured  a  dangerous  laxism.  On  the  other 
hand,  it  cannot  be  denied  that  many  of  his  views  are 
now  considered  severe,  some  classing  him  among  the 
rigorists.  That  Concina  was  a  theologian  of  no 
mean  order  is  evidenced  by  the  fact  that  Benedict  XIV 
appointed  him  consul  tor  of  several  Congregations. 
Moreover,  in  his  work  "De  Synodo  Dicecesana",  as 
also  in  his  Encyclical  "Libentissime"  of  10  June, 
1745,  the  pope  refers  to  Concina  as  an  authority  on 
the  question  of  the  Lenten  fast.  Concina  is  the  author 
of  about  forty  works,  several  of  which  are  believed  to 
be  still  in  Italian  libraries  awaiting  an  editor. 

Coulon  in  Diet,  de  thiol,  cath..  Ill,  675-707;  Ponces  is 
KirehenUx..  Ill,  811;  Sahdh-ltob,  De  Danielu  Concina  vita  et 
ecriptie  commentariue  in  Introd  to  Theoi.  chriet.  (Rome,  1773) ; 
Koch,  Dan.  Concina  und  die  eogennantm  Ponalaceetze 


in  Theoioguche  QuartaUchrift,  1904,  400-424;  DE  Concina 
Vita  del  Padre  Danielle  Condi   '    "        "  '  "    ■   --■  ■ 


XIV,  298. 


Concmam  Monum  Ord.  Freed.  Hint., 

Joseph  Schroeder. 


Conclave  (Lat.  cum,  with,  and  clavis,  key;  a  place 
that  may  be  securely  closed),  the  closed  room  or  hall 
specially  set  aside  and  prepared  for  the  cardinals 
when  electing  a  pope;  also  the  assembly  of  the  car- 
dinals for  the  canonical  execution  of  this  purpose. 
In  its  present  form  the  conclave  dates  from  the  end  of 
the  thirteenth  century.  Earlier  methods  of  filling  the 
See  of  Peter  are  treated  in  the  article  Papal  Elec- 
tions. In  this  article  will  be  considered:  (I)  the 
history  of  the  actual  method  of  papal  election;  (II) 
the  ceremonial  itself. 

I.  History  of  the  Conclave. — In  1271  the  elec- 
tion that  ended  with  the  choice  of  Gregory  X  at  Vi- 
terbo  had  lasted  over  two  years  and  nine  months  when 
the  local  authorities,  weary  of  the  delay,  shut  up  the 
cardinals  within  narrow  limits  and  thus  hastened  the 
desired  election  (Raynald,  Ann.  Eccl.,  ad  an.  1271). 
The  new  pope  endeavoured  to  obviate  for  the  future 
such  scandalous  delay  by  the  law  of  the  conclave, 
which,  almost  in  spite  of  the  cardinals,  he  promul- 
gated at  the  fifth  session  of  the  Second  Council  of 
Lyons  in  1274  (Hefele,  Hist,  des  Conciles,  IX,  29).  It 
is  the  first  occasion  on  which  we  meet  with  the  word 
conclave  in  connexion  with  papal  elections.  (For  its 
use  in  English  literature  see  Murray's  "Oxford  Dic- 
tionary", s.  v.,  and  for  its  medieval  use  Du  Cange, 
Glossar.  med.  et  infimse  Latinitatis,  s.  v.)  The  pro- 
visions of  his  Constitution  "Ubi  Periculum"  were 
stringent.  When  a  pope  died,  the  cardinals  with  him 
were  to  wait  ten  days  for  their  absent  brethren .  Then, 
each  with  a  single  servant,  lay  or  cleric,  they  were  to 
assemble  in  the  palace  where  the  pope  was  at  his 
death,  or,  if  that  were  impossible,  the  nearest  city  not 
under  interdict,  in  the  bishop's  house  or  some  other 
suitable  place.  All  were  to  assemble  in  one  room 
(conclave),  without  partition  or  hanging,  and  live  in 
common.  This  room  and  another  retired  chamber,  to 
which  they  might  go  freely,  were  to  be  so  closed  in  that 
no  one  could  go  in  or  out  unobserved,  nor  anyone  from 
without  spew  secretly  with  any  cardinal.  And  if 
anyone  from  without  had  aught  to  say,  it  must  be  on 
the  business  of  the  election  and  with  the  knowledge  of 
all  the  cardinals  present.  No  cardinal  might  send  out 
any  message,  whether  verbal  or  written,  under  pain 
of  excommunication.  There  was  to  be  a  window 
through  which  food  could  be  admitted.  If  after  three 
days  the  cardinals  did  not  arrive  at  a  decision,  they 
were  to  receive  for  the  next  five  days  only  one  dish  at 
their  noon  and  evening  meals.  If  these  five  days 
elapsed  without  an  election,  only  bread,  wine,  and 
water  should  be  their  fare.    During  the  election  they 


might  receive  nothing  from  the  papal  treasury,  nor 
introduce  any  other  business  unless  some  urgent  neces- 
sity arose  imperilling  the  Church  or  its  possessions.  If 
any  cardinal  neglected  to  enter,  or  left  the  enclosure 
for  any  reason  other  than  sickness,  the  election  was  to 
go  on  without  him.  But  his  health  restored,  he  might 
re-enter  the  conclave  and  take  up  the  business  where 
he  found  it.  The  rulers  of  the  city  where  the  con- 
clave was  held  should  see  to  it  that  all  the  papal  pres- 
criptions concerning  enclosure  of  the  cardinals  were 
observed.  Those  who  disregarded  the  laws  of  the  con- 
clave or  tampered  with  its  liberty,  besides  incurring 
other  punishments,  were  ipso  facto  excommunicated. 

The  stringency  of  these  regulations  at  once  aroused 
opposition;  yet  the  first  elections  held  in  conclave 
proved  that  the  principle  was  right.  The  first  con- 
clave lasted  only  a  day  and  the  next  but  seven  days. 
Unfortunately  there  were  three  popes  in  the  very  year 
succeeding  the  death  of  Gregory  X  (1276).  The  sec- 
ond, Adrian  V,  did  not  live  long  enough  to  incorporate 
in  an  authoritative  act  his  openly  expressed  opinion 
of  the  conclave.  Pope  John  XX  lived  only  long 
enough  to  suspend  officially  the  "Ubi  Periculum  . 
Immediately  the  protracted  elections  recommenced. 
In  the  eighteen  years  intervening  between  the  suspen- 
sion of  the  law  of  the  conclave  in  1276  and  its  resump- 
tion in  1294  there  were  several  vacancies  of  from  six 
to  nine  months;  that  which  preceded  the  election  of 
Celestine  V  lasted  two  years  and  nine  months.  About 
the  only  notable  act  of  the  latter  pope  was  to  restore 
the  conclave.  Boniface  VIII  confirmed  the  action  of 
his  predecessor  and  ordered  the  "Ubi  Periculum"  of 
Gregory  X  to  be  incorporated  in  the  canon  law  (c.  3, 
in  VP,  I,  6),  since  which  time  all  papal  elections  have 
taken  place  in  conclave.  Pope  Gregory  XI  in  1378 
empowered  the  cardinals  (for  that  occasion  only)  to 
proceed  to  an  election  outside  of  conclave,  but  they 
did  not  do  so.  The  Council  of  Constance  (1417)  mod- 
ified the  rules  of  the  conclave  to  such  an  extent  that 
the  cardinals  of  the  three  "obediences"  took  part  in  it 
as  well  as  six  prelates  from  each  of  the  five  nations. 
This  precedent  (which  however  resulted  happily  in  the 
election  of  the  Roman,  Martin  V)  is  perhaps  the  rea- 
son why  Julius  II  (1512),  Paul  III  (1542).  Pius  IV 
(1561),  and  Pius  IX  (1870)  provided  that  in  case  of 
their  death  during  an  oecumenical  council  the  election 
of  the  new  pope  should  be  in  the  hands  of  the  cardi- 
nals, not  in  those  of  the  council.  Pius  IV  by  the  Bull 
"In  Eligendis"  (1562)  provided  that  the  election 
might  take  place  either  in  or  out  of  the  conclave,  but 
this  was  revoked  by  Gregory  XIII.  This  liberty  of 
action  is  found  again  in  the  legislation  (1798)  of  Pius 
VI  (Quum  nos  superiore  anno)  whieh  leaves  it  in  the 
power  of  the  cardinals  to  modify  the  rules  of  the  con- 
clave touching  enclosure,  etc.  Again  Pius  IX  by  the 
Bull  "In  hac  sublimi"  (23  August,  1871)  allowed  a 
majority  of  the  cardinals  to  dispense  with  the  tradi- 
tional enclosure.  Other  important  documents  of  Pius 
IX  dealing  with  the  conclave  are  his  Constitutions 
"Licet  per  Apostolicas  Litteras"  (8  September,  1874) 
and  "Consulturi"  (10  October,  1877),  also  his  "Rego- 
lamento  da  osservarsi  dal  S.  Collegio  in  occasione 
della  vacanza  dell'Apostolica  Sede  '  (10  January, 
1878). 

As  a  matter  of  fact  these  precautions,  taken  in  view 
of  the  danger  of  interference  by  secular  governments, 
have  so  far  been  unnecessary,  and  elections  of  popes 
take  place  as  they  always  did  since  the  law  of  the  con- 
clave became  finally  effective.  Many  popes  have 
legislated  on  this  subject,  either  to  confirm  the  actions 
of  their  predecessors  or  to  define  (or  add  to)  previous 
legislation.  Clement  V  decreed  that  the  conclave 
must  take  place  in  the  diocese  in  which  the  pope  dies 
(Ne  Romani,  1310)  and  also  that  all  cardinals,  whether 
excommunicated  or  interdicted,  provided  they  were 
not  deposed,  should  have  the  right  to  vote.  Clement 
VI  (1351)  permitted  a  slight  amelioration  in  the  fare 


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and  in  the  strict  practice  of  common  life.  In  the  six- 
teenth century  Julius  II  (1605)  by  the  Bull  "  Cum  tarn 
divino"  declared  invalid  any  simoniacal  election  of  a 
pope.  Following  the  example  of  Pope  Symmachus 
(499),  Paul  IV,  by  the  Bull  ''Cum  Secundum"  (1558), 
denounced  and  forbade  all  cabals  and  intrigues  during 
the  lifetime  of  a  pope.  The  aforesaid  Constitution  of 
Pius  IV  "In  Eligendis"  (1562)  is  a  codification  and 
re-enactment  of  all  the  laws  pertaining  to  the  conclave 
since  the  time  of  Gregory  X.  In  it  he  insists  forcibly 
on  the  enclosure,  which  had  come  to  be  rather  care- 
lessly observed.  The  finally  directive  legislation  on 
the  conclave  is  that  of  Gregory  XV.  In  his  short 
reign  (1621-1623)  he  published  two  Bulls,  "Mterm 
Patris"  (1621),  and  "Decet  Romanum  Pontificem" 
(1622),  followed bya  CmremoniaU  for  the  papal  election 
(Bullar.  Luxemb.,  III.  444  sqq.).  Every  detail  of  the 
conclave  is  described  in  these  documents.  Subse- 
quent legislation  has  either  confirmed  these  measures, 
e.  g.  the  "Romani  Pontificis"  of  Urban  VIII  (1625), 
or  regulated  the  expenditure  of  money  on  the  papal 
obsequies,  e.  g.  the  Brief  of  Alexander  VIII  (1690), 
or  determined  their  order,  e.  g.  the  "Chirografo"  of 
Clement  XII  (1732).  The  more  recent  legislation  of 
Pius  VI,  Pius  VII,  and  Pius  IX  provides  for  all  con- 
tingencies of  interference  by  secular  powers.  Pius  VI 
(who  designated  a  Catholic  country  in  which  the  ma- 
jority of  the  cardinals  happened  to  be)  and  Pius  IX 
(who  left  the  matter  to  the  judgment  of  the  Sacred 
College)  allowed  the  widest  liberty  as  to  the  place  of 
the  conclave. 

II.  Ceremonial,  of  the  Conclave. — Immediately 
on  the  death  of  a  pope  the  cardinal  camerlengo  who,  as 
representative  of  the  Sacred  College,  assumes  charge 
of  the  papal  household,  verifies  by  a  judicial  act  the 
death  of  the  pontiff.  In  the  presence  of  the  house- 
hold he  strikes  the  forehead  of  the  dead  pope  three 
times  with  a  silver  mallet,  calling  him  by  his  baptismal 
name.  The  fisherman's  ring  and  the  papal  seals 
are  then  broken.  A  notary  draws  up  the  act 
which  is  the  legal  evidence  of  the  pope's  death.  The 
obsequies  last  nine  days.  Meanwhile  the  cardinals 
have  been  notified  of  the  impending  election  and 
those  resident  in  Rome  (in  Curia)  await  their  absent 
brethren,  assisting  in  the  meantime  at  the  functions 
for  the  deceased  pontiff.  All  cardinals,  and  they 
alone,  have  the  right  to  vote  in  the  conclave;  they 
must,  however,  be  legitimately  appointed,  have  the 
use  of  reason,  and  be  present  in  person,  not  through  a 
procurator  or  by  letter.  This  right  is  acknowledged 
even  if  they  are  subject  to  ecclesiastical  censures  (e.  g. 
excommunication),  or  if  the  solemn  ceremonies  of 
their  "creation"  have  yet  to  be  performed.  During 
the  aforesaid  nine  days,  and  until  the  election  of  a 
successor,  all  cardinals  appear  with  uncovered 
rochets,  just  as  all  have  canopies  over  their  seats  at 
the  conclave,  to  show  that  the  supreme  authority  is  in 
the  hands  of  the  whole  College.  The  cardinal  camer- 
lengo is  assisted  by  the  heads  of  the  three  cardinal  itial 
orders,  known  as  the  "Capita  Crdinum"  (cardinal- 
bishops,-priest8,-deacons).  There  are  frequent  meet- 
ings, or  "congregations",  of  these  four  cardinals  to 
determine  every  detail  both  of  the  obsequies  of  the 
pope  and  of  the  preparations  for  the  conclave.  All 
matters  of  importance  are  referred  to  the  general  con- 
gregations, which  since  1870  are  held  in  the  Vatican. 
The  cardinal  dean"  (always  the  Bishop  of  Ostia)  pre- 
sides over  these  congregations,  in  which  the  cardinals 
take  rank  and  precedence  from  the  date  of  their  ele- 
vation to  the  purple.  Formerly  they  had  also  to  pro- 
vide for  the  government  of  the  Papal  States  and  to 
repress  frequent  disorders  during  the  interregnum. 
In  the  first  of  these  congregations  the  various  Consti- 
tutions which  govern  the  conclave  are  read  and  the 
cardinals  take  an  oath  to  observe  them.  Then,  in  the 
following  days,  the  various  officers  of  the  conclave,  the 
conclavists,  confessors,  and  physicians,  servants  of 
IV.— 13 


various  'kinds,  are  examined  or  appointed  by  a  special 
commission.  Each  cardinal  has  a  right  to  take  into 
the  conclave  a  secretary  and  a  servant,  the  secretary 
being  usually  an  ecclesiastic.  In  case  of  illness  a  third 
conclavist  may  be  allowed,  with  agreement  of  the 
general  congregation.  All  are  equally  sworn  to 
secrecy  and  also  not  to  hinder  the  election.  After  the 
conclave  certain  honorary  distinctions  and  pecuniary 
emoluments  are  awarded  to  the  conclavists. 

Meanwhile  a  conclave,  formerly  a  large  room,  now 
a  large  part  of  the  Vatican  palace,  including  two  or 
three  floors,  is  walled  off,  and  the  space  divided  into 
apartments,  each  with  three  or  four  small  rooms  or 
cells,  in  each  of  which  are  a  crucifix,  a  bed,  a  table 
and  a  few  chairs.  Access  to  the  conclave  is  free 
through  one  door  only,  locked  from  without  by  the 
Marshal  of  the  Conclave  (formerly  a  member  of  the 
Savelli,  since  1721  of  the  Chigi,  family),  and  from 
within  by  the  cardinal  camerlengo.  There  are  four 
openings  provided  for  the  passage  of  food  and  other 
necessaries,  guarded  from  within  and  without,  on  the 
exterior  by  the  authority  of  the  marshal  and  major- 
domo,  on  the  interior  by  the  prelate  assigned  to  this 
duty  by  the  three  cardinals  mentioned  above,  repre- 
sentative of  the  three  cardinalitial  orders.  Once  the 
conclave  begins  the  door  is  not  again  opened  until  the 
election  is  announced,  except  to  admit  a  cardinal  who 
is  late  in  arriving.  All  communication  with  the  out- 
side is  strictly  forbidden  under  pain  of  loss  of  office 
and  ipso  facto  excommunication.  A  cardinal  may 
leave  the  conclave  in  case  of  sickness  (certified  under 
oath  by  a  physician)  and  return;  not  so  a  conclavist. 
It  may  be  noted  at  once,  with  Wernz,  that  a  papal 
election  held  outside  of  a  properly  organized  conclave 
is  canonically  null  and  void. 

Within,  the  cardinals  live  with  their  conclavists 
in  the  cells.  Formerly  every  cardinal  had  to  pro- 
vide his  own  food,  which  was  carried  in  state  by  his 
men-in-waiting  to  one  of  the  four  openings  nearest 
the  cell  of  the  prelate.  Since  1878  the  kitchen  is  a 
part  of  the  conclave.  Though  all  meals  are  taken  in. 
private  they  are  served  from  a  common  quarter,  but 
great  care  is  taken  to  prevent  written  communication 
by  this  way.  The  cells  of  the  cardinals  are  covered 
with  cloth,  purple  if  they  are  of  the  last  pope's  "cre- 
ation", green  if  not.  When  they  wish  to  be  undis- 
turbed they  close  the  door  of  their  cell,  the  frame-work 
of  which  is  in  the  shape  of  a  St.  Andrew's  cross.  The 
conclave  opens  officially  on  the  evening  of  the  tenth 
day  after  the  pope's  decease,  unless  another  day  has 
been  assigned.  Every  precaution  is  observed  to  ex- 
clude those  who  have  no  right  within  the  enclosure, 
and  also  unnecessary  communication  with  the  out- 
side. Papal  legislation  has  long  since  forbidden  the 
once  customary  "capitulations",  or  ante-election 
agreements  binding  on  the  new  pope;  it  is  also  for- 
bidden the  cardinals  to  treat  of  the  papal  succession 
among  themselves  during  the  popes  lifetime;  the 
pope  may,  however,  treat  of  wie  matter  with  the 
cardinals.  Absolutely  necessary  modifications  of  the 
conclave  legislation,  during  the  conclave  itself,  are 
temporary  only.  All  true  cardinals,  as  stated,  may 
enter  the  conclave,  but  those  only  who  have  received 
deacon's  orders  have  a  right  to  vote,  unless  they  have 
received  a  special  indult  from  the  late  pope.  Cardi- 
nals who  have  been  preconized,  but  not  yet  elevated 
to  the  purple,  are  entitled  by  a  decision  of  St.  Pius  V 
(1571)  Dotn  to  be  present  and  to  vote. 

Including  the  cardinals,  prelates,  and  conclavists, 
there  are  perhaps  two  hundred  and  fifty  persons  in 
the  enclosure.  The  government  of  the  conclave  is  in 
the  hands  of  the  cardinal  camerlengo  and  of  the  three 
representative  cardinals  who  succeed  one  another  in 
order  of  seniority  every  three  dayB.  About  seven  or 
eight  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  the  eleventh  day  the 
cardinals  assemble  in  the  Pauline  Chapel  and  assist 
at  the  Mass  of  the  cardinal  dean.   Formerly  they 


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OONOLAVX 


Wore  the  special  garment  of  the  conclave,  called  the 
crocea.  They  receive  Communion  from  the  hands  of 
the  cardinal  dean,  and  listen  to  a  Latin  allocution  on 
their  obligations  to  select  the  most  worthy  person  for 
the  Chair  of  Peter.  After  Mass  they  retire  for  a  few 
moments,  and  then  assemble  in  the  Sistine  Chapel, 
where  the  actual  voting  takes  place.  There  six  can- 
dles are  lighted  on  the  altar  on  which  rest  the  paten 
and  chalice  to  be  used  in  voting.  Over  the  chair  of 
each  cardinal  is  a  baldachinum.  The  papal  throne  is 
removed.  Before  each  chair  is  also  a  small  writing 
desk.  When  ready  to  vote  they  enter  the  Sistine 
Chapel  accompanied  by  their  conclavists  bearing  their 
portfolios  ana  writing  materials.  Prayers  are  said 
by  the  bishop  sacristan;  the  ballots  are  distributed 
and  then  all  are  excluded  except  the  cardinals,  one  of 
whom  bolts  the  door. 

Though  since  Urban  VI  (1378-89)  none  but  a 
cardinal  has  been  elected  pope,  no  law  reserves  to  the 
cardinals  alone  this  right.  Strictly  speaking,  any 
male  Christian  who  has  reached  the  use  of  reason  can 
be  chosen,  not,  however,  a  heretic,  a  schismatic,  or  a 
notorious  simonist.  Since  14  January,  1605  (Julius 
II,  "Cum  tarn  divino")  a simoniacal  election  is  canoni- 
cally  invalid,  as  being  a  true  and  indisputable  act  of 
heresy  (Wernz,  "Jus  Decret.",  II,  668,  662;  see  "Hist. 
Pol.  Blatter",  1898,  1900,  and  Sagmuller,"  Lehrbuch 
d.  Kirchenrechts",  1900,  I,  215).  There  are  four 
possible  forms  of  election:  scrutinium,  compromissum , 
accessus,  quasi-intpiratio.  The  usual  form  is  that  of 
scrutinium,  or  secret  ballot,  and  in  it  the  successful 
candidate  requires  a  two-thirds  vote  exclusive  of  his 
own.  When  there  is  a  close  vote,  and  only  then,  the 
ballot  of  the  pope-elect,  which,  like  all  the  others,  is 
distinguishable  by  a  text  of  Scripture  written  on  one 
of  its  outside  folds,  is  opened  to  make  sure  that  he  did 
not  vote  for  himself.  Each  cardinal  deposits  his  vote 
in  the  chalice  on  the  altar  and  at  the  same  time  takes 
tile  prescribed  oath:  "Tester  Christum  Dominum  qui 
me  judicaturus  est  me  eligere  quern  secundum  Deum 
.judico  eligi  debere  et  quod  idem  in  accessu  prsestabo" 
— "  I  call  to  witness  the  Lord  Christ,  Who  will  be  my 
judge,  that  I  am  electing  the  one  whom  according  to 
God  I  think  ought  to  be  elected",  etc.  (For  the  form 
of  the  oath  see  Lucius  Lector,  "Le  Conclave",  615, 
618.)  The  ballot  reads:  "Ego,  Cardinalis  N.,  eligo 
in  Bummum  Pontificem  R.D.  meum  D.  Card.  N." 

For  this  election  by  secret  ballot  three  cardinals 
(scrutatores)  are  chosen  by  lot  each  time  to  preside 
over  the  operation  of  voting,  three  others  (reswore*)  to 
control  the  count  of  their  colleagues,  and  still  three 
others  (infirmarii)  to  collect  the  ballots  of  the  sick  and 
absent  cardinals.  If  the  sick  cardinals  cannot  attend 
the  balloting,  then  the  three  infirmarii  go  to  their 
cells  and  bring  back  their  votes  in  a  box  to  the  three 
cardinals  presiding,  who  count  them  and  put  them  in 
the  chalice  with  the  others.  Then,  all  the  ballots 
having  been  shaken  up  and  counted,  if  the  number 
agrees  with  the  number  of  electors,  the  chalice  is 
brought  to  the  table  and  the  ballots,  on  the  outside  of 
which  appear  the  names  of  the  candidates,  are  passed 
from  hand  to  hand  to  the  third  cardinal  who  reads  the 
names  aloud.  All  present  are  provided  with  lists  on 
which  the  names  of  all  the  cardinals  appear,  and  it  is 
customary  for  the  cardinals  to  check  off  the  votes  as 
they  are  read.  Then  the  three  cardinal  revisors  verify 
the  result  which  is  proclaimed  as  definite. 

If,  upon  the  first  ballot,  no  candidate  receives  the 
necessary  two-thirds  vote,  recourse  is  often  had  to 
the  form  of  voting  known  as  accessus.  At  the  elec- 
tion of  Pius  X  (Rev.  des  Deux  Mondes,  15  March, 
1904,  p.  275)  the  cardinal  dean  did  not  allow  the 
accessus,  though  it  is  a  recognized  usage  of  con- 
claves, regulated  by  Gregory  XI,  designed  primarily 
to  hasten  elections,  and  usually  considered  to  favour 
the  chances  of  the  candidate  who  has  the  most 
votes.   It  consists  practically  of  a  second  ballot.  All 


uwe  the  ordinary  blanks  again,  with  this  difference, 
that  if  the  elector  wishes  his  vote  to  count  for  his  first 
choice  he  writes  Accedo  nemini;  if  he  changes  his  vote 
hu  introduces  the  name  of  his  latest  choice.  Then  the 
two  series  of  ballots  have  to  be  compared  and  identi- 
fied by  the  text  on  the  reverse  face  of  the  ballot,  so  as 
to  prevent  a  double  vote  for  the  same  candidate  by 
any  elector.  When  the  required  two-thirds  are  not 
obtained,  the  ballots  are  consumed  in  a  stove  whose 
chimney  extends  through  a  window  of  the  Sistine 
Chapel.  When  there  is  no  election,  straw  is  mixed 
with  the  ballots  to  show  by  its  thick  smoke  (sjumata) 
to  those  waiting  outside  that  there  has  been  no  elec- 
tion. There  are  always  two  votes  taken  every  day, 
in  the  morning  and  in  the  evening;  they  occupy  from 
two  to  three  nours  each.  When  the  voting  is  over 
one  of  the  cardinals  opens  the  door  outside  of  which 
are  gathered  the  conclavists,  and  all  retire  to  their 
cells.  Other  forms  of  election,  made  almost  impossi- 
ble by  the  legislation  of  Gregory  XV,  are  known  as 
quasi-inspiration  and  compromise.  The  former  sup- 
poses that  before  a  given  session  there  had  been  no 
agreement  among  the  cardinals  and  that  then  one  of 
the  cardinals,  addressing  the  assembly,  proposes  the 
name  of  a  candidate  with  the  words  Ego  eligo  (I  elect, 
etc.),  whereupon  all  the  cardinals,  as  though  moved 
by  the  Holy  Spirit,  proclaim  aloud  the  same  candi- 
date, saying  Ego  eligo,  etc.  An  election  by  compro- 
mise supposes  that  after  a  long  and  hopeless  contest 
the  cardinals  unanimously  delegate  a  certain  number 
of  their  body  to  make  a  choice.  It  has  not  been 
employed  since  the  fourteenth  century. 

When  a  candidate  has  obtained  the  required  two- 
thirds  vote  in  a  scrutiny  or  ballot  (the  choice,  since 
Adrian  VI,  1522,  falling  on  one  present  and  invariably 
on  an  Italian  cardinal),  the  cardinal  dean  proceeds  to 
ask  him  whether  he  will  accept  the  election  and  by 
what  name  he  wishes  to  be  known.  Since  the  time  of 
John  XII  (955-64;  Sagmuller  says  Sergius  IV,  1009- 
1012)  each  pope  takes  a  new  name  in  imitation  of  St. 
Peter's  change  of  name  (see  Knopfler,  "Die  Namens- 
anderung  der  Papste"  in  "Compte  rendu  du  congres 
internat.  cath.  a  Fribourg",  1897,  sect,  v,  158  sqq.). 
The  doors  have  previously  been  opened  by  the  secre- 
tary of  the  conclave;  the  masters  of  ceremonies  are 
present,  and  formal  cognizance  is  taken  of  the  pope's 
answers.  Immediately  the  masters  of  ceremonies 
lower  the  canopies  of  all  the  cardinals'  chairs  save  that 
of  the  pope-elect,  and  he  is  conducted  to  a  neighbour- 
ing room  where  he  is  clothed  in  the  papal  garments 
(immantatio).  The  cardinals  then  advance  and  pay 
him  the  first  "obedience",  or  homage  (adoratio).  The 
pope  then  either  confirms  or  appoints  the  cardinal 
camerlengo,  who  puts  upon  his  finger  the  Fisherman's 
Ring.  Then  follows  the  proclamation  to  the  people 
made  by  the  senior  cardinal-deacon,  formerly  from  the 
central  balcony  of  St.  Peter's  overlooking  the  great 
Piazza,  but  since  1870  in  St.  Peter's  itself.  The  con- 
clave then  usually  terminates,  the  masons  remove  the 
temporary  walls,  and  the  cardinals  retire  to  their 
various  lodgings  in  the  city,  awaiting  a  reassembling 
for  the  second  and  third  adoratio  and  for  the  solemn 
enthroning.  If  the  pope  happens  not  to  be  a 
bishop,  he  must  be  consecrated  at  once  and,  according 
to  immemorial  tradition,  by  the  Cardinal-Bishop  of 
Ostia.  If  already  a  bishop,  there  takes  place  only  the 
solemn  benediclio  or  blessing.  However,  he  enjovs 
full  jurisdiction  from  the  moment  of  his  election.  On 
the  following  Sunday  or  Holy  Day  takes  place,  at  the 
hands  of  the  senior  cardinal-deacon,  the  papal  "coro- 
nation" from  which  day  the  new  pope  dates  the  years 
of  his  pontificate.  The  last  act  is  the  formal  taking 
possession  (possessio)  of  the  Lateran  Church,  omitted 
since  1870.  For  the  so-called  Veto,  occasionally  ex- 
ercised in  the  past  by  the  Cath<  lie  Powers  (Spain,  Aus- 
tria, France),  see  Exclusion,  Right  of. 

The  actually  valid  legislation  concerning  the  conclave  is 


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CONCORDANCES 


found  in  all  ■»"■"■'■  of  canon  law,  e.  g.  Wernz,  Jut  Dtertt. 
(Rome,  1890),  II,  683-605;  SXomOlleb,  Lehrbuch  dm  Kirchen- 
nehtt  (Freiburg,  1000),  313-19;  Heboinhotheb-Holweck, 
Lehrbuch  dm  hath.  Kxrchenrechte  (Freiburg,  1903),  268-73; 
Laorenttos,  Inetit.  jur.  ecd.  (Freiburg,  1903),  nos.  99-103; 
cf.  Borax,  De  Curid  Romand,  120,  and  De  Papd,  III,  341-44  — 
The  history  of  the  conclave  and  it*  ceremonial  are  fully  de- 
scribed in  the  (illustrated)  work  of  Loaus  Lector  (Mgr. 
Quthlio),  Le  Conclave  (Paris,  1894).  It  replaces  advantage- 
oualy  the  earlier  work  of  Vanel  on  the  history  of  the  conclaves 
(Paris,  1689;  8rd  ed.,  Cologne,  1703).  English  descriptions 
like  those  of  Tbollopb  (Condon,  1876)  and  Cabtwbioht 
(Edinburgh,  1868)  are  generally  unreliable,  being  largely  in- 
spired by  the  anti-papal  histories  of  conclaves  written  by  the 
mendacious  and  inexact  Greoouo  Leti  (s.  1.,  1667, 1716),  and 
the  inaccurate  and  maliciously  gossipy  Petbuccelli  della 
Gacti»a  (Brussels,  1865).  See  Dublin  Review  (1868),  XI, 
374-91,  and  CnOta  Cattolioa  (1877),  I.  574-85:  also  Crejqh- 
ton  in  Academy  (1877),  XI,  66.  See  La  nouveUe  Uoielation  du 
conclave  in  Untvereiti  cath.  (Lyons,  1892),  5-47,  and  Teeuho, 
The  Development  of  the  Conclave  in  The  Dolphin  (Philadelphia, 
1908).  For  a  catalogue  of  studies  (often  documentary)  on 
special  conclaves,  see  Cehroti,  BMiografia  di  Roma  papal* « 
medieval*  (Rome,  1893).  The  conclave  that  elected  Plus  X  is 
described  fay  an  eyewitness  (Un  Temoin),  said  to  be  Cardinal 
Mathieu,  in  Remit  dee  Deux  Manila,  15  March,  1904.  See  other 
valuable  recent  Literature  in  the  articles  Papal  Elections, 
and  Exclusion,  Right  op. 

Austin  Dowxjng. 

Concordances  of  the  Bible  are  verbal  indexes  to 
the  Bible,  or  lists  of  Biblical  words  arranged  alpha- 
betically with  indications  to  enable  the  inquirer  to 
find  the  passages  of  the  Bible  where  the  words  occur. 
Some  simply  indicate  the  passages;  but  a  really  good 
concordance  quotes  enough  of  a  passage  to  recall  it 
to  the  memory  of  one  familiar  with  it.  Sometimes 
concordance  is  used  in  reference  to  alphabetical  in- 
dexes of  Biblical  subjects,  which  guide  one  to  all  the 
passages  of  the  Bible  referring  to  the  subject  in  ques- 
tion; but  as  commonly  employed  in  English  the  word 
denotes  a  purely  verbal  concordance,  a  text-finder. 
Such  a  work  is  a  useful  and,  in  fact,  indispensable,  help 
to  every  student  of  the  Bible.  Its  principal  use  is  to 
enable  him  to  locate  any  text  he  remembers,  or  to 
locate  and  get  accurately  any  text  vaguely  remem- 
bered, if  but  one  important  word  of  it  be  recalled. 
Concordances  in  the  original  tongues  are  ever  in  the 
hand  of  the  expert  student  in  his  exegetical  and  criti- 
cal studies,  aiding  him  indirectly  by  their  indications 
to  ascertain  the  various  shades  of  meaning  which  the 
same  or  cognate  words  may  take  on,  and  thus,  for  ex- 
ample, to  prove  helpful  in  the  construction  of  the 
theology  of  a  writer  or  an  epoch;  to  trace  the  history 
of  words  and  thus  obtain  a  clue  to  the  development 
of  the  doctrines  connected  with  them,  or  the  changes 
of  thought  and  feeling  that  have  taken  place;  to  col- 
late the  vocabulary  of  a  writer  or  a  document,  and 
thus  to  gather  evidence  for  determining  the  author- 
ship or  date  of  disputed  writings;  to  trace  the  history 
of  a  character,  a  race,  a  town,  etc. ;  and  for  various 
other  purposes  which  each  student  discovers  for  him- 
self in  the  course  of  his  studies.  This  article  aims  to 
be  historical,  but  also,  in  part,  practical,  by  indicating 
the  best  helps  of  this  kind. 

I.  Latin. — Verbal  concordances  of  the  Bible  are  the 
invention  of  the  Dominican  friars.  The  text  which 
served  as  basis  of  their  work  was  naturally  that  of  the 
Vulgate,  the  Bible  of  the  Middle  Ages.  The  first  con- 
cordance, completed  in  1230,  was  undertaken  under 
the  guidance  of  Hugo,  or  Hugues,  de  Saint-Cher 
(Hugo  de  Sancto  Charo),  afterwards  a  cardinal,  as- 
sisted, it  is  said,  by  500  fellow-Dominicans.  It  con- 
tained no  quotations,  and  was  purely  an  index  to 
passages  where  a  word  was  found.  These  were  indi- 
cated by  book  and  chapter  (the  division  into  chapters 
had  recently  been  invented  by  Stephen  Langton, 
Archbishop  of  Canterbury)  but  not  by  verses,  which 
were  only  introduced  by  Robert  Estienne  in  1545. 
In  lieu  of  verses,  Hugo  divided  the  chapters  into  seven 
almost  equal  parts,  indicated  by  the  letters  of  the 
alphabet,  a,  b,  o,  etc.  This  beginning  of  concord- 
ances was  very  imperfect,  as  it  gave  merely  a  list  of 
passages,  and  no  idea  of  what  the  passages  contained. 


It  was  of  little  service  to  preachers,  therefore;  accord- 
ingly, in  order  to  make  it  valuable  for  them,  three 
English  Dominicans  added  (1250-1252)  the  complete 
quotations  of  the  passages  indicated.  This  complete- 
ness of  quotation  is  not  aimed  at  in  the  present  con- 
cordances, for  lack  of  space;  it  is  likely,  therefore, 
that  the  passages  indicated  were  far  fewer  than  those 
found  in  a  complete  concordance  of  to-day.  The 
work  was  somewhat  abridged,  by  retaining  only  the 
essential  words  of  a  quotation,  in  the  concordance  of 
Conrad  of  Halberstadt,  a  Dominican  (1310),  which 
obtained  great  success  on  account  of  its  more  conve- 
nient form.  The  first  concordance  to  be  printed,  it 
appeared  in  1470  at  Strasburg,  and  reached  a  second 
edition  in  1475.  The  larger  work  from  which  it  was 
abridged  was  printed  at  Nuremberg  in  1485.  Another 
Dominican,  John  Stoicowic,  or  John  of  Ragusa,  find- 
ing it  necessary  in  his  controversies  to  show  the  Bib- 
lical usage  of  nisi,  ex,  and  per,  which  were  omitted 
from  the  previous  concordances,  began  (c.  1435)  the 
compilation  of  nearly  all  the  indeclinable  words  of 
Scripture;  the  task  was  completed  and  perfected  by 
others  and  finally  added  as  an  appendix  to  the  con- 
cordance of  Conrad  of  Halberstadt  in  the  work  of 
Sebastian  Brant  published  at  Basle  in  1496.  Brant's 
work  was  frequently  republished  and  in  various  cities. 
It  served  as  the  basis  of  the  concordance  published  in 
1555  by  Robert  Estienne  (Stephens),  the  distinguished 
French  Protestant  scholar  and  printer.  Estienne 
added  proper  names,  supplied  omissions,  mingled  the 
indeclinable  words  with  the  others  in  alphabetical 
order,  and  gave  the  indications  to  all  passages  by  verse 
as  well  as  by  chapter,  in  all  these  respects  bringing  his 
work  much  closer  to  the  present  model.  Since  then 
many  different  Latin  concordances  have  been  pub- 
lished, of  which  it  will  suffice  to  mention  Plantinus' 
"Concordanti»  Bibliorum  juxta  recognitionem  Clem- 
entinam"  (Antwerp,  1599),  which  was  the  first  made 
according  to  the  authorized  Latin  text; "  Repertorium 
Biblicum  .  .  .  studio.  . .  Patrum  Ordinis  S.  Benedicti, 
Monasterii  Wessofontani"  (Augsburg,  1751);  "Con- 
cordantiie  Script.  Sac.",  by  Dutripon,  in  two  im- 
mense volumes,  the  most  useful  of  all  Latin  concord- 
ances, which  gives  enough  of  every  text  to  make  com- 
plete sense  (Paris,  1838;  seventh  ed.  1880;  an  edition 
of  the  same  by  G.  Tonini,  at  Prado,  1861,  recognized 
as  nearly  complete);  Coornaert's,  intended  for  the  use 
of  preachers  (Bruges,  1892);  the  "  Concordant iarurn 
S.  Scriptures  Manuale",  by  H.  de  Raze,  Ed.  de  La- 
chaud,  and  J.-B.  Flandrin  (13th  ed.,  Paris,  1895), 
which,  however,  gives  rather  a  choice  of  texts  than  a 
complete  concordance;  "Concordantiarum  Universe 
Scriptura  Sacra  Thesaurus",  by  Fathers  Peultier, 
Etienne,  and  Gantois  (Paris,  1902).  No  Latin  con- 
cordance gives  the  Hebrew  or  Greek  equivalent  of  the 
Latin  words;  but  Peter  Mintert's  "Lexicon  Graco- 
Latinum"  of  the  N.  T.  is  a  concordance  as  well  as  a 
lexicon,  giving  the  Latin  equivalent  of  the  Greek  and, 
in  the  case  of  Septuagint  words,  the  Hebrew  equiva- 
lent also  (Frankfort,  1728). 

II.  Hebrew. — The  first  Hebrew  concordance  was 
the  work  of  a  Jew,  Mordecai  or  Isaac  Nathan,  begun 
in  1438  and  finished  in  1448.  It  was  inspired  by  the 
Latin  concordances  to  aid  in  defence  of  Judaism,  and 
was  printed  in  Venice  in  1523.  An  improved  edition 
of  it  by  a  Franciscan  monk,  Marius  de  Calasio,  was 
published  in  1621  and  1622  in  four  volumes.  Both 
these  works  were  several  times  reprinted,  while 
another  Hebrew  concordance  of  the  sixteenth  cen- 
tury, by  Elias  Levita,  said  to  supass  Nathan's  in  many 
respecte,  remained  in  manuscript.  Nathan  and  Ca- 
lasio arranged  the  words  according  to  the  Hebrew 
roots,  the  derivatives  following  simply  according  to 
the  order  in  which  they  occur  in  the  Hebrew  books; 
the  Buxtorfs,  father  and  son,  introduced  order  into 
the  derivatives  by  a  grammatical  classification  of  the 
verbs  and  nouns.    Their  work  (Basle,  1632)  also  con- 


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passages  previously 
the  Chaldaic  words  in 


tained  many  new  words  and 
omitted,  and  an  appendix  of  all  tfi 
the  O.  T.;  Baer's  edition  of  Buxtorf  (1847)  added  cer- 
tain particles.  First's  concordance  (Leipzig,  1840) 
was  for  a  long  time  the  standard.  It  corrected  Bux- 
torf and  brought  it  nearer  to  completeness,  printed  all 
Hebrew  words  with  the  vowel-points,  and  perfected 
the  order  of  the  derivatives.  Every  word  is  explained 
in  Hebrew  and  Latin.  Furst  excludes,  however,  the 
proper  nouns,  the  pronouns,  and  most  of  the  inde- 
clinable particles,  and  makes  many  involuntary  omis- 
sions and  errors;  his  classification  of  roots  is  some- 
times fanciful.  "The  Englishman's  Hebrew  and 
Chaldaic  Concordance"  (London,  1843;  third  edition, 
1866)  is  still  very  useful.  The  most  comprehensive 
Hebrew  concordance  ever  published  is  that  of  Mandel- 
kern  (Leipzig,  1896),  who  rectified  the  errors  of  his 

Eredecessors  and  supplied  omitted  references.  Though 
is  own  work  has  been  shown  to  be  frequently  imper- 
fect, still  it  is  almost  complete,  and  by  far  the  best  of 
Hebrew  concordances.  An  abridged  edition  of  it 
was  published  in  1900. 

III.  Greek  Septuagint. — The  first  was  that  of 
Conrad  Kircher  (Frankfort.  1607);  Tromm's,  pub- 
lished at  Amsterdam,  1718,  had  reference  not  only  to 
the  Sept.,  but  also  to  the  versions  of  Aquila,  Symma- 
chus,  and  Theodotion;  it  remained  the  standard  till 
our  own  day,  when  it  gave  way  to  Hatch  and  Red- 

gath's  "Concordance  to  the  Septuagint  and  other 
[reek  Versions  of  the  Old  Testament"(Oxford.  1892- 
97).  This  is  a  beautiful  work  and  is  commonly  con- 
sidered about  as  perfect  as  present  scholarship  per- 
mits. It  includes  a  concordance  to  the  deutero- 
canonical  books  and  the  O.  T.  Apocrypha,  and  to  the 
remains  of  the  versions  which  form  part  of  Origen's 
Hexapla.  The  Hebrew  equivalents  of  the  Greek, 
when  known,  are  also  given.  References  to  proper 
names  are  omitted,  which,  however,  are  added  in  a 
supplement  published  in  1900.  We  must  await  a 
truly  critical  edition  of  the  Sept.,  nevertheless,  before 
we  can  have  the  final,  perfect  concordance.  Bol- 
ster's "Handy  Concordance  to  the  Septuagint"  (Lon- 
don, 1887)  gives  simply  the  references,  without  quo- 
tations. 

IV.  Greek  New  Testament. — The  earliest  con- 
cordances to  the  Greek  New  Testament  are  those  of 
Birken  or  Betulius  (Basle,  1546),  Henry  Estienne 
(Paris,  1594),  and  Erasmus  Schmid  (Wittenberg, 
1638),  whose  work  was  twice  revised  and  republished. 
During  the  latter  half  of  the  nineteenth  century  the 
standard  N.  T.  concordance  was  that  of  B ruder  (Leip- 
zig, 1842  ;  4th  ed.,  1888).  Its  main  defect  is  that  it 
was  practically  based  on  the  Uxtus  receptus,  though  it 
aims,  in  its  latest  editions,  to  give  also  the  chief  vari- 
ants. The  best,  beyond  doubt,  is  Moulton  and 
Geden's  "Concordance  to  the  Greek  Testament",  ac- 
cording to  the  text  of  Westcott  and  Hort,  Tischen- 
dorf,  and  the  English  Revisers  (Edinburgh  and  New 
York,  1897).  This  includes  all  the  marginal  read- 
ings. In  the  case  of  a  reading  being  in  dispute  among 
these  authorities,  the  fact  is  pointed  out.  The 
Hebrew  equivalents  of  all  quotations  in  the  N.  T.  are 
given;  the  relation  of  the  Greek  N.  T.  words  to  the 
Septuagint  and  other  O.  T.  Greek  versions,  as  well  as 
to  classical  usage,  is  indicated.  Two  other  useful  con- 
cordances, especially  for  those  not  very  familiar  with 
the  Greek,  are  "  Englishman's  Greek  Concordance  to 
the  New  Testament",  by  G.  V.  Wigram  (London, 
1839,  2d  ed.  1844),  and  Hudson's  "Critical  Greek  and 
English  Concordance  of  the  N.  T."  (Boston,  1875), 
which  contains  references  to  the  chief  variant  read- 
ings. 

V.  Striac. — Charles  Schaaf's  "Lexicon  Syriacum" 
(Leyden,  1709)  practically  serves  the  purpose  of  a 
concordance  to  the  Peshito  version. 

VI.  English. — The  earliest  concordances  in  Eng- 
lish were  published  in  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth  cen- 


tury, the  first  by  T.  Gybson  in  1535  (for  N.  T.  only), 
and  the  second  m  1550  by  John  Marbeck.  The  most 
famous  belongs  to  the  eighteenth  century  and  is  the 
work  of  Alexander  Cruden.  First  published  in  1738, 
it  reached  several  editions  in  his  own  lifetime  and  has 
been  re-edited  and  reprinted  repeatedly  till  the  pres- 
ent day.  Abridgments  have  been  published  which 
sometimes  endeavour  to  pass  for  the  complete  work. 
Cruden's  work  is  not  really  a  complete  concordance, 
and  omits  especially  many  references  to  proper  names, 
but  his  last  edition  had  one  virtue,  lacking  in  the  best 
concordances  of  our  day,  which  commends  it  to 
Catholics  especially,  namely,  its  concordance  to  the 
deutero- canonical,  or  so-called  apocryphal,  books  of 
the  Old  Testament,  which,  however,  is  usually  not  re- 
printed. With  this  exception,  it  is  far  surpassed  by 
the  three  great  concordances  of  our  own  day,  those  of 
Young,  Strong,  and  Walker.  R.  Young's  "  Analytical 
Concordance  to  the  Bible"  (Edinburgh,  1879-84),  an 
almost  complete  concordance,  has  the  great  virtue  of 
indicating  the  Hebrew,  Chaldaic,  or  Greek  original 
of  the  English  word,  and  distinguishing  the  various 
meanings  that  may  underlie  the  same  word.  Strong's 
"Exhaustive  Concordance  of  the  Bible"  (New  York, 
1894)  has  reference  only  to  the  English  text ;  for  that 
it  can  hardly  be  improved,  as  it  is  extremely  rare  to 
find  a  text  missing  from  Strong.  As  a  text-finder,  it 
is  unsurpassed ;  but  it  lacks  the  special  advantages  of 
Young's  signalized  above.  It  contains  also  a  com- 
parative concordance  between  the  Authorized  and 
Revised  English  versions,  useful  for  a  study  of  the 
changes  introduced.  Its  great  bulk  and  weight,  how- 
ever, render  it  a  rather  formidable  book  to  handle. 
Walker's  "Comprehensive  Concordance  to  the  Holy 
Scriptures"  (Boston,  1894)  is  a  volume  of  convenient 
size,  and  almost  as  complete  as  Strong's.  An  excel- 
lent "Complete  Concordance  to  the  Revised  Version 
of  the  New  Testament",  by  J.  A.  Thorns,  was  pub- 
lished in  London,  1884.  The  works  of  Wigram  and 
Hudson  on  the  Greek  N.  T.  are  also  very  useful  to  the 
English  reader. 

No  concordance  to  the  English  Catholic  Bible  has 
been  published,  and  it  can  hardly  be  said  that  one  is 
much  needed,  except  for  the  deutero-canonical  books; 
the  late  concordances  in  English  suffice,  with  the  ex- 
ception noted,  for  the  needs  of  any  intelligent  reader. 
For  concordances  in  other  modern  languages,  consult 
the  articles  of  Mangenot  and  Kaulen. 

Manoknot  in  VioooBOOX,  Diet,  de  la  Bible  (Paris,  1897), 
a.  v.  Concordances  de  la  Bible;  Kaulen  in  Kirchenlex.,  s.  v. 
Bibelconcordamen,  prints  specimens  of  many  concordances.  To 
these  two  articles  we  are  indebted  for  most  of  our  facts  regard- 
ing the  earlier  concordances.  Hazard,  /nfroducrton  to  Wium, 
Comprehensive  Concordance  (Boston,  1894);  Bacbxr  in  Jewish 
Encyclopedia  (New  York,  1903),  s.  v.  Concordance*. 

John  F.  Fenlon. 

Concordat. — Definition. — Canonists  and  publicists 
do  not  agree  about  the  nature  of  a  concordat  and, 
consequently,  vary  much  in  the  definition  they  give. 
The  various  theories  will  be  explained  later,  but  for  the 
sake  of  orderly  discussion  at  least  a  nominal  definition 
will  be  premised.  In  general,  a  concordat  means  an 
agreement,  or  union  of  wills,  on  some  matter.  But  as 
soon  as  we  attempt  to  define  this  general  notion  more 
clearly  a  difficulty  arises.  Agreement  of  wills  may  be 
had  in  many  ways:  in  friendship,  in  regard  to  privi- 
leges, in  a  bilateral  contract,  etc.  Prescinding  for  the 
present  from  the  exact  nature  of  a  concordat,  and 
without  giving  an  exact  definition,  we  may  say  that  a 
concordat  is  a  law,  ecclesiastical  and  civil,  made  for  a 
certain  country  in  regard  to  matters  which  in  some 
way  concern  both  Church  and  State,  a  law,  moreover, 
possessing  the  force  of  a  treaty  entered  into  by  both 
the  ecclesiastical  and  civil  power  and  to  a  certain  ex- 
tent binding  upon  both.  The  full  meaning  of  the 
terms  employed  will  be  explained  below.  _ 

Purpose.— The  purpose  of  a  concordat  is  to  termin- 
ate, or  to  avert,  dissension  between  the  Church  and 


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the  civil  powers.  This  is  evident  from  history.  Dur- 
ing the  first  three  centuries,  when  the  civil  author- 
ity was  bent  upon  the  total  ruin  and  destruction  of  the 
Church,  concordats  were  out  of  the  question.  After 
the  era  of  persecution  was  over,  and,  with  the  excep- 
tion of  some  temporary  usurpations  and  outrages,  the 
Christian  Emperors  of  Rome  generally  recognized  and 
defended  the  rights  of  the  Church,  concordats  were  un- 
necessary. This  state  of  affairs  continued  until  the 
end  of  the  eleventh  century,  when  there  arose  the 
strife  about  investitures  which  was  settled  in  1122  by 
the  Concordat  of  Worms,  or  Pactum  CaUixtinum,  be- 
tween Callistus  II  (q.  v.)  and  Henry  V.  This  may  be 
called  the  first  concordat,  unless  the  agreement  of 
London  (1107)  is  reckoned,  as  it  may  be,  among  the 
number  of  concordats.  The  contest  between  Boni- 
face VIII  and  Philip  the  Fair,  at  the  end  of  the  thir- 
teenth century,  opened  the  way  for  still  further  dis- 
agreements between  the  Church,  which  strove  to  pre- 
serve its  rights  inviolate,  and  those  civil  powers  which 
sought  to  usurp  them.  These  disagreements  gave 
rise  to  various  concordats.  Before  the  eighteenth 
century  there  were  six  (or  seven  if  the  London  agree- 
ment of  1107  be  counted);  during  the  eighteenth  cen- 
tury there  were  fifteen,  and  in  the  nineteenth  century 
a  much  larger  number  (see  Summary  or  Principal 
Concordats,  below). 

It  is  to  be  noted  that  De  Angelis,  who  is  followed  by 
Giobbio  and  in  part  by  Cavagnis,  does  not  consider  the 
Pactum  CaUixtinum  a  concordat,  because  in  it  Callis- 
tus II  made  no  concession  of  any  importance  to  the 
emperor.  This  reason,  however,  as  Wernz  well  ob- 
serves, is  false.  For,  according  to  the  best  authori- 
ties on  the  Pactum  CaUixtinum,  the  pope  granted  to 
Henry  V  several  important  concessions,  permitting 
the  emperor  to  assist  at  episcopal  elections  and  to  ex- 
act from  bishops-elect  in  Germany  and  from  conse- 
crated bishops  in  other  parts  of  the  empire  (i.  e.  in 
Burgundy  and  Italy)  not  merely  the  oath  of  simple 
loyalty  but  even  that  of  vassalage,  by  which  the  rights 
and  liberties  of  the  Church  were  considerably  re- 
stricted. Cavagnis  likewise  remarks  about  the  first 
concordat  with  Portugal,  in  1288,  that  it  is  rather  a 
decree  of  the  pope  in  which,  after  hearing  the  bishops 
and  the  royal  plenipotentiaries,  he  decided  what 
should  be  allowed,  what  denied,  out  of  the  powers 
which  the  King  claimed  on  the  ground  either  of  privi- 
lege or  of  custom.  Granting  all  this,  it  does  not  seem 
to  follow  that  such  an  act  could  not  be  called  a  con- 
cordat; for  it  k  by  no  means  evident  that  mutual  con- 
cessions are  essential  to  the  very  nature  of  a  concor- 
dat. An  agreement  may  very  well  exist  without  mu- 
tual concessions — a  principle  especially  in  accord  with 
the  view  of  those  authorities  (including  Cavagnis)  who 
see  in  every  concordat  a  strictly  bilateral  contract;  for 
the  due  rights  of  either  party  can  properly  be  recog- 
nized and  established  by  any  contract  properly  so 
called.  Hence  it  is  plain  that  concordats  have  in  gen- 
eral been  made  in  order  to  end  a  disagreement  and  re- 
store harmony.  Not  always,  however;  for  concordats 
have  at  times  been  made  when  there  was  no  actual  dis- 
agreement to  be  settled — solely  for  the  purpose  of  pre- 
venting disagreements  in  the  future  and  of  rendering 
more  secure  and  permanent  the  welfare  of  the  Church 
in  some  State.  This  was  done  between  Pius  IX  and 
Garcia  Morena,  President  of  Ecuador  in  1862. 

With  regard  to  the  necessity  of  concordats  two  ex- 
treme opinions  are  to  be  avoided.  Concordats  are  not 
absolutely  necessary;  neither  are  they  harmful  to  the 
Church  or  civil  society.  Assuredly  it  were  to  be  de- 
sired that  the  Church  should  never  need  concordats, 
and  should  always  find  in  civil  rulers  devoted  children, 
or  at  least  such  as  would  use  all  diligence  in  caring  for 
the  spiritual  welfare  of  their  Catholic  subjects,  and 
woula  religiously  respect  their  rights.  But,  unfor- 
tunately, the  contrary  too  often  occurs.  Hence  the 
Church,  to  avoid  a  greater  evil,  has  often  had  to  prom- 


ise to  forego  this  or  that  natural  right  of  her  own  in 
order  to  secure  from  the  State  a  promise  to  refrain 
from  further  encroachment  upon  ecclesiastical  rights. 

Matter  or  Object  of  a  Concordat. — The  matter,  or  the 
objects,  treated  of  in  a  concordat  may  be  spiritual, 
mixed,  or  temporal. 

Spiritual  matters  are  those  that  belong  purely  to  the 
spiritual  order,  or  are  connected  with  it:  for  example, 
matters  pertaining  to  the  liturgy.  Thus,  in  some  con- 
cordats there  has  been  question  of  inserting  the  name 
of  the  emperor  in  the  Canon  (q.  v.)  and  of  singing  after 
the  Divine  Office  the  formula:  "Domine,  saJvam  fac 
rempublicam ",  or  "Domine,  salvos  fac  consules",  or 
"Domine,  salvos  fac  presides  eius''  (cf.  art.  8,  of  the 
Concordat  of  1801 ;  arts.  23,  24  of  the  Concordat  with 
Costa  Rica  and  Guatemala,  1853;  arts.  15,  with  Haiti, 
1860;  art.  21,  with  Ecuador,  1862;  aria.  22,  23,  with 
Nicaragua  and  San  Salvador,  1863).  In  like  manner 
there  is  frequent  mention  of  nominating  bishops,  of 
the  establishment  and  bestowal  of  parishes,  or  of  pre- 
scribing special  regulations  for  the  promotion  of  clerics 
to  Holy  orders  or  to  ecclesiastical  dignities,  so  as  to 
prevent,  for  example,  the  number  of  clerics  from  be- 
coming too  large  (cf.  art.  5,  Concordat  with  Spain, 
1737;  C.  iv,  Concordat  with  Sicily,  1741),  and  so  on. 

Mixed  matters  are  those  which  belong,  though 
under  different  aspects,  both  to  the  temporal  and  spir- 
itual orders,  and  are  subject  to  both  authorities,  such 
as  public  education,  marriage,  etc. 

Temporal  matters  are  such  as  of  their  own  nature 
do  not  belong  to  the  spiritual  order.  In  some  con- 
cordats the  Church  has  allowed  rulers  to  impose  taxes 
not  only  on  the  private  possessions  of  clerics,  but  also 
on  ecclesiastical  property;  so  the  Roman  Pontiff  has 
at  times  given  up  his  claims  on  account  of  certain 
ecclesiastical  properties  damaged  in  the  course  of  civil 
or  religious  turmoil.  Examples  of  each  of  these  occur 
in  the  Concordat  with  Columbia,  in  1887.  It  is  to  be 
noted  that,  when  the  pope  absolutely  surrenders  tem- 
poral possessions  of  the  Church,  as  in  art.  29  of  this 
concordat,  such  possessions  no  longer  remain  under 
the  ownership  or  jurisdiction  of  the  Church  or  subject 
to  it.  When,  however,  he  merely  permits  such  prop- 
erty to  be  taxed  (as  in  art.  6  of  the  Colombian  Con- 
cordat, art.  18  or  art.  19  of  that  with  Costa  Rica,  in 
1853)  then  the  property  remains  in  the  ownership  of 
the  Church,  which  does  not  acknowledge  in  the  State 
any  inherent  right  to  impose  taxes  of  this  kind,  but 
rather  implies  the  contrary  by  the  very  concession. 

The  Contracting  Parties. — It  is  clear  that  only  those 
persons  in  Church  or  State  are  competent  to  enter  into 
a  concordat  who  in  their  respective  spheres  have  the 
right  of  making  treaties,  and  indeed  of  enacting  laws. 
Hence,  absolutely  speaking,  bishops,  as  true  rulers  of 
the  Church  vested  with  authority  to  make  laws  strictly 
so  called,  can  also  make  concordats  on  all  matters 
falling  within  their  jurisdiction.  In  past  ages  they 
have  often  exercised  this  right ;  a  concordat  was  made 
between  the  bishops  of  Portugal  and  King  Diniz  in 
1288,  and  confirmed  by  Nicholas  IV  in  1289.  In  1273 
one  was  made  between  the  bishops  of  Norway  and 
Magnus  VI  (IV),  by  which  the  bishops  renounced  the 
right  of  electing  the  king  as  long  as  there  were  legiti- 
mate heirs  of  the  blood,  and  the  king  on  his  part 
bound  himself  to  prevent  the  royal  officials  from 
interfering  with  the  free  exercise  of  ecclesiastical 
authority.  This  concordat  was  confirmed  in  the  fol- 
lowing year  by  Gregory  X  in  the  Second  Council  of 
Lyons.  Many  other  concordats  made  by  bishops 
might  be  mentioned;  for  example,  between  tne 
bishops  of  Portugal  and  King  Manuel,  confirmed  by 
Leo  X  in  1516.  Candido  Mendes  de  Almeida,  in  his 
"Jus  Civile  Ecclesiasticum  Brasilicum  Vetus  et 
Recens",  enumerates  eighteen  concordats  made  be- 
tween the  thirteenth  and  fourteenth  centuries  by  the 
Kings  of  Portugal  with  the  clergy  of  the  kingdom,  for 
the  settlement  of  serious  controversies.  At  the  pres- 


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ent  time  bishops  do  not  possess  the  power  of  making 
concordats;  it  is  reserved  to  the  pope.  The  reason 
for  this  reservation  is  that  concordats  deal  not  with 
one  question  only,  but  with  the  settlement  of  all  ec- 
clesiastical matters  in  a  particular  country;  such  a 
wide  field  of  affairs  manifestly  constitutes  a  causa 
major,  and  as  such  is  reserved  exclusively  for  the 
judgment  of  the  Roman  Pontiff.  Moreover,  in  recent 
concordats  concessions  have  almost  always  been  made 
contrary  to  the  ordinary  canon  law,  and  such  con- 
cessions can  be  made  only  by  the  pope.  It  should 
also  be  noted  that  governments  desirous  of  entering 
into  a  concordat  with  the  Church  prefer  to  deal  with 
the  pope,  so  as  to  have  a  regulation  by  which  all  the 
bishops  will  be  bound.  The  Roman  Pontiff  in  making, 
a  concordat  acts  in  his  capacity  as  pontiff,  and  not  as 
a  civil  ruler;  and  this  was  the  case  even  before  he  was 
despoiled  of  his  temporal  sovereignty.  Hence,  in 
making  a  concordat,  he  acts  as  pope  and,  as  Supreme 
Ruler  and  Pastor  of  the  Universal  Church,  exercises 
the  supreme  and  full  authority  of  his  primacy. 

On  the  part  of  the  State  those  competent  to  make 
concordats  are  supreme  legislators  or  chief  magis- 
trates— an  emperor,  king,  or  president,  acting  alone, 
where  the  supreme  authority  is  plenary  and  unre- 
stricted:  acting  with  the  consent  of  the  representative 
body,  where  such  consent  is  constitutionally  necessary 
for  legislation.  Wernz  (Jus  Decret.,  I,  166)  remarks: 
"  The  Apostolic  See,  to  avoid  the  risk  of  open  mockery, 
usually  enters  into  solemn  undertakings  only  where 
a  civil  government  is  under  no  obligation  to  seek  the 
consent  of  a  representative  body,  or  where  there  can 
be  no  reasonable  doubt  that  such  consent  will  be 
granted."  It  is  also  to  be  remembered  that  the 
Roman  Pontiff  makes  concordats  with  governments 
only  in  their  civil  capacity,  even  when  such  govern- 
ments are  non-Catholic.  Hence  it  cannot  be  supposed 
that  a  concordat  with  the  Tsar  of  Russia  or  the  King 
of  Prussia  is  made  with  either  of  these  potentates  as 
with  the  supreme  spiritual  head  of  a  schismatic  or 
Protestant  sect. 

Nature  of  Concordats. — To  explain  the  nature  of 
concordats  three  theories  have  been  proposed:  (a) 
The  legal  theory,  that  advanced  by  the  regalists; 
(b)  The  compact  theory,  which  regards  a  concordat 
as  a  bilateral  contract;  (c)  The  privilege  theory,  ac- 
cording to  which  a  concordat  has  the  force  of  a  privi- 
lege on  the  part  of  the  Roman  Pontiff,  but  of  an 
obligation  on  the  part  of  the  civil  ruler. 

Before  explaining  and  examining  these  theories  in 
detail,  it  is  well  to  note  first  of  all  that  the  name  given 
to  each  theory  should  not  be  understood  as  if  the 
authors  of  the  various  opinions  considered  all  the 
articles  of  a  concordat  as  possessing  equal  force. 
Those  who  defend  the  privilege  theory  do  not  main- 
tain that  no  article  in  any  concordat  ever  imposed  an 
obligation  of  justice  on  the  Roman  Pontiff.  On  the 
other  hand,  those  who  defend  the  compact  theory  do 
not  assert  that  the  Roman  Pontiff  is  bound  in  the 
same  way  by  all  the  articles  of  every  concordat. 
These  theories  have  been  named,  as  Wernz  points 
out,  from  the  feature  most  prominent  in  each.  It  is 
clear,  then,  that  authors  who  defend  the  privilege 
theory  maintain,  in  the  last  resort,  no  more  than  this: 
that,  in  respect  to  the  greater  part  of  their  matter, 
concordats  must  be  classed  as  privileges  granted  by 
the  Roman  Pontiff.  Nevertheless,  as  this  subject 
matter  of  a  concordat  is  not  necessarily  homogeneous 
(the  unity  of  a  concordat  being  merely  extrinsic  and 
accidental)  it  follows  that  although  the  term  privilege 
may  be  applied  to  a  concordat  taken  as  a  whole,  it 
cannot  necessarily  be  used  of  every  clause  in  the  same. 

(a)  The  Legalist  Theory  does  not  admit  that  con- 
cordats have  the  force  of  a  bilateral  contract,  because 
the  State  is  above  the  Church  and,  being  the  supreme 
society,  cannot  make  such  an  agreement  with  an  in- 
ferior or  subordinate  body.   Concordats  are  valid, 


however,  because  they  are  civil  laws  passed  by  the 
State  in  regard  to  the  Church.  It  follows  from  this 
view  that  concordats  may  always  be  revoked  by  the 
State,  but  not  by  the  Pontiff ;  as  far  as  the  Church  is 
concerned  they  are  mere  privileges  revocable  at  the 
will  of  the  civil  ruler.  This  theory  is  held  in  our  days 
more  or  less  strictly  by  various  governments  and  many 
writers,  chief  of  whom  is  Hinschius. 

(b)  The  Compact  Theory,  as  we  have  said,  makes 
of  the  concordat  a  bilateral  compact.  It  must  be 
observed,  however,  that  the  advocates  of  this  view 
are  divided  among  themselves.  Some  hold  strenu- 
ously that  the  Roman  Pontiff  can  make  no  change 
whatsoever,  not  even  validly,  in  regard  to  anything 
which  he  has  conceded  in  a  concordat.  The  chief 
writer  of  this  school  is  Schulte,  an  ex-Catholic,  who 
openly  bases  his  views  of  concordats  on  his  assump- 
tion of  the  perfect  co-ordination  and  equality  of 
Church  and  State,  just  as  the  legalist  theory  is  founded 
on  the  subordination  of  the  ecclesiastical  and  the  civil 
power.  Others,  among  whom  we  may  enumerate  De 
Angelis,  Cavagnis,  and  Fink,  while  upholding  the  com- 
pact theory,  so  explain  it  as  to  fully  accord  with  strict 
Catholic  teaching  on  the  constitution  of  the  Church. 
A  concordat,  in  their  opinion,  is  a  bilateral  compact, 
but  not  in  the  strict  sense  of  the  term.  Indeed  they 
so  limit  and  weaken  the  force  of  a  contract  as  ap- 
plied to  a  concordat  that  at  times  they  seem  to  be 
maintaining  the  view  of  those  who  hold  that  a  con- 
cordat is  to  be  considered  as  a  privilege  rather  than  a 
real  contract. 

(c)  The  Privilege  Theory,  according  to  which  con- 
cordats, if  we  regard  their  general  character  and  the 
bulk  of  their  contents,  lack  for  the  most  part  the  force 
of  a  true  contract,  and  are  to  be  considered  as  impos- 
ing an  obligation  on  the  civil  power  alone,  while  on  the 
part  of  the  Church  they  are  merely  privileges  or  con- 
cessions granted  by  the  Roman  Pontiffs.  This  view, 
which  counts  among  its  recent  staunch  defenders  Car- 
dinal Tarquini,  seems  to  rest  upon  surer  grounds  than 
the  others.  Before  advancing  the  arguments  in  its 
favour,  it  would  be  well  to  examine  the  position  of  its 
opponents.  It  is  evident  that  the  advocates  of  the 
first,  or  legalist,  theory  build  all  their  arguments  upon 
the  supposition  that  the  Church  is  subject  to  the  State, 
of  which  it  forms  but  a  department,  just  as  any  other 
body  is  subject  to  the  whole  of  which  it  is  a  part  and 
from  which,  consequently,  it  depends.  This  view  we 
find  expressly  maintained  by  Hinschius,  who  says: 
"The  theory  that  asserts  that  a  concordat  possesses 
the  force  of  a  contract  seems  untenable,  notwithstand- 
ing the  vast  numbers  of  its  followers.  According  to 
the  modern  civil  law  the  authority  of  the  State  over  all 
matters  falling  within  its  sphere  is  omnipotent,  and 
Christian  Churches  which  exist  within  the  territory  of 
any  State  are  subject  to  that  State  in  just  the  same 
manner  as  are  private  corporations  or  individuals." 
Hammerstein,  in  his  clever  refutation  of  these  errors 
(De  Ecclesia  et  Statu  juridice  consideratis,  Trier,  p. 
211)  says  that  this  "sphere",  within  which  the  State 
is  said  to  be  omnipotent,  may  be  understood  in  a  ju- 
ridical or  a  geographical  sense,  i.  e.  as  signifying  the 
limits  either  of  the  State's  rights  or  of  its  geographical 
possessions.  If  taken  in  the  first  sense,  the  grandiose 
words  of  Hinschius  become  puerile,  if  in  the  second 
sense,  then  Hinschius  is  advocating  a  legal  enormity. 
For  if  the  word  sphere  be  taken  to  signify  "  extent  of 
authority",  the  assertion  of  Hinschius  means  nothing 
more  than  that  the  State  can,  within  the  limits  of  its 
own  rights  and  authority,  do  what  it  will.  And  it 
needed  no  philosopher  to  proclaim  this,  since  it  is 
abundantly  evident  that  anyone  can  do  all  whatso- 
ever he  can  do.  If,  on  the  other  hand,  sphere  be  taken 
in  the  sense  of  "geographical  extension  ,  Hinschius  is 
maintaining  that  the  State  may,  within  the  bounds  of 
its  own  territory,  perpetrate  any  crime  it  chooses.  To 
quote  Hammerstein,  "We  have  said  that  the  phrase, 


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'the  State's  sphere',  can  be  understood  to  mean  geo- 
graphical extension.  In  this  case,  the  teaching  of  the 
Prussian  canonist,  Hinschius,  when  taken  in  the  con- 
crete, practically  comes  to  this, — that  within  the  terri- 
tory of  the  Kingdom  of  Prussia  the  Prussian  govern- 
ment can,  without  any  injustice  whatever,  Behead, 
burn  alive,  or  spoil  of  their  property  all  whomsoever  it 
pleases  and  because  it  pleases;  and  why?  Because  the 
Prussian  government  is — omnipotent!  Surely  a  won- 
derful system  of  jurisprudence!"  Moreover,  it  is 
noteworthy  that  the  very  principle  which  this  school 
of  writers  assume  as  the  basis  of  their  argument, 
namely  that  no  true  compact  can  exist  between  a  sov- 
ereign power  and  its  subordinates  (whence  they  argue 
that  between  the  civil  and  the  ecclesiastical  authori- 
ties no  compact  can  exist  entailing  strict  obligations 
upon  the  former),  this  fundamental  principle  is  not 
only  false  in  itself  but  is  contradicted  by  their  own 
theories.  For  they  maintain  that  a  strict  compact 
can  be  made  between  ruler  and  ruled,  whereby  the  au- 
thority of  the  former  may  be  diminished,  or  even  par- 
tially or  wholly  abolished. 

Those  who  claim  that  concordats  are  to  be  consid- 
ered as  bilateral  contracts  in  the  strictest  sense  of  the 
word  experience  in  trying  to  maintain  their  assertion 
the  same  difficulty  as  the  followers  of  the  legalist 
theory.  They,  too,  have  recourse  to  a  false  principle, 
that  of  the  perfect  co-ordination  and  equality  of 
Church  and  State.  It  does  not  fall  within  the  scope 
of  this  article  to  show  the  falsity  of  this  assumption; 
suffice  to  say  in  passing,  that  the  co-ordination  or  sub- 
ordination of  societies  among  themselves  is  to  be  de- 
termined by  the  co-ordination  or  subordination  of  the 
ends  for  the  attainment  of  which  said  societies  were 
instituted ;  now  the  end  the  Church  has  to  attain  is  su- 
perior to  that  of  any  other  society. 

The  arguments  of  those  who  hold  that  concordats 
are  bilateral  contracts,  though  only  in  the  broad  sense 
of  the  term,  are  based  upon  their  language  and  diplo- 
matic form.  For  they  argue  that  these  clearly  show 
that  the  popes  themselves  regarded  concordats  as  con- 
cessions to  which  were  annexed  the  binding  force  of  a 
compact,  and  that  in  making  them  they  intended  to 
bind  themselves  by  them  sometimes  to  the  extent  of 
declaring  null  and  void  whatever  they  themselves  or 
their  successors  should  do  in  contravention  of  any- 
thing contained  in  their  concordats.  An  example  in 
point  is  the  concordat  between  Leo  X  and  Francis  Lof 
France.  Furthermore,  it  is  claimed  that  the  popes 
often  have  referred  to  concordats,  directly  or  equiva- 
lently,  as  bilateral  contracts,  or  agreements  carrying 
with  them  a  strict  obligation.  Thus  Fink,  in  his  work 
"  De  Concordat  is"  (Louvain,  1879),  when  summing  up 
his  argument  says:  "In  the  estimation  of  the  Holy 
See,  concordats  are  solemn  agreements  with  regard  to 
the  management  of  ecclesiastical  affairs,  entered  into 
by  the  supreme  authorities,  ecclesiastical  and  civil,  of 
the  respective  countries;  they  are  possessed  of  the  full 
efficacy  of  a  strict  obligation,  and  have  the  force  of  a 
compact  binding  both  contracting  parties,  after  the 
manner  of  international  treaties.  Besides  the  obli- 
gation of  justice,  the  binding  force  of  a  concordat  is 
strengthened  by  a  solemn  promise  made  by  each 
party  for  himself  and  his  successors  to  observe  forever 
faithfully  and  inviolably  all  that  has  been  agreed 
upon.  Unless,  then,  by  mutual  consent,  no  concordat 
can  be  broken  without  violating  every  principle  of 
justice  and  jeopardizing  all  other  private  and  public 
contracts."  Other  arguments  are  drawn  from  ex- 
pressions occurring  in  the  diplomatic  correspondence 
of  the  Papal  Secretary  of  State.  As  a  matter  of  fact, 
much  of  what  we  have  just  given  from  Fink  is  to  be 
found  not  in  papal  documents  themselves,  but  in  the 
correspondence  of  the  Secretariate  of  State.  Lastly, 
the  advocates  of  this  form  of  the  compact  theory  as- 
sert that  the  common  opinion  among  canonists  is  also 
in  their  favour.   But,  with  all  due  respect  to  the 


learned  scholars  who  hold  and  defend  the  opinion,  the 
argument  drawn  from  the  form  of  the  concordat  hail 
but  little  weight.  For  it  is  not  at  all  rare  for  an  act  to 
be  clothed  with  a  form  which,  though,  perhaps,  less 
adapted  to  the  nature  of  the  act  itself,  yet  in  no  way 
changes  that  nature.  For  example,  the  formula  of 
absolution  in  the  Greek  Church  is  deprecatory,  yet 
this  form  of  entreaty  in  no  way  changes  the  judicial 
nature  of  the  pronouncement.  So,  too,  Gregory  VII 
deposed  Henry  IV  by  a  form  of  deprecation,  yet  it 
cannot  be  denied  that  the  judgment  passed  was  truly 
condemnatory.  So  also  a  religious  before  his  solemn 
profession  may  renounce  all  his  possessions  under  the 
form  of  a  will,  which  form  endures  even  after  his  pro- 
fession, while  the  nature  of  the  act  is  essentially 
changed,  since  there  no  longer  exists  that  voluntas  am- 
bulatoria  which  a  last  will  and  testament  of  its  nature 
requires.  Nor  are  the  arguments  drawn  now  and 
then  from  solemn  promises  any  stronger.  For  the 
pope  often  calls  certain  concessions  mentioned  in  con- 
cordats "privileges",  "indults",  etc.,  etc.,  and  at 
times  speaks  even  more  precisely,  asserting  that  he 
will  in  no  way  interfere  in  the  doing  of  this  or  that.  If 
at  times  the  stricter  formula;  are  employed,  as  in  the 
concordat  between  Leo  X  and  Francis  I  (a  formula 
which  seems  to  be  the  strictest  of  all  and  decrees  as 
null  and  void  whatever  to  the  contrary  is  attempted 
by  subsequent  pontiffs),  they  are  employed,  as  Pal- 
mieri  notes  in  the  first  edition  of  his  treatise  "De 
Romano  Pontifice",  first,  that  the  pope  may  testify  to 
his  firm  purpose  of  observing,  in  as  far  as  he  may,  the 
points  mentioned  in  the  concordat:  secondly,  because 
of  the  scope  of  the  instrument  itself,  which  is  similar 
to  an  agreement  entered  into  by  a  father  and  his  dis- 
obedient children.  In  such  reconciliations  it  often 
happens  that  a  formula  is  used  between  a  father  and  a 
child  still  under  his  jurisdiction  which  verbally  signi- 
fies a  bilateral  contract,  but  which  in  point  of  fact  is 
employed  for  the  sole  purpose  of  manifesting  the  leni- 
ency and  libera Ity  of  the  father.  Thirdly,  very  often 
such  formula  are  employed  because  of  the  unity  of  the 
act  itself.  That  this  is  true,  is  evident  because  at 
times  there  are  articles  which  bind  the  pope  in  justice, 
and  also  because  by  a  concordat  a  civil  ruler  (i.  e.  in 
the  case  of  a  concordat  drawn  up  with  a  Catholio 
prince)  is  really  and  truly  bound  by  obedience  to  the 
Roman  Pontiff.  Hence,  although  the  latter  is  bound 
to  his  promise  only  through  fidelity  to  his  word,  it  was 
deemed  advisable  to  use  a  common  form  which,  as  in 
the  case  of  bilateral  contracts,  implies  a  mutual  obliga- 
tion, the  nature  and  interpretation  of  which  is  suffi- 
ciently evident  from  the  nature  and  tenor  of  the  con- 
cordat itself.  It  is  also  to  be  noted  that  emphatic 
phrases  such  as  those  above  mentioned,  employed 
with  a  view  to  express  the  firm  determination  of  the 
legislator,  are  not  at  all  rare;  so,  for  instance,  there  is 
sometimes  attached  to  a  code  of  laws  a  clause  deroga- 
tory of  all  future  laws,  v.  g.  "by  virtue  of  this  un- 
changeable constitution  which  is  to  endure  forever". 
Yet  no  one  claims  that  a  subsequent  legislator  is 
bound  by  such  a  clause,  nor  that  he  cannot  abrogate 
the  constitution  in  whole  or  in  part.  That  the  popes 
admit  that  concordats  are  identical  with  bilateral 
contracts,  is  not  wholly  true.  For  they  are  rarely 
called  such,  the  ordinary  expression  being  that  they 
have  the  force  of  a  bilateral  contract — something  en- 
tirely different.  For  (as  Baldi  notes  in  his  excellent 
work  on  concordats,  "  De  Natura  et  Indole  Concorda- 
torum)  all  such  technical  phrases  as, "  to  have  the  same 
binding  force  as  a  treaty",  "to  be  a  species  of  con- 
tract", "to  partake  of  the  nature  of  a  privilege",  "to 
resemble  a  gift" — all  these  signify  nothing  else  than 
participation  in,  and  not  identity  with,  the  nature  of 
all  of  these.  Just  as  when  the  law  declares,  "  The  ad- 
mission of  postulation  has  the  force  of  confirmation", 
it  is  legitimate  to  conclude,  "therefore  admission  of 
postulation  is  not  confirmation  but  participates  in  and 


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approaches  to,  as  far  as  its  nature  allows,  the  nature  of 
confirmation.  Again,  it  argues  nothing  against  the 
opinion  held  in  the  article  that  concordats  are  some- 
times expressly  designated  bilateral  agreements  or 
contracts  (perhaps  once:  to  wit,  in  the  letter  of  Leo 
XIII,  dated  16  Feb.,  1892,  to  the  bishops  and  faithful 
of  France),  since  in  such  cases  it  is  evident  that  the 
pope  wished  only  to  observe  all  the  conventionalities 
of  concordats — in  so  far  at  least  as  duty  permitted. 
It  was  not  the  pope's  intention  to  define  and  deter- 
mine the  exact  essence  of  a  concordat,  but  rather  to 
manifest  his  mind  on  the  matter  in  question,  and  give 
assurance  that  he,  on  his  part,  would  not  violate  the 
articles  agreed  upon.  Relative  to  this  matter  Wernz 
says:  "Pius  X  praised  Bonald  because  he  brought  to 
his  notice  the  nature  and  peculiar  characteristic  of 
these  agreements  or  indults."  Then,  too,  Leo  XIII 
earnestly  recommended  that  the  question  of  concor- 
dats be  seriously  and  thoroughly  looked  into.  Surely 
the  praise  of  Pius  and  the  recommendation  of  Leo 
would  have  been  utterly  foolish  if  the  theory  of  bilat- 
eral contracts  had  been  evidently  and  unquestionably 
adopted  by  the  Apostolic  See. 

Of  less  value  is  the  argument  drawn  from  individual 
phrases  occurring  occasionally  in  diplomatic  corre- 
spondence. For,  apart  from  the  fact  that  never,  per- 
haps, in  these  diplomatic  notes  is  a  concordat  said  to 
be  identical  with  a  bilateral  contract,  it  must  also  be 
granted,  and  that  without  evasion,  that  the  weakest 
kind  of  argument  is  that  drawn  from  one  or  another 
phrase  used  by  some  Cardinal  Secretary  of  State,  or 
some  Apostolic  Nuncio  in  a  single  diplomatic  note. 
For  the  admission  is  not  forced  upon  us  that  these 
phrases  are  the  best  that  under  the  circumstances  could 
be  chosen.  It  is  also  false  that  the  treaty  theory  is 
more  commonly  held  by  theologians  and  canonists. 
For  neither  is  this  true  of  the  modern  canonists,  while 
it  is  absolutely  false  of  those  of  earlier  date,  very  many 
of  whom  (as  Baldi  clearly  proves  in  his  erudite  com- 
mentary on  concordats  already  cited)  held  the  opin- 
ion advanced  in  this  paper.  This  opinion,  it  must  be 
noted,  is  based  on  two  principles:  first,  that  ecclesi- 
astical and  civil  society  are  not  co-ordinate ;  secondly, 
that  the  power  of  the  Roman  Pontiff  can  be  neither 
alienated  nor  diminished .  On  this  point  Wernz  wisely 
remarks:  "If  the  co-ordination  of  Church  and  State 
be  urged  as  an  argument,  then  the  treaty  theory  is 
founded  either  on  an  error,  or  on  a  pure  fiction  lacking 
all  objective  reality."  (Cf.  Sagmuller,  "Lehrbuch 
des  kath.  Kirchenrechts",  89  sqq.)  Hence  it  follows 
that  it  is  utterly  impossible  to  call  a  concordat  an  in- 
ternational treaty  in  the  real  and  true  sense  of  the 
word  (cf.  a  pamphlet  anonymously  edited  in  Rome, 
1872,  under  the  title:  "Delia  Natura  e  carattere  es- 
senziale  dei  Concordati",  whose  author  was  Cardinal 
Cagiano  de  Azevedo).  Neither  can  the  concordat  be 
classed  with  international  treaties,  since  the  latter  are 
entered  upon  by  two  societies  each  perfect  in  itself  and 
both  equal.  The  Church,  on  the  other  hand,  is 
neither  subordinate  to,  nor  equal  to,  the  State,  but  is  in 
a  true  sense  its  superior.  Hence,  also,  it  follows  that 
concordats  are  not  bilateral  contracts ;  since  for  such 
a  contract  three  things  are  essentially  required:  (a) 
the  consent  of  two  parties  to  the  same  thing;  (b) 
which  imposes  upon  each  an  obligation  of  commuta- 
tive justice:  (c)  so  that  the  obligation  of  one  party  is 
the  cause  of  a  right  in  the  other,  and  one  obligation  is 
to  the  other  as  effect  to  cause.  But  a  strict  right 
arising  from  commutative  justice  is  altogether  inde- 
pendent not  only  of  the  other  contracting  party,  but 
also,  generally  speaking,  of  public  authority.  Hence, 
no  one  can  lawfully  or  validly  take  such  a  right  away 
from  me  against  my  will.  Moreover,  it  cannot  be 
said  that  concordats  impose  on  the  pontiff  an  obliga- 
tion which  is  the  cause  of  a  right  in  the  other  party, 
and  of  such  a  right  as  can  be  neither  lawfully  nor 
validly  recalled.   For  certainly,  in  this  hypothesis,  a 


succeeding  pontiff  could  not  do  as  much  as  his  prede- 
cessor; he  would  receive  a  lessened  power,  not  that 
which  Peter  received  from  Christ  to  be  transmitted  to 
his  successors  for  the  government  of  the  church.  And 
this  surely  cannot  be,  since  each  succeeding  pontiff 
receives  his  power  not  from  his  dead  predecessor,  but 
from  God  himself,  who  always  gives  the  selfsame,  as 
he  has  said  once  for  all  to  Peter  and  his  successors: 
"Thou  art  Peter  and  upon  this  rock  I  will  build  my 
church  .  .  .  Feed  my  lambs  ...  I  will  give  to  thee 
the  keys".  Therefore  a  succeeding  pontiff  is  not 
bound  by  the  compacts  of  his  predecessor  as  by  a  bi- 
lateral contract  giving  such  a  strict  right  of  commuta- 
tive justice  that  if  he  violate  the  agreement  without 
cause  his  act  is  invalid.  And  neither  is  the  pontiff 
who  has  made  such  compacts  so  bound  by  them,  for 
he  is  not  the  master  of  that  fullness  of  power  which  is 
the  primacy,  but  only  its  administrator,  so  that  he 
cannot  alienate  or  lessen  it.  Nor  can  you  argue  that 
by  concordats,  which  are  bilateral  contracts,  not  the 
power  of  the  supreme  pontiff,  but  only  its  exercise,  is 
diminished.  For  what  is  that  power  which  can  never 
be  exercised,  or  which,  if  exercised,  remains  without 
effect?  And  such  would  be  the  case,  for  even  if  the 
pontiff  wished  he  could  not  act  validly,  and  therefore 
his  power  would  be  lessened.  And  hence  the  Roman 
pontiff  must  retain  the  fullness  of  power  and  jurisdic- 
tion over  those  questions  which  are  settled  in  a  con- 
cordat. This  is  what  Cardinal  Antonelli,  Secretary  of 
State,  maintained  in  his  diplomatic  correspondence, 
when  the  Kingdom  of  Portugal  complained  that  the 
pontiff  had  violated  the  concordat. 

Does  the  pontiff  then  contract  no  obligation  in  con- 
cordats? Assuredly  he  contracts  an  obligation;  and 
they  do  an  injury  to  Cardinal  Tarquini  who  think  that 
he  held  the  opposite.  For,  although  he  does  not  men- 
tion this  obligation  in  his  definition  of  concordats,  he 
certainly  admits  it  when  explaining  his  meaning.  But 
this  obligation  is  one  of  fidelity,  not  of  justice,  an  obli- 
gation which  makes  a  violation  of  the  concordat  with- 
out just  cause  an  unlawful  act,  but  not  an  invalid  act. 
His  Eminence  Cardinal  Francis  Satolli  explains  with 
his  usual  depth  and  clearness  the  nature  of  the  obli- 
gation which  a  pontiff  is  under  of  observing  a  con- 
cordat. His  little  work,  of  great  authority,  bears  the 
title,  "  Prima  principia  de  Concordatis ' '.  The  learned 
author  begins  his  investigation  with  the  following 
reasoning  from  St.  Thomas,  I,  xxi,  1,  ad  3.  The  An- 
gelic Doctor,  asking  whether  justice  exists  in  God, 
puts  this  objection  to  himself:  The  act  of  justice  con- 
sists in  the  payment  of  a  debt;  but  God  is  a  debtor  to 
no  one,  therefore  it  would  seem  that  justice  does  not 
exist  in  God.  To  solve  this  difficulty  the  Holy  Doctor 
first  lays  down  the  principle:  to  every  one  is  due  what 
is  his  own.  He  then  inquires  what  one  may  call  his 
own,  and  establishes  that  one's  own  is  that  which  is 
for  him,  as  a  slave  is  his  master's,  precisely  because, 
inasmuch  as  he  is  a  slave,  he  is  for  his  master.  In  the 
name  debt,  therefore,  concludes  the  Angelic  Doctor,  is 
simplified  a  relation  of  exigency  or  necessity  in  a  thing 
referring  it  to  that  for  which  it  exists.  Considering 
this  relation  more  thoroughly,  you  will  see  that  it  is 
twofold:  a  relation  by  which  a  creature  is  for  another 
creature  and  all  creatures  for  God.  Since  this  relation 
is  twofold,  there  is  also  a  twofold  debt  in  the  Divine 

Elan;  one  by  which  a  thing  is  due  to  God,  the  other 
y  which  a  thing  is  due  to  the  creature,  and  in  both 
ways,  says  St.  Thomas,  God  can  make  payment.  For 
it  is  due  to  God  that  what  the  wisdom  of  his  will  has 
decreed  should  be  fulfilled  in  creatures,  as  it  is  due  to 
the  creature  that  what  has  been  ordained  for  it  it 
should  possess.  Thus  it  is  due  to  man  that  other  ani- 
mals should  supply  his  needs.  But  this  second  debt 
depends  on  the  first,  since  a  thine  is  due  to  creatures 
because  it  is  ordained  for  them  through  the  relations 
established  by  the  Divine  wisdom,  wnerefore,  since 
God  pays  a  debt  to  his  creatures  in  this  way  only,  he 


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docs  n*»t  become  his  creatures'  debtor,  but  the  justice 
of  God  always  looks  to  His  own  propriety,  and  by  it 
he  renders  to  himself  what  is  His  due.  The  author 
then  passes  to  the  Church  and  applies  to  her  this  argu- 
ment. For  to  the  Church  also  is  due  that  the  mission 
of  her  infallible  and  holy  teaching  power  and  mani- 
festation of  the  saving  quality  of  Christ's  religion  be 
accomplished  in  every  State  throughout  the  world.  It 
is  likewise  due  to  the  various  States  and  their  rulers 
that  they  have  what  is  properly  theirs.  But  this  debt 
depends  on  the  first  in  every  relation  between  the 
Church,  or  Holy  See,  and  a  State;  for  it  would  be  ab- 
surd were  not  all  things  ordered  according  to  the  rela- 
tions established  by  the  Divine  wisdom,  that  is,  to 
maintain  religion,  and  to  further  the  last  end  of  all 
human  life.  The  debt  which  the  Church  pays  in  tend- 
ing to  her  supernatural  end  is  one  of  justice,  but  of  a 
justice  which  looks  to  the  propriety  of  the  Church  her- 
self, that  is  of  the  Holy  See,  a  justice  which  renders  to 
itself  what  is  its  due.  In  purely  temporal  matters  the 
Church  must  observe  the  debt  of  justice  such  as  tem- 
poral matters  require,  for  in  these  she  is  not  a  superior 
nor  is  her  spiritual  end  in  question.  But  in  all  mat- 
ters which  pertain  to  the  supernatural  end  of  the 
Church,  she  can  be  under  no  obligation  of  strict  debt 
to  the  State,  but  rather  her  obligation  is  to  herself  and 
to  the  spiritual  purpose  of  her  existence.  And  thus, 
generally  speaking,  she  will  be  a  debtor  to  States, 
through  compact,  since  she  owes  to  herself  what  her 
wisdom  and  never-failing  desire  for  the  spiritual  good 
of  mankind  has  shown  her  to  be  necessary. 

But  to  present  briefly  what  can  certainly  be  said 
about  concordats ;  concordats,  as  they  have  in  fact  often 
been  agreed  upon,  often  impose  upon  the  Roman  Pontiff 
a  true  obligation  of  commutative  justice  towards  the 
state.  This  happens  when  a  concordat~is  concluded 
about  purely  temporal  matters,  for  instance,  when  the 
Church  cedes  some  of  her  temporal  possessions,  or 
when  she  renounces  some  temporal  or  historical  right. 
Such  was  the  case  in  the  concordat  concluded  between 
Urban  VIII  and  the  emperor,  Ferdinand  II,  King  of 
Bohemia;  for  in  this  instance  the  pope  ceded  some 
ecclesiastical  possessions  upon  receiving  others  from 
Ferdinand  in  compensation;  such,  too,  was  the  con- 
cordat with  Colombia,  in  1887,  art.  29.  But  we  must 
bear  in  mind  that  in  such  concordats  the  pope  follows 
the  common  laws  of  contracts;  therefore,  if  a  con- 
tract be  extorted  from  him  by  fraud  or  intimidation, 
or  if  the  matter  of  the  concordat  be  illicit,  he  or  his 
successor  can  annul  that  contract,  and  such  action  is 
quite  licit  and  valid.  Moreover,  if  the  matter  of  the 
concordat  is  illicit,  the  pope  is  evidently  obliged  to 
rescind  the  contract.  Tnus  when  Henry  V  had,  by 
means  of  fear  and  fraud,  urged  Paschal  II  into  certain 
points  of  agreement,  this  pope  recalled  those  conces- 
sions in  the  First  Council  of  the  Lateran,  on  the  18th 
of  March  of  the  year  1112,  because  the  entire  council 
proclaimed  that  the  concessions  made  to  Henry  were 
illicit — not  a  primlegium,  but  a  pravilegium,  as  the 
council  expressed  it.  Thus,  too,  if  a  pope  should 
make  over  to  someone  temporal  possessions  without  a 
just  cause,  his  successor  can  evidently  cancel  such  a 
contract  validly,  because  a  pope  is  only  the  adminis- 
trator, and  not  the  owner,  of  ecclesiastical  possessions. 

In  concordats  the  Roman  pontiff  often  grants  secu- 
lar rulers  real  privileges  and:  indults;  for  the  pontiff 
expressly  declares  that  he  is  granting  an  indult,  a 
privilege — that  he  is  conceding  this  or  that  particular 
point,  that  he  is  making  such  or  such  a  concession,  or 
granting  a  favour.  Instances  of  this  kind  may  be 
round  in  the  concordat  with  the  Two  Sicilies,  of  the  year 
1741,  c.  viii,  art.  1,  in  another  with  the  Two  Sicilies  of 
1818,  art.  28,  in  a  concordat  with  Costa  Rica,  of  1853, 
art.  7;  in  a  concordat  with  Haiti,  of  1860,  art.  4;  in 
a  concordat  with  Austria,  of  1855,  art.  25:  with  Ecu- 
ador, of  1863,  art.  13,  etc.  Now  if.  as  the  "Corpus 
Juris  Canonici",  regula  juris  16  in  Sexto,  has  it,  it  is 


becoming  that  no  favour  granted  by  a  sovereign 
should  be  recalled,  it  is  fully  evident  from  what  we 
said  above  that  this  rule  should  hold  good  all  the  more 
when  a  privilege  is  granted  in  a  form  so  solemn  as  that 
used  in  concordats;  nor  is  it  merely  becoming  for  the 
pope  not  to  recall  such  concessions,  but  he  has  an 
obligation  of  observing  those  very  articles  which  con- 
tain the  privileges.  Tnis  follows  from  what  we  said 
already,  and  this  the  popes  themselves  affirm,  some- 
times, indeed,  in  rather  stringent  terms.  Neverthe- 
less, from  the  explanations  given  above  it  is  evident 
that  these  terms  of  affirmation  must  be  understood 
to  signify  merely  that  the  pope  is  binding  himself  in 
so  far  as  he  is  capable  of  bindmg  himself;  but  whilst, 
in  such  concordats,  he  can  bind  himself  in  fidelity,  he 
cannot  bind  himself  in  commutative  justice;  there- 
fore, in  those  terms  in  which  he  affirms  his  obligation 
he  binds  himself  in  fidelity,  but  not  in  justice.  And 
in  fact,  the  popes  have  been  much  more  scrupulously 
faithful  in  keeping  these  promises  than  the  civil  rulers 
themselves  were,  although  the  latter  had  taken  upon 
themselves  a  real  obligation  of  justice. 

In  the  second  edition  of  his  celebrated  work  "De 
Romano  Pontifice"  (Prato,  1891),  Palmieri  maintains 
that,  even  if  concordats  were  strictly  bilateral  con- 
tracts, nevertheless  the  power  of  the  pope  over  them 
would  not  be  lessened  on  that  account.  But  although 
Palmieri  is  quite  justly  acknowledged  as  easily  the 
foremost  authority  on  ecclesiastical  matters,  both  on 
account  of  his  universal  experience  and  his  intellectual 
acumen,  nevertheless,  in  this  case  his  position  seems 
to  be  untenable.  In  the  first  edition  of  the  same  work 
(Rome,  1877)  he  maintained  that  concordats  are  not 
bilateral  contracts  in  the  strict  sense  of  the  term ;  and 
he  bases  his  argument  for  the  opinion  laid  down  in  the 
second  edition  on  the  supposition  that  the  obligation 
of  a  bilateral  contract  impedes,  or  renders  illicit,  any 
action  of  the  pope  against  the  provisions  of  the  con- 
tract, but  that,  nevertheless,  such  action  would  still 
be  valid.  But  this  supposition  is  not  true,  unless  we 
use  the  term  bilateral  contract  in  its  widest  sense: 
but  this  would  be  a  question  about  the  meaning  of 
words,  and  would  not  touch  the  point  at  issue.  But 
if  we  really  mean  to  use  the  term,  bilateral  contract,  in 
its  obvious  meaning,  we  must  certainly  hold  that  such 
a  contract  renders  any  action  against  its  provisions 
null  and  void.  The  learned  author  adduces  two  in- 
stances, taken  from  the  contract  of  buying  and  selling 
and  from  the  engagement  to  marry,  to  prove  his  as- 
sertion; but  neither  of  these  two  cases  is  to  the  point. 
For  the  engagement  to  marry,  as  Palmieri  himself 
admits,  is  a  bilateral  contract,  consisting  in  the  mu- 
tual promise  of  future  marriage;  and  yet,  if,  for  in- 
stance, the  bridegroom  marries  some  other  woman, 
his  action  is  merely  illicit,  but  not  invalid.  A  sale  of 
goods  is  likewise  a  bilateral  contract,  and  it  is  com- 
pleted only  by  handing  over  the  article  in  question  to 
the  buyer;  and  yet,  if  the  seller  hands  over  to  some- 
one else  the  article  that  was  already  sold,  the  transfer 
of  the  article  in  question  remains  valid,  even  though 
the  seller  is  bound  to  make  good  the  damages  caused 
to  the  first  buyer.  Therefore  the  two  cases  adduced 
by  Palmieri  prove  nothing;  for  a  bilateral  contract 
renders  invalid  those  actions  merely  which  have  the 
same  subject-matter,  and  in  so  far  only  as  they  have 
the  same  subject-matter,  as  the  contract  itself.  Thus  it 
is  evident  that  the  engagement  to  marry,  being  a  bi- 
lateral contract,  renders  null  and  void  any  new  espous- 
als, because  the  subject-matter  is  the  same;  but  it 
does  not  render  invalid  a  marriage  with  some  other 
person,  because  marriage  is  quite  another  kind  of  con- 
tract. The  case  is  similar  in  the  contract  of  buying 
and  selling:  even  if  the  buyer  and  seller  have  agreed 
and  concluded  the  sale,  so  long  as  no  transfer  has  taken 
place,  that  contract  does  certainly  not  render  the 
seller  incapable  of  making  a  valid  transfer  of  the  goods 
in  question  to  some  other  buyer;  but  it  undoubtedly 


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deprives  the  seller  of  the  power  of  selling  the  goods 
validly  a  second  time,  unless  the  transfer  of  the  goods 
follows  the  sale.  (Cf.  De  Lugo,  "De  justitia  et  hire", 
disp.  xxvi,  163  sqq.) 

So  far  we  have  been  considering  concordats  in  their 
relation  to  the  pope;  the  secular  rulers  on  their  part 
are  bound  in  commutative  justice  by  many  articles  of 
a  concordat,  unless  an  exception  be  proved.  But  on 
Christian  rulers  all  the  articles  of  a  concordat  impose 
an  additional  obligation  of  obedience ;  for,  as  Tarquini 
testifies,  a  concordat  may  be  rightly  defined  as  "a 
particular  ecclesiastical  law  for  a  certain  country,  en- 
acted by  the  authority  of  the  sovereign  pontiff  at  the 
request  of  the  ruler  of  that  country,  and  strengthened 
by  the  special  obligation,  which  that  ruler  takes  upon 
himself,  to  observe  its  provisions  forever." 

Effect  of  Concordats. — From  all  this  it  follows  na- 
turally that,  since  an  obligation  devolves  upon  the 
contracting  parties,  the  terms  of  the  concordat  should 
be  faithfully  carried  out  and  rigidly  adhered  to. 
Neither  party,  then,  may  without  consulting  the  other 
refuse,  except  for  grave  reasons,  to  abide  by  the  terms 
agreed  upon.  Moreover,  in  view  of  the  fact  that  con- 
cordats have  the  force  of  ecclesiastical  laws,  they  at 
once  annul  all  laws  and  special  customs  that  make  for 
the  contrary.  All  other  laws,  however,  i.  e.  those 
which  do  not  clash  with  the  letter  or  spirit  of  the 
particular  concordats,  still  hold;  for  concordats,  bar- 
ring of  course  those  provisions  which  are  especially 
mentioned,  so  far  from  making  the  Jus  commune  in- 
operative, re-establish  its  validity.  This  is  clear  from 
the  fact  that  the  intention  of  the  Sovereign  Pontiff, 
when  at  the  urgent  request  of  a  civil  ruler  he  yields 
a  point,  or  waives  in  certain  cases  the  claims  of  the 
law  of  the  Church,  is  obviously  to  insist  on  the  duty 
of  respecting  and  observing  the  ecclesiastical  laws  in 
all  other  details.  Further,  just  as  all  other  laws  when 
properly  promulgated  bind  the  people,  so  concordats, 
inasmuch  as  they  take  on  the  form  of  civil  laws  are 
binding  on  the  citizens  of  the  country,  and  particu- 
larly the  state  officials;  so  much  so  that  any  infringe- 
ment of  them  is  equivalent  to  a  violation  of  the  civil 
laws.  And  rightly  so,  for  concordats  are  promulgated 
as  laws  emanating  from  the  power  vested  in  the  State 
as  well  as  that  in  the  Church.  The  Sovereign  Pontiff 
gives  publicity  to  the  terms  through  his  cardinals  as- 
sembled in  consistory,  and  through  a  special  Bull;  the 
civil  authority  through  the  customary  channels,  i.  e. 
in  the  legal  way  in  which  other  state  laws  should  and 
usually  are  promulgated. 

Interpretation  and  Annulment  of  Concordats. — Since 
it  may  very  easily  happen  that  from  time  to  time  a 
dispute  or  a  disagreement  may  arise  between  the  con- 
tracting parties  as  to  the  meaning  that  should  be  as- 
signed to  the  articles  agreed  upon  in  the  concordat, 
it  seems  advisable  to  determine  how  the  controversy 
should  be  settled  in  the  event  of  such  a  difficulty. 

In  the  first  place  there  can  be  no  question  that  every 
effort  should  be  made  to  Bettle  the  dispute  amicably, 
a  precaution  that  is  founded  upon  the  motives  that 
lead  to  the  formation  of  a  concordat — namely,  that  of 
terminating  if  not  forestalling  all  disputes.  Conse- 
quently, it  would  be  in  direct  opposition  to  the  nature 
of  the  concordat  if  it  should  itself  prove  a  fresh  reason 
for  misunderstandings.  Its  very  nature,  then,  makes 
it  imperative  that  in  the  event  of  a  disagreement 
arising  touching  the  meaning  to  be  attached  to  the 
concordat,  the  question  should  as  far  as  possible  be 
settled  without  any  rupture  of  friendly  relations;  and 
assuredly  the  Church  has  never  been  found  wanting 
in  her  efforts  to  further  this  end.  This  precaution,  it 
should  be  added,  has  often  been  taken  in  framing  the 
concordats  themselves.  For  example,  in  the  con- 
cordat drawn  up  by  Pius  IX  with  tie  Emperor  Francis 
Joseph  I  of  Austria,  in  the  year  1856,  the  following 
words  were  appended  to  art.  35:  "  Should,  however, 
any  difficulty  arise  in  the  future,  His  Holiness  and  His 


Imperial  Majesty  shall  consult  with  each  other  that 
the  question  may  be  amicably  decided."  The  very 
same  words  occur  in  the  13th  art.  of  the  concordat 
drawn  up  by  the  same  pope  with  William  I  of  Wiir- 
temberg,  in  the  year  1857 ;  so,  too,  in  the  24th  art.  of 
that  entered  into  by  the  same  pope  with  Frederick  I, 
Grand  Duke  of  Baden,  in  1859;  and  again  in  the  24th 
art.  of  the  concordat  ratified  with  the  President  of 
Ecuador.  Other  instances  of  a  similar  nature  could 
be  cited.  Since  this  clause,  once  it  is  subjoined  to  a 
concordat,  becomes  a  part  of  the  agreement  and  con- 
sequently assumes  the  nature  of  a  papal  as  well  as  a 
civil  law,  it  must  be  kept  to  the  letter,  so  long,  of 
course,  as  it  is  normally  possible  to  do  so. 

True  as  all  this  is,  it  would  be  erroneous  to  maintain 
that  both  parties  must  concur  in  determining  the 
meaning  of  a  given  clause  or  article.  For  he  is  the 
lawful  interpreter  who  in  the  matter  in  question  is  the 
authoritative  lawgiver.  Now  the  pope  always  retains 
his  jurisdiction  and  legislative  power  over  matters 
that  are  wholly  or  partially  of  a  spiritual  nature,  nor 
can  he  transmit  the  power  to  another.  Consequently, 
the  Sovereign  Pontiff  always  remains  the  authorita- 
tive interperter.  It  is  plain,  then,  that  should  a  dis- 
cussion arise,  and  the  civil  authorities  refuse  their 
consent  to  a  reasonable  adjustment,  the  Church,  in 
virtue  of  her  higher  judicial  power,  may  exercise  this 
right  of  annulling  the  concordat.  It  is  clear,  too, 
that,  should  the  Church  at  any  time  pledge  herself  in 
the  event  of  some  future  misunderstanding  to  discuss 
the  situation  with  the  civil  authorities  in  order  to 
bring  about  an  amicable  settlement,  such  an  act  must 
be  looked  upon  as  supererogatory;  for  when  the 
Church  waives  any  of  her  claims  she  makes  a  conces- 
sion to  the  State,  seeing  that  the  highest  community 
enjoys  the  right  of  settling  a  discussion  even  though 
the  inferior  body  withholds  its  consent. 

It  may  be  well  to  subjoin  a  few  canons  that  shall 
serve  as  guides  in  interpreting  the  various  articles  of 
a  concordat.  Evidently,  the  meaning  of  those  articles 
which  import  a  bilateral  or  unilateral  contract  must 
be  judged  by  the  laws  that  determine  the  exact  scope 
of  contracts,  while  the  meaning  of  clauses  that  bear 
upon  the  granting  of  a  privilege  must  be  decided  by  an 
appeal  to  the  laws  for  the  interpretation  of  privileges. 
In  its  workings,  however,  the  competent  judge  of  a 
concordat  is  nowadays  the  Sacred  Congregation  of 
Extraordinary  Ecclesiastical  Affairs.  Far  less,  of 
course,  is  the  State  justified  in  rescinding  concessions 
granted  at  the  time  the  concordat  was  drawn  up.  For 
it  frequently  happens  that  the  State  promises  to  do 
only  what  it  is  already  bound  to  by  some  pre-existing 
obligation;  or  at  times  the  discussion  turns  on  certain 
matters  which  the  Church,  by  virtue  of  the  indirect 
power  she  has  over  the  State,  enjoins,  or  again  on 
temporal  affairs  of  which  the  State  had  handed  over 
to  the  Church  full  and  absolute  dominion.  In  the 
last  case  this  forfeiture  of  dominion  cannot  be  revoked, 
and  for  two  reasons:  first,  because  these  gifts  are 
usually  compensatory  for  confiscated  property — e.  g., 
governments  which  nad  seized  upon  a  considerable 
amount  of  ecclesiastical  property  have  time  and  again 
promised  in  the  concordats  to  endow  seminaries, 
church  fabrics,  etc. — and  secondly,  because  any  gift 
once  bestowed  on  an  equal  or  a  superior,  even  though 
it  be  purely  gratuitous,  may  not  be  revoked,  as  such 
an  act  would  be  an  exercise  of  jurisdiction  which  it 
cannot  employ  except  against  a  subject.  All,  how- 
ever, acknowledge  that  the  Church  may  lawfully  and 
justly  refuse  to  abide  by  a  concordat  in  all  those  cir- 
cumstances which  would  permit  or  even  oblige  one  to 
break  a  contract.  Should  there  be  question  of  privi- 
leges or  indults  granted  by  the  pope  in  a  concordat, 
it  follows  logically  from  what  we  nave  said  that,  given 
a  just  and  adequate  reason,  they  may  validly  and 
licitly  be  rescinded;  if  there  be  no  reason,  then  such 
an  action  would  still  be  valid,  though  not  licit.  It 


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must  be  remembered,  though,  that  the  popes  exercise 
their  authority  only  for  the  gravest  reasons,  and  after 
all  the  solemn  formalities  of  the  Roman  Curia  have 
been  duly  observed.  Yet,  should  the  pope  rescind 
these  privileges,  he  would  not  ordinarily  be  bound  to 
make  any  compensation  to  the  State,  as  compensation 
is  strictly  obligatory  only  where  the  privileges  revoked 
are  those  technically  called  onerosa  (see  Privilege). 
Concordats,  however,  are  not  of  this  nature.  All  this 
applies  with  greater  force  to  concessions  wrung  from 
the  pope  through  chicanery,  threats,  or  open  violence, 
or  which  exceed  the  papal  prerogative.  Again,  if  it 
is  a  question  of  dominion  over  temporal  goods  that 
has  passed  from  the  Church  to  the  State,  the  Church, 
it  is  clear,  may  not  revoke  this  concession,  although 
a  spontaneous  grant  may  be  withdrawn. 

Tarquinl,  Institutions  juris  can.,  I,  tit.  iv:  Appendix  de 
cmcordatis;  Phillips,  Kirchenrecht  (Ratisbon,  1850),  III,  58; 
Schultr,  Die  Lehre  von  dm  QueU.cn  etc.  436  sqqj  Wkrni,  Ju* 
Deer.  (Rome,  1005).  I,  166  uq.;  Moulaht,  VEaiise  et  VEtat 
(Lou vain,  1887),  683  sq,q.;  Aievedo,  Delia  natu.ro.  e  caraltcre 
rmtenciale  dei  Concordati  (Rome,  1872);  Fink,  De  Concordatis 
(Lou vain,  1870);  Radini-Tkdeschi,  Cniesa  e  State  in  ordine  ax 
Concordati  (Milan.  1887);  Tubimaz,  La  Concordats  et  VoUipa- 
lion  recxproque  qiiiU  impotent  (Pans,  1888);  Satolxj,  Prima 
principia  .  .  .  de  Concordatis  (Rome,  1888);  Onclair, 
La  question  dee  Concordat*  in  Rev.  Cath.  dee  Institutions  et  du 
Droit  for  Oct.,  1880;  Cavaonis,  Instituliones  juris  publid  eod. 
(Freiburg  im  Br.,  1903);  Hammebbtein,  De  EccUtiA  et  Statu 
juridice  eonsideratis  (Tner,  1886);  De  Bonald,  Deux  questions 
sur  le  Concordat  de  1801  (Paris,  1801);  Libera  tore,  La  Chiesa 
e  lo  Stato  (Naples,  1872),  Ui,  arts.  13.  14;  Id.,  Del  dirilto  pub- 
blieo  ecoU  (Prato,  1887),  iv,  art.  8;  De  Luise,  De  jure  publico 
Bed.  Cath.  (Paris,  1877),  V;  Baldi,  De  nativd  et  peculiar!  indole 
Concordatorum  (Rome,  1883);  Oiobbio,  /  Concordati  (Monsa, 
1000);  Bute,  Element*  of  Eod.  Law  (New  York,  1878), 
61  sqq. 

Benedetto  Omettt. 

Summary  or  Principal  Concordats. — Before  the 
Eighteenth  Century. — (1)  The  Concordat  of  Worms,  or 
Pactum  Calixtinum,  23  September,  1122,  between 
Pope  Callistus  II  and  the  Emperor  Henry  V,  con- 
firmed by  the  First  Lateran  Council,  terminated  the 
long  investiture  quarrel.  The  following  were  its  chief 
provisions:  (a)  The  elections  of  bishops  and  abbots 
should  take  place  in  the  presence  of  the  emperor,  (b) 
Contested  elections,  according  to  one  opinion,  should 
be  decided  by  the  emperor,  who  had  only  to  ask  the 
advice  of  the  metropolitan  and  his  suffragans;  accord- 
ing to  another  opinion,  the  decision  rested  with  the 
provincial  synod,  the  emperor  merely  assuring  the 
execution  of  the  synod's  judgment,  (c)  The  emperor 
renounced  the  right  of  spiritual  investiture  with  ring 
and  crosier  and  received  instead  the  right  of  lay  inves- 
titure with  the  sceptre,  a  sign  of  temporal,  but  not  of 
spiritual,  authority.  In  Germany  the  prelate  should 
receive  investiture  with  the  sceptre  before  consecra- 
tion, but  in  other  countries  after  consecration,  (d) 
The  emperor  promised  to  protect  the  Roman  Church 
and  restore  the  possessions  of  the  Holy  See.  (e)  The 
pope  agreed  not  to  disturb  those  who  had  been  on  the 
side  of  the  emperor  during  the  controversy. 

(2)  Concordats  with  Portugal:  one  in  1288  between 
the  bishops  of  Portugal  and  King  Diniz  after  a  violent 
persecution  of  the  Church  in  that  country,  and  ratified 
by  Nicholas  IV  in  1289:  another  in  1516,  between  the 
Portuguese  bishops  and  King  Manuel  the  Fortunate, 
afterwards  confirmed  by  Pope  Leo  X. 

(3)  The  Concordat  of  1516  between  Leo  X  and  Fran- 
cis I  of  France,  confirmed  by  the  Fifth  Lateran  Council, 
was  a  result  of  the  long  controversy  between  the  Holy 
See  and  the  French  Government  over  the  Pragmatic 
Sanction  of  Bourges.  Besides  abolishing  the  Prag- 
matic Sanction,  the  terms  of  this  concordat  (a)  gave 
to  the  king  the  right  of  presentation  to  bishoprics, 
abbeys,  and  priories;  (b)  the  concordat,  however, 
maintained  the  pope's  right  of  confirmation,  devolu- 
tion (L  e.  the  right  to  appoint  of  his  own  choice,  if  tho 
king  did  not  present  a  candidate  within  the  required 
time),  and  the  reservation  of  bishoprics  made  vacant 
by  the  death  of  the  incumbents  while  at  the  papal 


court,  (c)  It  contained  also  stipulations  concerning 
the  annates  and  other  matters. 

(4)  The  Concordat  of  Vienna  was  the  outcome  of  the 
efforts  on  the  part  of  the  princes  of  the  German  Em- 
pire to  put  an  end,  at  least  in  Germany,  to  the  conflict 
between  Eugene  IV  and  the  Council  of  Basle.  After 
some  negotiations  Eugene  issued  four  Bulls  (Feb., 
1447)  which  together  constitute  the  so-called  Concor- 
dat of  the  Princes.  The  first  was  a  promise  of  a  new 
council ;  the  second  contained  a  provisional  acceptance 
of  certain  decrees  of  the  Council  of  Basle;  and  the 
third  and  fourth  dealt  with  the  details  of  the  agree- 
ment. Eugene  IV  died  shortly  after  this  and  Nicho- 
las V(  his  successor,  confirmed  the  four  Bulls.  But  a 
certain  number  of  the  princes  being  still  unsatisfied, 
Frederick  III  thought  it  time  to  intervene.  At  a  diet 
held  at  Aschaffenburg,  he  ordered  the  universal  recog- 
nition of  Nicholas  V  as  lawful  pope,  and  on  17  Febru- 
ary, 1448,  the  Concordat  of  Vienna  was  agreed  upon 
by  the  emperor- and  the  papal  legate,  Carvajal.  It 
was  confirmed  by  Nicholas  V  on  19  March  of  the  same 
year,  and  was  subsequently  recognized  as  the  ecclesias- 
tical code  for  Germany.  Its  principal  terms  were  the 
following :  (a)  The  election  of  bishops  was  to  be  free  from 
all  interference,  though  the  pope  should  have  the  right 
of  confirmation;  and  for  good  reasons  and  with  the 
advice  of  the  cardinals  he  could  appoint  a  more  worthy 
and  suitable  person  than  the  one  elected,  (b)  In  the 
six  odd  months  of  the  year  vacant  canonries  and  non- 
elective  benefices  were  at  the  disposal  of  the  pope;  at 
other  times  these  vacancies  should  be  filled  by  the  or- 
dinary, (c)  The  concordat  also  treated  of  the  amount 
and  payment  of  the  annates. 

(5)  The  Concordat  with  Bohemia  in  1630  was  nego- 
tiated for  that  country  between  Urban  VIII  and  the 
Emperor  Ferdinand  II;  it  followed  on  the  re-estab- 
lishment of  the  Catholic  religion  in  Bohemia  after  the 
campaign  directed  by  Ferdinand  against  the  heretics. 
By  its  terms  the  Church  renounced  the  goods  that  had 
been  alienated  during  the  progress  of  the  heresy  and 
received  compensation  from  the  revenues  derived 
from  a  tax  on  salt  which  was  levied  for  her  benefit. 

Eighteenth  Century. — Twelve  concordats  were  made 
during  the  eighteenth  century.  Five  of  these  with 
Sardinia:  the  first,  in  1727,  between  Pope  Benedict 

XIII  and  Victor  Amadeus  II  confirmed  the  right  pos- 
sessed by  the  House  of  Savoy  of  immediate  nomina- 
tion to  ecclesiastical  offices;  three  between  Benedict 

XIV  and  King  Charles  Emmanuel  III  (174L  1742. 
1750);  the  fifth  in  1770  between  Clement  XlV  and 
Charles  Emmanuel  III.  Two  were  made  with  Spain, 
one  in  1737  between  Clement  XII  and  Philip  V,  an- 
other in  1753  between  Benedict  XIV  and  King  Ferdi- 
nand VI ;  one  with  the  Two  Sicilies  in  1741,  between 
Benedict  XIV  and  Charles  III ;  one  with  the  Duchy  of 
Milan  in  1757,  between  Benedict  XIV  and  the  Em- 
press Maria  Teresa;  one  with  Milan  and  Mantua  in 
1784,  between  Pius  VI  and  the  Emperor  Joseph  II; 
one  in  1778  with  Portugal;  and  one  with  Poland  in 
1736  between  Clement  XII  and  King  Augustus  III. 

Nineteenth  Century. — The  following  were  the  most 
important  concordats  of  the  nineteenth  century:  (1) 
The  Concordat  of  1801,  to  which  a  special  article  is  de- 
voted. (2)  The  concordat  between  Louis  XVin  and 
Pius  VII  in  1817,  intended  to  re-establish  the  Concor- 
dat of  1516,  abrogate  the  Organic  Articles,  and  re- 
erect  the  suppressed  bishoprics,  but  never  carried  out. 
(3)  The  Concordat  of  Bavaria  in  1817,  concluded  for 
Pius  VII  and  Maximilian  Joseph  by  Cardinal  Consalvi 
and  Baron  von  Hoffelin.  It  dealt  with  the  adminis- 
tration of  church  property,  a  new  circumscription  of 
dioceses,  the  erection  of  chapters,  and  especially  nom- 
inations to  ecclesiastical  offices.  An  addition  made  by 
the  State,  and  bearing  a  relation  to  the  Bavarian  con- 
cordat similar  to  that  of  the  Organic  Articles  to  the 
Concordat  of  1801 ,  gave  rise  to  much  dispute.  In  1871 
the  Liberals  tried  in  vain  to  have  this  concordat  i» 


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jected.  (4)  The  Concordat  with  Sardinia  in  1817,  be- 
tween Pope  Pius  VII  and  King  Victor  Emmanuel  I. 
It  reduced  the  number  of  bishoprics  to  three  (Turin, 
Genoa,  Vercelli),  and  contained  regulations  concerning 
the  establishment  of  seminaries  and  chapters,  etc.  (5) 
The  Concordat  with  Prussia  in  1821 ,  concluded  with  the 
Holy  See  through  Prince  von  Hardenberg,  the  chan- 
cellor. King  Frederick  William  III  on  23  August, 
1821,  recognized  it  as  a  law  binding  on  Prussian  Catho- 
lics. It  contains  the  circumscription  of  the  arch- 
bishoprics and  bishoprics,  and  regulations  concerning 
the  erection  of  dioceses  and  chapters,  the  qualities  of 
candidates,  the  taxation  of  episcopal  and  archiepis- 
copal  churches  by  the  Apostolic  Camera,  etc. 

(6)  The  Concordat  of  the  Upper  Rhine  Provinces  in 
1821,  consisting  of  a  papal  Bull  issued  by  Pius  VII  and 
accepted  by  the  King  of  Wurtemberg,  the  Grand 
Duke  of  Baden,  the  Elector  of  Hesse,  the  Grand  Duke 
of  Hesse,  the  Duke  of  Nassau,  the  free  city  of  Frank- 
fort, the  Grand  Duke  of  Mainz,  the  Dukes  of  Saxony 
and  Oldenburg,  the  Prince  of  Waldeck,  and  the  Hanse- 
atic  cities,  Bremen  and  Lubeck.  By  this  concordat  the 
bishoprics  were  divided  among  the  provinces  as  follows: 
Freiburg  im  Breisgau,  the  metropolis,  was  the  see  for 
Baden ;  Kottenburg  for  Wurtemberg;  Mainz  for  Hesse- 
Darmstadt;  Fulda  for  Kurhesse  and  Saxe- Weimar; 
Limburg  for  Nassau;  and  Frankfort.  (7)  The  Con- 
cordat with  Belgium  in  1827.  It  extended  the  pro- 
visions of  the  Concordat  of  1801  (q.  v.)  to  Belgium. 
(8)  The  Concordat  with  the  Upper  Rhine  Provinces  in 
1827  between  Leo  XII  and  the  above-mentioned  prov- 
inces. It  contained  agreements  on  the  election  of 
bishops,  the  processus  mformativus,  the  holding  of  a 
second  election  when  the  first  had  not  been  canonical 
or  the  person  elected  had  not  the  necessary  qualities, 
the  institution  of  chapters,  the  establishment  of 
seminaries,  etc.  (9)  The  Concordat  of  Hanover, 
agreed  upon  between  Pius  VII  and  George  IV,  King 
of  England  and  of  Hanover,  but  published  26  August, 
1824,  hy  Leo  XII  in  the  Bull  "Impensa  Romanorum 
Pontificum  sollicitudo".  It  contained  decisions  con- 
cerning the  erection  and  support  of  the  bishopric  and 
chapter  of  Hildesheim,  and  the  suspension  of  the  state 
support  of  the  Bishopric  of  Osnabruck.  Both  of  these 
dioceses  were  placed  directly  under  the  Holy  See;  the 
concordat  dealt  also  with  the  election  and  consecra- 
tion of  the  bishop,  the  processus  informativus,  the  in- 
stitution of  the  cathedral  chapter,  and  taxation  by  the 
Apostolic  Camera. 

(10)  The  Concordat  of  Oldenburg,  arranged  5  Janu- 
ary, 1830,  between  the  Prince-Bishop  of  Ermeland  as 
executor  of  the  papal  Bull  "De  salute  animarum"  and 
von  Brandenstein,  the  Minister  of  State.  It  dealt 
with  the  distribution  of  parishes,  the  founding  of  cer- 
tain canonries  by  the  grand  duke,  and  the  establish- 
ment of  a  special  ecclesiastical  court  in  the  Diocese  of 
Mdnster.  (11)  A  concordat  with  Austria,  concluded 
18  August,  1855,  by  Cardinal  Viale  Prela  and  the 
Prince-Bishop  Joseph  Othmar  von  Rauscher.  It  was 
ratified  by  the  emperor  25  September  and  by  the  pope 
3  November,  but  in  1870  was  rejected  by  the  Gov- 
ernment. (12)  A  concordat  with  Austria,  8  July, 
1881,  concerning  the  establishment  of  the  hierarchy  in 
Bosnia-Herzegovina.  (13)  A  concordat  with  Russia, 
concluded  3  August,  1847,  published  by  Pius  IX  on  3 
July,  1848.  It  was  concerned  with  the  dioceses  of 
Russia  and  Poland  and  the  episcopal  rights.  (14)  A  con- 
cordat with  Spain,  16  March,  1851 ,  on  the  support  of  the 
Catholic  religion,  protection  of  episcopal  rights,  circum- 
scription of  dioceses,  abolishment  of  exempt  dioceses, 
constitution  of  chapters,  establishment  of  seminaries, 
the  right  of  the  monarch  to  appoint  to  ecclesiastical 
offices,  and  the  right  of  the  Church  to  acquire  property. 
(15)  A  concordat  with  Spain,  25  November,  1859,  sup- 
plementary to  the  Concordat  of  1851.  (16)  Concor- 
dat with  Switzerland,  26  March,  1828.  The  episcopal  see 
was  transferred  from  Basle  to  Soleure.  (17)  Concordat 


with  Switzerland,  7  November,  1845,  relative  to  the 
Diocese  of  St.  Gall.  (18)  Concordat  with  the  Two 
Sicilies,  1834,  between  Pope  Gregory  XVI  and  King 
Ferdinand  II,  on  the  personal  immunity  of  clerics. 
(19)  Concordat  with  Sardinia  1841,  also  on  the  im- 
munity of  clerics.  (20)  Concordat  with  Tuscany, 
1851,  on  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction  and  the  administra- 
tion of  church  property. 

(21)  Concordat  with  San  Salvador,  22  April,  1862. 
Among  other  provisions,  the  Catholic  religion  was  de- 
clared the  State  religion,  but  other  cults  permitted; 
education  was  placed  under  the  supervision  of  the  bish- 
ops ;  the  censorship  of  books  by  the  bishop  was  recog- 
nized and  upheld  by  the  State;  unrestricted  communi- 
cation with  the  pope  was  guaranteed  to  clergy  and  laity; 
tithes  were  abolished,  the  expenses  of  worship  to  be 
defrayed  by  the  State;  the  president  was  given  the 
right  of  patronage  and  of  nominating  to  all  bishoprics, 
and  of  appointing  to  six  canonries ;  new  dioceses  should 
be  erected  by  the  pope  and  new  parishes  by  the  bish- 
op. The  bishop  might  introduce  religious  orders  and 
communities;  the  vicar  capitular  should  be  chosen  by 
the  chapter  according  to  the  provisions  of  the  Council 
of  Trent :  the  ecclesiastical  courts  were  recognized  only 
for  purely  spiritual  matters,  temporal  matters  to  be 
subject  to  the  civil  jurisdiction;  the  right  to  acquire 
and  possess  property  was  guaranteed  to  the  Church; 
the  confiscation  of  church  property  and  the  arbitrary 
union  or  suppression  of  benefices  by  the  State  was  for- 
bidden ;  the  right  to  tax  church  property  was  ceded  to 
the  State ;  the  prayer  for  the  republic  was  granted,  also 
the  so-called  privilegia  castrensia.  In  matters  not 
mentioned  in  the  concordat  the  ordinary  discipline  of 
the  Church  should  be  observed.  (22)  The  concordat 
with  Guatemala,  7  Oct.,  1852,  that  with  Honduras,  22 
April,  1862,  that  with  Nicaragua,  2  November,  1861, 
were  similar  to  the  concordat  with  San  Salvador.  (23) 
Concordat  with  Venezuela,  26  July,  1862.  (24)  Con- 
cordat with  Ecuador,  29  May,  1851,  similar  to  the 
-  Concordat  with  San  Salvador.  (25)  Concordat  with 
Hayti  and  the  West  Indies,  28  March,  1860.  (26) 
Concordat  with  Colombia,  1887. 

Renard  In  Diet,  de  thiol,  catholique,  t.  v.;  HebobnbOthbs 
in  Kirchenlex.,  s.  v. — For  concordats  with  Spain:  HiMIN* 
roth  e  R,  Spanien*  Verhandlvngen  mil  dtm  rOmiechen  Stuhle  in 
Archiv  f.  kalholuchrn  Kirchenrecht,  X. — For  concordats  with 
Central  America:  Sentts,  Die  Concordats  dee  romuchen  SUM** 
mil  den  Republiken  Cenlralamerika*  in  Archiv  f.  kalholixchen 
Kirchenrecht,  XII,  225;  Nubsi,  Quinquaginta  Convenlione*  d* 
Rebus  EcdetioMlicu  inter  S.  Sedem  et  Civilem  Potettalem  varii* 
lormi*  inita  (Rome,  1869):  loEM.Conventione*  .  .  .  mita 
tub  Pontificate   .   .   .    Leoni*  PP.  XIII  (Rome,  1893). 

Leo  A.  Kelly. 

Concordat  of  1801,  The  French. — This  name  is 
given  to  the  convention  of  the  26th  Messidor,  year  IX 
(July  16,  1802),  whereby  Pope  Pius  VII  and  Bona- 

garte,  First  Consul,  re-established  the  Catholic 
hurch  in  France.  Bonaparte  understood  that  the 
restoration  of  religious  peace  was  above  all  thing* 
necessary  for  the  peace  of  the  country.  The  hostility 
of  the  Vendeans  to  the  new  state  of  affairs  which  re- 
sulted from  the  Revolution  was  due  chiefly  to  the  fact 
that  their  Catholic  consciences  were  outraged  by  the 
Revolutionary  laws.  Of  the  136  sees  of  ancient 
France  a  certain  number  had  lost  their  titulars  by 
death ;  the  titulars  of  many  others  had  been  forced  to 
emigrate.  In  Paris  the  Cathedral  of  Notre-Dame  and 
the  church  of  St-Sulpice  were  in  the  possession  of 
"constitutional"  clergy;  Royer,  a  "constitutional" 
bishop,  had  taken  the  place  of  Mgr.  de  Juign6,  the  law- 
ful Archbishop  of  Paris,  an  emigre;  even  in  the  churches 
which  the  Catholics  had  recovered,  the  rites  of  the 
"Theophilanthropists"  and  thoseofthe  "Decadi"(see 
Theophilanthropism,  Decadi)  were  also  celebrated. 
The  nation  suffered  from  this  religious  anarchy,  and 
the  wishes  of  the  people  coincided  with  Bonaparte's 
projected  policy  to  restore  the  Catholic  Church  and 
Catholic  worship  to  their  normal  condition  in  France. 
L  The  First  Advances. — On  the  25th  of  June, 


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CONCORDAT 


1800,  Bonaparte,  after  bis  victory  at  Marengo,  passed 
through  Vercelli,  where  he  paid  a  visit  to  Cardinal 
Martiniana,  bishop  of  that  city.  He  asked  that  prel- 
ate to  go  to  Rome  and  inform  Pius  VII  that  Bona- 
parte wished  to  make  him  a  present  of  thirty  million 
French  Catholics ;  that  the  first  consul  desired  to  reor- 
ganize the  French  dioceses,  while  lessening  their  num- 
ber; that  the  emigrf  bishops  should  be  induced  to  re- 
sign their  sees;  that  France  should  have  a  new  clergy 
untrammelled  by  past  political  conditions;  that  the 
pope's  spiritual  jurisdiction  in  France  should  be  re- 
stored. Martiniana  faithfully  reported  these  words 
to  Pius  VII.  It  was  only  a  few  months  before  that 
Pius  VI  had  died  at  Valence,  a  prisoner  of  revolution- 
ary France.  Pius  VII,  when  elected  at  Venice,  had 
announced  his  accession  to  the  legitimate  government 
of  Louis  XVIII,  not  to  that  of  the  Republic;  and  now 
Bonaparte,  the  representative  of  this  de  facto  govern- 
ment, was  making  overtures  of  peace  to  the  Holy  See 
on  the  very  morrow  of  his  great  victory.  His  action 
naturally  caused  the  greatest  surprise  at  Rome.  The 
difficulties  in  the  way,  however,  were  very  serious. 
They  arose,  chiefly  (1)  from  the  susceptibilities  of  the 
imigri  bishops,  from  the  future  Louis  XVIII,  and  from 
Cardinal  Maury,  who  was  suspicious  of  any  attempt 
at  reconciliation  between  the  Roman  Church  and  the 
new  France;  (2)  from  the  susceptibilities  of  the  former 
revolutionaries,  now  the  courtiers  of  Napoleon,  but 
still  imbued  with  the  irreligious  philosophy  of  the 
eighteenth  century.  The  distinctive  mark  of  the  ne- 
gotiations, taken  as  a  whole,  is  the  fact  that  the 
French  bishops,  whether  still  abroad  or  returned  to 
their  own  country,  had  no  heart  whatever  in  them. 
The  concordat  as  finally  arranged  practically  ignored 
their  existence. 

II.  The  Three  Phases  or  the  Negotiations. — 
First  Phase  (S  November,  1800—10  March,  1801). 
Spina,  titular  Archbishop  of  Corinth,  accompanied  by 
Caselli,  General  of  the  Servites,  arrived  in  Paris,  on 
6  November,  1800.  Bernier,  who  had  been  parish 
priest  of  Saint-Laud,  at  Angers,  and  famous  for  the 
part  he  had  played  in  the  wars  of  La  Vendee,  was  in- 
structed by  Bonaparte  to  confer  with  Spina.  Four 
proposals  for  a  concordat  were  submitted  in  turn  to 
the  pope's  representative,  who  felt  that  he  had  no 
right  to  sign  them  without  referring  them  to  the  Holy 
See.  Finally,  after  numerous  delays,  for  which  Tal- 
leyrand was  responsible,  a  fifth  proposal,  written  by 
Napoleon  himself,  was  brought  to  Rome,  on  10  March, 
by  the  courier  Palmoni. 

Second  Phage  (10  March,  1801—6  June,  1801). 
Cacault,  member  of  the  Corps  Legislatif,  appointed  as 
minister  plenipotentiary  to  the  Holy  See,  reached 
Rome  on  8  April,  1801.  He  had  received  instructions 
from  Napoleon  to  treat  the  pope  as  if  he  had  200,000 
men.  He  was  a  good  Christian,  and  anxious  to  bring 
the  work  of  the  concordat  to  a  successful  issue. 
What  Bonaparte  wished,  however,  was  the  immediate 
acceptance  by  Rome  of  his  plan  of  the  concordat;  on 
the  other  hand,  the  cardinals-  to  whom  Pius  VII  had 
submitted  it  took  two  months  to  study  it.  On  12 
May,  1801,  the  very  day  on  which  Napoleon,  at  Mal- 
maison,  was  complaining  to  Spina  of  the  slowness  of 
the  Holy  See,  the  cardinals  to  whom  the  proposed 
concordat  had  been  submitted  sent  yet  another  pro- 
posal to  Paris.  But,  before  this  last  proposal  nad 
reached  its  destination,  Cacault  received  an  ultima- 
tum from  Talleyrand,  to  the  effect  that  he  must  leave 
Rome  if,  after  an  interval  of  five  days,  the  concordat 
proposed  by  Bonaparte  had  not  been  signed  by  Pius 
VII.  All  might,  even  then,  have  been  broken  off, 
had  the  situation  not  been  saved  by  Cacault.  He 
left  Rome,  leaving  his  secretary  Artaud  there,  but 
suggested  to  the  Holy  See  the  idea  of  sending  Consalvi 
himself,  Secretary  of  State  to  Pius  VII,  to  treat  with 
Bonaparte.  On  6  June,  1801,  Artaud  and  Consalvi 
left  Rome  in  the  same  carriage. 


Third  Phase  (6  June,  1801— IS  July,  1801).  Con- 
salvi, after  an  audience  with  Bonaparte,  discussed  the 
various  points  of  the  proposed  concordat  with  Ber- 
nier, and  on  12  July  they  had  reached  an  agreement. 
Bonaparte  thereupon  instructed  his  brother  Joseph, 
Cretet,  councillor  of  state,  and  Bernier  to  sign  the 
concordat  with  Consalvi,  Spina,  and  Caselli.  During 
the  day  of  the  13th,  Bernier  sent  Consalvi  a  minute, 
adding:  "Here  is  what  they  will  propose  to  you  at 
first;  read  it  well,  examine  everything,  despair  of 
nothing."  Between  this  minute  and  the  proposal 
concerning  which  Consalvi  and  Bernier  had  come  to 
the  agreement  of  the  day  before,  there  were  certain 
remarkable  differences  with  regard  to  the  publicity  of 
worship;  a  clause  relative  to  married  priests,  ana  al- 
ways rejected  by  Consalvi,  was  inserted;  the  clauses 
relating  to  seminaries,  to  chapters,  and  that  of  the  pro- 
fession of  the  Catholic  Faith  by  the  consuls,  to  which 
the  Holy  See  attached  great  importance  were  sup- 
pressed. Consalvi  received  the  impression — he  ex- 
presses it  in  his  "Memoirs",  written  in  1812 — that  the 
French  Government  intended  to  deceive  him  by  sub- 
stituting a  fresh  text  for  the  text  he  had  accepted ;  and 
d'Haussonville,  in  his  book,  "The  Roman  Church  and 
the  First  Empire",  has  formally  impugned  the  good 
faith  of  Bonaparte's  representatives.  Bernier's  afore- 
mentioned note  of  13  July,  recently  discovered  by 
Cardinal  Mathieu,  asking  Consalvi  to  "read"  and  "ex- 
amine" carefully,  proves  that  the  French  Govern- 
ment did  not  intend  any  deception;  nevertheless,  the 
presentation  of  this  new  draft  reopened  the  wholeques- 
tion.  Talleyrand  had  taken  the  initiative  in  this 
matter;  for  twenty  consecutive  hours  Bonaparte's 
three  plenipotentiaries  and  those  of  the  Holy  See  car- 
ried on  their  discussion.  The  plan  on  which  they 
finally  agreed  was  thrown  into  the  fire  by  Bonaparte, 
who  that  evening,  at  dinner,  gave  way  to  a  violent  fit 
of  anger  against  Consalvi.  Finally,  on  15  July,  a  confer- 
ence of  twelve  hours  ended  in  a  definite  agreement;  on 
the  16th  Bonaparte  approved  of  it.  Pius  VII,  on  his 
part,  after  consultation  with  the  cardinals,  sanctioned 
this  arrangement,  11  August;  on  10  September  the 
signatures  were  exchanged,  and  on  18  April,  1802, 
Bonaparte  caused  the  publication  of  the  concordat 
and  the  reconciliation  of  France  with  the  Church  to  be 
solemnly  celebrated  in  the  cathedral  of  Notre-Dame 
at  Paris. 

III.  The  Stipulations  or  the  Concordat. — The 
French  Government  by  the  concordat  recognised  the 
Catholic  religion  as  the  religion  of  the  great  majority 
of  Frenchmen.  The  phrase  was  no  longer  as  in  former 
times,  the  religion  of  the  State.  But  it  was  a  question 
of  a  personal  profession  of  Catholicism  on  the  part  of 
the  Consuls  of  the  Republic.  The  Holy  See  had  in- 
sisted on  this  mention,  and  it  was  only  on  this  condi- 
tion that  the  pope  agreed  to  grant  to  the  State  police 
power  in  the  matter  of  public  worship.  This  question 
bad  been  one  of  the  most  troublesome  that  arose  dur- 
ing the  eourse  of  the  deliberations.  In  the  matter  of 
these  police  powers  it  had  been  agreed  after  many 
difficulties  that  the  following  should  stand  as  Article  1 
of  the  concordat:  "The  Catholic,  Apostolic  and  Ro- 
man Religion  shall  be  freely  exercised  in  France.  Its 
worship  shall  be  public  while  conforming  to  such  police 
regulations  as  the  government  shall  consider  necessary 
to  public  tranquillity."  The  pope  agreed  to  a  fresh 
circumscription  of  the  French  dioceses.  When  this 
subsequently  took  place,  of  the  136  sees  only  60  were 
retained.  The  pope  promised  to  inform  the  actual 
titulars  of  the  dioceses  that  he  should  expect  from 
them  every  sacrifice,  even  that  of  their  sees. 

According  to  Articles  4  and  5  the  French  Govern- 
ment was  to  present  the  new  bishops,  but  the  pope 
was  to  give  them  canonical  institution.  (See  Pres- 
entation; Institution,  Canonical;  Nomination.) 
The  bishops  were  to  appoint  as  parish  priests  such 
persons  only  as  were  acceptable  to  the  Govern- 


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CONCORDIA, 


ment  (Art.  9) ;  the  latter,  in  turn,  stipulated  that  such 
churches  as  had  not  been  alienated,  and  were  neces- 
sary for  worship,  would  be  placed  "  at  the  disposition ' ' 
of  the  bishops  (Art.  12). 

The  Church  agreed  not  to  trouble  the  consciences 
of  those  citizens  who,  during  the  Revolution,  had 
become  possessed  of  ecclesiastical  property  (Art.  13); 
on  the  other  hand  the  Government  promised  the 
bishops  and  parish  priests  a  fitting  maintenance 
(sustentationem,  Art.  14). 

Such  were  the  principal  stipulations  of  the  concordat. 
Certain  of  its  articles  have  Deen  fully  discussed,  par- 
ticularly by  canonists  and  jurists,  notably  Articles  5, 
12,  and  14,  relating  to  the  nomination  of  bishops,  the 
use  of  churches,  and  the  maintenance  of  the  clergy. 
Moreover,  the  law  known  as  "The  Organic  Articles" 
(see  Articles,  The  Organic),  promulgated  in  April, 
1802,  and  always  upheld  by  later  French  governments 
in  spite  of  the  protest  of  the  pope,  made  immediately 
after  its  publication,  has  in  various  ways  infringed  on 
the  spirit  of  tile  concordat  and  given  rise  during  the 
nineteenth  century  to  frequent  disputes  between 
Church  and  State  in  France. 

IV.  Result  of  the  Concordat. — The  concordat, 
notwithstanding  the  addition  of  the  Organic  Articles, 
must  be  credited  with  having  restored  peace  to  the 
consciences  of  the  French  people  on  the  very  morrow 
of  the  Revolution.  To  it  also  was  due  the  reorganiza- 
tion of  Catholicism  in  France,  under  the  protection  of 
the  Holy  See.  It  was  also  of  great  moment  in  the 
history  of  the  Church.  _  Only  a  few  years  after  Joseph- 
inism  and  Febronianism  (q.  v.)  had  disputed  the 
pope's  rights  to  govern  the  Church,  the  Papacy 
and  the  Revolution,  in  the  persons  of  Pius  VII  and 
Napoleon,  came  to  an  understanding  which  gave 
France  a  new  episcopate  and  marked  the  final  defeat 
of  Gallicanism. 

V.  Fate  or  the  Concordat. — The  French  law  of 
9  December,  1905,  on  the  Separation  of  Church  and 
State,  against  which  Pius  X  protested  in  his  Allocu- 
tion of  11  December,  1905,  was  based  on  the  principle 
that  the  State  of  France  should  no  longer  recognize 
the  Catholic  Church,  but  only  distinct  associations 
cultuelles,  i.  e.  associations  formed  in  each  parish  for 
the  purpose  of  worship  "  in  accordance  with  the  rules 
governing  the  organization  of  worship  in  general". 
In  case  of  the  non-formation  of  such  associations 
destined  to  take  over  the  property,  real  and  personal, 
of  the  churches  or  fabriques  (see  Buildings,  Eccles- 
iastical; Fabrica  Ecclesi-e),  this  property  was  to 
be  forever  lost  to  the  Church  and  to  be  turned  over 
by  decree  to  the  charitable  establishments  of  the 
respective  communes.  By  the  Encyclical  "Gravis- 
simo  Officii",  of  10  August,  1900,  the  pope  forbade 
the  formation  of  these  associations  'cultuelles  or 
associations  for  worship.  Rome  feared  that  they 
would  furnish  the  State  with  a  pretext  for  interfering 
with  the  internal  life  of  the  Church,  and  would  offer 
to  the  laity  a  constant  temptation  to  control  the 
religious  life  of  the  pariah.  Thereupon,  the  State 
applied  strictly  the  aforementioned  law,  considered 
the  fabriques,  i.  e.  the  hitherto  legally-recognized 
churches,  as  no  longer  existing,  and,  in  the  absence  of 
associations  culiuelles  to  take  up  their  inheritance, 
gave  over  all  their  property  to  charitable  establish- 
ments (itablissements  de  hienfaisance).  Exception 
was  made  for  the  church  edifices  actually  used  for 
worship;  at  the  same  time  nothing  was  done  concern- 
ing the  numberless  legal  questions  that  arise  apropos 
of  these  edifices,  e.  g.  right  of  ownership,  right  of  use, 
repairs,  etc.  At  the  present  writing,  therefore  (ena 
of  1908),  the  Church  of  France,  stripped  of  all  her 
property,  is  barely  tolerated  in  her  religious  edifices, 
and  has  only  a  precarious  enjoyment  of  them.  On 
the  other  hand,  since  ecclesiastical  authority  has  for- 
bidden the  only  kind  of  corporations  (associations 
cultuelles)  which  the  State  recognizes  as  authorized  to 


collect  funds  for  purposes  of  worship,  the  Church 
has  no  means  of  putting;  together  in  a  legal  and  regular 
way  such  funds  or  capital  as  may  be  required  for  the 
ordinary  needs  of  public  worship.  Thus  the  churches 
of  France  live  from  day  to  day ;  neither  the  parish  nor 
the  diocese  can  own  any  fund,  however  small,  which 
the  parish  priest  or  the  bishop  is  free  to  hand  down  to 
his  successors;  all  this  because  the  State  stubbornly 
insists  that  only  the  above-described  associations 
cultuelles  (which  it  knows  are  impossible  for  French 
Catholics)  shall  be  clothed  with  the  right  of  owner- 
ship for  purposes  of  worship.  Though  the  present 
condition  is  necessarily  a  transitory  one.  it  appears, 
unfortunately,  to  offer  one  permanent  element,  i.  e. 
the  certain  loss  of  all  the  property  once  belonging  to 
the  fabriques.  The  worst  enemies  of  the  French  clergy 
must  admit  that,  in  order  to  safeguard  its  principles, 
the  Church  which  they  accuse  of  avarice  has  sacrificed 
without  hesitation  all  its  temporal  goods.  (See  Con- 
cordat; France;  Consalvi,  Ercole;  Pius  VII; 
Napoleon  Bonaparte.) 

Seche,  Lee originesdu  Concordat  (2  vols.,  Paris,  1894);  Sicard, 
L'Ancien  dcrpi  de  France  (Paris,  1903),  III;  Gotau,  Let  ori- 
gines  populairee  du  Concordat  in  Autour  du  Catholicisms  social 
(Paris,  1006);  Lanzac  Laborie,  Paris  sous  Napoleon  (Paris.1905 
and  1907);  Boo  lay  de  la  Mkukthe,  Document*  eur  la  negoeio- 
tion  du  Concordat  (Paris,  1891-97);  Mathiec,  he  Concordat  de 
1801  (Paris,  1908);  Rinieri,  La  diplomatic  pontificate  au  XIX' 
Hide;  Le  Concordat  entre  Pie  VII  et  le  Premier  Consul,  tr.  into 
Fr.  by  Verdier  (Paris,  1903). — The  last  two  works  have  really 
given  an  entirely  new  version  of  the  history  of  the  third  phase 
of  the  negotiations,  thanks  to  the  fresh  documents  unknown  to 
former  historians,  d'Hausbonville.  Cretineau-Jolt,  and 
Theiner. — Ollivier,  Nouveau  manuel  de  droit  eccUeiaetique 
francais  (Paris,  1886);  Crouzil,  Le  Concordat  de  1801  (Paris, 

1904)  ;    Baddrillart,  Quatre  cente  am  de  Concordat  (Paris, 

1905)  ;  de  Brogue,  Le  Concordat  (Paris.  1893);  Perracd,  La 
discretion  concordataire  (Paris,  1892);  Sevestre,  Le  Concordat 
(2d  ed.,  Paris,  1906),  the  best  documentary  work. — D'Hacsbon- 
ville,  Apree  la  separation  (Paris,  1906):  Gabriel  Acbrat, 
La  solution  liberatnce  (Paris,  1906);  Jenottvrieh,  Expos*  de  la 
situation  legale  de  Viglise  en  France  (Paris,  1906);  Lakabzblle 
et  Tacdiere,  Commentaire  delaloidu9  Dtcembre,  1905  (Paris. 

1906)  ;  see  also  Hooan,  Church  and  Stale  in  France  in  Am.  Cath. 
Quart.  Rev.  (1892),  333  sqq.j  Parsons,  The  Third  French  Re- 
public as  a  Persecutor  of  the  Church,  tfctd.(1899),  1  sqq. ;  Bodlet, 
The  Church  in  France  (London,  1906). 

Georges  Gotau. 

Concordia  (Concordia  Veneta,  or  Julia),  Dio- 
cese of  (Concordiensis),  suffragan  of  Venice.  Con- 
cordia is  an  ancient  Venetian  city,  called  by  the 
Romans  Colonia  Concordia,  and  is  situated  between 
the  Rivers  Tagliamento  and  Livenza,  not  far  from 
the  Adriatic.  To-day  there  remain  of  the  city  only 
ruins  and  the  ancient  cathedral.  During  the  fifth 
century  the  city  was  destroyed  by  Attila  and  again 
in  606  by  the  Lombards,  after  which  it  was  never 
rebuilt.  The  eighty-nine  martyrs  of  Concordia,  who 
were  put  to  death  under  Diocletian,  are  held  in  great 
veneration.  Its  first  known  bishop  is  Clarissimus, 
who,  at  a  provincial  synod  of  Aquileia  in  579,  helped  to 
prolong  the  Schism  of  the  Three  Chapters;  this  coun- 
cil was  attended  by  Augustinus,  later  Bishop  of  Con- 
cordia, who  in  590  signed  the  petition  presented  by  the 
schismatics  to  Emperor  Mauricius.  Bishop  Johannes 
transferred  the  episcopal  residence  to  Caorle  (606), 
retaining,  however,  the  title  of  Concordia.  The  me- 
dieval bishops  seem  to  have  resided  near  the  ancient 
cathedral,  and  to  have  wielded  temporal  power, 
which,  however,  they  were  unable  to  retain.  In  1587, 
during  the  episcopate  of  Matteo  Sanudo,  the  episcopal 
residence  was  definitely  transferred  to  Portogruaro. 
The  diocese  has  a  population  of  258,315,  with  129 
parishes,  231  churches  and  chapels,  264  secular  and  2 
regular  priests,  9  religious  houses  of  women,  and  a 
Collegio  di  Pio  X  for  African  missions. 

Cappelletti,  Le  chiese  a" Italia  (Venice,  1844),  X,  417-75; 
Ann.  ecd.  (Rome.  1907),  418-23;  Decani,  La  THoceex  dt  Con- 
cordia, notiiie  e  docummti  (San  Vito,  1880);  Zahbaldi.  Monu- 
ment* storici  di  Concordia  (San  Vito,  1840). 

U.  Benigni. 

Concordia,  Diocese  of  (Concordiensis  in  Ameri- 
ca), erected  2  August.  1887,  is  situated  in  the  north- 


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CONCUBINAGE 


western  part  of  Kansas,  U.  S.  A.  It  is  bounded  on  the 
west  by  Colorado;  on  the  north,  by  Nebraska;  east, 
by  the  east  lines  of  Washington,  Riley,  Geary,  Dick- 
inson; on  the  south,  by  the  south  lines  of  Dickinson, 
Saline,  Ellsworth,  Russell,  Ellis,  Trego,  Gove,  Logan, 
and  Wallace  Counties.    Area,  26,685  sq.  m. 

In  1886  the  Diocese  of  Leavenworth,  Kansas,  was 
divided  into  three  new  sees,  Leavenworth,  Wichita, 
and  Concordia.  On  9  August,  1887,  the  Rev.  Richard 
Scannell  of  Nashville,  Tennessee,  was  nominated  first 
Bishop  of  Concordia;  and  governed  the  see  until  30 
January,  1891,  when  he  was  transferred  ta  Omaha. 
The  Bishop  of  Wichita,  Kansas,  then  became  admin- 
istrator of  Concordia,  and  it  was  not  until  1897  that 
a  bishop  was  again  appointed  in  the  person  of  the 
Rev.  T.  J.  Butler  of  Chicago,  who  died  in  Rome,  how- 
ever, 17  July,  1897,  before  receiving  episcopal  conse- 
cration. On  21  September,  1898,  the  Very  Rev.  John 
F.  Cunningham,  Vicar-General  of  the  Diocese  of 
Leavenworth,  was  consecrated  in  that  city,  Bishop 
of  Concordia.  Born  in  1842,  in  the  County  Kerry, 
Ireland,  he  made  his  studies  at  St.  Benedict's  College, 
Atchison,  Kansas,  and  at  St.  Francis'  Seminary, 
Milwaukee,  Wisconsin,  and  was  ordained  priest  at 
Leavenworth,  8  August,  1865.  After  his  consecration 
he  devoted  himself  to  the  multiplication  of  schools 
and  institutions  of  learning  and  charity.  The  cathe- 
dral of  Concordia,  a  stone  structure  of  Gothic  archi- 
tecture, dedicated  in  1902,  took  the  place  of  a  modest 
little  church  erected  by  the  Rev.  Louis Mollier  in  1874. 

In  1884  a  boarding-school  for  young  ladies  under 
the  supervision  of  the  Sisters  of  St.  Joseph  was  estab- 
lished near  the  cathedral.  It  has  since  moved  to  the 
imposing  edifice  known  as  the  Nazareth  Academy. 
It  is  the  mother-house  and  novitiate  of  these  sisters, 
who  have  branch  houses,  missions,  and  schools  in 
Kansas,  Illinois,  Nebraska,  Michigan,  and  Missouri. 
The  old  academy  has  been  turned  into  a  hospital. 
The  Capuchin  Fathers,  who  settled  early  in  the  west- 
ern part  of  the  diocese  in  and  about  Victoria,  have 
built  many  churches  and  schools  and  have  monas- 
teries at  Hays  City,  Munjor,  and  Victoria.  .They 
have  also  worked  efficiently  among  the  Russian  immi- 
grants of  that  portion  of  the  diocese,  aided  by  the 
Sisters  of  St.  Agnes. 

From  1898  to  1907  45  churches  and  20  schools  were 
built,  exclusive  of  the  opening  of  many  new  missions 
and  stations.  There  are  51  secular  and  15  religious 
priests,  attending  91  churches,  30  stations,  and  4 
chapels.  The  children  in  the  parochial  schools  num- 
ber about  2482.  Two  academies,  at  Concordia  and 
Abilene,  have  about  135  pupils. '  The  Catholic  popu- 
lation of  the  diocese  is  26,125. 

A  T.  Ennis. 

Ooncubinage,  at  the  present  day,  the  state,  more 
or  less  permanent,  of  a  man  and  woman  living  to- 
gether in  illicit  intercourse.  In  its  strict  sense  it  is 
used  of  those  unions  only  in  which  the  man  and  the 
woman  are  free  from  any  obligation  arising  from  a 
vow,  the  state  of  matrimony  or  Holy  orders,  or  the 
fact  of  relationship  or  affinity;  it  is  immaterial 
whether  the  parties  dwell  together  or  not,  the  repeti- 
tion or  continuance  of  illicit  relations  between  the 
same  persons  being  the  essential  element.  However, 
the  meaning  conveyed  by  the  term  has  not  always 
been  the  same;  in  the  Old  Testament,  for  instance,  a 
legitimate  spouse,  if  of  an  inferior  social  grade,  or  a 
bondwoman,  is  often  given  the  appellation  of  concu- 
bine, not  to  call  in  question  the  validity  of  her  mar- 
riage, but  to  indicate  that  she  did  not  share  in  her  hus- 
band's rank  or  property  nor  in  the  administration  of 
the  household  to  the  same  extent  as  the  principal 
wife.  From  Genesis,  xxi,  9-14,  we  see  that  her  dis- 
missal and  that  of  her  children  was  permissible.  But 
in  those  Scriptural  times,  when  polygamy  was  per- 
mitted or  at  least  tolerated,  such  a  concubine  was  not 


the  only  marriage  partner.  Thus  Lia  and  Rachel,  the 
first  two  spouses  of  Jacob,  had  the  full  social  standing 
*f  wives,  while  Bala  and  Zelpha,  both  bondwomen, 
were  his  concubines,  married  for  the  purpose  of  bear- 
ing children  for  Rachel  and  Lia  (Gen.,  xxx,  3,  9,  13). 
Here,  therefore,  the  main  difference  between  the  state 
of  legitimate  marriage  properly  so  called  and  that  of 
legitimate  concubinage  is  to  be  found  in  the  disparity 
of  rank  which  characterized  the  latter. 

The  meaning  of  the  term  in  Roman  law,  and  conse- 
quently in  early  ecclesiastical  records  and  writings, 
was  much  the  same;  a  concubine  was  a  quasi-wue, 
recognized  by  law  if  there  was  no  legal  wife.  She  was 
usually  of  a  lower  social  grade  than  her  husband,  and 
her  children,  though  not  considered  the  equals  of 
those  of  the  legal  wife  (uxor)  were  nevertheless  termed 
natural  (nalurales)  to  distinguish  them  from  spurious 
offsprings  (spurn).  For  this  legitimate  concubinage 
the  Roman  law  did  not  require  the  intention  of  the 
two  parties  to  remain  together  until  death  as  man  and 
wife;  the  Lex  Julia  and  the  Papia  Poppcca  allowing 
both  temporary  and  permanent  concubinage.  The 
former  was  always  condemned  as  immoral  by  the 
Church,  who  excluded  from  the  ranks  of  her  catechu- 
mens all  who  adopted  this  mode  of  living,  unless  they 
abandoned  their  illicit  temporal,  or  converted  it  into 
lawful  permanent,  wedlock.  Permanent  concubinage, 
though  it  lacked  the  ordinary  legal  forms  and  was  not 
recognized  by  the  civil  law  as  a  legal  marriage,  had  in 
it  no  element  of  immorality.  It  was  a  real  marriage, 
including  the  intention  and  consent  of  both  parties  to 
form  a  lifelong  union.  This  the  Church  allowed  from 
the  beginning,  while  Pope  Callistus  I  broke  through 
the  barrier  of  state  law,  and  raised  to  the  dignity  of 
Christian  marriage  permanent  unions  between  slave 
and  free,  and  even  those  between  slave  and  slave 
(contubefnium). 

The  Council  of  Toledo,  held  in  400,  in  its  seventeenth 
canon  legislates  as  follows  for  laymen  (for  ecclesi- 
astical regulations  on  this  head  with  regard  to  clerics 
see  Celibacy):  after  pronouncing  sentence  of  excom- 
munication against  any  who  in  addition  to  a  wife 
keep  a  concubine,  it  says:  "But  if  a  man  has  no  wife, 
but  a  concubine  instead  of  a  wife,  let  him  not  be  re- 
fused communion;  only  let  him  be  content  to  be 
united  with  one  woman,  whether  wife  or  concubine" 
(Can.  "Is  qui",  dist.  xxxiv;  Mansi,  III,  col.  1001). 
The  refractory  are  to  be  excommunicated  until  such 
time  as  they  shall  obey  and  do  penance. 

With  the  destruction  of  the  Roman  Empire  and  the 
consequent  decline  of  knowledge  of  the  Roman  law, 
its  institution  of  legitimate  concubinage  fell  into  dis- 
use, and  concubinage  came  more  and  more  to  have 
only  the  modern  significance,  that  of  a  permanent 
illicit  union,  and  as  such  was  variously  proceeded 
against  by  the  Church.  The  clandestine  marriages 
which  gradually  came  to  be  tolerated  in  the  Middle 
Ages,  as  they  lacked  the  formality  of  a  public  sanction 
by  the  Church,  can  be  considered  as  a  species  of  legiti- 
mate concubinage.  The  Council  of  Trent  (1545- 
1563),  Sees.  XXrV,  chap,  i,  not  only  renewed  the  old 
ecclesiastical  penalties  against  concubinage,  but  added 
fresh  ones,  also  forbade  and  rendered  null  and  void  all 
clandestine  unions,  thus  forever  doing  away  with  even 
the  appearance  of  legitimate  concubinage.  From 
that  tune  the  modern  invidious  idea  of  the  term  alone 
obtains.  The  decrees  of  Trent,  however,  were  in  force 
only  in  countries  strictly  Catholic;  the  new  marriage 
law  (Ne  temere)  of  Pius  X  (1908)  extends  the  prohibi- 
tion against  clandestine  marriages  to  Catholics  the 
world  over. 

Noldin,  Summa  theologim  moralin:  it  mxlo  (8th  ed.,  Inn»- 
bnick,  1908);  Diet,  it  droit  canonique,  s  v.  Caneubmm 
(Paris,  1901);  Canonet  et  Dtoteta  Cancan  Tndmtmx.  ed. 
jchter  (Leipzig,  1853);  Wakdinojb  In  KirdMnUz. .3nd_ sd, 
eiburg,  1891);  Dolhaoarat  in  Diet,  dt  thtoL  eath.  (Part*. 


H.  A  Gatkob 


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CONCUPISCENCE 


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OONOUKSUS 


Concupiscence  in  its  widest  acceptation  is  any- 
yearning  of  the  soul  for  good ;  in  its  strict  and  specific 
acceptation,  a  desire  of  the  lower  appetite  contrary  to 
reason.  To  understand  how  the  sensuous  and  the 
rational  appetite  can  be  opposed,  it  should  be  borne  in 
mind  that  their  natural  objects  are  altogether  differ- 
ent. The  object  of  the  former  is  the  gratification  of 
the  senses ;  the  object  of  the  latter  is  the  good  of  the 
entire  human  nature  and  consists  in  the  subordina- 
tion of  the  lower  to  the  rational  faculties,  and  again 
in  the  subordination  of  reason  to  God,  its  supreme 
good  and  ultimate  end.  But  the  lower  appetite  is 
of-  itself  unrestrained,  so  as  to  pursue  sensuous  grati- 
fications independently  of  the  understanding  and 
without  regard  to  the  good  of  the  higher  faculties. 
Hence  desires  contrary  to  the  real  good  and  order  of 
reason  may,  and  often  do,  rise  in  it,  previous  to  the 
attention  of  the  mind,  and  once  risen,  dispose  the 
bodily  organs  to  their  pursuit  and  solicit  the  will  to 
consent,  while  they  more  or  less  hinder  reason  from 
considering  their  lawfulness  or  unlawfulness.  This  is 
concupiscence  in  its  strict  and  specific  sense.  As 
long,  however,  as  deliberation  is  not  completely  im- 
peded, the  rational  will  is  able  to  resist  such  desires 
and  withhold  consent,  though  it  be  not  capable  of 
crushing  the  effects  they  produce  in  the  body,  and 
though  its  freedom  and  dominion  be  to  some  extent 
diminished.  If,  in  fact,  the  will  resists,  a  struggle 
ensues,  the  sensuous  appetite  rebelliously  demanding 
its  gratification,  reason,  on  the  contrary,  clinging  to 
its  own  spiritual  interests  and  asserting  its  control. 
"The  flesn  lusteth  against  the  spirit,  and  the  spirit 
against  the  flesh." 

From  the  explanation  given,  it  is  plain  that  the  op- 
position between  appetite  and  reason  is  natural  in 
man,  and  that,  though  it  be  an  imperfection,  it  is 
not  a  corruption  of  human  nature.  Nor  have  the  in- 
ordinate desires  (actual  concupiscence)  or  the  prone- 
ness  to  them  (habitual  concupiscence)  the  nature  of 
sin ;  for  sin,  being  the  free  and  deliberate  transgression 
of  the  law  of  God,  can  be  only  in  the  rational  will; 
though  it  be  true  that  they  are  temptations  to  sin, 
becoming  the  stronger  and  the  more  frequent  the 
oftener  they  have  been  indulged.  As  thus  far  consid- 
ered they  are  only  sinful  objects  and  antecedent  causes 
of  sinful  transgressions;  they  contract  the  malice  of 
sin  only  when  consent  is  given  by  the  will ;  not  as 
though  their  nature  were  changed,  but  because  they 
are  adopted  and  completed  by  the  will  and  so  share 
its  malice.  Hence  the  distinction  of  concupiscence 
antecedent  and  concupiscence  consequent  to  the  con- 
sent of  the  will ;  the  latter  is  sinful,  the  former  is  not. 

The  first  parents  were  free  from  concupiscence,  so 
.  that  their  sensuous  appetite  was  perfectly  subject  to 
reason;  and  this  freedom  they  were  to  transmit  to 
posterity  provided  they  observed  the  commandment 
of  God.  A  short  but  important  statement  of  the 
Catholic  doctrine  on  this  point  may  be  quoted  from 
Peter  the  Deacon,  a  Greek,  who  was  sent  to  Rome  to 
bear  witness  to  the  Faith  of  the  East:  "Our  belief 
is  that  Adam  came  from  the  hands  of  his  Creator  good 
and  free  from  the  assaults  of  the  flesh  "  (Lib.  de  Incarn., 
c.  vi).  In  our  first  parents,  however,  this  complete 
dominion  of  reason  over  appetite  was  no  natural  per- 
fection or  acquirement,  but  a  preternatural  gift  of 
God,  that  is,  a  gift  not  due  to  human  nature;  nor 
was  it,  on  the  other  hand,  the  essence  of  their  origi- 
nal j  ustice,  which  consisted  in  sanctifying  grace ;  it  was 
but  a  complement  added  to  the  latter  by  the  Divine 
bounty.  By  the  sin  of  Adam  freedom  from  concu- 
piscence was  forfeited  not  only  for  himself,  but  also 
for  all  his  posterity  with  the  exception  of  the  Blessed 
Virgin  by  special  privilege.  Human  nature  was  de- 
prived of  both  its  preternatural  and  supernatural  gifts 
and  graces,  the  lower  appetite  began  to  lust  against 
the  spirit,  and  evil  habits,  contracted  by  personal  sins, 
wrought  disorder  in  the  body,  obscured  the  mind,  and 


weakened  the  power  of  the  will,  without,  however,  de- 
stroying its  freedom.  Hence  that  lamentable  condition 
of  which  St.  Paul  complains  when  he  writes:  "I  find 
then  a  law,  that  when  I  have  a  will  to  do  good,  evil  is 
present  with  me.  For  I  am  delighted  with  the  law  of 
God,  according  to  the  inward  man:  but  I  see  another 
law  in  my  members,  fighting  against  the  law  of  my 
mind,  ana  captivating  me  in  the  law  of  sin,  that  is  in 
my  members.  Unhappy  man  that  I  am,  who  shall 
deliver  me  from  the  body  of  this  death?"  (Rom.,  vii, 
21-25).  Christ  by  His  death  redeemed  mankind  from 
sin  and  its  bondage.  In  baptism  the  guilt  of  original 
sin  is  wiped  out  and  the  soul  is  cleansed  and  justified 
again  by  the  infusion  of  sanctifying  grace.  But  free- 
dom from  concupiscence  is  not  restored  to  man,  any 
more  than  immortality ;  abundant  grace,  however,  is 
given  him,  by  which  he  may  obtain  the  victory  over 
rebellious  sense  and  deserve  life  everlasting. 

The  Reformers  of  the  sixteenth  century,  especially 
Luther,  proposed  new  views  respecting  concupiscence. 
They  adopted  as  fundamental  to  their  theology  the 
following  propositions:  (1)  Original  justice  with  all  its 

gifts  and  graces  was  due  to  man  as  an  integral  part  of 
is  nature ;  (2)  concupiscence  is  of  itself  sinful,  and, 
being  the  sinful  corruption  of  human  nature  caused  by 
Adam's  transgression  and  inherited  by  all  his  descend- 
ants, is  the  very  essence  of  original  sin ;  (3)  baptism, 
since  it  does  not  extinguish  concupiscence,  does  not 
really  remit  the  guilt  of  original  sin,  but  only  effects 
that  it  is  no  longer  imputed  to  man  and  no  longer 
draws  down  condemnation  on  him.  This  position  is 
held  also  by  the  Anglican  Church  in  its  Thirty-nine 
Articles  and  its  Book  of  Common  Prayer. 

The  Catholic  Church  condemns  these  doctrines  as 
erroneous  or  heretical.  The  Council  of  Trent  (Sess.  V, 
c.  v)  defines  that  by  the  grace  of  baptism  the  guilt  of 
original  sin  is  completely  remitted  and  does  not  merely 
cease  to  be  imputed  to  man.  As  to  concupiscence  the 
council  declares  that  it  remains  in  those  that  are  bap- 
tized in  order  that  they  may  struggle  for  the  victory, 
but  does  no  harm  to  those  who  resist  it  by  the  grace  of 
God,  and  that  it  is  called  sin  by  St.  Paul,  not  because 
it  is  sin  formally  and  in  the  proper  sense,  but  because 
it  sprang  from  sin  and  incites  to  sin.  Later  on  Pius 
V,  by  the  Bull  "Ex  omnibus  afflictionibus"  (1  Oct., 
1567),  Gregory  XIII,  by  the  Bull  "Provisionis  Nos- 
tras" (29  Jan.,  1579),  Urban  VIII,  by  the  Bull  "In 
eminenti"  (6  March,  1641),  condemned  the  proposi- 
tions of  Bajus  (21,  23,  24,  26),  Clement  XI,  by  the 
Constitution  "Unigenitus",  those  of  Quesnel  (34,  35); 
and  finally  Pius  VI,  .by  the  Bull  "Auctorem  fidei" 
(28  Aug.,  1794),  those  of  the  Synod  of  Pistoja  (16). 
which  maintained  that  the  gifts  and  graces  bestowed 
on  Adam  and  constituting  his  original  justice  were  not 
supernatural  but  due  to  human  nature.  (See  Grace, 
Justification,  Sin.) 

Honter,  Outlines  of  Dogmatic  Theology  (2nd  ed.,  New  York, 
1896),  treatise  x,  oh.  iii,  iv;  Joseph  Rickabt,  Notes  on  St.  Paul, 
Epistle  to  the  Roman*  (London,  1898),  vii,  viii;  Bellarmine, 
De  Controversies  Fidei,  IV,  De  GratiA  primi  hominie;  De  amis- 
sions gratia  et  statu  peccali  (Milan,  1862);  Hurter,  Theologia 
Dogmatica  Compendium  (10th  ed.,  1900):  Mdrrat,  Tractates 
de  Gratii  (Dublin,  1877),  disp.  ii;  Billuart,  Summa  S.  Thoma 
(Lyons  and  Paris,  1861),  III,  290-94,  IV,  69-71,  278.  382,  VIII. 
180,  181. 

John  J.  Ming. 

Concurrents.   See  Dominical  Letter. 

Ooncursus,  a  special  competitive  examination  pre- 
scribed in  canon  law  for  all  aspirants  to  certain  ecclesi- 
astical offices  to  which  is  attached  the  cure  of  souls. 
There  were  no  parish  priests,  properly  speaking,  dup- 
ing the  first  three  hundred  years  of  the  Christian  Era. 
A  single  church  erected  in  the  residential  city  of  the 
bishop  was  the  centre  to  which  people  living  in  city 
and  country  repaired  on  Sundays  ana  festivals  to  hear 
Mass,  receive  instruction,  ana  approach  the  Sacra- 
ments. Gradual  growth  in  church-membership  called 
for  the  erection  of  additional  churches  to  accommo- 


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date  the  faithful.  In  these  churches  sacred  functions 
were  conducted  by  priests  residing  at  the  cathedrals. 
Consequently,  the  cathedral  was  the  only  parish  in 
each  diocese  and  the  bishop,  as  chief  pastor,  exercised 
the  care  of  souls  throughout  the  diocese.  A  similar 
reason  led  to  the  organization  of  rural  parishes  during 
the  course  of  the  fourth  century.  With  one  or  two 
exceptions,  parishes  were  not  organized  in  cities  be- 
fore the  year  1000.  The  first  step  towards  the  estab- 
lishment of  city  parishes,  was  taken  in  the  Council  of 
Limoges  (1032).  The  amicable  settlement  of  disputes 
involving  a  departure  from  the  old  regime  paved  the 
way  for  the  organization  of  city  parishes  in  France. 
Italy  was  not  slow  in  following  the  example  of  France. 
(Lupi,  "  De  parochis  ante  annum  Christi  millesi- 
mum",  Bergamo,  1788;  Muratori,  "Dissert,  de  par- 
ceciis  et  plebibus"  in  "Antiq.  Ital.",  VI,  359;  Nardi, 
"Dei  parrochi,  opera  di  antichita  sacra",  Pesaro, 
1829-30;  Drouyn,  "Llustoire  paroissiale"  in  "Rev. 
Cath.  de  Bordeaux",  1881,  III,  233,  and  "Bull,  hist.- 
arch.  du  dice  Dijon",  1887,  V,  225;  Zorell,  "Die  Ent- 
wickelung  des  Parochialsystems"  in  "Archiv  fur 
kath.  Kirchenrecht",  1902-3.)  Departures  from 
traditional  methods  gradually  took  place  in  other 
countries  until  the  organization  of  city  and  country 
parishes  became  general  throughout  the  Church  (see 
Parish). 

The  new  regime  paved  the  way  for  the  admission  of 
a  general  principle  whereby  ecclesiastical  benefices, 
especially  those  of  major  importance,  with  cure  of  souls 
or  parochial  responsibility  attached,  were  conferred  on 
none  save  those  duly  qualified  to  hold  them  (see  Bene- 
fice). Conscientious  recognition  of  this  principle  was 
repeatedly  inculcated,  e.  g.  by  Alexander  III,  Innocent 
III,  and  Gregory  X.  So  long  as  ecclesiastics  were  not 
ordained  absolutely,  but  for  some  specific  office  in  each 
diocese,  the  canonical  examinations  for  orders  served 
naturally  as  a  criterion  to  determine  appointments  to 
benefices.  In  time,  however,  this  ancient  method  of 
ordination  fell  into  decay,  and  under  Innocent  III 
(1198-1216)  separate  examinations  were  inaugurated 
as  the  most  satisfactory  method  of  making  appoint- 
ments to  benefices  that  carried  with  them  the  cure  of 
souls  (beneficia  curata).  In  order  to  attain  greater 
security  inproviding  for  the  salvation  of  souls,  the 
Council  of  Trent  (Sess.  XXIV,  ch.  xviii)  obliged  bish- 
ops to  assign  to  each  parish  a  permanent  parish  priest 
who  would  know  his  parishioners.  The  better  to  real- 
ize this  design,  the  same  council  instituted  the  concur- 
sus,  a  competitive  examination  given  to  candidates 
seeking  appointment  as  pastors  of  (canonical)  par- 
ishes. According  to  the  Tridentine  legislation,  bish- 
ops must  designate  a  day  for  this  examination.  At 
the  specified  time,  such  as  have  signified  their  inten- 
tion of  undergoing  this  test  are  examined  by  the  bish- 
op or  his  vicar-general  and  by  no  less  than  three  syno- 
dal examiners  (a.  v.).  The  bishop  is  required  to  ap- 
point the  one  he  judges  most  worthy  among  those 
passing  a  satisfactory  examination. 

Though  the  Tridentine  regulations  are  quite  clear, 
some  canonists  claimed  that  failure  to  observe  them 
rendered  appointments  illicit,  not  invalid,  while  others 
held  that  bishops  were  not  bound  to  appoint  the  most 
worthy  candidate,  but  merely  one  passing  a  creditable 
examination.  To  dissipate  such  errors  Pius  V  issued 
the  Constitution  "In  conferendis"  (18  May,  1567). 
Later  on,  to  forestall  the  possibility  of  groundless  ap- 
peals on  the  part  of  dissatisfied  competitors,  as  well  as 
to  ensure  strict  justice  to  candidates,  Clement  XI  is- 
sued (18  Jan.,  1721)  a  decree  regarding  the  manner  of 
conducting  examinations,  and  the  manner  of  dealing 
with  those  entering  appeals  against  the  decision  of  the 
examiners  or  the  appointment  of  the  bishop.  How- 
ever, Clement  XI 's  regulations  occasioned  various 
complaints,  and  to  remedy  these  difficulties,  as  well  as 
to  complete  ecclesiastical  legislation  concerning  the 
coneursus,  Benedict  XIV  issued  the  important  Con- 
TV.— 14 


stitution,  "Cum  illud"  (14  Dec.,  1742).  A  survey  of 
the  various  stages  of  ecclesiastical  legislation  on  this 
question  will  naturallly  exhibit  a  fair  summary  of  its 
leading  points. 

In  the  first  place,  appointments  to  canonically 
erected  parishes  are  null  when  no  coneursus  has  been 
held,  unless  the  Tridentine  legislation  has  been  abro- 
gated by  long  usage  or  special  permission  of  the  Holy 
See.  Questions  and  answers  pertaining  to  a  coneur- 
sus must  be  committed  to  writing.  The  matter  of  the 
examination  is  taken  from  theology  (moral  and  dog- 
matic), liturgy,  and  ecclesiastical  law,  and  is  chiefly  ofa 
practical  character.  A  lesson  in  catechism  and  a  brief 
sermon  may  be  prepared  by  the  candidates.  All  com- 
petitors are  examined  in  the  same  place  and  at  the 
same  time.  The  bishop  is  not  justified  in  appointing 
simply  a  worthy  competitor,  but  is  obliged  to  choose 
the  candidate  he  deems  the  most  worthy  among  those 
approved  by  the  examiners,  whose  office  is  exhausted 
when  they  nave  attested  the  worthiness  (idoneUat)  of 
the  various  competitors.  The  examinere,  however, 
are  bound  to  consider,  not  only  the  learning,  but  also 
the  age,  prudence,  integrity,  past  services,  and  other 
qualifications  of  competitors.  Candidates  not  ap- 
pointed are  at  liberty  to  enter  an  appeal  to  the  metro- 
politan, and  then  to  the  Holy  See,  but  this  does  not  sus- 
pend meanwhile  the  execution  of  the  episcopal  decis- 
ion. The  judge  to  whom  such  an  appeal  is  made  must 
base  his  decision  on  the  proceedings  of  the  coneursus 
already  held ;  this  precludes  a  second  coneursus  or  the 
introduction  of  additional  evidence.  While  this  is  the 
general  ecclesiastical  law,  certain  exceptions  must  be 
noted.  This  law  does  not  cover  appointments  to  par- 
ishes where  the  incumbent  is  not  permanently  installed 
nor  to  parishes  whose  revenues  are  not  sufficient  to 
justify  such  proceedings  as  a  coneursus  involves.  Nor, 
according  to  the  common  law,  is  a  coneursus  advisable 
when  the  bishop,  after  hearing  the  advice  of  the  syno- 
dal examiners,  apprehends  serious  disorders  in  case  a 
coneursus  were  to  take  place. 

The  Third  Plenary  Council  of  Baltimore  (1884)  de- 
creed that  in  the  United  States  one  in  every  ten  par- 
ishes of  a  diocese  should  become  a  permanent  rector- 
ship. To  inaugurate  this  plan,  the  council  ruled  that 
the  establishment  of  such  rectorships,  and  the  appoint- 
ment of  incumbents  thereunto  should  take  place  no 
later  than  three  years  after  the  promulgation  of  its  de- 
crees. Bishops  were  allowed  to  name  permanent  rec- 
tors for  the  first  time  without  a  coneursus,  though  they 
were  required  to  seek  the  advice  of  their  consul  tors. 
Thereafter  the  appointments  of  such  rectors  are  null 
unless  a  coneursus  takes  place.  In  a  special  case  the 
bishop  may  waive  the  coneursus  in  favour  of  an  ec- 
clesiastic whose  learning  is  well  known  or  whose  ser- 
vices to  religion  are  noteworthy,  provided  the  advice 
of  the  synodal  or  pro-synodal  examiners  is  taken. 
(Cone.  Plen.  Bait.  Ill,  ch.  vi,  nos.  40  sqq.)  The 
method  of  conducting  a  coneursus  in  this  country  is 
substantially  the  same  as  that  prescribed  by  the  gen- 
eral law  of  the  Church.  Candidates  for  admission  to  a 
coneursus  must  have  creditably  exercised  the  ministry 
in  a  diocese  no  less  than  ten  years,  and,  during  that 
time,  must  have  given  evidence  of  ability  to  direct  the 
temporal  and  spiritual  affairs  of  a  parish.  Bishops 
are  obliged  to  appoint  the  most  worthy  of  the  compet- 
itors. Examiners  should  approve  all  worthy  candi- 
dates. The  right  of  determining  the  most  worthy  of 
those  approved  is  vested  in  the  bishop.  Appeals  (q. 
v.)  and  the  method  of  treating  them  are  subject  to  the 
general  ecclesiastical  law.  Finally,  where  circum- 
stances militate  against  the  feasibility  of  a  coneursus 
as  often  as  a  permanent  rectorship  is  to  be  filled,  the 
Holy  See  has  tolerated  or  allowed  the  holding,  under 
the  conditions  already  specified,  of  general  annual 
examinations,  to  determine  the  standing  of  candidates 
in  ecclesiastical  science,  while  judgment  concerning 
the  other  necessary  qualifications  is  given  whenever 


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a  permanent  rectorship  is  vacated.  Those  passing  the 
examination  once  are  counted  worthy,  in  point  of 
learning,  for  appointment  to  any  permanent  rector- 
ship falling  vacant  within  a  given  period,  usually  not 
more  than  six  years,  after  such  an  examination. 
Should  they  wish  to  enjoy  a  like  title  after  that  period, 
success  in  another  examination  is  required. 

Canada  has  no  permanent  rectorships.  As  a  conse- 
quence, the  manner  of  appointing  rectors  of  parishes 
is  subject  to  the  discretion  of  the  bishops.  (Gignac, 
Comp.  Juris  eccl.  ad  usum  cleri  Canadensis,  Quebec, 
1901,  De  Personis,  p.  355.)  In  England  no  concursus 
is  held  to  determine  appointments  topermanent  rec- 
torships (Taunton,  The  Law  of  the  Church,  London. 
1906,  p.  231).  According  to  the  decree  of  the  Synod 
of  Maynooth  held  in  1900,  legislation  similar  to  that  of 
the  Third  Plenary  Council  of  Baltimore  was  adopted 
for  determining  appointments  to  parishes  in  the  vari- 
ous dioceses  of  Ireland.  Since  1895  the  law  of  the 
concursus  obtains  also  in  the  Commonwealth  of  Aus- 
tralia (Second  Plen.  Council  of  Australia,  No.  47  sqq.). 
The  acta  of  diocesan  and  provincial  councils,  sessions 
of  Roman  Congregations,  and  papal  conclaves  testify 
that  the  Tridentine  legislation  concerning  the  concur- 
sus has  long  prevailed  m  Italy.  The  same  regulations 
were  introduced  into  Spain  and  Portugal  in  the  six- 
teenth century;  they  obtain  also  in  South  America. 
While  the  observance  of  the  law  was  general  through- 
out France  before  the  middle  of  the  seventeenth  cen- 
tury, changed  conditions  lone  since  led  to  its  abro- 
gation in  that  country  (Duballet,  Journal  de  droit 
canon.,  1891,  452-74).  In  Belgium  the  Synod  of 
Mechlin  (1570)  adopted  the  Tridentine  regulations, 
but  since  then,  save  for  Liege,  the  earlier  freedom  of 
episcopal  collation  has  returned  (Vering,  471).  At 
present,  German,  Austrian,  Hungarian,  and  Prussian 
bishops  base  their  appreciation  of  a  candidate's  learn- 
ing on  the  results  of  general  examinations  at  regular 
intervals.  Exception  being  made  for  minor  differ- 
ences, the  above-described  regulations  govern  the  ex- 
aminations in  those  countries.  The  consideration  of 
other  necessary  qualifications  is  made  whenever  a 
vacancy  occurs  and  an  appointment  follows.  While 
in  other  places  bishops  may  use  their  own  discretion  in 
appointing  rectors,  the  Holy  See  bespeaks  even  in  such 
places  all  possible  conformity  to  the  spirit  of  the  Tri- 
dentine law.  It  may  be  added  that  in  Austria,  since 
Joseph  II,  the  State  has  insisted  on  the  parochial  con- 
cursus, and  has  embodied  it  in  art.  24  of  the  Concor- 
dat. 

Smith,  Element*  of  Ecclesiastical  Law  (New  York,  1887),  I, 
647;  Baaht,  Legal  Formulary  (New  York,  1898),  100  sqq.; 
Taunton,  The  Law  of  the  Church  (London,  1906),  227-31; 
Ojetti,  Synopsis  Rerum  Moralium  ei  juris  pontifieii  (Prato, 
1904);  Lesetbx,  La  paroistt  (Pari*,  1906);  Diendorfeb  in 
Kirchenlex.,  s.v.  Concurs;  Linoo.Oesch.  des  tridentinischen 
Pfarrconcurses  (Bamberg,  1880);  Bocix,  De  Parocho  (Paris, 
1856),  355;  Analecta  j'urw  pontif.  (Paris.  1867),  969;  Archiv  f. 
kath.  kirchenrecht,  II,  385;  Vering,  Lehrtmch  des  Kirchenrechts. 

J.  D.  O'Neill. 

Oondamine,  Charles-Marie  de  la,  explorer  and 
physicist,  b.  at  Paris,  28  January,  1701 ;  d.  there  4  Feb- 
ruary, 1774.  After  a  brief  military  career  he  turned 
to  scientific  pursuits  and  explored  the  coasts  of  Africa 
and  Asia  Mmor  on  the  Mediterranean.  In  1735,  he 
was  selected  to  direct  an  expedition  to  the  equatorial 
regions  of  South  America  in  order  to  determine  the 
form  of  the  earth  by  measuring  a  meridian  and  thus 
establishing  the  flattening  of  our  globe  towards  the 
poles.  His  companions  were  Pierre  Bouguer  and 
Louis  Godin  des  Odonais.  Two  officers  of  the  Spanish 
marine,  Jorge  Juan  and  Antonio  de  Ulloa,  represented 
the  Government  of  Spain  on  the  voyage  and  also  made 
independent  observations  in  the  interior.  Condamine 
went  to  Ecuador  and  there  began  his  labours,  making 
a  fairly  accurate  triangulation  of  the  mountainous 
parts  and  the  western  sections  of  Ecuador.  On  this 
occasion  he  discovered  that  tall  mountains  deflect  the 


pendulum  by  their  attraction.  He  remained  eight 
years  in  South  America,  then  returned  to  France, 
where  he  was  chosen  member  of  the  Academy  of 
Sciences  and  of  the  French  Academy  and  received  the 
cross  of  Saint  Lazarus.  While  Condamine  on  account 
of  his  ambition  and  inclination  to  controversy  was  a 
disagreeable  character,  as  an  explorer  and  physicist 
he  stands  very  high.  The  topographical  work  per- 
formed by  him  or  under  his  direction  suffered  from  the 
relative  imperfections  of  the  instruments  in  use  in  his 
time,  but  the  results  obtained  were  astonishing.  Not 
only  in  physiography  and  physical  geography,  but  in 
other  branches  also  his  expedition  opened  a  new  per- 
spective to  investigation.  It  was  the  starting  point 
for  more  extensive  explorations  of  tropical  America. 
The  countries  he  visited  became  and  remained  there- 
after, classical  ground  in  the  annals  of  natural  science. 
It  is  claimed  that  he  introduced  caoutchouc  into  Eu- 
rope, and  he  also  tried  to  introduce  inoculation  for 
smallpox  into  France. 

Interest  in  Condamine  centring  in  his  South  American  work, 
books  on  that  expedition  become  the  prominent  source  of  in- 
formation regarding  the  most  important  period  of  his  life;  es- 
pecially his  own  writings,  chief  of  which  were:  Journal  du  voy- 
age fail  par  ordrt  du  Rot  a  I'&juateur  (Paris,  1751);  Relation 
abreoee  d'un  voyage  dans  Vinterieur  de  V  Amerique  meridionale 
(Pans,  1745:  2d  ed.,  1778);  Histoire  des  pyramides  de  Quito 
(Paris,  1751).  Frequent  references  are  found  in  the  works  of 
Humboldt,  also,  de  Ulloa  and  Juan,  Relacion  historical  del 
viage  d  la  America  Meridional  hecho  de  orden  de  S.  Mag.  para 
meair  algunos  grados  de  meridiano  terrestre  (Madrid,  1748). 

Ad.  F.  Bandelier. 

Oondillac,  Etiennb  Bonnot  de.  a  French  philoso- 
pher, b.  at  Grenoble,  30  September,  1715;  d.  near 
Beaugency  (Loiret),  3  August,  1780.  He  was  the 
brother  of  the  Abbe'  de  Mably  and  was  himself  Abb6 
of  Mureaux.  Thanks  to  the  resources  of  his  benefice, 
he  was  able  to  follow  his  natural  inclinations  ana 
devote  himself  wholly  to  study,  for  which  purpose  he 
retired  into  solitude.  About  1755  he  was  chosen  pre- 
ceptor of  the  Duke  of  Parma,  the  grandson  of  Louis 
XV,  for  whom  he  wrote  his  "Cours  d'eiudes".  The 
education  of  the  prince  being  completed,  Oondillac 
was  elected  in  1768  to  succeed  the  Abb6  d'Olivet  as 
a  member  of  the  French  Academy.  He  was  present 
but  once  at  the  sessions — on  the  day  of  his  reception — 
and  then  retired  to  his  estate  of  Flux  near  Beau- 
gency where  he  spent  the  remainder  of  his  days. 

From  an  intellectual  point  of  view,  Condillac's  life 
may  be  divided  into  two  periods.  During  the  first  he 
simply  developed  the  theories  of  Locke.  He  pub- 
lished in  1746  his  "Essai  but  l'origine  des  connais- 
sanceshumaines"  which  is  a  summary  of  Locke's  "Es- 
say concerning  Human  Understanding",  and  in  1749 
his  "Traitd  des  systemes"  wherein  he  attacks  the  in- 
nate ideas  and  abstract  systems  of  Descartes,  Male- 
branche,  Leibniz,  Spinoza,  and  Boursier.  The  latter 
period,  devoted  to  more  original  work,  begins  with  the 
"Traits  des  sensations"  in  1754,  the  central  idea  of 
which  is  to  renew  the  human  understanding  by  a  fun- 
damental analysis  of  the  first  data  of  mental  experience 
in  man's  conscious  life.  In  1755  he  published  his 
"Traits  des  animaux",  a  sequel  to  the  "Trait6  des 
sensations";  and  then  his  "Cours  d 'etudes"  which 
includes  "Grammaire",  "L'Art  d'ecrire",  "L'Art  de 
raisonner",  "L'Art  de  penser",  "LTiistoire  generate 
des  hommes  et  des  empires",  edited  in  13  vols.,  Parma, 
1769-1773.  This  was  placed  on  the  Index  in  1836. 
In  1776  appeared  his  book  on  "Le  commerce  et  le 
gouvernement  considlres  relativement  l'un  a  1'autre" 
in  which  he  exposes  his  principles  of  the  right  to  prop- 
erty and  his  theory  of  economics.  In  1780,afewmonths 
before  his  death,  he  published  his  "Logique",  an  ele- 
mentary treatise  composed  at  the  request  of  the  council 
of  public  instruction  of  Poland.  His  "Langue  des 
calculs"  was  published  unfinished  only  after  his  death 
in  the  first  complete  edition  of  his  works  (23  vols., 
Paris,  1798). 

Oondillac  starts  with  Locke's  empiricism,  but  Lock*, 


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he  thinks,  did  not  go  deeply  enough  into  the  problem 
of  the  origin  of  human  knowledge.  According  to 
Locke  our  knowledge  has  a  two-fold  source,  sensation 
and  reflection ;  according  to  Condillac,  not  only  all  our 
ideas,  but  even  all  our  mental  operations  and  faculties 
spring  from  sensation  alone  as  Jieir  ultimate  source; 
all  are  merely  different  stages  or  forms  in  the  develop- 
ment of  sensation  (sensations  trans formies).  He  illus- 
trates his  theory  by  the  hypothesis  of  a  statue,  which, 
inert  at  the  beginning,  is  supposed  to  acquire,  one  by 
one,  the  senses,  from  the  most  elementary,  smell,  to 
the  most  perfect,  touch.  With  this  last  sense  and  its 
impression  of  resistance,  the  statue  which  had  been 
previously  mere  odour,  taste,  <x>lour,  etc.,  now  ac- 
quires the  distinction  between  self  and  non-self. 
When  it  has  all  the  senses,  it  has  also  the  whole  mental 
life.  From  sensation  considered  as  representative 
spring  all  the  faculties  of  the  understanding.  Atten- 
tion is  nothing  but  an  exclusive  sensation.  When  the 
object  is  present  the  impression  is  called  actual  sensa- 
tion; the  impression  which  remains  after  the  disap- 
pearance of  the  object  is  called  memory.  Comparison 
is  nothing  more  than  a  double  attention;  we  cannot 
compare  two  objects  or  perceive  two  sensations  with- 
out remarking  that  they  are  similar  or  dissimilar;  to 
perceive  similarities  or  differences  is  to  judge;  to  rea- 
son is  to  draw  a  judgment  from  another  judgment 
wherein  it  was  contained.  Moreover,  all  sensation  is 
essentially  affective,  that  is,  painful  or  pleasant;  under 
this  aspect  it  is  the  source  of  all  our  active  faculties. 
Need  is  the  pain  which  results  from  the  privation  of  an 
object  whose  presence  is  demanded  by  nature  or  habit; 
need  directs  all  our  energies  towards  this  object;  this 
very  direction  is  what  we  call  desire;  desire  as  a  dom- 
inant habit  is  passion;  will  is  nothing  but  absolute 
desire,  a  desire  made  more  energetic  and  more  perma- 
nent through  hope.  What  we  call  substance  is  simply 
the  collection  of  sensations.  What  we  call  the  ego  is 
simply  the  collection  of  our  sensations.  Is  there  be- 
hind these  sensations  a  something  which  supports 
them?  We  do  not  know.  We  express  and  summa- 
rize our  sensations  by  means  of  words;  we  give  the 
same  name  to  all  the  individual  objects  which  we 
judge  to  be  similar;  this  name  is  what  we  call  a  general 
idea.  Through  general  ideas  or  names  we  bring  order 
into  our  knowledge;  and  this  is  precisely  the  purpose 
of  reasoning  and  it  is  what  constitutes  science.  Good 
reasoning,  therefore,  consists  essentially  in  speaking 
well.  Ultimately  the  work  of  human  thought  is  to 
pass  from  the  confused  and  complex  content  of  the 
primitive  sensations  to  clear  and  simple  concepts ;  the 
essential  and  the  unique  method  is  analysis  based  on 
the  principle  of  identity,  and  the  perfect  analytical 
method  is  the  mathematical  method.  To  reason  is  to 
calculate ;  what  we  call  progress  in  ideas  is  only  prog- 
ress in  expression.  A  science  is  only  a  well-con- 
structed language,  une  langue  bien  faite,  that  is,  simple, 
with  signs  precisely  determined  according  to  the  laws 
of  analogy.  The  primitive  form  of  language  is  the 
language  of  action  which  is  innate  in  us,  synthetical 
ana  confused.  Under  pressure  of  the  need  of  commu- 
nication between  men,  these  actions  are  interpreted  as 
signs,  decomposed,  analyzed,  and  the  spoken  language 
takes  the  place  of  the  language  of  action. 

Condillac 's  theory  of  education  is  based  on  the  idea 
that  the  child  in  its  development  must  repeat  the  vari- 
ous states  through  which  the  race  has  passed — an  idea 
which,  with  certain  modifications,  still  survives.  An- 
other of  his  principles,  more  widely  received  at  present, 
is  that  the  educative  process  must  be  shaped  in  accord- 
ance with  natural  development.  He  also  insists  on 
the  necessity  of  establishing  a  connexion  between  the 
various  items  of  knowledge,  and  of  training  the  judg- 
ment rather  than  burdening  the  memory.  The  study 
of  history  holds  a  large  place  in  his  system,  and  religion 
is  of  paramount  importance.  He  insists  that  the 
prince,  for  whom  the  "Cours  d'6tudes"  was  written, 


shall  be  more  thoroughly  instructed  in  matters  of  re- 
ligion than  the  subjects  whom  he  is  later  to  govern. 
On  the  other  hand,  Condillac  has  been  justly  criticized 
for  his  attempt  to  make  the  child  a  logician  and  psychol- 
ogist, even  a  metaphysician,  before  he  has  mastered 
the  elements  of  grammar — a  mistake  which  is  obvi- 
ously due  to  his  error  concerning  the  origin  of  ideas. 
The  svstem  of  Condillac  ends,  therefore,  in  sensualistio 
empiricism,  nominalism,  and  agnosticism. 

If  Condillac's  works  evince  a  certain  precision  of 
thought  and  vigour  of  reasoning  they  clearly  betray  a 
lack  of  observation  and  of  the  sense  of  reality.  Most 
of  the  time  he  is  blinded  by  the  tendency  to  reduce  all 
processes  of  thought  to  a  single  method,  all  ideas  and 
principles  to  a  single  source.  This  tendency  is  well 
exemplified  in  his  hypothesis  of  the  statue.  He  sup- 
poses it  to  be  mere  passivity;  and  by  this  very  sup- 
position, instead  of  a  man  he  makes  it  a  machine  or,  as 
Cousin  says,  a  sensible  corpse.  He  attempts  to  reduce 
everything  to  mere  sensation  or  impression,  and  in 
reality  every  step  in  what  he  calls  a  transformation  is 
made  under  the  influence  of  an  activity  and  a  principle 
which  dominate  and  interpret  this  sensation,  but  which 
Condillac  confounds  with  it.  It  is  the  operation  of 
this  activity  and  principle  essentially  distinct  from 
sensation,  that  enables  nim  to  speak  of  attention, 
comparison,  judgment,  and  personality.  An  attempt 
has  been  made  to  show  that  Condillac  was  the 
forerunner,  in  psychology,  ethics,  and  sociology  of 
the  English  school  represented  by  Mill,  Bain,  and 
Spencer  (Dewaule,  Condillac  et  la  peychologie  an- 
glaise  contemporaine,  Paris,  1892);  but  this  view  seems 
to  overlook  the  influence  of  Locke  upon  his  successors 
in  England  and  the  traditional  tendency  of  English 
philosophical  thought  (cf.  Picavet  in  Revue  philoso- 
phique,  XXXIX,  p.  215). 

(Euvres  computet  (Paris,  1798,  1803,  1821);  L*ROMiotufcEU5, 
Paradoxes  de  Condillac  ou  reflexions  sur  la  tongue  des  calculi 
(Paris,  1805);  Idem,  Lecont  de  philosophy  (Paris,  1816-18); 
Cousin,  Hist,  de  la  philosophic  moderns  (Paris,  1827);  Robert, 
Les  theories  loguiues  de  Condillac  (Paris,  1869);  ReTHOKfe,  Con- 
dillac ou  V empiricisms  et  le  rationalisms  (Pans,  1864);  Mill,  A 
System  of  Logic  (London,  1872),  II,  ii;  Lewes,  Bioa.  History  of 
Phil.  (London,  1871),  II. 

G.  M.  Sauvage. 

Condition  (Lat.  conditio,  from  condo,  to  bring,  or 
put,  together;  sometimes,  on  account  of  a  somewhat 
similar  derivative  from  condicere,  confused  with  this) 
is  that  which  is  necessary  or  at  least  conducive  to  the 
actual  operation  of  a  cause,  though  in  itself,  with 
respect  to  the  particular  effect  of  which  it  is  the  con- 
dition, possessing  in  no  sense  the  nature  of  causality. 
Thus  the  notion  of  a  condition  is  not  that  of  a  real 
principle  such  as  actually  gives  existence  to  the  effect 

E reduced  (which  is  the  case  in  the  notion  of  cause); 
ut  rather  of  a  circumstance,  or  set  of  circumstances, 
in  which  the  cause  readily  acts,  or  in  which  alone  it 
can  act.  Thus  a  sufficient  light  is  a  condition  of  my 
writing,  though  it  in  no  sense  is,  as  I  myself  am,  the 
cause  of  the  act  of  writing.  The  writing  is  the  effect 
of  the  writer,  and  not  of  the  light  by  which  it  was 
performed.  A  condition  is  also  to  be  distinguished 
from  an  occasion,  which  latter  imports  no  more  than 
an  event,  or  thing,  by  reason  of  the  presence  of  which 
any  other  event,  or  thing,  takes  place — as,  for  exam- 
ple, the  passage  of  the  king  in  state  is  the  occasion  of 
my  removing  my  hat — while  the  action,  or  actual 
operation,  of  the  cause  is  absolutely  dependent  upon 
the  presence  of  this  particular  one,  or  of  some  condi- 
tion. Condition  is,  for  this  reason,  distinguished, 
with  respect  to  the  operation  of  any  particular  cause, 
(1)  as  the  condi  tion  sine  qud  non,  or  condition  without 
the  presence  of  which  this  cause  is  wholly  inoperative, 
and  (2)  as  the  condition  simply  such — when  some 
one  of  several  possible  ones  is  necessary  to  the  actual 
operation  of  the  cause.  To  the  former  class  belong 
such  conditions  as  can  be  supplied  by  no  others,  such 
as,  for  example,  that  of  the  combustion  of  wood.  A 


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fire  will  not  burn  wood  unless  applied  to  it.  The 
application  of  the  fire  to  the  wood  is  said  to  be  a  con- 
dition tine  qu&  non  of  the  burning  of  the  wood  by  the 
fire.  A  condition  may  further  be  considered  in  one 
of  two  different  forms,  either  as  preparing,  disposing, 
or  applying  the  causality  of  a  cause  towards  its  exer- 
cise in  the  production  of  an  effect,  or  as  removing 
some  obstacle  that  hinders  the  action  of  the  cause. 
This  latter  form  of  condition  is  sometimes  known  as 
the  causa  removens  prohibens.  The  blinds  of  a  room 
must  be  drawn  up  in  order  that  the  sunlight  may 
enter  and  illuminate  the  objects  in  it.  It  is  to  be 
noted  that  this  is  really  a  condition,  and  not  a  cause, 
of  the  event  considered.  The  illumination  of  the 
objects  in  the  room  is  the  effect  of  the  sunlight  enter- 
ing it.  This  same  distinction  appears  in  the  "neces- 
sary", or  "sufficient"  conditions,  much  employed  in 
mathematical  science.  A  sufficient  condition  is  one 
in  which,  when  the  antecedent  is  present,  it  is  always 
followed  by  the  consequent.  A  necessary  condition 
is  one  in  which  the  consequent  never  exists  unless 
this  particular  antecedent  be  given. 

Some  modern  systems  of  philosophy  regard  condi- 
tion in  the  sense  of  what  in  tne  Scholastic  view  would 
be  called  accidental  modification.  Thus  Kant  up- 
holds the  assertion  that  time  and  space  condition,  or 
are  the  conditions  of,  our  experience,  as  a  priori  forms. 
In  this  sense  also,  Hegel  makes  the  conditioned  entity 
equivalent  to  the  finite  entity;  as  it  would  indeed  also 
be  considered  in  Scholastic  thought.  That  which  has 
accidents,  or  is  conditioned  in  the  sense  of  limitations 
or  definition,  is  necessarily,  as  contingent,  in  sharp 
distinction  to  the  absolute.  John  Stuart  Mill  would 
have  the  framework,  or  complete  setting  in  which 
anything  exists  accounted  as  its  conditions;  and  all 
the  necessary  antecedents,  or  conditions,  the  cause  of 
the  thing.  Thus  it  would  be  conditioned  by  its  complex 
relationships — again  an  accidental  modification  in  the 
Scholastic  sense.  We  consequently  find,  in  modern 
philosophical  usage  generally,  and  especially  since 
Hamilton's  theory  of  the  Unconditioned  was  formu- 
lated, that  the  "conditioned"  and  the  "uncondi- 
tioned" are  used  as  equivalents  of  the  "necessary" 
and  "contingent"  of  the  Schoolmen,  in  the  sense  that 
the  "necessary"  entity  is  conceived  of  as  absolute  of 
all  determination  other  than  its  own  aseity,  while  all 
"contingent"  entity  is  defined  and  limited  by  a  com- 
position in  which  one  of  the  factors  is  potentiality. 
Hamilton's  philosophy  of  the  Unconditioned  works 
out  curiously  in  the  department  of  ontology.  His 
views  were  first  given  to  the  world  in  the  form  of  an 
article  in  the  Edinburgh  Review  (October,  1829),  in 
which  he  criticized  the  philosophy  of  Cousin  with 
regard  to  the  knowledge  of  the  Absolute.  Victor 
Cousin  maintained  that  we  possess  an  immediate 
knowledge  of  the  Unconditioned,  Absolute,  or  Infinite 
in  consciousness.  According  to  Hamilton,  the  Un- 
conditioned is  either  the  unconditionally  limited  or 
the  unconditionally  unlimited.  In  either  case  the 
Unconditioned  is  unthinkable.  For  all  human  knowl- 
edge is  relative,  in  that,  "of  existence,  absolutely  and 
in  itself,  we  know  nothing"  (Met.,  Lect.  viii).  As  a 
consequence  of  this  doctrine  of  the  relativity  of  knowl- 
edge, it  follows  that  we  are  incapable  of  knowing  that 
which  is  unconditioned  by  relativity.  "The  mind 
can  conceive,  and  consequently  can  know  only  the 
limited,  and  the  conditionally  limited".  "Condi- 
tional limitation",  he  says  again  (Logic,  Lect.  v)  "is 
the  fundamental  law  of  the  possibility  of  thought." 
Hence,  while  the  Unconditioned  may  exist,  we  cannot 
know  it  by  experience,  intuition,  or  reasoning.  Ham- 
ilton undertakes  to  explain  his  doctrine  by  the  illus- 
tration of  the  whole  and  the  part.  It  is  impossible 
to  conceive  a  whole  to  which  addition  may  not  be 
made,  a  part  from  which  something  may  not  be  taken 
away.  Hence  the  two  extreme  unconditionates  are 
■uch,  that  neither  can  be  conceived  as  possible,  but 


one  of  them  must  be  admitted  as  necessary.  Of  this, 
the  Unconditioned,  we  have  no  notion  either  negative 
or  positive.  It  is  not  an  object  of  thought.  From 
such  considerations  it  follows  that  we  cannot  conclude 
either  as  to  the  existence  or  non-existence  of  the  Ab- 
solute. On  the  other  hand,  while  our  knowledge  is  of 
the  limited,  related,  and  finite,  our  belief  may  go  out 
to  that  which  has  none  of  these  characteristics. 
Though  we  cannot  know,  we  may  believe — and,  by 
reason  of  a  supernatural  revelation,  if  such  be  given, 
must  believe — in  the  existence  of  the  Unconditioned 
as  above  and  beyond  all  that  which  is  conceivable  by 
us.  Mill  very  carefully  examines  Hamilton's  use  of 
the  word  inconceivable,  and  finds  that  it  is  applied  in 
three  senses,  in  one  of  which  all  that  is  inexplicable, 
including  the  first  principles,  is  held  to  be  inconceiv- 
able. The  same  doctrine  was  advanced,  in  a  slightly 
modified  form,  by  Dean  Mansel,  in  the  Bampton  Lec- 
ture of  1858.  Whatever  knowledge  we  are  capable 
of  acquiring  of  the  Unconditioned:  is  negative.  As 
we  can  rationally,  therefore,  form  no  positive  notion 
or  concept  of  God,  our  reason  must  be  helped  and  sup- 
plemented by  our  faith  in  revelation.  Both  Mansers 
and  Hamilton's  expositions  of  the  doctrine  of  rela- 
tivity are  in  reality  assertions  of  rational,  or  philo- 
sophical, agnosticism. 

Thus,  while  professing  to  be  theists,  writers  of  this 
stamp  are  not  properly  to  be  accounted  such  in  the 
strictly  philosophical  sense.  The  rational  agnos- 
ticism that  lies  at  the  base  of  their  theistic  system, 
necessitating,  as  it  does,  an  appeal  to  faith  and  rev- 
elation, vitiates  it  as  a  philosophy.  The  thesis  ad- 
vanced by  them  may,  nowever,  be  criticized  and 
amended  in  the  following  manner.  It  is  true  that  the 
entire  content  of  the  Universe  must  be  regarded,  in 
comparison  with  its  Creator,  as  limited  or  condi- 
tioned. It  does  not  therefore  follow  that  no  rational 
inference  can  be  drawn  from  the  conditioned  to  the 
Absolute.  On  the  contrary,  the  nerve  of  the  theistic 
inference,  tacitly,  if  not  expressly,  presupposed  in  all 
forms  of  the  theistic  argument,  lies  in  the  Thomistic 
distinction  between  the  Necessary  and  the  possible 
(or  contingent).  The  existence  of  contingent  beings, 
limited  or  conditioned  things,  postulates  the  exist- 
ence of  the  Necessary  Being,  the  one  Unlimited  and 
Unconditioned  Thing.  The  argument  in  its  devel- 
oped form  may  be  seen  in  the  article  Theism.  But 
it  may  be  here  pointed  out  that  the  inference  from 
the  contingent  to  the  Necessary — necessitated,  as 
it  is,  by  the  normal  psychological  action  of  the  dis- 
cursive reason — presupposes  certain  principles  which 
are  not  always  kept  clearly  in  view.  The  Scholastic 
synthesis  recognizes  the  reality  of  the  contingent.  It 
asserts  that  the  human  intelligence  can  rise  above  the 
phenomena  of  sense-perception  to  the  actual  sub- 
stance that  provides  a  basis  and  offers  a  rational  ex- 
planation, at  the  same  time  psychological  and  onto- 
logical,  of  and  for  these.  Ana  it  is  in  the  changes  and 
alterations  of  "substance"  (see  Htlomorphism) 
that  it  perceives  the  essential  contingency  of  all 
created  things.  From  this  perception  it  rises,  by  a 
strictly  argumentative  process,  to  the  assertion  of  the 
Necessary  or  Unconditioned — and  this  with  no  appeal 
either  to  revelation  or  to  faith.  The  knowledge  of  the 
Unconditioned  thus  reached  is  of  two  kinds:  firstly, 
that  the  Unconditioned  is,  and  that  its  existence  is 
necessarily  to  be  inferred  from  the  existence  of  the 
possible  or  contingent  (conditioned);  secondly,  that, 
as  Unconditioned,  or  Necessary,  the  conceptions  that 
we  possess  of  it  are  to  be  found  principally  by  the  way 
of  the  negation  of  imperfections.  Thus  the  Uncon- 
ditioned, with  regard  to  time,  is  Eternal;  with  regard 
to  space,  Unlimited,  Infinite,  Omnipresent;  with  re- 
gard to  power,  Omnipotent;  and  so  on  through  the 
categories,  removing  the  imperfections  and  asserting 
the  plenitude  of  perfection.  The  argument  may  be 
found  stated  in  the  "Summa  Theologica"  of  St. 


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OOHDHTOMAL 


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odtmotKiroM 


Thomas  (I,  Q.  ii,  a.  3),  where  it  is  given  as  the  third 
way  of  knowing  Vtrum  Deus  sit. 

St.  Thomas  Aquinas,  Summa  Theol.,  I,  Q.  ii,  a.  3;  Frick, 
Ontolooia  (Freiburg  im  Br.,  1897) ;  Idem,  Logica  (Freiburg  im 
Br.,  1896);  Haan.  Philoeophia  Naturalu  (2nd  ed.,  Freiburg 
im  Br.,  1898) ;  Balmbs,  Fundamental  Philosophy,  tr.  Brown- 
son  (2nd  ed..  New  York,  1896);  Aviuno,  The  Necessary 
Inference  in  Dublin  Review  (October,  1904);  Hamilton,  On 
the  Philotophy  of  the  Unconditioned  in  Edinburgh  Review  (Octo- 
ber, 1829);  Idbm,  Diteuttiont  (London  and  Edinburgh,  1852); 
Idem,  Lectures  on  Metaphyeict  and  Logic,  ed.  Mansel  and 
Veitch  (London  and  Edinburgh,  1859-60);  Mansel,  Limit* 
of  Retigiout  Thought  (Oxford  and  London,  1858);  Idem,  Philot- 
ophy of  the  Conditioned  (London  and  Edinburgh,  1866);  Mill, 
Examination  of  Sir  William  Hamilton'e  Philotophy  (London, 
1865);  Idem,  Logic  (London,  1843). 

Francis  Aveling. 

Conditional  Baptism.    See  Baptism. 

Oonecte,  Thomas,  Carmelite  reformer,  b.  at  Rennes 
towards  the  end  of  the  fourteenth  century;  d.  at 
Rome,  1433.  He  joined  the  Carmelites  and  distin- 
guished himself  by  indiscreet  zeal.  He  preached  with 
much  success  at  Cambrai,  Tournai,  Arras,  etc.,  in  his 
sermons  vehemently  denouncing  the  prevailing  fash- 
ions in  female  headgear,  with  the  result  that  those 
who  dressed  thus  at  his  sermons  despoiled  themselves 
forthwith  of  their  ornaments;  gamblers  also  burned 
their  playing  cards  and  dices.  Having  inveighed 
against  the  disedifying  life  of  certain  priests,  he  had  to 
seek  safety  in  flight.  He  now  strove  to  reform  his 
own  order,  for  which  purpose  he  went  to  Italy,  where 
with  some  others  he  introduced  a  strict  observance  in 
the  convent  near  Florence,  which  gradually  developed 
into  the  Congregation  of  Mantua.  He  visited  this 
latter  convent  in  1432  and  thence  proceeded  to  Venice, 
and  finally  to  Rome,  where  the  manners  of  the  Curia 
provoked  anew  his  violent  language  and  occasioned 
a  charge  of  conspiracy  against  the  pope.  Appre- 
hended at  the  instigation  of  the  procurator  and  of 
Cardinal  de  la  Roche-Taille,  protector  of  the  order, 
he  was  condemned  as  a  heretic  and  publicly  burned. 
It  was  said  that  Eugene  IV  was  afterwards  sorry  for 
this  sentence,  which,  if  not  unjust,  was  certainly  too 
severe;  but  this  does  not  justify  certain  Carmelite 
authors  considering  him  a  saint,  as  several  whom  Bale 
quotes  have  done. 

Conecte  is  supposed  to  have  written  De  ReformaHonequadam 
Monita,  alluded  to  by  Nicholas  Kenton;  cf.  Arobntraub, 
Hittor.  Britannia  minorit,  II,  cap.  xlii;  de  S.  Etienne,  BMi- 
otheca  Camel.,  s.v. 

B.  Zimmerman. 

Conference  of  Catholic  Colleges.  See  Educa- 
tional. Association,  Catholic. 

Conferences,  Ecclesiastical,  are  meetings  of 
clerics  for  the  purpose  of  discussing,  in  general,  mat- 
ters pertaining  to  their  state  of  life,  and,  in  particular, 
questions  of  moral  theology  and  liturgy. 

Historical  Sketch. — -The  origin  of  ecclesiastical 
conferences  has  been  sought  in  the  assemblies  of 
hermits  of  the  Egyptian  deserts.  As  early  as  the 
third  century,  it  was  customary  for  these  anchorites  to 
meet  together  to  discuss  matters  relating  to  asceti- 
cism and  the  eremitical  life.  When,  later  on,  monas- 
teries were  instituted,  somewhat  similar  conferences 
were  held  among  the  monks.  There  seems,  however, 
to  be  little  in  common  between  these  monastic  assem- 
blies and  the  pastoral  collations,  or  conferences,  of 
the  present  time.  The  more  direct  source  of  the  lat- 
ter are  the  quasi-synodal  meetings  of  the  clergy 
ordained  by  various  decrees  of  the  ninth  century,  such 
as  those  of  Hincmar  of  Reims  and  Riculf  us  of  Sion 
in  Switzerland,  and  the  Capitularies  of  Charlemagne. 
Such  assemblies  were  looked  upon  as  supplements  of, 
or  pendants  to,  the  diocesan  synods,  and  were  in- 
tended principally  for  those  of  the  clergy  who  found 
it  difficult  or  impossible  to  assist  at  the  regular  synods. 
These  clerics  were  ordered  to  meet  at  a  convenient 
place,  in  their  various  districts,  under  the  presidency 
of  the  dean  or  archdeacon,  and  their  assemblies  were 


called  Calendce,  because  held  on  the  first  of  the  month. 
Other  terms  applied  to  such  meetings  were  consis- 
tories, sessions,  and  capitular  conferences.  We  find 
them  prescribed  in  England  by  the  Council  of  Exeter 
in  1131  and  the  Council  of  London  in  1237.  In  the 
sixteenth  century  ecclesiastical  conferences  received  a 
new  impulse.  St.  Ignatius  Loyola  prescribed  them 
in  his  constitution  (1540)  for  members  of  his  order. 
Later,  Clement  VIII  and  Urban  VIII  commanded 
that  all  houses  of  the  regular  clergy  have  conferences 
twice  a  week  on  matters  pertaining  to  moral  theology 
and  Holy  Scripture.  The  main  promoter  of  confer- 
ences among  the  secular  clergy  was  St.  Charles  Bor- 
romeo,  Archbishop  of  Milan,  who  treated  of  them 
specifically  in  a  synod  at  Milan  in  1565,  when  intro- 
ducing the  reforms  decreed  by  the  Council  of  Trent. 
Cardinal  Borromeo  ordered  that  the  conferences  be 
held  monthly,  and  that  they  be  presided  over  by  the 
vicar  forane  or  dean.  Gradually  the  custom  spread 
through  the  various  ecclesiastical  provinces;  and  at 

E resent  these  meetings  are  held  in  accordance  with 
iws  promulgated  in  plenary  or  provincial  councils 
or  synods.  Many  of  the  popes  have  strongly  urged 
on  the  bishops  of  various  countries  the  necessity  and 
utility  of  the  conferences,  and  Innocent  XIII  com- 
manded that  when  bishops  make  their  visit  to  Rome 
(ad  limina)  they  should  report,  among  other  things, 
whether  clergy  conferences  are  held  in  their  dioceses. 
There  seems,  however,  to  be  no  general  law  of  the 
Church  which  makes  these  ecclesiastical  meetings 
obligatory. 

Diocesan  Laws. — The  holding  of  conferences  has 
been  introduced  among  the  clergy  of  all  English- 
speaking  countries,  in  virtue  of  ordinances  promul- 

fated  at  councils  or  synods.  Thus  the  Second 
'lenary  Council  of  Baltimore  (1866)  declares:  "  As  an 
adjunct  to  diocesan  synods  and  in  lieu  of  their  fre- 
quent celebration,  let  there  be  theological  conferences 
of  the  priests,  which  will  preserve  tine  rudiments  of 
the  sacred  science  in  the  minds  of  all,  promote  a 
healthy  and  uniform  method  for  the  direction  of  souls, 
dispel  mental  inertia,  and  afford  an  opportunity  for 
eliminating  abuses.  We  greatly  desire  that  these 
conferences  be  held  four  times  a  year  by  priests  who 
can  conveniently  meet;  and  in  the  rural  districts  at 
least  twice  a  year.  All  who  have  care  of  souls, 
whether  seculars  or  regulars,  should  attend  them" 
(No.  68).  The  Third  Plenary  Council  (1884)  treats 
in  title  v  of  the  education  of  the  clergy  and  devotes 
the  fifth  chapter  to  theological  collations  or  confer- 
ences. It  quotes  the  words  of  Pope  Benedict  XIV: 
"  Some  priests  who  are  at  first  admirable  directors  of 
souls  later  lose  their  previous  knowledge  of  moral 
theology,  by  neglect  of  study,  so  that  from  being 
masters  of  the  science  they  can  scarcely  be  called 
novices  in  it,  since  they  retain  only  confused  and  im- 
perfect recollections  of  its  first  rudiments."  In  con- 
sequence, the  Fathers  of  Baltimore  renew  the  decree 
of  the  previous  plenary  council  as  to  the  frequency  of 
these  conferences,  and,  after  declaring  them  obliga- 
tory on  all  having  care  of  souls,  they  add :  "  Nor  can 
those  confessors  consider  themselves  exempt,  who, 
although  not  attached  to  any  certain  church,  hear  the 
confessions  of  religious  women  in  their  convents  or  of 
laymen  in  public  churches.  Those  who  frequently 
absent  themselves  without  legitimate  cause  and  the 
permission  of  the  Ordinary  should  be  punished." 
The  Second  Council  of  Quebec  (1854)  declares  (Deer. 
14):  "Ecclesiastical  conferences  will  promote  zeal  and 
love  for  study.  Every  one  knows  now  useful  they 
are  for  increasing  mutual  charity  among  priests  and 
for  instructing  and  confirming  them  in  sacred  doc- 
trine. We  desire  all,  especially  those  who  have 
pastoral  duties,  to  assist  at  them  faithfully  according 
to  the  method  and  time  prescribed  by  their  bishops. " 

For  Ireland,  the  National  Synod  of  Thurles  (1850) 
ordained:  "Since  what  the  pastors  have  learnt  as 


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CONFESSIONS 


scholars  can  easily  be  forgotten,  unless  it  be  called  to 
memory  by  use,  we  recommend  that  theological  con- 
ferences be  held  according  to  custom,  at  least  four 
times  a  year.  In  them  such  questions  as  pertain  to 
practice  should  be  especially  treated."  We  find  the 
following  decree  (No.  6)  emanating  from  the  First 
Provincial  Council  of  Australia  (1844):  "We  ordain 
that  theological  conferences  be  held  in  every  deanery, 
at  least  three  times  a  year,  where  it  can  be  done  with- 
out great  inconvenience."  In  1852,  the  First  Provin- 
cial Council  of  Westminster  (Deer.  24)  made  the  fol- 
lowing rules  for  England :  "We  desire  most  earnestly 
that  conferences  on  moral  questions  or  on  other  theo- 
logical or  liturgical  matters  be  held  in  all  dioceses  at 
certain  stated  times.  According  to  locality,  let  the 
bishops  determine,  whether  the  whole  clergy  of  the 
diocese  should  convene  together  under  the  bishop's 
presidency,  or  whether  a  number  of  conferences  be 
held  in  different  vicariates  under  the  presidency  of 
the  vicars  forane.  The  obligation  to  attend  these 
conferences  and  take  part  in  them  is  binding  on  all 
secular  priests  and  on  all  regulars  (saving  their  rights) 
having  cure  of  souls."  As  to  regulars,  we  have  the 
following  provision  in  the  "Romanos  Pontifices"  of 
Leo  XIII:  "We  declare  that  all  rectors  of  missions, 
by  reason  of  their  office,  must  assist  at  the  conferences 
of  the  clergy;  and  we  also  decree  and  command  that 
there  be  present  likewise  the  vicars  and  other  regulars, 
having  the  usual  missionary  faculties,  who  reside  in 
small  communities."  It  will  be  noticed  that  the  pope 
simply  "declares"  religious  rectors  to  have  an  obliga- 
tion to  assist  at  the  conferences,  for  this  is  in  accord- 
ance with  common  law;  but  as  he  derogates  from  that 
law  in  prescribing  that  other  regular  missionaries  who 
dwell  in  small  communities  should  also  attend,  he  uses 
the  words  decree  and  command.  The  pope  gives  the 
reason  why  he  makes  the  distinction  between  regulars 
inhabiting  large  and  small  communities;  the  former 
have  their  own  domestic  conferences,  the  latter  either 
do  not  have  them  at  all,  or  they  are  not  likely  to  be 
fruitful. 

Subject  Matter  of  Conferences. — Among  the 
questions  to  be  answered  by  bishops  at  the  visit  ad 
limine  is:  "Are  conferences  held  on  moral  theology 
or  cases  of  conscience,  and  also  on  sacred  rites?  How 
often  are  they  held,  who  attend  them,  and  what  results 
are  obtained  from  them?"  It  is  evident  from  this 
question  that  the  main  matters  to  be  discussed  are 
those  pertaining  to  moral  theology  and  liturgy.  If 
these  be  given  proper  consideration,  other  subjects 
may  also  be  considered,  such  as  questions  of  dogmatic 
theology,  canon  law,  Biblical  science,  and  similar 
things.  According  to  the  prescriptions  of  St.  Charles 
Borromeo,  a  case  of  conscience  should  be  proposed  at 
these  meetings  and  each  one  present  should,  in  turn, 
be  asked  his  opinion.  After  this,  the  presiding  officer 
makes  a  short  summary  and  gives  his  decision.  The 
Third  Council  of  Baltimore  wishes  that  questions  be 
proposed  by  the  bishops  on  matters  of  discipline  and 
doctrine.  Cases  of  conscience  are  to  be  solved  in 
writing  by  all  who  attend:  but  only  two,  chosen  by 
lot,  are  to  read  their  solutions.  Questions  on  Sacred 
Scripture,  dogmatic  theology,  canon  law,  and  sacred 
liturgy  are  to  be  answerea  by  those  who  have  been 
appointed  for  the  purpose  at  the  previous  conference. 
Tne  Provincial  Council  of  Tuam,  Ireland  (1817). 
obliges  all  who  cannot  attend  the  meeting  to  send 
their  solution  of  the  cases  in  writing.  The  First 
Council  of  Quebec  made  a  similar  decree.  The  Coun- 
cil of  Westminster  requires  that  all  who  come  should 
be  prepared  to  respond  to  questions  concerning  the 
matters  proposed.  The  Provincial  Council  of  the 
English,  Dutch,  and  Danish  colonies  (1854)  prescribes 
that  the  dean  send  the  solution  of  the  cases  either  to 
the  bishop  or  to  some  priest  whom  the  latter  shall 
designate.  Among  the  decrees  of  the  First  Council 
of  Westminster  (No.  24)  is  the  following:    "The  con- 


ferences are  obliged  to  send  to  the  bishop  the  solutions 
of  the  cases  or  the  conclusions  reached,  to  be  examined 
and  corrected  by  him.  Each  bishop  in  his  own  dio- 
cese is  to  determine  the  method  to  be  observed  and  the 
matters  to  be  considered  in  the  conferences."  Pius 
IX  wrote  as  follows  to  the  bishops  of  Austria  in  1856: 
"Let  conferences,  especially  concerning  moral  theol- 
ogy and  sacred  rites,  be  instituted  by  you,  which  all 
the  priests  should  attend  and  bring  in  writing  the 
explanation  of  a  question  proposed  by  you.  They 
should  also  discuss,  for  such  length  of  time  as  you  may 
prescribe,  matters  connected  with  moral  theology 
and  ritual  practice,  after  some  one  of  the  priests  has 
delivered  a  discourse  on  the  particular  obligations  of 
the  sacerdotal  order." 

Acta  et  Decrcta  Cone.  RcarUior.  Coll.  Lactnsit  (Freiburg, 
187S),  III,  a.  v.  Collationa;  Ldcidi,  De  Visit.  S.  Limuium 
(Rome,  1899),  I:  Andre-Waoner,  Diet,  du  droit  canon. 
(Paris,  1901),  I;  Thomabsin,  Veins  ac  nova  ecd.  diseipl.,  pt.  II, 
bk.  Ill,  oh.  lxxnr  and  brxvi;  Schneem ANN  in  Kirchenlex.,  s.  v. 

William  H.  W.  Fanning. 

Confession  (Lat.  confessio). — Originally  used  to 
designate  the  burial-place  of  a  confessor  or  martyr 
(known  also  as  a  memoria  or  luxoripuov),  this  term 
gradually  came  to  have  a  variety  of  applications:  the 
altar  erected  over  the  grave;  the  underground  cubicu- 
lum  which  contained  the  tomb;  the  high  altar  of  the 
basilica  erected  over  the  confession;  later  on  in  the 
Middle  Ages  the  basilica  itself  (Joan.  Bar.,  De  invent, 
s.  Sabini) ;  and  finally  the  new  resting-place  to  which 
the  remains  of  a  martyr  had  been  transferred  (Rui- 
nart,  II,  35).  In  case  of  translation  the  relics  of  a  mar- 
tyr were  deposited  in  a  crypt  below  the  high  altar,  or 
in  a  hollow  space  beneath  the  altar,  behind  a  trantenna 
or  pierced  marble  screen  such  as  were  used  in  the  cata- 
combs. Thus  the  tomb  was  left  accessible  to  the 
faithful  who  wished  to  touch  the  shrine  with  cloths 
(branded)  to  be  venerated  in  their  turn  as  "relics". 
In  the  Roman  church  of  S.  Clemente  the  urn  contain- 
ing the  remains  of  St.  Clement  and  St.  Ignatius  of 
Antioch  is  visible  behind  such  a  trantenna.  Later  still 
the  term  confession  was  adopted  for  the  hollow  reli- 
quary in  an  altar  (Ordo  Rom.  de  dedic.  altaris).  The 
oil  from  the  numerous  lamps  kept  lighted  in  a  confes- 
sion was  considered  as  a  relic  Among  the  most  fa- 
mous subterranean  confessions  of  Rome  are  those  in 
the  churches  of  S.  Martino  ai  Monti;  S.  Lorenzo  fuori 
le  Mure,  containing  the  bodies  of  St.  Laurence  and  St. 
Stephen;  S.  Prassede  containing  the  bodies  of  the  two 
sisters  Sts.  Praxedes  and  Pudentiana.  The  most  cele- 
brated confession  is  that  of  St.  Peter.  Over  the  tomb 
of  the  Apostle  Pope  St.  Anacletus  built  a  memoria, 
which  Constantine  when  building  his  basilica  replaced 
with  the  Confession  of  St.  Peter.  Behind  the  brass 
statues  of  Sts.  Peter  and  Paul  is  the  niche  over  the 
grated  floor  which  covers  the  tomb.  In  this  niche 
is  the  gold  coffer,  the  work  of  Benvenuto  Cellini 
which  contains  the  palliums  to  be  sent  to  archbishops 
de  corpore  b.  Petri  according  to  the  Constitution  "  Re- 
rum  ecclesiasticarum"  of  Benedict  XIV  (12  Aug., 
1748).  All  through  the  Middle  Ages  the  palliums 
after  being  blessed  were  let  down  through  the  grating 
on  to  the  tomb  of  the  Apostle,  where  they  remained  for 
a  whole  night  (Phillips,  Kirchenrecht,  V,  624,  n.  61). 
During  the  restoration  of  the  present  basilica  in 
1594  the  floor  gave  way,  revealing  the  tomb  of  St. 
Peter  and  on  it  the  golden  cross  weighing  150  pounds 
placed  there  by  Constantine,  and  inscribed  with  his 
own  and  his  mother's  names. 

Hedser in  Kbaus,  Real-Encyk.,».v. Confessio;  Chandlery, 
Pilgrim  Walks  in  Rome  (London,  1905). 

F.  M.  Rudgb. 
Confession,  Sacramental.   See  Penance. 
Confessional.    See  Penance. 
Confession  Books.    See  Penitentials. 
Confessions  of  Faith.   See  Faith,  Confessions 


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215 


CONFIRMATION 


Confessor. — (1)  Etymology  and  primitive  mean- 
big. — The  word  confessor  is  derived  from  the  Latin 
confUeri,  to  confess,  to  profess,  but  it  is  not  found  in 
writers  of  the  classical  period,  having  been  first  used 
by  the  Christians.  With  them  it  was  a  title  of  honour 
to  designate  those  brave  champions  of  the  Faith  who 
had  confessed  Christ  publicly  m  time  of  persecution 
and  had  been  punished  with  imprisonment,  torture, 
exile,  or  labour  in  the  mines,  remaining  faithful  in 
their  confession  until  the  end  of  their  lives.  The 
title  thus  distinguished  them  from  the  martyrs,  who 
were  so  called  because  they  underwent  death  for  the 
Faith.  The  first  clear  evidence  of  the  distinction 
just  spoken  of  is  found  in  an  epitaph  which  is  recorded 
by  De  Rossi  (Bullettino  di  arcneologia  cristiana,  1864, 
p.  30):  "A  Domino  coronati  sunt  beati  confessores 
comities  martyr um  Aurelius  Diogenes  confessor  et 
Valeria  Felicissima  vivi  in  Deo  fecerunt"  rThe 
blessed  confessors,  companions  of  the  martyrs,  nave 
been  crowned  by  the  Lord.  Aurelius  Diogenes,  con- 
fessor, and  Valeria  Felicissima,  put  up  (this  monument) 
during  their  lifetime].  Among  writers  St.  Cyprian 
is  the  first  in  whose  works  it  occurs  (Ep.  xxxvii):  "Is 
demum  confessor  illustris  et  verus  est  de  quo  poet- 
modum  non  erubescit  Ecclesia  sed  gloriatur  "  (That 
confessor,  indeed,  is  illustrious  and  true  for  whom  the 
Church  does  not  afterwards  blush,  but  of  whom  she 
boasts) :  he  shows  in  the  passage  that  suffering  alone 
for  the  Faith  did  not  merit  the  title  of  confessor  unless 
perseverance  to  the  end  had  followed.  In  this  mean- 
ing the  title  is  of  more  frequent  occurrence  in  the 
Christian  writers  of  the  fourth  century.  Sidonius 
Apollinaris  (Carmen  xvii),  to  quote  one  instance, 
writes,  "Sed  confessorem  virtutum  signa  sequuntur" 
(But  signs  of  power  follow  the  confessor).  A  similar 
use  may  be  verified  in  Lactantius,  "  De  morte  perse- 
cut.",  xxxv;  St.  Jerome,  Ep.  Ixxxii,  7;  Prudentius, 
Uepi  vrtf.,  55,  etc. 

(2)  Later  meaning. — After  the  middle  of  the  fourth 
century  we  find  confessor  used  to  designate  those 
men  of  remarkable  virtue  and  knowledge  who  con- 
fessed the  Faith  of  Christ  before  the  world  ay  the  prac- 
tice of  the  most  heroic  virtue,  by  their  writings  and 
preachings,  and  in  consequence  began  to  be  objects 
of  veneration,  and  had  chapels  (martyria)  erected  in 
their  honour,  which  in  the  previous  centuries  had  been 
the  especial  privilege  of  the  martyrs.  In  the  Eastern 
Churcn  the  nrst  confessors  who  received  a  public  cul- 
tus  were  the  abbots  St.  Anthony  and  St.  Hilarion,  also 
St.  Philogonus  and  St.  Athanasius.  In  the  West 
Pope  St.  Silvester  was  so  venerated  even  before  St. 
Martin  of  Tours,  as  can  be  shown  from  the  "  Kalen- 
darium"  published  by  Fouteau — a  document  which 
is  certainly  of  the  time  of  Pope  Liberius  (cf.  "Prseno- 
tata"  in  the  aforesaid  "  Kalendarium ",  iv). 

(3)  Modern  meaning. — Since  the  time  when  the 
Roman  pontiffs  reserved  to  themselves  definite  decis- 
ion in  causes  of  canonization  and  beatification,  the 
title  of  confessor  (pontiff,  non-pontiff,  doctor)  belongs 
only  to  those  men  who  have  distinguished  themselves 
by  heroic  virtue  which  God  has  approved  by  miracles, 
and  who  have  been  solemnly  adjudged  this  title  by 
the  Church  and  proposed  by  her  to  the  faithful  as  ob- 
jects of  their  veneration.  (See  Martyrs;  Persecu- 
tions; Beatification  and  Canonization.)  For  the 
office  of  confessor  in  the  Sacrament  of  Penance  see 
Penance,  Sacrament  of. 

Benedict  XIV,  Da  Servorum  Dei  Beatificalione  et  licalorum 
Canonizationc,  1,  v,  no.  3  sqq.;  Innocent  III,  De  Mysl.  Mist., 
III.  x;  Beixarmine,  De  3fw«l,  II,  xx,  no.  5;  Mabtiony,  Diet. 

Petebs  in  Keaub,  Iteal-Encyk., 
Bekenner. 

Camillus  Beccari. 


v.;  EOrr  in  Kirchenlex..  8.  v 


Confirmation,  a  sacrament  in  which  the  Holy 
Ghost  is  given  to  those  already  baptized  in  order  to 
make  them  strong  and  perfect  Christians  and  soldiers 
of  Jesus  Christ.   It  has  been  variously  designated:  /3«- 


BcUucit  or  conftrmatio,  a  making  fast  or  sure;  reXeWit 
or  consummatio,  a  perfecting  or  completing,  as  ex- 
pressing its  relation  to  baptism.  With  reference  to  its 
effect  it  is  the  "Sacrament  of  the  Holy  Ghost",  the 
"Sacrament  of  the  Seal"  (signaculum,  sigiUum,  aebpa- 
yls).  From  the  external  rite  it  is  known  as  the  "  im- 
position of  hands"  (Arffam  x*f  <•>*),  or  as  "anointing 
with  chrism"  (unctio,  chrismatio,  xptaim,  pipoi).  The 
names  at  present  in  use  are,  for  the  Western  Church, 
confirmaiio,  and  for  the  Greek,  tA  yipor. 

I.  Present  Practice  and  Doctrine. — Rite. — In 
the  Western  Church  the  sacrament  is  usually  adminis- 
tered by  the  bishop.  At  the  beginning  of  the  cere- 
mony there  is  a  general  imposition  of  hands,  the  bishop 
meantime  praying  that  the  Holy  Ghost  may  come 
down  upon  those  who  have  already  been  regenerated: 
"send  forth  upon  them  thy  sevenfold  Spirit,  the  Holy 
Paraclete."  He  then  anoints  the  forehead  of  each  with 
chrism,  saying:  "  I  sign  thee  with  the  sign  of  the  cross 
and  confirm  thee  with  the  chrism  of  salvation,  in  the 
name  of  the  Father  and  of  the  Son  and  of  the  Holy 
Ghost."  Finally  he  gives  each  a  slight  blow  on  the 
cheek  saying:  peace  be  with  thee  .  A  prayer  is 
added  that  the  Holy  Spirit  may  dwell  in  the  hearts  of 
those  who  have  been  confirmed,  and  the  rite  closes  with 
the  bishop's  blessing. 

The  Eastern  Church  omits  the  imposition  of  hands 
and  the  prayer  at  the  beginning,  and  accompanies 
the  anointing  with  the  words:  "the  sign  [or  seal] 
of  the  gift  of  the  Holy  Ghost."  These  several 
actions  symbolize  the  nature  and  purpose  of  the 
sacrament:  the  anointing  signifies  the  strength  given 
for  the  spiritual  conflict;  the  balsam  contained  in 
the  chrism,  the  fragrance  of  virtue  and  the  good  odour 
of  Christ;  the  sign  of  the  cross  on  the  forehead,  the 
courage  to  confess  Christ,  before  all  men;  the  imposi- 
tion of  hands  and  the  blow  on  the  cheek,  enrolmeut  in 
the  service  of  Christ  which  brings  true  peace  to  the 
soul.  (Cf.  St.  Thomas,  "  Summa.  Theol.",  Ill,  Q.  lxxii, 
a.  4.  For  interesting  details  regarding  the  blow  on  the 
cheek,  see  "Am.  Eccl.  Review  ,  I,  161.) 

Minister. — The  bishop  alone  is  the  ordinary  minis- 
ter of  confirmation.  This  is  expressly  declared  by 
the  Council  of  Trent  (Seas.  VII,  De  Conf.,  C.  iii).  A 
bishop  confirms  validly  even  those  who  are  not  his 
own  subjects;  but  to  confirm  licitly  in  another 
diocese  he  must  secure  the  permission  of  the  bishop  of 
that  diocese.  Simple  priests  may  be  the  extraordinary 
ministers  of  the  sacrament  provided  they  obtain  spe- 
cial delegation  from  the  pope.  This  has  often  been 
granted  to  missionaries.  In  such  cases,  however,  the 
priest  cannot  wear  pontifical  vestments.  He  is  obliged 
to  use  chrism  blessed  by  a  CathoUc  bishop  and  to  ob- 
serve what  is  prescribed  in  the  Instruction  issued  by 
the  Propaganda,  21  March,  1774  (appendix  to  Roman 
Ritual).  In  the  Greek  Church,  confirmation  is  given 
by  simple  priests  without  special  delegation,  and  their 
ministration  is  accepted  by  the  Western  Church  as 
valid.  They  must,  however,  use  chrism  blessed  by  a 
patriarch. 

Matter  and  Form. — There  has  been  much  discussion 
among  theologians  as  to  what  constitutes  the  essential 
matter  of  this  sacrament.  Some,  e.  g.  Aureolus  and 
Petavius,  held  that  it  consists  in  the  imposition  of 
hands.  Others,  with  St.  Thomas,  Bellarmine,  and 
Maldonatus,  maintain  that  it  is  the  anointing  with 
chrism.  According  to  a  third  opinion  (Morinus,  Tap- 
per) either  anointing  or  imposition  of  hands  suffices. 
Finally,  the  most  generally  accepted  view  is  that  the 
anointing  and  the  imposition  of  hands  conjointly  are  the 
matter.  The  "  imposition",  however,  is  not  that  with 
which  the  rite  begins  but  the  laying  on  of  hands  which 
takes  place  in  the  act  of  anointing.  As  Peter  the  Lom- 
bard declares:  Pontifex  per  impositionem  mantis  con- 
firmandos  ungit  in  fronts  (IV  Sent. ,  dist.  xxxiii,  n.  1 ;  cf . 
De  Augustims,  "De  re  sacramentariA",  2d  ed.,  Rome, 
1889),  I.   The  chrism  employed  must  be  a  mixture  of 


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o!lvc-oil  and  balsam  consecrated  by  a  bishop.  (For 
the  manner  of  this  consecration  ana  for  other  details, 
historical  and  liturgical,  see  Chrism.)  The  difference 
regarding  the  form  of  the  sacrament,  i.  e.  the  words  es- 
sential for  confirmation,  has  been  indicated  above  in 
the  description  of  the  rite.  The  validity  of  both  the 
Latin  ana  the  Greek  form  is  unquestionable.  Addi- 
tional details  are  given  below  in  the  historical  outline. 

Recipient.— Confirmation  can  be  conferred  only  on 
those  who  have  already  been  baptized  and  have  not 
yet  been  confirmed.  As  St.  Thomas  says :  "  Confirma- 
tion is  to  baptism  what  growth  is  to  generation.  Now 
it  is  clear  that  a  man  cannot  advance  to  a  perfect  age 
unless  he  has  first  been  born ;  in  like  manner,  unless  he 
has  first  been  baptized  he  cannot  receive  the  Sacra- 
ment of  Confirmation"  (Summ.  Th.,  Ill,  Q.  lxxii,  a.  6). 
They  should  also  be  in  the  state  of  grace ;  for  the  Holy 
Ghost  is  not  given  for  the  purpose  of  taking  away  sin 
but  of  conferring  additional  grace.  This  condition, 
however,  refers  only  to  lawful  reception;  the  sacra- 
ment is  validly  received  even  by  those  in  mortal  sin. 
In  the  early  ages  of  the  Church,  confirmation  was  part 
of  the  rite  of  initiation,  and  consequently  was  admin- 
istered immediately  after  baptism.  When,  however, 
baptism  came  to  be  conferred  by  simple  priests,  the 
two  ceremonies  were  separated  in  the  Western  Church. 
Further,  when  infant  baptism  became  customary,  con- 
firmation was  not  administered  until  the  child  had  at- 
tained the  use  of  reason.  This  is  the  present  practice, 
though  there  is  considerable  latitude  as  to  the  precise 
age.  The  Catechism  of  the  Council  of  Trent  says  that 
the  sacrament  can  be  administered  to  all  persons  after 
baptism,  but  that  this  is  not  expedient  before  the  use  of 
reason ;  and  adds  that  it  is  most  fitting  that  the  sacra- 
ment be  deferred  until  the  child  is  seven  years  old,  "  for 
Confirmation  has  not  been  instituted  as  necessary  for 
salvation,  but  that  by  virtue  thereof  we  might  be 
found  well  armed  and  prepared  when  called  upon  to 
fight  for  the  faith  of  Christ,  and  for  this  kind  of  conflict 
no  one  will  consider  children,  who  are  still  without  the 
use  of  reason,  to  be  qualified."  (Pt.  II,  ch.  iii,  18.) 
Such,  in  fact,  is  the  general  usage  in  the  Western 
Church.  Under  certain  circumstances,  however,  as, 
for  instance,  danger  of  death,  or  when  the  opportunity 
of  receiving  the  sacrament  is  but  rarely  offered,  even 
younger  children  may  be  confirmed.  In  the  Greek 
Church  and  in  Spain,  infants  are  now,  as  in  earlier 
times,  confirmed  immediately  after  baptism.  Leo  XIII, 
writing  22  June,  1897,  to  the  Bishop  of  Marseilles, 
commends  most  heartily  the  practice  of  confirming 
children  before  their  first  communion  as  being  more  in 
accord  with  the  ancient  usage  of  the  Church. 

Effects. — Confirmation  imparts  (1)  an  increase  of 
sanctifying  grace  which  makes  the  recipient  a  "  perfect 
Christian";  (2)  a  special  sacramental  grace  consisting 
in  the  seven  gifts  of  the  Holy  Ghost  and  notably  in  the 
strength  and  courage  to  confess  boldly  the  name  of 
Christ;  (3)  an  indelible  character  by  reason  of  which 
the  sacrament  cannot  be  received  again  by  the  same 
person.  (See  Character.)  A  further  consequence  is 
the  spiritual  relationship  (see  Relationship,  Spirit- 
ual) which  the  person  confirming  and  the  sponsor 
contract  with  the  recipient  and  with  the  recipient's 
parents.  This  relationship  constitutes  a  diriment 
impediment  (see  Impediments)  to  marriage.  It  does 
not  arise  between  the  minister  of  the  sacrament  and 
the  sponsor  nor  between  the  sponsors  themselves. 

Necessity. — Regarding  the  obligation  of  receiving 
the  sacrament,  it  is  admitted  that  confirmation  is  not 
necessary  as  an  indispensable  means  of  salvation  (ne- 
cessitate medii).  On  the  other  hand,  its  reception  is 
obligatory  (necessitate  prcecepti)  "for  all  those  who  are 
able  to  understand  and  fulfil  the  Commandments  of 
God  and  of  the  Church  This  is  especially  true  of 
those  who  suffer  persecution  on  account  of  their  relig- 
ion or  are  exposed  to  grievous  temptations  against 
faith  or  are  in  danger  of  death.   The  more  serious  the 


danger  so  much  greater  is  the  need  of  protecting  one- 
self*5. (Cone.  Pfen.  Bait.  II,  n.  250.)  As  to  the  grav- 
ity of  the  obligation,  opinions  differ,  some  theologians 
holding  that  an  unconfirmed  person  would  commit 
mortal  sin  if  he  refused  the  sacrament,  others  that  the 
sin  would  be  at  most  venial  unless  the  refusal  implied 
contempt  for  the  sacrament.  Apart,  however,  from 
such  controversies  the  importance  of  confirmation  as  a 
means  of  grace  is  so  obvious  that  no  earnest  Christian 
will  neglect  it,  and  in  particular  that  Christian  parents 
will  not  fail  to  see  that  their  children  are  confirmed. 

Sponsors. — The  Church  prescribes  under  pain  of 
grievous  sin  that  a  sponsor,  or  godparent,  shall  stand 
for  the  person  confirmed.  The  sponsor  should  be  at 
least  fourteen  years  of  age,  of  the  same  sex  as  the  can- 
didate, should  have  already  received  the  Sacrament  of 
Confirmation,  and  be  well  instructed  in  the  Catholic 
Faith.  From  this  office  are  excluded  the  father  and 
mother  of  the  candidate,  members  of  a  religious  order 
(unless  the  candidate  be  a  religious),  public  sinners, 
and  those  who  are  under  public  ban  of  interdict  or 
excommunication.  Except  in  case  of  necessity  the 
baptismal  godparent  cannot  serve  as  sponsor  for  the 
same  person  in  confirmation.  Where  the  opposite 
practice  obtains,  it  should,  according  to  a  decree  of 
the  Sacred  Congregation  of  the  Council,  16  Feb.,  1884, 
be  gradually  done  away  with.  The  Second  Plenary 
Council  of  Baltimore  (1866)  declared  that  each  candi- 
date should  have  a  sponsor,  or  that  at  least  two  god- 
fathers should  stand  for  the  boys  and  two  godmothers 
for  the  girls  (n.  253).  See  also  prescriptions  of  the 
First  Council  of  Westminster.  Formerly  it  was  cus- 
tomary for  the  sponsor  to  place  his  or  her  right  foot 
upon  the  foot  of  the  candidate  during  the  administra- 
tion of  the  sacrament;  the  present  usage  is  that  the 
sponsor's  right  hand  should  De  placed  upon  the  right 
shoulder  of  the  candidate.  The  Holy  Office  decreed, 
16  June,  1884,  that  no  sponsor  could  stand  for  more 
than  two  candidates  except  in  case  of  necessity.  The 
custom  of  giving  a  new  name  to  the  candidate  is  not 
obligatory;  but  it  has  the  sanction  of  several  synodal 
decrees  during  the  fifteenth  and  sixteenth  centuries. 
The  Fifth  Council  of  Milan,  under  St.  Charles  Borro- 
meo,  insisted  that  a  candidate  whose  name  was  "  vile, 
ridiculous,  or  quite  unbecoming  for  a  Christian" 
should  receive  another  at  Confirmation"  (cf.  Mar- 
tene). 

It  is  clear  from  the  diversity  of  practice  at  the  pres- 
ent day,  that  there  is  much  uncertainty  as  to  the  doc- 
trine concerning  confirmation.  It  is  certain  that  the 
sacrament  is  validly  and  lawfully  administered  in  the 
Church ;  but  this  does  not  solve  the  theological  ques- 
tions regarding  its  institution,  matter,  form,  and  min- 
ister. At  the  time  of  the  Council  of  Trent  the  diffi- 
culty was  felt  to  be  so  great  that  the  assembled  Fathers 
contented  themselves  with  only  a  few  canons  on  the 
subject.  They  defined  that  confirmation  was  not  "a 
vain  ceremony  but  a  true  and  proper  sacrament";  and 
that  it  was  not  "  in  olden  days  nothing  but  a  sort  of 
catechism  in  which  those  who  were  entering  upon 
youth  gave  an  account  of  their  faith  in  the  face  of  the 
Church  "  (can.  i).  They  did  not  define  anything  spe- 
cific about  the  institution  by  Christ;  though  in  treat- 
ing of  the  sacraments  in  general  they  had  already  de- 
fined that "  all  the  sacraments  of  the  New  Law  were 
instituted  by  Christ  our  Lord"  (Sess.  VII,  can.  i). 
Nothing  whatever  was  said  about  the  form  of  words  to 
be  used;  and  regarding  the  matter  they  merely  con- 
demned any  one  who  should  maintain  "  that  they  who 
ascribe  any  virtue  to  the  sacred  chrism  of  confirmation 
offer  an  outrage  to  the  Holy  Ghost"  (can.  ii).  The 
third  and  last  canon  defined  that  the  "ordinary"  min- 
ister of  the  sacrament  is  a  bishop  only,  and  not  any 
simple  priest.  This  guarded  language,  so  different 
from  the  definite  canons  on  some  of  the  other  sacra- 
ments, shows  that  the  council  had  no  intention  of  de- 
ciding the  questions  at  issue  among  theologians  regard- 


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ing  the  time  and  manner  of  the  institution  by  Christ 
(direct  or  indirect  institution),  the  matter  (imposition 
of  hands  or  anointing,  or  both),  the  form  ("I  sign 
thee",  etc.,  or  "  the  seal",  etc.),  and  the  minister  (bish- 
op or  priest) .  Elsewhere  (Sess.  VII,  can.  ix)  the  council 
defined  that  "  in  confirmation  a  character  is  imprinted 
in  the  soul,  that  is,  a  certain  spiritual  and  indelible 
sign  on  account  of  which  the  sacrament  cannot  be  re- 
peated"; and  again  (Sess.  XXIII)  the  council  declared 
that  "  bishops  are  superior  to  priests;  they  administer 
the  Sacrament  of  Confirmation;  they  ordain  the  min- 
isters of  the  Church;  and  they  can  perform  many 
other  things  over  which  functions  others  of  an  inferior 
rank  have  no  power".  Concerning  the  administra- 
tion of  the  sacrament  from  the  earliest  times  of  the 
Church,  the  decree  of  the  Inquisition  (Lamentabili 
sane,  3  July,  1907)  condemns  the  proposition  (44): 
"There  is  no  proof  that  the  rite  of  the  Sacrament  of 
Confirmation  was  employed  by  the  Apostles;  the  for- 
mal distinction,  therefore,  between  the  two  sacra- 
ments, Baptism  and  Confirmation,  does  not  belong  to 
the  history  of  Christianity".  The  institution  of  the 
sacrament  has  also  been  the  subject  of  much  discus- 
sion as  will  appear  from  the  following  account. 

II.  History. — The  Sacrament  of  Confirmation  is  a 
striking  instance  of  the  development  of  doctrine  and 
ritual  in  the  Church.  We  can,  indeed,  detect  much 
more  than  the  mere  germs  of  it  in  Holy  Scripture;  but 
we  most  not  expect  to  find  there  an  exact  description 
of  the  ceremony  as  at  present  performed,  or  a  com- 
plete solution  of  the  various  theological  questions 
which  have  since  arisen.  It  is  only  from  the  Fathers 
and  the  Schoolmen  that  we  can  gather  information  on 
these  heads. 

(1)  We  read  in  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles  (viii,  14-17) 
that  after  the  Samaritan  converts  had  been  baptized 
by  Philip  the  deacon,  the  Apostles  "sent  unto  them 
Peter  and  John,  who,  when  they  were  come,  prayed 
for  them,  that  they  might  receive  the  Holy  Ghost;  for 
he  was  not  yet  come  upon  any  of  them,  but  they  were 
only  baptized  in  the  name  of  the  Lord  Jesus ;  then  they 
laid,  their  hands  upon  them,  and  they  received  the 
Holy  Ghost".  Again  (xix,  1-6):  St.  Paul  "came  to 
Ephesus,  and  found  certain  disciples ;  and  he  said  to 
them:  Have  you  received  the  Holy  Ghost  since  ye  be- 
lieved? But  they  said  to  him:  We  have  not  so  much 
as  heard  whether  there  be  a  Holy  Ghost.  And  he  said : 
In  what  then  were  you  baptized?  Who  said:  In  John's 
baptism.  Then  Paul  said :  John  baptized  the  people 
with  the  baptism  of  penance.  .  .  .  Having  heard  these 
things,  they  were  baptized  in  the  name  of  the  Lord 
Jesus.  And  when  Paul  had  imposed  his  hands  on 
them,  the  Holy  Ghost  came  upon  them,  and  they 
spoke  with  tongues  and  prophesied".  From  these 
two  passages  we  learn  that  in  the  earliest  ages  of  the 
Church  there  was  a  rite,  distinct  from  baptism,  in 
which  the  Holy  Ghost  was  conferred  by  the  imposition 
of  hands  (ttit  t§»  hrUMvtws  rSr  x'y>&*  T^"' '  AxcwTiXmr), 
and  that  the  power  to  perform  this  ceremony  was 
not  implied  in  the  power  to  baptize.  No  distinct  men- 
tion is  made  as  to  the  origin  of  this  rite;  but  Christ 
promised  the  gift  of  the  Holy  Ghost  and  conferred  it. 
Again,  no  express  mention  is  made  of  anointing  with 
chrism;  but  we  note  that  the  idea  of  unction  is  com- 
monly associated  with  the  giving  of  the  Holy  Ghost. 
Christ  (Luke,  iv,  18)  applies  to  Himself  the  words 
of  Isaias  (lxi,  1):  "The  Spirit  of  the  Lord  is  upon  me, 
wherefore  he  hath  anointed  me  to  preach  the  gospel ". 
8t.  Peter  (Acts,  x,  38)  speaks  of  Jesus  of  Nazareth: 
how  God  anointed  him  with  the  Holy  Ghost". 
St.  John  tells  the  faithful :  "  You  have  the  unction 
(xp&pa)  from  the  Holy  One,  and  know  all  things"; 
and  again:  "Let  the  unction  [xpfop*},  which  you  have 
received  from  him,  abide  in  you  "(lEp.,ii,20,27).  A 
striking  passage,  which  was  made  much  use  of  by  the 
Fathers  and  the  Schoolmen,  is  that  of  St.  Paul:  "He 
that  conftnneth  [4  Si  p*p<u&v}  us  with  you  in  Christ, 


and  hath  anointed  us,  is  God,  who  also  hath  sealed 
[<r<t>piyurdiurot]  us,  and  given  us  the  pledge  [ippapUva] 
of  the  Spirit  in  our  hearts"  (II  Cor.,  i,  20,  21).  No 
mention  is  made  of  any  particular  words  accompany- 
ing the  imposition  of  hands  on  either  of  the  occasions 
on  which  the  ceremony  is  described;  but  as  the  act  of 
imposing  hands  was  performed  for  various  purposes, 
some  prayer  indicating  the  special  purpose  may  have 
been  used:  "Peter  and  John  .  .  .  prayed  for  them, 
that  they  might  receive  the  Holy  Ghost".  Further, 
such  expressions  as  "signing"  and  "sealing"  may  be 
taken  as  referring  to  the  character  impressed  by  the 
sacrament:  "You  were  signed  [i<r$f>aylv(hrt\  with 
the  holy  Spirit  of  promise";  "Grieve  not  the  holy 
Spirit  of  God,  whereby  you  are  sealed  [4r4>payUr0i)r*) 
unto  the  day  of  redemption"  (Eph.,  i,  13;  iv,  30).  See 
also  the  passage  from  II  Cor.  quoted  above.  Again, 
in  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews  (vi,  1-4)  the  writer  re- 
proaches those  whom  he  addresses  for  falling  back  into 
their  primitive  imperfect  knowledge  of  Christian 
truth ;  "  whereas  for  the  time  you  ought  to  be  masters, 
you  have  need  to  be  taught  again  what  are  the  first 
elements  of  the  words  of  God"  (Heb.,  v,  12).  He 
exhorts  them:  "leaving  the  word  of  the  beginning  of 
Christ,  let  us  go  on  to  things  more  perfect,  not  laying 
again  the  foundation  ...  of  the  doctrine  of  baptisms, 
and  imposition  of  hands ' ',  and  speaks  of  them  as  those 
who  have  been  "once  illuminated,  have  tasted  also  the 
heavenly  gift,  and  were  made  partakers  of  the  Holy 
Ghost ".  It  is  clear  that  reference  is  made  here  to  the 
ceremony  of  Christian  initiation:  baptism  and  the  im- 
position of  hands  whereby  the  Holy  Ghost  was  con- 
ferred, just  as  in  Acts,  ii,  38.  The  ceremony  is  con- 
sidered to  be  so  well  known  to  the  faithful  that  no 
further  description  is  necessary.  This  account  of  the 
practice  and  teaching  of  the  Apostles  proves  that  the 
ceremony  was  no  mere  examination  of  those  already 
baptized,  no  mere  profession  of  faith  or  renewal  of 
baptismal  vows.  Nor  was  it  something  specially  con- 
ferred upon  the  Samaritans  and  Ephesians.  What  was 
done  to  them  was  an  instance  of  what  was  generally 
bestowed.  Nor  was  it  a  mere  bestowal  of  charismata ; 
the  Holy  Ghost  sometimes  produced  extraordinary 
effects  (speaking  with  divers  tongues,  etc.),  but  these 
were  not  necessarily  the  result  of  His  being  given. 
The  practice  and  teaching  of  the  Church  at  the 
present  day  preserve  the  primitive  type:  the  imposi- 
tion of  hands,  the  gift  of  the  Holy  Ghost,  the  privileges 
of  the  episcopate.  What  further  elements  were 
handed  down  by  tradition  will  be  seen  presently. 

(2)  In  passing  from  Holy  Scripture  to  the  Fathers 
we  naturally  expect  to  find  more  definite  answers  to 
the  various  questions  regarding  the  sacrament.  From 
both  their  practice  and  their  teaching  we  learn  that 
the  Church  made  use  of  a  rite  distinct  from  baptism; 
that  this  consisted  of  imposition  of  hands,  anointing, 
and  accompanying  words;  that  by  this  rite  the  Holy 
Ghost  was  conferred  upon  those  already  baptized,  and 
a  mark  or  seal  impressed  upon  their  souls;  that,  as  a 
rule,  in  the  West  the  minister  was  a  bishop,  whereas  in 
the  East  he  might  be  a  simple  priest.  The  Fathers 
considered  that  the  rites  of  initiation  (baptism,  confir- 
mation, and  the  Holy  Eucharist)  were  instituted  by 
Christ,  but  they  did  not  enter  into  any  minute  dis- 
cussion as  to  the  time,  place,  and  manner  of  the  insti- 
tution, at  least  of  the  second  of  these  rites.  In  exam- 
ining the  testimonies  of  the  Fathers  we  should  note 
that  the  word  confirmation  is  not  used  to  designate  this 
sacrament  during  the  first  four  centuries;  but  we  meet 
with  various  other  terms  and  phrases  which  quite 
clearly  refer  to  it.  Thus,  it  is  styled  "imposition  of 
hands"  (manuum  impositio,  x'V^'tyr  unction", 
"  chrism  ",  "  sealing ",  etc.  Before  the  time  of  Tertul- 
lian  the  Fathers  do  not  make  any  explicit  mention  of 
confirmation  as  distinct  from  baptism.  The  fact  that 
the  two  sacraments  were  conferred  together  may  ac- 
count for  this  silence.    Tertullian  (De  Bapt.,  vi)  is 


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the  first  to  distinguish  clearly  the  three  acts  of  initia- 
tion: "After  having  come  out  of  the  laver,  we  are 
anointed  thoroughly  with  a  blessed  unction  [perungi- 
mur  benedidA  unctione)  according  to  the  ancient  rule. 
.  .  .  The  unction  runs  bodily  over  us,  but  profits  spir- 
itually. .  .  .  Next  to  this,  the  hand  is  laid  upon  us 
through  the  blessing,  calling  upon  and  inviting  the 
Holy  Spirit  \dchinc  manus  imponitur  per  benedictionem 
advocans  et  xnvitans  Spiritum  Sanctum]."  Again  (De 
resurr.  carnis,  n.  8):  "The  flesh  is  washed  that  the 
soul  may  be  made  stainless.  The  flesh  is  anointed 
[ungitur]  that  the  soul  may  be  consecrated.  The  flesh 
is  sealed  [signatur]  that  the  soul  may  be  fortified.  The 
flesh  is  overshadowed  by  the  imposition  of  hands  that 
the  soul  may  be  illuminated  by  the  Spirit.  The  flesh 
is  fed  by  the  Body  and  Blood  of  Christ  that  the  soul 
may  be  fattened  of  God."  And  (Adv.  Marcion.,  i,  n. 
14):  "But  He  [Christ],  indeed  even  at  the  present 
time,  neither  rejected  the  water  of  the  Creator  with 
which  He  washes  clean  His  own,  nor  the  oil  with  which 
He  anoints  His  own; . . .  nor  the  bread  with  which  He 
makes  present  [reprccsentat]  His  own  very  body,  needing 
even  in  His  own  sacraments  the  beggarly  elements  of 
the  Creator."  Tertullian  also  tells  how  the  devil,  imi- 
tating the  rites  of  Christian  initiation,  sprinkles  some 
and  signs  them  as  his  soldiers  on  the  forehead  (signal 
ittic  in  frontibus  mililes  snot — De  Prescript. ,  xlj . 

Another  great  African  Father  speaks  with  equal 
clearness  of  confirmation.  "Two  sacraments",  says 
St.  Cyprian,  "preside  over  the  perfect  birth  of  a  Chris- 
tian, tne  one  regenerating  the  man,  which  is  baptism, 
the  other  communicating  to  him  the  Holy  Spirit" 
(Epist.  bcrii).  "  Anointed  also  must  he  be  who  is  bap- 
tized, in  order  that  having  received  the  chrism,  that  is 
the  unction,  he  may  be 'anointed  of  God"  (Epist. 
lxx) .  "  It  was  not  fitting  that  [the  Samaritans]  should 
be  baptized  again,  but  only  what  was  wanting,  that 
was  done  by  Peter  and  John;  that  prayer  being  made 
for  them  and  hands  imposed,  the  Holy  Ghost  should 
be  invoked  and  poured  forth  upon  them.  Which  also 
is  now  done  among  us;  so  that  they  who  are  baptized 
in  the  Church  are  presented  to  the  bishops  [prelates]  of 
the  Church,  and  by  ourprayer  and  imposition  of  hands, 
they  receive  the  Holy  Ghost  and  are  perfected  with  the 
seal  [signaculo]  of  the  Lord"  (Epist.  lxxiii).  "More- 
over, a  person  is  not  born  by  the  imposition  of  hands, 
when  he  receives  the  Holy  Ghost,  but  in  baptism ;  that 
being  already  born  he  may  receive  the  Spirit,  as  was 
done  in  the  first  man  Adam.  For  God  first  formed 
him  and  breathed  into  his  face  the  breath  of  life.  For 
the  Spirit  cannot  be  received  except  there  is  first  one 
to  receive  it.  But  the  birth  of  Christians  is  in  bap- 
tism" (Epist.  lxxiv).  Pope  St.  Cornelius  complains 
that  Novatus,  after  having  been  baptized  on  his  sick- 
bed, "did  not  receive  the  other  things  which  ought  to 
be  partaken  of  according  to  the  rule  of  the  Church — to 
be  sealed,  that  is,  by  the  bishop  [9<t>payiff9i)n.i  4x4  roO 
irurndrov]  and  not  having  received  this,  how  did 
he  receive  the  Holy  Ghost?''  (Euseb.,  H.  E.,  vi,  xliii). 
In  the  fourth  and  fifth  centuries  the  testimonies  are 
naturally  more  frequent  and  clear.  St.  Hilary  speaks 
of  "the  sacraments  of  baptism  and  of  the  Spirit";  and 
he  says  that  "the  favour  and  gift  of  the  Holy  Spirit 
were,  when  the  work  of  the  Law  ceased,  to  be  given  by 
the  imposition  of  hands  and  prayer"  (In  Matt.,  c.  iv, 
C.  xiv).  St.  Cyril  of  Jerusalem  is  the  great  Eastern  au- 
thority on  the  subject,  and  his  testimony  is  all  the 
more  important  because  he  devoted  seve  rafofhis  "Ca- 
techeses  '  to  the  instruction  of  catechumens  in  the 
three  sacraments  which  they  were  to  receive  on  being 
initiated  into  the  Christian  mysteries.  Nothing  could 
be  clearer  than  his  language:  "To  you  also  afteryou 
had  come  up  from  the  pool  of  the  sacred  streams,  was 
given  the  chrism  [unction],  the  emblem  of  that  where- 
with Christ  was  anointed ;  and  this  is  the  Holy  Ghost. 
.  .  .  This  holy  ointment  is  no  longer  plain  ointment 
nor  so  to  say  common,  after  the  invocation,  but 


Christ's  gift;  and  by  the  presence  of  His  Godhead,  it 
causes  in  us  the  Holy  Ghost.  This  symbolically 
anoints  thy  forehead,  and  thy  other  senses;  and  the 
body  indeed  is  anointed  with  visible  ointment,  but  the 
soul  is  sanctified  by  the  Holy  and  life-giving  Spirit. . . . 
To  you  not  in  figure  but  in  truth,  because  ye  were  in 
truth  anointed  by  the  Spirit"  (Cat.  Myst.,  in).  And  in 
the  seventeenth  catecnesis  on  the  Holy  Ghost,  he 
speaks  of  the  visit  of  Peter  and  John  to  communicate  to 
tne  Samaritans  the  gift  of  the  Holy  Ghost  by  prayer 
and  the  imposition  of  hands.  "Forget  not  the  Holy 
Ghost",  he  says  to  the  catechumens,  "at  the  moment 
of  your  enlightenment;  He  is  ready  to  mark  your  soul 
with  His  seal  [<r<j>payleaA  .  .  .  He  will  give'  you  the 
heavenly  and  divine  seal  [v^paylt]  which  makes  the 
devils  tremble ;  He  will  arm  you  for  the  fight ;  He  will 
give  you  strength."  Christ,  says  St.  Optatus  of  Mi- 
leve,  "went  down  into  the  water,  not  tnat  there  was 
what  could  be  cleansed  in  God,  but  the  water  ought  to 
go  before  the  oil  that  was  to  supervene,  in  order  to  ini- 
tiate and  in  order  to  fill  up  the  mysteries  of  baptism; 
having  been  washed  whilst  He  was  held  in  John's 
hands,  the  order  of  the  mystery  is  followed. . . .  Heaven 
is  opened  whilst  the  Father  anoints;  the  spiritual  oil  in 
the  image  of  the  Dove  immediately  descended  and 
rested  on  His  head,  and  poured  on  it  oil,  whence  He 
took  the  name  of  Christ,  when  He  was  anointed  by 
God  the  Father;  to  whom  that  the  imposition  of  hands 
might  not  seem  to  have  been  wanting,  the  voice  of  God 
is  heard  from  a  cloud,  saying,  This  is  my  Son,  of  whom 
I  have  thought  well;  hear  ye  him"  (De  schism.  Donate 
I,  iv,  n.  7). 

St.  Ephraem  Syrus  speaks  of  "the  Sacraments  of 
Chrism  and  Baptism"  (Serm.  xxvii);  "oil  also  for  a 
most  sweet  unguent,  wherewith  they  who  already  have 
been  initiated  dv  baptism  are  sealed,  and  put  on  the 
armour  of  the  Holy  Spirit"  (In  Joel.)  St.  Ambrose 
addressing  the  catechumens  who  had  already  been 
baptized  and  anointed,  says :  "  Thou  hast  received  the 
spiritual  seal,  the  Spirit  of  wisdom  and  of  understand- 
ing. . . .  Keep  what  thou  hast  received.  God  the  Fa- 
ther has  sealed  thee;  Christ  the  Lord  has  confirmed 
thee;  and  the  Spirit  has  given  the  pledge  in  thy  heart, 
as  thou  hast  learned  from  what  is  read  m  the  Apostle" 
(De  myst.,  c.  vii,  n.  42).  The  writer  of  the  "  De  Sacra- 
ment is"  (Inter  Op.  Ambros.,  lib.  Ill,  c.  ii,  n.  8)  says 
that  after  the  baptismal  immersion  "the  spiritual  seal 
Isignaculum]  follows  . . .  when  at  the  invocation  of  the 
bishop  [sacerdoHs]  the  Holy  Ghost  is  infused".  The 
Council  of  Elvira  decreed  that  those  who  had  been 
baptized  privately  in  case  of  necessity  should  after- 
wards be  taken  to  the  bishop  "to  be  made  perfect  by 
the  imposition  of  hands ' '  (can.  xxxviii,  Labbe,  1, 974). 
And  the  Council  of  Laodicea:  "Those  who  have  been 
converted  from  the  heresies  . . .  are  not  to  be  received 
before  they  anathematize  every  heresy  .  .  .  and  then 
after  that,  those  who  were  called  faithful  among  them, 
having  learned  the  creeds  of  the  faith,  and  having  been 
anointed  with  the  holy  chrism,  shall  so  communicate 
of  the  holy  mystery"  (can.  vii).  "Those  who  are  en- 
lightened must  after  baptism  be  anointed  with  the 
heavenly  chrism,  and  be  partakers  of  the  kingdom  of 
Christ"  (can.  xlviii,  Labbe,  I,  col.  1497).  The  Council 
of  Constantinople  (381):  "We  receive  the  Arians,  and 
Macedonians  .  .  .  upon  their  giving  in  written  state- 
ments and  anathematizing  every  heresy.  .  .  .  Having 
first  sealed  them  with  the  holy  ointment  upon  the  fore- 
head, and  eyes,  and  nostrils,  and  mouth,  and  ears,  and 
sealing  them  we  say,  "The  seal  of  the  gift  of  the  Holy 
Ghost* ' '  (can.  vii,  Labbe,  II,  col.  952).  St.  Augustine 
explains  how  the  coming  of  the  Holy  Ghost  was  ac- 
companied with  the  gift  of  tongues  in  the  first  ages  of 
the  Church.  "These  were  miracles  suited  to  the 
times.  ...  Is  it  now  expected  that  they  upon  whom 
hands  are  laid,  should  speak  with  tongues T  Or  when 
we  imposed  our  hand  upon  these  children,  did  each  of 
you  wait  to  see  whether  they  would  speak  with  ton- 


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guea?  and  when  he  saw  that  they  did  not  speak  with 
tongues,  was  any  of  you  so  perverse  of  heart  as  to  say 
'These  have  not  received  the  Holy  Ghost?'"  (In  Ep. 
Joan.,  tr.  vi).  He  also  speaks  in  the  same  way  about 
anointing:  the  sacrament  of  chrism  "is  in  the  genus  of 
visible  signs,  sacrosanct  like  baptism"  (Contra  litt. 
Petil.,  II,  cap.  civ.  in  P.  L.,  XLI,  col.  342;  see  Serm. 
ccxxvii,  Ad  infantes  in  P.  L.,  XXXVII,  col.  1100;  De 
Trin.,  XV,  n.  46  in  P.  L.,  XL,  col.  1093) ;  "  Of  Christ  it  is 
written  in  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  how  God  anointed 
Him  with  the  Holy  Ghost,  not  indeed  with  visible  oil, 
but  with  the  gift  of  grace,  which  is  signified  by  that 
visible  unction  wherewith  the  Church  anoints  the  bap- 
tized". The  most  explicit  passage  is  in  the  letter  of 
Pope  Innocent  I  to  Decentius :  "As  regards  the  sealing 
of  infante,  it  is  clear  that  jjb  is  not  lawful  for  it  to  be 
done  by  anyone  but  a*  bishop  [non  ab  aliis  quam  ab 
episcopo  fieri  licere].  For  presbyters,  though  they  be 
priests  of  the  second  rank  (second  priests),  have  not  at- 
tained to  the  summit  of  the  pontificate.  That  this 
pontificate  is  the  right  of  bishops  only — to  wit:  that 
they  may  seal  or  deliver  the  Spirit,  the  Paraclete —  is 
demonstrated  not  merely  by  ecclesiastical  usage,  but 
also  by  that  portion  of  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles  where- 
in it  is  declared  that  Peter  and  John  were  sent  to  give 
the  Holy  Ghost  to  those  who  had  already  been  bap- 
tized. For  when  presbyters  baptize,  whether  with  or 
without  the  presence  of  the  bishop,  they  may  anoint 
the  baptized  with  chrism,  provided  it  be  previously 
consecrated  by  a  bishop,  but  not  sign  the  forehead  with 
that  oil,  which  is  a  right  reserved  to  bishops  [episcopis] 
only,  when  they  give  the  Spirit,  the  Paraclete.  The 
words,  however,  I  cannot  name,  for  fear  of  seeming  to 
betray  rather  than  to  reply  to  the  point  on  which  you 
have  consulted  me."  Saint  Leo  in  his  fourth  sermon 
on  Christ's  Nativity  says  to  the  faithful:  "Having 
been  regenerated  by  water  and  the  Holy  Ghost,  you 
have  received  the  chrism  of  salvation  and  the  seal  of 
eternal  life"  (chrisma  salutis  et  signaculum  vitce  atertue. 
—P.  L.,  LIV,  col.  207).  The  Blessed  Theodoret  com- 
menting on  the  first  chapter  of  the  Canticle  of  Canti- 
cles says:  "Bring  to  thy  recollection  the  holy  rite  of 
initiation,  in  which  they  who  are  perfected  after  the 
renunciation  of  the  tyrant  and  the  acknowledgment  of 
the  King,  receive  as  a  kind  of  royal  seal  the  chrism  of 
the  spiritual  unction  (ffQpayiSd  nra  0<wiXi<c))»  .  .  . 
rov  rrevnaTucoO  pipov  ri  gpfojui)  as  made  partakers  in 
that  typical  ointment  of  the  invisible  grace  of  the  Holy 
Spirit"  (P.  G.,  LXXXI,  60). 

Among  the  homilies  formerly  attributed  to  Euse- 
bius  of  Emesa,  but  now  admitted  to  be  the  work  of 
some  bishop  of  Southern  Gaul  in  the  fifth  century,  is  a 
long  homily  for  Whitsunday:  "The  Holy  Ghost  who 
comes  down  with  a  life-giving  descent  upon  the  waters 
of  baptism,  in  the  font  bestows  beauty  unto  innocence, 
in  confirmation  grants  an  increase  unto  grace.  Be- 
cause we  have  to  walk  during  our  whole  life  in  the 
midst  of  invisible  enemies  and  dangers,  we  are  in  bap- 
tism regenerated  unto  life,  after  baptism  we  are  con- 
firmed For  the  battle ;  in  baptism  we  are  cleansed,  after 
baptism  we  are  strengthened  .  .  .  confirmation  arms 
and  furnishes  weapons  to  those  who  are  reserved  for 
the  wrestlings  and  contests  of  this  world"  (Bib.  Max., 
SS.  PP.,  VI,  p.  649).  These  passages  suffice  to  show 
the  doctrine  and  practice  of  the  Church  during  the 
patristic  age.  For  further  information  see  "  Diet,  de 
theol.  cath?',  s.  v.  "Confirmation",  coll.  1026-1058. 

(3)  After  the  great  Trinitarian  and  Christological 
controversies  had  been  decided,  and  the  doctrine  of 
Divine  grace  had  been  defined,  the  Church  was  able  to 
devote  attention  to  questions  regarding  the  sacra- 
ments, the  means  of  grace.  At  the  same  time,  the 
sacramentaries  were  being  drawn  up,  fixing  the  vari- 
ous rites  in  use.  With  precision  of  practice  came 
greater  precision  and  completeness  of  doctrine. 

Chrisma",  says  St.  Isidore  of  Seville,  "is  in  Latin 
called  'unctio',  and  from  it  Christ  receives  His  name, 


and  man  is  sanctified  after  the  l&ver  [lavacrum];  for  as 
in  baptism  remission  of  sins  is  given,  so  by  anointing 
[unctio]  the  sanctification  of  the  Spirit  is  conferred! 
The  imposition  of  hands  takes  place  in  order  that  the 
Holy  Spirit,  being  called  by  the  blessing,  may  bo  in- 
vited [per  benedictionem  advocatus  invitetur  Spiritus 
Sanctus] ;  for  after  the  bodies  have  been  cleansed  and 
blessed,  then  does  the  Paraclete  willingly  come  down 
from  the  Father"  (Etym.,  Vl.c.xix  in  P.L.,LXXXII, 
col.  256).  The  great  Anglo-Saxon  lights  of  the  early 
Middle  Ages  are  equally  explicit.  "The  confirmation 
of  the  newly  baptized  ,  says  Lingard  (Anglo-Saxon 
Church,  I,  p.  296),  "was  made  an  important  part  of 
the  bishop's  duty.  We  repeatedly  read  of  journeys 
undertaken  by  St.  Cuthbert  chiefly  with  this  object. 
.  .  .  Children  were  brought  to  him  for  confirmation 
from  the  secluded  parts  of  the  country;  and  he  minis- 
tered to  those  who  had  been  recently  born  again  in 
Christ  the  grace  of  the  Holy  Spirit  by  the  imposition  of 
hands,  'placing  his  hand  on  the  head  of  each,  and 
anointing  them  with  the  chrism  which  he  had  blessed 
(manum  imponens  super  caput  singulorum,  liniens 
unctione  consecratd  quam  benedixerat;  Beda,  "Vita 
Cuth.",  c.  xxix,  xxxii  in  P.  L.,  XCIV,  Oper.  Min.,  p. 
277)."  Alcuin  also  in  his  letter  to  Odwin  describes 
how  the  neophyte,  after  the  reception  of  baptism  and 
the  Eucharist,  prepares  to  receive  the  Holy  Spirit 
by  the  imposition  of  hands.  "Last  of  all  by  the 
imposition  of  the  hands  by  the  chief  priest  [summo 
sacerdote]  he  receives  the  Spirit  of  the  seven-fold  grace 
to  be  strengthened  by  the  Holy  Spirit  to  fight  against 
others"  (De  bapt.  caeremon.  in  P.  L.,  CI,  coL  614).  It 
will  be  observed  that  in  all  these  passages  imposition 
of  hands  is  mentioned ;  St.  Isidore  and  bt.  Bede  men- 
tion anointing  also.  These  may  be  taken  as  typical 
examples;  the  best  authorities  of  this  age  combine  the 
two  ceremonies.  As  to  the  form  of  words  used  the 
greatest  variety  prevailed.  The  words  accompany- 
ing the  imposition  of  hands  were  generally  a  prayer 
calling  upon  God  to  send  down  the  Holy  Ghost  and 
confer  upon  the  neophytes  the  seven  gifts.  In  the 
Gregorian  Sacramentary  no  words  at  all  are  assigned 
to  the  anointing;  but  it  is  clear  that  the  anointing 
must  be  taken  in  connexion  with  the  words  belonging 
to  the  imposition  of  hands.  Where  special  words  are 
assigned  they  sometimes  resemble  the  Greek  formu- 
lary (signum  Christi  in  vitam  aeternam,  etc.),  or  are  in- 
dicative, like  the  present  formula  (signo,  consigno,  con- 
firmo),  or  imperative  (accipe  signum,  etc.),  or  depreca- 
tory (conjirmet  vos  Pater  et  Filius  et  Spiritus  Sanctus, 
etc.).  St.  Isidore  is  clearly  in  favour  of  a  prayer: 
"  We  can  receive  the  Holy  Ghost,  but  we  cannot  give 
Him:  that  He  may  be  given,  we  call  upon  God"  (De 
Off.  Eccl.,  II,  c.  xxvi  in  P.  L.,  LXXXIII,  col.  823).  In 
contrast  with  this  diversity  as  to  the  form  there  is 
complete  agreement  that  the  sole  minister  is  a  bishop. 
Of  course  this  refers  only  to  the  Western  Church.  The 
writers  appeal  to  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles  (e.  g.  St. 
Isidore,  "De  Off.  Eccl.",  II,  c.  xxvi;  St.  Bede,  "In 
Act.  Apost."  in  P.  L,  XCII,  col.  961;  "Vit.  Cuth.", 
c.  xxix);  but  they  do  not  examine  the  reason  why 
the  power  is  reserved  to  the  bishops,  nor  do  they  dis- 
cuss the  question  of  the  time  and  mode  of  the  in- 
stitution of  the  sacrament. 

(4)  The  teaching  of  the  Schoolmen  shows  a  marked 
advance  upon  that  of  the  early  Middle  Ages.  The  de- 
cision as  to  the  number  of  the  sacraments  involved  the 
clear  distinction  of  confirmation  from  baptism ;  and  at 
the  same  time  the  more  exact  definition  of  what  con- 
stitutes a  sacrament  led  to  the  discussion  of  the  insti- 
tution of  confirmation,  its  matter  and  form,  minister, 
and  effects,  especially  the  character  impressed.  We 
can  follow  the  development  through  the  labours  of 
Lanfranc,  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  St.  Anselm  his 
successor,  Abelard,  Hugh  of  St.  Victor,  Peter  Lom- 
bard (Sent.,  IV,  dist.  vii) ;  then  branching  out  into  the 
two  distinct  schools  of  Dominicans  (Albertus  Magnus 


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and  St.  Thomas)  and  Franciscans  (Alexander  of  Hales, 
St.  Bona  venture,  and  Duns  Scot  us).  As  we  shall  see, 
the  clearness  with  which  the  various  questions  were 
set  forth  by  no  means  produced  unanimity;  rather  it 
served  to  bring  out  the  uncertainty  with  regard  to 
them  all.  The  writers  start  from  the  tact  that  there 
was  in  the  Church  a  ceremony  of  anointing  with  chrism 
accompanied  with  the  words:  "I  sign  thee  with  the 
sign  of  the  cross  ",  etc. ;  this  ceremony  was  performed 
by  a  bishop  only,  and  could  not  be  repeated.  When 
they  came  to  examine  the  doctrine  underlying  this 
practice  they  all  admitted  that  it  was  a  sacrament, 
though  in  the  earlier  writers  the  word  sacrament  had 
not  yet  acquired  a  distinct  technical  meaning.  So 
strongly  did  they  insist  upon  the  principle  Lex  orandi, 
lex  credendi,  that  they  took  for  granted  that  the  anoint- 
ing must  be  the  matter,  and  the  words  "I  sign  thee", 
etc.,  the  form,  and  that  no  one  but  a  bishop  could  be 
the  valid  minister.  But  when  they  came  to  justify 
this  doctrine  by  the  authority  of  Scripture  they  en- 
countered the  difficulty  that  no  mention  is  made  there 
either  of  the  anointing  or  of  the  words;  indeed  noth- 
ing is  said  of  the  institution  of  the  sacrament  at  all. 
What  could  be  the  meaning  of  this  silence?  How 
could  it  be  explained? 

(a)  Regarding  the  institution  there  were  three  opin- 
ions. The  Dominican  School  taught  that  Christ 
Himself  was  the  immediate  author  of  confirmation. 
Earlier  writers  (e.  g.  Hugh  of  St.  Victor, "  De  Sacram.", 
ii,  and  Peter  Lombard,  "Sent.",  IV,dist.  vii)held  thatit 
was  instituted  by  the  Holy  Ghost  through  the  instru- 
mentality of  the  Apostles.  The  Franciscans  also 
maintained  that  the  Holy  Ghost  was  the  author,  but 
that  He  acted  either  through  the  Apostles  or  through 
the  Church  after  the  death  of  the  Apostles.  "Con- 
cerning the  institution  of  this  sacrament",  says  St. 
Thomas,  "there  are  two  opinions:  some  say  that  it 
was  instituted  neither  by  Christ  nor  by  His  Apostles, 
but  later  on  in  the  course  of  time  at  a  certain  council 
[Meaux,  845;  this  was  the  opinion  of  Alexander  of 
Hales,  Summ.,  iv,  q.  9,  m.],  whereas  others  said  that 
it  was  instituted  by  the  Apostles.  But  this  cannot  be 
the  case,  because  the  institution  of  a  sacrament  be- 
longs to  the  power  of  excellence  which  is  proper  to 
Christ  alone.  And  therefore  we  must  hold  that  Christ 
instituted  this  sacrament,  not  by  showing  it  [exhibenr 
do]  but  by  promising  it,  according  to  the  text  (John, 
xvi,  7), '  If  I  go  not,  the  Paraclete  will  not  come  to  you; 
but  if  I  go,  I  will  send  Him  to  you '.  And  this  because 
in  this  sacrament  the  fullness  of  the  Holy  Ghost  is 
given,  which  was  not  to  be  given  before  Christ's  resur- 
rection and  ascension,  according  to  the  text  (John, 
vii,  39), '  As  yet  the  Spirit  was  not  given,  because  Jesus 
was  not  yet  glorified  '  (Summ.  II1,Q.  lxxii,a.l,ad  1). 
It  will  be  noticed  that  the  Angelic  Doctor  hesitates  a  lit- 
tle about  the  direct  institution  by  Christ  {rum  ex- 
hibendo,  ted  promittendo).  In  his  earlier  work  (In 
Sent.,  IV,  dist.  vii,  q.  1)  he  had  said  plainly  that  Christ 
had  instituted  the  sacrament  and  had  Himself  admin- 
istered it  (Matt.;  xix).  In  this  opinion  the  saint  was 
still  under  the  influence  of  his  master,  Albert,  who 
went  so  far  as  to  hold  that  Christ  had  specified  the 
chrism  and  the  words,  "I  sign  thee",  etc.  (In  Sent.,  IV, 
dist.  vii,  a.  2).  The  opinion  of  Alexander  of  Hales,  re- 
ferred to  by  St.  Thomas,  was  as  follows:  the  Apostles 
conferred  the  Holy  Ghost  by  mere  imposition  of  hands ; 
this  rite,  which  was  not  properly  a  sacrament,  was  con- 
tinued until  the  ninth  century,  when  the  Holy  Ghost 
inspired  the  Fathers  of  the  Council  of  Meaux  in  the 
choice  of  the  matter  and  form,  and  endowed  these  with 
sacramental  efficacy  (Spiritu  Sancto  instiganle  et  vir- 
tutem  sanctificandi  prmstanie).  He  was  led  to  this  ex- 
traordinary view  (which  he  states  as  merely  personal) 
by  the  fact  that  no  mention  is  made  in  Holy  Scripture 
either  of  the  chrism  or  of  the  words ;  and  as  these  were 
undoubtedly  the  matter  and  the  form  they  could  only 
have  been  introduced  by  Divine  authority.   His  dis- 


ciple, St.  Bona  venture,  agreed  in  rejecting  the  institu- 
tion by  Christ  or  His  Apostles,  and  in  attributing 
it  to  the  Holy  Ghost;  but  ne  set  back  the  time  to  the 
age  of  "the  successors  of  the  Apostles"  (In  Sent..  IV,. 
dist.  vii,  art.  1).  However,  like  his  friendly  rival  St. 
Thomas,  he  also  modified  his  view  in  a  later  work  (Bre- 
viloquium,  p.  vi.  c.  4)  where  he  says  that  Christ  insti- 
tuted all  the  sacraments,  though  in  different  ways; 
"  some  by  hinting  at  them  and  initiating  them  [insinu- 
ando  et  initiando],  as  confirmation  and  extreme 
unction".  Scotus  seems  to  have  felt  the  weight 
of  the  authority  of  the  Dominican  opinion,  Tor 
he  does  not  express  himself  clearly  in  favour  of  the 
views  of  his  own  order.  He  says  that  the  rite  was  in- 
stituted by  God  (Jesus  Christ?  the  Holy  Ghost?); 
that  it  was  instituted  when  Christ  pronounced  the 
words,  "  Receive  ye  the  Holy  Ghost",  or  on  the  day  of 
Pentecost,  but  this  may  refer  not  to  the  rite  but  to  the  - 
thing  signified,  viz.  the  gift  of  the  Holy  Ghost  (In  Sent., 
IV,  dist.  vii,  q.  1 ;  dist.  ii,  q.  1).  The  Fathers  of  the 
Council  of  Trent,  as  said  above,  did  not  expressly  de- 
cide the  question,  but  as  they  denned  that  all  the  sacra- 
ments were  instituted  by  Christ,  the  Dominican 
teaching  has  prevailed.  We  shall  see,  however,  that 
this  is  capable  of  many  different  meanings. 

(b)  The  question  of  the  institution  of  the  sacrament 
is  intimately  bound  up  with  the  determination  of  the 
matter  and  form.  Alt  agreed  that  these  consisted  of 
the  anointing  (including  the  act  of  placing  the  hand 
upon  the  candidate)  and  the  words,  "I  sign  thee",  or 
"I  confirm  thee",  etc.  Were  this  action  and  these 
words  of  Divine,  or  of  Apostolic,  or  of  merely  ecclesias- 
tical origin?  Blessed  Albertus  held  that  both  were  or- 
dained t>y  Christ  Himself;  others  that  they  were 
the  work  of  the  Church ;  but  the  common  opinion  was 
that  they  were  of  Apostolic  origin.  St.  Thomas  was 
of  opinion  that  the  Apostles  actually  made  use  of 
chrism  and  the  words,  Consigno  te,  etc.,  and  that  they 
did  so  by  Christ's  command.  The  silence  of  Scrip- 
ture need  not  surprise  us,  he  says,  "for  the  Apostles 
observed  many  things  in  the  administration  of  the 
sacraments  which  are  not  handed  down  by  the  Scrip- 
tures" (S.  Theol.,  Ill,  Q.  lxxii,  a.  3  and  4). 

(c)  In  proof  of  the  reservation  of  the  rite  to  bishops 
the  Schoolmen  appeal  to  the  example  of  Acts,  viii; 
and  they  go  on  to  explain  that  as  the  sacrament  is  a 
sort  of  completion  of  baptism  it  is  fitting  that  it  should 
be  conferred  by  "one  who  has  the  highest  power  {sum- 
mam  potestatem]  in  the  Church"  (St.  Thomas,  ibid., 
art.  11).  They  were  aware,  however,  that  in  the  prim- 
itive Church  simple  priests  sometimes  administered 
the  sacrament.  This  they  accounted  for  by  the  few- 
ness of  bishops,  and  they  recognized  that  the  validity 
of  such  administration  (unlike  the  case  of  Holy  or- 
ders) is  a  mere  matter  of  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction. 
"The  pope  holds  the  fullness  of  power  in  the  Church, 
whence  he  can  confer  upon  certain  of  the  inferior  or- 
ders things  which  belong  to  the  higher  orders.  .  .  . 
And  out  of  the  fullness  of  this  power  the  blessed  pope 
Gregory  granted  that  simple  priests  conferred  this 
sacrament"  (St.  Thomas,  ibid.). 

(5)  The  Council  of  Trent  did  not  decide  the  questions 
discussed  by  the  Schoolmen.  But  the  definition  that 
"all  the  sacraments  were  instituted  by  Christ"  (Sess. 
VII,  can.  i),  excluded  the  opinion  that  the  Holy  Ghost 
was  the  author  of  confirmation.  Still,  nothing  was 
said  about  the  mode  of  institution! — whether  immedi- 
ate or  mediate,  generic  or  specific.  The  post-Triden- 
tine  theologians  have  almost  unanimously  taught  that 
Christ  Himself  was  the  immediate  author  of  all  the 
sacraments,  and  so  of  confirmation  (cf.  De  Lugo, "  De 
Sacram.  in  Gen.",  disp.  vii,  sect.  1;  Tournely,  "De 
Sacram.  in  Gen.",  q.  v,  a.  1).  "But  the  historical 
studies  of  the  seventeenth  century  obliged  authors  to 
restrict  the  action  of  Christ  in  the  institution  of  the 
sacraments  to  the  determination  of  the  spiritual  ef- 
fect, leaving  the  choice  of  the  rite  to  the  Apostles  and 


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the  Church."  (Pourrat,  La  th&ologie  sacramen- 
taire,  p.  313.)  That  is  to  say,  in  the  case  of  confirma- 
tion, Christ  bestowed  upon  the  Apostles  the  power 
of  giving  the  Holy  Ghost,  but  He  did  not  specify  the 
ceremony  by  which  this  gift  should  be  conferred;  the 
Apostles  and  the  Church,  acting  under  Divine  guid- 
ance, fixed  upon  the  imposition  of  hands,  the  anoint- 
ing, and  the  appropriate  words.  Further  information 
on  this  important  and  difficult  question  will  be  found 
in  the  article  Sacraments. 

III.  Confirmation  in  the  British  and  Irish 
Churches. — In  his  famous  "Confession"  (ed.  Whitley 
Stokes,  Vita  Tripartita,  II,  372,  368;  cf.  p.  clxxxiv) 
St.  Patrick  refers  to  himself  as  the  first  to  administer 
confirmation  in  Ireland.  The  term  here  used  (populi 
amsummatio;  cf.  St.  Cyprian,  ut  signaculo  dominico 
consummentur,  Ep.  lxxhi.  no.  9,  ed.  Hartel,  p.  786) 
is  rendered  by  nocosmad,  coemait  (eonftrmabat,  con- 
fvrmatio)  in  a  very  ancient  Irish  homily  on  St.  Patrick 
found  in  the  fourteenth  century,  "Leabar  Breac" 
(op.  cit.,  II,  484).  In  the  same  work  (II,  560-51)  a 
Latin  preface  to  an  ancient  Irish  chronological  tract 
6ays:  Debemus  scire  quo  tempore  Patricius  sanctus  epi- 
scopus  atque  pnxceptor  maximus  Scotorum  inckoavit 
.  .  .  sanetificare  et  amsecrare  .  .  .  et  consummare,  i.  e. 
"  we  ought  to  know  at  what  time  Patrick,  the  holy  bish- 
op and  greatest  teacher  of  the  Irish,  began  to  come  to 
Ireland  ...  to  sanctify  and  ordain  and  confirm". 
From  the  same  "Leabar  Breac"  Sylvester  Malone 
quotes  the  following  account  of  confirmation  which 
exhibits  an  accurate  belief  on  the  part  of  the  Irish 
Church:  "Confirmation  or  chrism  is  the  perfection  of 
baptism,  not  that  they  are  not  distinct  and  different. 
Confirmation  could  not  be  given  in  the  absence  of  bap- 
tism; nor  do  the  effects  of  baptism  depend  on  con- 
firmation, nor  are  they  lost  till  death.  Just  as  the 
natural  birth  takes  place  at  once  so  does  the  spiritual 
regeneration  in  like  manner,  but  it  finds,  however,  its 
perfection  in  confirmation"  (Church  History  of  Ire- 
land, Dublin,  1880,  I,  p.  149).  It  is  in  the  light  of 
these  venerable  texts,  which  quite  probably  antedate 
the  year  1000,  that  we  must  interpret  the  well-known 
reference  of  St.  Bernard  to  the  temporary  disuse  of 
confirmation  in  Ireland  (Vita  Malachite),  c.  iv,  in  Acta 
SS.,  Nov.,  II,  145).  He  relates  that  St.  Malachy  (b. 
about  1095)  introduced  the  practices  of  the  Holy  Ro- 
man Church  into  all  the  churches  of  Ireland,  and  men- 
tions especially  "the  most  wholesome  usage  of  confes* 
sion,  the  sacrament  of  confirmation  and  the  contract 
of  marriage,  all  of  which  were  either  unknown  or  ne- 
glected". These  Malachy  restored  (de  novo  instUuit). 
The  Welsh  laws  of  Hywel  Dda  suppose  for  children  of 
seven  years  and  upwards  a  religious  ceremony  of  lay- 
ing on  of  hands  that  can  hardly  be  anything  else  than 
confirmation.  Moreover,  the  Welsh  term  for  this  sac- 
rament, Bedydd  Esgob,  i.  e.  bishop's  baptism,  implies 
that  it  was  always  performed  by  a  bishop  and  was  a 
complement  (amsummatio)  of  baptism  (J.  Williams, 
Ecclesiastical  Antiquities  of  the  Cymri,  London,  1844, 
p.  281).  This  writer  also  quotes  (ibid.)  his  country- 
man Gerald  Barry  for  the  fact  that  the  whole  people  of 
Wales  were  more  eager  than  any  other  nation  to  ob- 
tain episcopal  confirmation  and  the  chrism  by  which 
the  Spirit  was  given. 

The  practice  in  England  has  already  been  illustrated 
by  facts  from  the  life  of  St.  Cuthbert.  One  of  the  old- 
est ordines,  or  prescriptions  for  administering  the  sac- 
rament, is  found  in  the  Pontifical  of  Egbert,  Arch- 
bishop of  York  (d.  766).  The  rite  is  practically  the 
same  as  that  used  at  present;  the  form,  however,  is: 
"receive  the  step  of  the  holy  cross  with  the  chrism  of 
salvation  in  Christ  Jesus  unto  life  everlasting." 
Among  the  rubrics  are:  modo  ligandi  sunt,  i.  e.  the  head 
of  the  person  confirmed  is  to  be  bound  with  a  fillet;  and 
modo  communicandi  sunt  de  sacriflcio,  i.  e.  they  are  to 
receive  Holy  Communion  (Martene).  It  was  espe- 
cially during  the  thirteenth  century  that  vigorous 


measures  were  taken  to  secure  the  proper  administra- 
tion of  the  sacrament.  In  general,  the  councils  and 
synods  direct  the  priests  to  admonish  the  people  re- 
garding the  confirmation  of  their  children.  The  age- 
limit,  however,  varies  considerably.  Thus  the  Synod 
of  Worcester  (1240)  decreed  that  parents  who  neg- 
lected to  have  their  child  confirmed  within  a  year 
after  birth  should  be  forbidden  to  enter  the  church. 
The  Synod  of  Exeter  (1287)  enacted  that  children 
should  be  confirmed  within  three  years  from  birth, 
otherwise  the  parents  were  to  fast  on  bread  and  water 
until  they  complied  with  the  law.  At  the  Synod  of 
Durham  (1217?  Cf.  Wilkins,  loc.  cit.  below)  the  time 
was  extended  to  the  seventh  year.  Other  statutes 
were:  that  no  one  should  be  admitted  to  Holy  Com- 
munion who  had  not  been  confirmed  (Council  of  Lam- 
beth, 1281) ;  that  neither  father  nor  mother  nor  step- 
parent should  act  as  sponsor  (London,  1200);  that 
children  to  be  confirmed  must  bring  "  fillets  or  bands 
of  sufficient  length  and  width  ",  and  that  they  must  be 
brought  to  the  church  the  third  day  after  confirma- 
tion to  have  their  foreheads  washed  by  the  priest  out 
of  reverence  for  the  holy  chrism  (Oxford,  1222) ;  that 
a  male  sponsor  should  stand  for  the  boys  and  a  female 
sponsor  for  the  girls  (Provincial  Synod  of  Scotland, 
1225);  that  adults  must  confess  before  being  con- 
firmed (Constitution  of  St.  Edmund  of  Canterbury, 
about  1236).  Several  of  the  above-named  synods 
emphasize  the  fact  that  confirmation  produces  spiri- 
tual cognation  and  that  the  sacrament  cannot  be  re- 
ceived more  than  once.  The  legislation  of  the  Synod 
of  Exeter  is  especially  full  and  detailed  (see  Wilkins, 
Concilia  Magna;  Brittannias  et  Hibernise,  London, 
1734).  Among  the  decrees  issued  in  Ireland  after  the 
Reformation  may  be  cited:  no  one  other  than  a  bishop 
should  administer  confirmation;  the  Holy  See  had  not 
delegated  this  episcopal  function  to  any  one  (Synod  of 
Armagh,  1614);  the  faithful  should  be  taught  that 
confirmation  cannot  be  reiterated  and  that  its  recep- 
tion should  be  preceded  by  sacramental  confession 
(Synod  of  Tuam,  1632). 

IV.  In  the  American  Colonies. — Previous  to  the 
establishment  of  the  hierarchy,  many  Catholics  in 
North  America  died  without  having  received  con- 
firmation. In  some  portions  of  what  is  now  the 
United  States  the  sacrament  was  administered  by 
bishops  from  the  neighbouring  French  and  Spanish 
possessions;  in  others,  by  missionary  priests  with  del- 
egation from  the  Holy  See.  Bishop  Cabezas  de  Alti- 
mirano  of  Santiago  de  Cuba,  on  his  visitation  of  Flor- 
ida, confirmed  (25  March,  1606)  a  large  number,  prob- 
ably the  first  administration  of  the  sacrament  in  the 
United  States  territory  (Shea,  The  Catholic  Church  in 
Colonial  Days,  New  York,  1866).  In  1655,  Don  Diego 
de  Rebolledo,  Governor  of  Florida,  urged  the  King  of 
Spain  to  ask  the  pope  to  make  St.  Augustine  an  epis- 
copal see,  or  to  make  Florida  a  vicariate  Apostolic  so 
that  there  might  be  a  local  superior  and  that  the  faith- 
ful might  receive  the  Sacrament  of  Confirmation;  but 
nothing  came  of  the  petition.  Bishop  Calderon  of 
Santiago  visited  Florida  in  1647  and  confirmed  13,152 
persons,  including  Indians  and  whites.  Other  in- 
stances are  the  visitations  of  Bishop  de  Velasco 
(1735-6)  and  Bishop  Morel  (1763).  Subsequently,  Dr. 
Peter  Camps,  missionary  Apostolic,  received  from 
Rome  special  faculties  for  confirmation.  In  New  Mex- 
ico, during  the  seventeenth  century,  the  custos  of  the 
Franciscans  confirmed  by  delegation  from  Leo  X  and 
Adrian  VI.  In  1760,  Bishop  Tamaron  of  Durango 
visited  the  missions  of  New  Mexico  and  confirmed  11,- 
271  persons.  Bishop  Tejada  of  Guadalajara  adminis- 
tered (1759)  confirmation  at  San  Fernando,  now  San 
Antonio,  Texas,  and  Bishop  de  Pontbriand  at  Ft.  Pres- 
entation (Ogdensburg,  N.  Y.)  in  1752.  The  need  of  a 
bishop  to  administer  the  sacrament  in  Maryland  and 
Pennsylvania  was  urged  by  Bishop  Challoner  in  a  re- 
port to  the  Propaganda,  2  Aug.,  1763.    Writing  to  his 


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agent  at  Rome,  Rev.  Dr.  Stonor.  12  Sept.,  176G,  he 
says:  "  there  be  so  many  thousands  there  that  live  and 
die  without  Confirmation";  and  in  another  letter,  4 
June,  1771 :  "  It  is  a  lamentable  thing  that  such  a  mul- 
titude have  to  live  and  die  always  deprived  of  the 
Sacrament  of  Confirmation. "  Cardinal  Castelli  wrote, 
7  Sept.,  1771,  to  Bishop  Briand  of  Quebec  asking  him 
to  supply  the  need  of  the  Catholics  in  Maryland  and 
Pennsylvania.  In  1783  the  clergy  petitioned  Rome 
for  the  appointment  of  a  superior  with  the  necessary 
faculties  "that  our  faithful  living  in  many  dangers, 
may  be  no  longer  deprived  of  the  Sacrament  of  Con- 
firmation. ..."  On  6  June,  1784,  Pius  VI  ap- 
pointed Rev.  John  Carroll  as  superior  of  the  mission 
and  empowered  him  to  administer  confirmation  (Shea, 
Life  and  Times  of  Archbishop  Carroll,  New  York, 
1888;  cf.  Hughes  in  Am.  Eccl.  Review,  XXVIII,  23). 

V.  Confirmation  Among  Non-Catholics. — The 
Protestant  Reformers,  influenced  by  their  rejection  of 
all  that  could  not  be  clearly  proved  from  Scripture  and 
by  their  doctrine  of  justification  by  faith  only,  refused 
to  admit  that  confirmation  was  a  sacrament  (Luther, 
De  Capt.  Babyl.,  VII,  p.  501).  According  to  the  Con- 
fession of  Augsburg,  it  was  instituted  by  the  Church, 
and  it  has  not  the  promise  of  the  grace  of  God.  Mel- 
anchthon  (Loci  Comm.,  p.  48)  taught  that  it  was  a 
vain  ceremony,  and  was  formerly  nothing  but  a  cate- 
chism in  which  those  who  were  approaching  adoles- 
cence gave  an  account  of  their  faith  before  the  Church ; 
and  that  the  minister  was  not  a  bishop  only,  but  any 
priest  whatsoever  (Lib.  Ref.  ad  Colonien.).  These 
four  points  were  condemned  by  the  Council  of  Trent 
(supra  I;  cf.  A.  Theiner,  Acta  Genuina  SS.  CEcum. 
Cone.  Trid.,  I,  p.  383  sqq.).  Nevertheless  the  Luth- 
eran Churches  retain  some  sort  of  confirmation  to  the 
present  day.  It  consists  of  the  examination  of  the 
candidate  in  Christian  doctrine  by  the  pastors  or  mem- 
bers of  the  consistory,  and  the  renewal  by  the  candi- 
date of  the  profession  of  faith  made  for  him  at  the 
time  of  his  baptism  by  his  godparents.  How  the  pas- 
tors properly  ordained  can  alone  be  said  to  "give" 
confirmation  does  not  appear.  The  Anglican  Church 
holds  that  "Confirmation  is  not  to  be  counted  for  a 
sacrament  of  the  Gospel  ...  for  it  has  not  the  like 
nature  of  sacraments  [sacramentorum  eandem  ro- 
tionem]  with  Baptism  and  the  Lord's  Supper,  for  it  has 
not  any  visible  sign  or  ceremony  ordained  of  God" 
(Art.  xxv).  But, like  the  Lutheran  Churches,  it  re- 
tains "the  Confirmation  of  children,  by  examining 
them  of  their  knowledge  in  their  articles  of  faith  and 
joining  thereto  the  prayers  of  the  Church  for  them" 
(Homily  on  Common  Prayer  and  Sacraments,  p.  300). 
The  rite  of  confirmation  has  undergone  various  changes 
in  the  different  prayer  books  (see  Book  of  Common 
Prater).  From  these  it  can  be  seen  how  the  Angli- 
can Church  has  varied  between  the  complete  rejection 
of  the  Catholic  doctrine  and  practice,  and  a  near  ap- 
proach to  these.  Testimonies  could  easily  be  quoted 
for  either  of  these  opinions.  The  wording  of  Art.  xxv 
left  a  loophole  which  the  Ritualistic  party  has  made 
good  use  of.  Even  some  Catholics,  as  stated  above, 
have  admitted  that  confirmation  "has  not  any  visible 
sign  or  ceremony  ordained  of  God";  the  imposition  of 
hands,  the  anointing,  and  the  words  used  being  all  of 
them  "ordained  of   the  Apostles  of  the  Church. 

General. — Did.  de  thiol,  coin.  s.  v.,  full  bibliography;  Wil- 
helm  and  Scannell,  Manual  of  Calk.  Theol.  (London,  1898), 
II;  De  Auoubtinis,  De  Re  Sacramenlaria  (Rome,  1889);  Gihb, 
Die  hi.  Sakramente  d.  kathol.  Kirche  (Freibunt,  1902),  I;  Hein- 
rich-Gutberlet.  Dogmat.  Theoloffie  (Mainz,  1901),  IX;  Pohle, 
Lehrb.  d.  Dogmalik  (Paderbom,  1906),  III.  good  bibliography; 
Poo  brat,  La  thtologie  sacramentaire  (Paris.  1907). 

Special. — Vitasse,  De  Sacram.  Confirm,  in  Miqne,  Theol. 
Cursus  Comp.,  XXI;  Janbsens,  La  confirmation  (Lille.  1888); 
Heimbdcheb,  Das  Sakrament  dee  HI.  Oristes  (Augsburg,  1889); 
Da  loir,  Dai  Sakrament  d.  Firmung  (Vienna,  1906);  J.  R.  Gas- 
Q0ET,  The  Early  History  of  Baptism  and  Confirmation  in  Dublin 
Rev.  (1895).  116. 

Lituboical. — Martene,  De  Antiquis  Bed.  Ritibu*  (Rouen, 
1700),  I,  ii;  Mabtiont,  Diet,  des  antvmitls  chril.  (Paris,  1877); 
Dbnzinokb,  Ritus  orientalium  Bed.  (Wunburg,  1863);  Malt- 


zew  (priest  of  the  Russian  Church),  Die  Sacramente  d.  orthodox* 
kathoTischen  Kirche  des  Morgenlandcs  (Berlin,  1898);  Duchesne, 
Christian  Worship,  tr.  from  3rd  ed.  of  Les  Origines  (London, 
1903). 

Non-Cathouc. — Mason,  The  Relation  of  Confirmation  to 
Baptism  (London,  1893);  Hall,  Confirmation  (London,  1902); 
Ffodlkes  in  Did.  Christ.  Biog.,  b.  v.  See  also  Richardson, 
Periodical  Articles  on  Religion,  1830-1899  (New  York,  1907). 

T.  B.  Scannell. 

Oonflteor. — The  Confiteor  (so  called  from  the  first 
word,  confiteor,  I  confess)  is  a  general  confession  of  sins ; 
it  is  used  in  the  Roman  Rite  at  the  beginning  of  Mass 
and  on  various  other  occasions  as  a  preparation  for 
the  reception  of  some  grace. 

History  of  the  Confiteor. — It  is  first  heard  of  as 
the  preparation  for  sacramental  confession  and  as  part 
of  the  preparation  for  Mass.  Both  the  original  East- 
ern liturgies  begin  with  a  confession  of  sin  mode  by 
the  celebrant  (for  the  Antiochene  Rite  see  Brightman, 
Eastern  Liturgies,  p.  31,  and  for  the  Alexandrine 
Rite,  ibid.,  116).  The  first  Roman  sacramentaries 
and  ordos  tell  us  nothing  about  this  preparation;  they 
all  describe  the  Mass  as  beginning  at  the  Introit.  The 
Confiteor  in  some  form  was  probably  from  an  early 
date  one  of  the  private  prayers  said  by  the  celebrant 
in  the  sacristy  before  he  began  Mass.  But  the  ' '  Sixth 
Roman  Ordo  (Mabillon,  Museum  Italicum,  II,  70-76), 
written  apparently  in  the  tenth  or  eleventh  century, 
tells  us  that  at  the  beginning  of  Mass  the  pontiff  "  bow- 
ing down  prays  to  God  for  forgiveness  of  his  sins" 
(ibid.,  p.  71).  So  by  the  eleventh  century  the  prepa- 
ration is  already  made  at  the  altar.  In  the  "  Canon- 
ical Rule"  of  Chrodegang  of  Metz  (d.  743)  the  ques- 
tions put  by  the  priest  to  the  penitent  before  confes- 
sion contain  a  form  that  suggests  our  Confiteor:  "  First 
of  all  prostrate  yourself  humbly  in  the  sight  of  God 
.  .  .  and  pray  Blessed  Mary  with  the  holy  Apostles 
and  Martyrs  and  Confessors  to  pray  to  the  Lord  for 
you  (Chrodeg.  Met.,  "Reg.  Canon.  ,  cap.  xxxii,  in  P. 
L.,  LXXXIX,  1072).  So  also  Egbert  of  York  (d.  766) 
gives  a  short  form  that  is  the  germ  of  our  present 
prayer:  "Say  to  him  to  whom  you  wish  to  confess 
your  sins:  through  my  fault  that  I  have  sinned  ex- 
ceedingly in  thought,  word,  and  deed."  In  answer 
the  confessor  says  almost  exactly  our  Misereatur 
(Bona,  "Rerum  hturg.",  Bk.  II,  h,  v).  But  it  is  in 
Micrologus  (Bernold  of  Constance,  d.  1100)  that  we 
first  find  the  Confiteor  quoted  as  part  of  the  introduc- 
tion of  the  Mass.  The  form  here  is:  "Confiteor  Deo 
omnipotenti,  istis  Sanctis  et  omnibus  Sanctis  et  tibi 
f rater,  quia  peccavi  in  cogitatione,  in  locutione,  in 
opere,  in  pollutione  mentis  et  corporis.  Ideo  pre  cor 
te,  ora  pro  me."  The  Misereatur  and  Indulgentiam 
follow,  the  former  slightly  different,  but  the  latter  ex- 
actly as  we  have  it  now  (De  eccl.  observ.,  xxiii,  in  P. 
L.,  CLI,  992). 

In  the  "Ordo  Roman  us  XIV"  (by  Cardinal  James 
Cajetan  in  the  fourteenth  century,  Mabillon,  op.  cit., 
II,  246-443)  we  find  our  Confiteor  exactly,  but  for  the 
slight  modification:  "Quia  peccavi  nimis  cogitatione, 
delectatione,  consensu,  verbo  et  opere"  (ib.,  p.  329). 
The  Third  Council  of  Ravenna  (1314,  Hardouin,  Coll. 
Cone,  VII,  1389)  orders  in  its  Rubric  xv  our  Con- 
fiteor, word  for  word,  to  be  used  throughout  that 
province.  The  form,  and  especially  the  list  of  saints 
invoked,  varies  considerably  in  the  Middle  Ages.  Car- 
dinal Bona  (Rerum  liturg.  libri  duo,  II,  5-7}  quotes  a 
number  of  such  forms.  In  many  Missals  it  is  shorter 
than  ours:  "Confiteor  Deo,  beats  Marise,  omnibus 
Sanctis  et  vobis"  (so  the  Sarum  Missal,  ed.  Dickinson, 
Burntisland,  1861-1883).  In  the  Missal  of  Paul  III 
(1534-1549)  it  is:  "Confiteor  Deo  omnipotenti,  B. 
MariiE  semper  Virgini,  B.  Petro  et  omnibus  Sanctis  et 
vobis  Fratres,  quia  peccavi,  mea  culpa:  precor  vos 
orare  pro  me"  (Bona,  loc.  cit.).  Since  the  edition  of 
Pius  V  (1566-1572)  our  present  form  is  the  only  one 
to  be  used  throughout  the  Roman  Rite,  with  the  ex- 
ceptions of  the  Carthusian,  Carmelite,  and  Dominican 


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Offices,  whose  Missals,  having  been  proved  to  have 
existed  for  more  than.  200  years,  are  still  allowed. 
These  three  forms  are  quite  short,  and  contain  only 
one  "mea  culpa";  the  Dominicans  invoke,  besides 
the  Blessed  Virgin,  St.  Dominic.  Moreover,  some 
other  orders  have  the  privilege  of  adding  the  name 
of  their  founder  after  that  of  St.  Paul  (the  Francis- 
cans for  instance),  and  the  local  patron  is  inserted  at 
the  same  place  in  a  few  local  uses.  Otherwise  the 
Confiteor  must  always  be  said  exactly  as  it  is  in  the 
Roman  Missal  (S.  R.  C,  13  February,  1666,  Benedict 
XIV,  De  SS.  Missse  Sacr.,  II,  iii,  11, 12). 

Use  of  the  Confiteor. — The  prayer  is  said  some- 
times as  a  double  form  of  mutual  confession,  first  by 
the  celebrant  to  the  people  and  then  by  the  people  to 
him,  and  sometimes  only  once,  as  a  single  form.  As 
a  double  form  it  is  used:  (1)  as  part  of  the  introduc- 
tory prayers  of  Mass  said  before  the  priest  goes  up  to 
the  altar,  after  the  Psalm  "Judica  me"  (Ritus  cele- 
brandi,  III,  7-9);  (2)  in  the  public  recital  of  the  Di- 
vine Office  as  part  of  the  Preces  at  Prime  (so  that  it  is 
omitted  on  doubles  and  in  octaves),  and  always  in  the 
beginning  of  Complin  (Rubr.  Gen.  Brev.,  XV,  2,  and 
XVIII,  1).  As  a  single  form  it  occurs:  (1)  during 
Mass,  a  second  time,  if  anyone  receives  Holy  Com- 
munion besides  the  celebrant;  (2)  when  Holy  Com- 
munion is  given  outside  of  Moss  (Rituale  Rom.,  Tit.  I, 
ch.  ii,  1);  (3)  before  the  administration  of  extreme 
unction  (when  it  may  be  said  in  Latin  or  in  the  vul- 
gar tongue. — Rituale  Rom.,  Tit.  V,  ch.  ii,  6) ;  (4)  be- 
fore the  Apostolic  blessing  is  given  to  a  dying  person 
(ibid.,  Tit.  V,  ch.  vi,  6);  (5)  the  Ritual  further  directs 
that  penitents  should  begin  their  confession  by  saying 
the  Confiteor  either  in  Latin  or  in  their  own  language, 
or  at  least  begin  with  these  words:  "Confiteor  Deo 
omnipotenti  et  tibi  pater"  (Tit.  Ill,  ch.  i.  14);  (6) 
lastly  the  "Caere mo niale  Episcoporum"  ordains  that 
when  a  bishop  sings  high  Mass,  the  deacon  should  sing 
the  Confiteor  after  the  sermon ;  the  preacher  then  reads 
out  the  Indulgence  given  by  the  bishop,  and  the 
bishop  adds  a  modified  form  of  the  Misereatur  (in 
which  he  again  invokes  the  saints  named  in  the  Con- 
fiteor), the  Indulgentiam,  and  finally  his  blessing. 
This  is  the  normal  ceremony  for  the  publication  of  In- 
dulgences (Casr.  Episc.,  I,  ch.  xxii,  4;  II,  ch.  xxxix, 
1-4). 

Rite  of  the  Confiteor. — The  form  of  words  is  too 
well  known  to  need  quotation.  When  it  is  used  as  a 
double  form,  the  celebrant  first  makes  his  confession, 
using  the  words  nobis  fratres  and  vos  fratres,  the  serv- 
ers or  ministers  say  the  Misereatur  in  the  singular 
(rut,  peccatis  tuts),  and  then  make  their  confession  ad- 
dressed to  the  priest  (tibi  pater,  te  pater).  He  says  the 
Misereatur  in  the  plural  .(Miserealur  vestri,  etc.),  and 
finally,  making  the  sign  of  the  cross,  adds  the  short 

f rayer  Indulgentiam.  Both  the  Misereatur  and  the 
ndulgentiam  are  answered  with  "Amen".  When 
used  as  a  single  form  the  priest's  confession  is  left  out, 
the  deacon,  or  server,  says  the  Confiteor  (tibi  pater, 
etc.),  the  celebrant  responds  with  the  Misereatur  and 
Indulgentiam.  A  person  saying  the  prayer  alone  (for 
instance,  in  the  private  recital  of  the  Divine  Office) 
says  the  Confiteor  leaving  out  the  clauses  tibi  pater  or 
wins  fratres,  etc.,  altogether,  and  changes  the  answer 
to  Miserealur  nostri  and  pepcatis  nostris.  Before 
Communion  at  high  Mass  and  before  the  promulga- 
tion of  Indulgences  the  Confiteor  is  sung  by  the  deacon 
to  the  tone  given  in  the  "Cteremoniale  Episcoporum" 
(II,  ch.  xxxix,  1).  The  Misereatur  and  Indulgentiam 
are  never  sung. 

Roman  Missal,  Breviary,  Ritual,  Cteremoniale  Episcoporum, 
loc.  cit.:  Mabillon,  Museum  Italicum  (Paris,  1680).  loc.  cit.; 
Bona,  Serum  Liturgicarum  Libri  Duo  (Rome,  1671),  Bk.  II, 
eh.  ii,  pp.  288-202:  Benedict  XIV,  De  SS.  Missa  Sacrificio, 
Bk.  II,  ch.  iii,  4-11;  Qihb,  Das  heilvge  Messopfer  (Freiburg  im 
Br.,  1807),  II,  134  pp.  326-334,  tr.  The  Holy  Sacrifice  of  Iks 

Mau  (St.  Louis,  1002).  Adrian  Fortesctte. 

Conformists.    See  Dissenters. 


Confraternity  (Lat.  confralernitas,  eonfratria),  or 
sodality,  a  voluntary  association  of  the  faithful,  es- 
tablished and  guided  by  competent  ecclesiastical  au- 
thority for  the  promotion  of  special  works  of  Christian 
charity  or  piety.  The  name*  is  sometimes  applied  to 
pious  unions  (see  Associations,  Pious),  but  the  latter 
differ  from  confraternities  inasmuch  as  they  need  not 
be  canonically  erected  and  they  regard  rather  the 
good  of  the  neighbour  than  the  personal  sanctification 
of  the  members.  Confraternities  are  divided  into 
those  properly  so  called  and  those  to  which  the  name 
has  been  extended.  Both  are  erected  by  canonical 
authority,  but  the  former  have  a  more  precise  organi- 
zation, with  rights  and  duties  regulated  by  ecclesias- 
tical law,  and  their  members  often  wear  a  peculiar 
costume  and  recite  the  Office  in  common.  When  a 
confraternity  has  received  the  authority  to  aggregate 
to  itself  sodalities  erected  in  other  localities  and  to 
communicate  its  advantages  to  them,  it  is  called  an 
archconfraternity  (q.  v.). 

Pious  associations  of  laymen  existed  in  very  an- 
cient times  at  Constantinople  and  Alexandria.  In 
France,  in  the  eighth  and  ninth  centuries,  the  laws  of 
the  Carlovingians  mention  confraternities  and  guilds. 
But  the  first  confraternity  in  the  modern  and  proper 
sense  of  the  word  is  said  to  have  been  founded  at  Paris 
by  Bishop  Odo  who  died  in  1208.  It  was  under  the 
invocation  of  the  Blessed  Virgin  Mary.  Various  other 
congregations,  as  of  the  Gonfalon,  of  the  Holy  Trinity, 
of  the  Scapular,  etc.,  were  founded  between  the 
thirteenth  and  sixteenth  centuries.  From  the  latter 
century  onwards,  these  pious  associations  have 
multiplied  greatly.  Indulgences  are  communicated  to 
confraternities  either  directly  by  the  pope  or  through 
the  bishops,  unless  the  association  be  aggregated  to  an 
archconfraternity  (it  may  not  be  aggregated  to  more 
than  one)  through  which  it  participates  in  the  latter's 
privileges.  If  the  aggregation  be  not  made  according 
to  the  prescribed  formula,  the  Indulgences  are  not 
communicated.  The  directors  of  confraternities  are 
appointed  or  approved  by  the  bishop,  or  in  the 
churches  of  regulars  by  the  regular  superior.  Only 
after  such  appointment  can  the  director  apply  the  In- 
dulgences to  the  objects  which  he  blesses,  and  he  can- 
not subdelegate  this  power  without  special  faculty. 
The  reception  of  members  must  be  carried  out  by  the 
appointed  person.  The  observance  of  the  rules  is  not 
binding  in  conscience  nor  does  their  neglect  deprive  a 
person  of  membership,  though  in  the  latter  case  the 
Indulgences  would  not  be  obtained.  The  loss  of  all  its 
members  for  a  short  time  does  not  dissolve  a  confra- 
ternity, and  by  the  reception  of  new  members  the  In- 
dulgences may  again  be  gained.  The  dissolution, 
translation,  and  visitation  of  confraternities  belong  to 
the  ordinary.  The  canon  law  governing  these  associ- 
ations is  found  in  the  Constitution  of  Clement  VIII 
(7  Dec.,  1604)  with  some  modification  made  later  by 
the  Sacred  Congregation  of  Indulgences. 

Laurentius,  Instituliones  Juris  Ecclcsiastici  (Freiburg, 
1903):  Berinoer,  Lea  Indulgences  (Ft.  tr.,  Pari*.  1005); 
BoDDt,  De  Episcopo  (Paris,  1889),  II. 

William  H.  W.  Fanning. 

Confucianism — By  Confucianism  is  meant  the  com- 
plex system  of  moral,  social,  political,  and  religious 
teaching  built  up  by  Confucius  on  the  ancient  Chinese 
traditions,  and  perpetuated  as  the  State  religion  down 
to  the  present  day.  Confucianism  aims  at  making 
not  simply  the  man  of  virtue,  but  the  man  of  learning 
and  of  good  manners.  The  perfect  man  must  com- 
bine the  qualities  of  saint,  scholar,  and  gentleman. 
Confucianism  is  a  religion  without  positive  revelation, 
with  a  minimum  of  dogmatic  teaching,  whose  popular 
worship  is  centred  in  offerings  to  the  dead,  in  which 
the  notion  of  duty  is  extended  beyond  the  sphere  of 
morals  proper  so  as  to  embrace  almost  every  detail 
of  daily  life. 

I.  The  Teacher,  Confucius. — The  chief  exponent 


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of  this  remarkable  religion  was  K'ung-tze,  or  K'ung- 
fu-tze,  latinized  by  the  early  Jesuit  missionaries  into 
Confucius.  Confucius  was  born  in  551  h.  c,  in  what 
was  then  the  feudal  state  of  Lu,  now  included  in  the 
modern  province  of  Shan-tung.  His  parents,  while 
not  wealthy,  belonged  to  the  superior  class.  His 
father  was  a  warrior,  distinguished  no  less  for  his 
deeds  of  valour  than  for  his  noble  ancestry.  Confu- 
cius was  a  mere  boy  when  his  father  died.  From 
childhood  he  showed  a  great  aptitude  for  study,  and 
though,  in  order  to  support  himself  and  his  mother, 
he  had  to  labour  in  his  early  years  as  a  hired  servant 
in  a  noble  family,  he  managed  to  find  time  to  pursue 
his  favourite  studies.  He  made  such  progress  that  at 
the  age  of  twenty-two  years  he  opened  a  school  to 
which  many  were  attracted  by  the  fame  of  his  learn- 
ing.   His  ability  and  faithful  service  merited  for  him 

Eromotion  to  the  office  of  minister  of  justice.  Under 
is  wise  administration  the  State  attained  to  a  degree 
of  prosperity  and  moral  order  that  it  had  never  seen 
before.  But  through  the  intrigues  of  rival  states  the 
Marquis  of  Lu  was  led  to  prefer  ignoble  pleasures  to 
the  preservation  of  good  government.  Confucius 
tried  by  sound  advice  to  bring  his  liege  lord  back  to 
the  path  of  duty,  but  in  vain.  He  thereupon  resigned 
his  nigh  position  at  the  cost  of  personal  ease  and  com- 
fort, and  left  the  state.  For  thirteen  years,  accom- 
panied by  faithful  disciples,  he  went  about  from  one 
state  to  another,  seeking  a  ruler  who  would  give  heed 
to  his  counsels.  Many  were  the  privations  he  suffered. 
More  than  once  he  ran  imminent  risk  of  being  waylaid 
and  killed  by  his  enemies,  but  his  courage  and  confi- 
dence in  the  providential  character  of  his  mission 
never  deserted  him.  At  last  he  returned  to  Lu,  where 
he  spent  the  last  five  years  of  his  long  life  encouraging 
others  to  the  study  and  practice  of  virtue,  and  edify- 
ing all  by  his  noble  example.  He  died  in  the  year 
478  b.  c,  in  the  seventy-fourth  year  of  his  age.  His 
lifetime  almost  exactly  coincided  with  that  of  Buddha, 
who  died  two  years  earlier  at  the  age  of  eighty. 

That  Confucius  possessed  a  noble,  commanding 
personality,  there  can  be  little  doubt.  It  is  shown 
by  his  recorded  traits  of  character,  by  his  lofty  moral 
teachings,  by  the  high-minded  men  that  he  trained 
to  continue  his  life-work.  In  their  enthusiastic  love 
and  admiration,  they  declared  him  the  greatest  of 
men,  the  sage  without  flaw,  the  perfect  man.  That 
he  himself  did  not  make  any  pretension  to  possess 
virtue  and  wisdom  in  their  fullness  is  shown  by  his 
own  recorded  sayings.  He  was  conscious  of  his  short- 
comings, and  this  consciousness  he  made  no  attempt 
to  keep  concealed.  But  of  his  love  of  virtue  and 
wisdom  there  can  be  no  question.  He  is  described  in 
"Analects",  VII,  18,  as  one  "who  in  the  eager  pursuit 
of  knowledge,  forgot  his  food,  and  in  the  joy  of  attain- 
ing to  it  forgot  his  sorrow".  Whatever  in  the  tradi- 
tional records  of  the  past,  whether  history,  lyric  poems, 
or  rites  and  ceremonies,  was  edifying  and  conducive 
to  virtue,  he  sought  out  with  untiring  zeal  and  made 
known  to  his  disciples.  He  was  a  man  of  affectionate 
nature,  sympathetic,  and  most  considerate  towards 
others.  He  loved  his  worthy  disciples  dearly,  and 
won  in  turn  their  undying  devotion.  He  was  modest 
and  unaffected  in  his  bearing,  inclined  to  gravity,  yet 
possessing  a  natural  cheerfulness  that  rarely  deserted 
him.  Schooled  to  adversity  from  childhood,  he 
learned  to  find  contentment  and  serenity  of  mind 
even  where  ordinary  comforts  were  lacking.  He  was 
very  fond  of  vocal  and  instrumental  music,  and  often 
sang,  accompanying  his  voice  with  the  lute.  His 
sense  of  humour  is  revealed  in  a  criticism  he  once 
made  of  some  boisterous  singing.  "  Why  use  an  ox- 
knife",  he  said,  "  to  kill  a  fowl?7' 

Confucius  is  often  held  up  as  the  type  of  the  virtu- 
ous man  without  religion.  His  teachings,  it  is  alleged, 
were  chiefly  ethical,  in  which  one  looks  in  vain  for 
retribution  in  the  next  life  as  a  sanction  of  right  con- 


duct. Now  an  acquaintance  with  the  ancient  religion 
of  China  and  with  Confucian  texts  reveals  the  empti- 
ness of  the  assertion  that  Confucius  was  devoid  of 
religious  thought  and  feeling.  He  was  religious  after 
the  manner  of  religious  men  of  his  age  and  land.  In 
not  appealing  to  rewards  and  punishments  in  the  life 
to  come,  he  was  simply  following  the  example  of  his 
illustrious  Chinese  predecessors,  whose  religious  belief 
did  not  include  this  element  of  future  retribution. 
The  Chinese  classics  that  were  ancient  even  in  the 
time  of  Confucius  have  nothing  to  say  of  hell,  but  have 
much  to  say  of  the  rewards  and  punishments  meted 
out  in  the  present  life  by  the  all-seeing  Heaven. 
There  are  numbers  of  texts  that  show  plainly  that  he 
did  not  depart  from  the  traditional  belief  in  the 
supreme  Heaven-god  and  subordinate  spirits,  in 
Divine  providence  and  retribution,  and  in  the  con- 
scious existence  of  souls  after  death.  These  religious 
convictions  on  his  part  found  expression  in  many  re- 
corded acts  of  piety  and  worship. 

II.  The  Confucian  Texts. — As  Confucianism  in 
its  broad  sense  embraces  not  only  the  immediate 
teaching  of  Confucius,  but  also  the  traditional  records, 
customs,  and  rites  to  which  he  gave  the  sanction  of 
his  approval,  and  which  to-day  rest  largely  upon  his 
authority,  there  are  reckoned  among  the  Confucian 
texts  several  that  even  in  his  day  were  venerated  as 
sacred  heirlooms  of  the  past.  The  texts  are  divided 
into  two  categories,  known  as  the  "King"  (Classics), 
and  the  "Shuh"  (Books).  The  textsofthe  "King", 
which  stand  first  in  importance,  are  commonly  reck- 
oned as  five,  but  sometimes  as  six.  The  first  of  these 
is  the  "Shao-king"  (Book  of  History),  a  religious  and 
moral  work,  tracing  the  hand  of  Providence  in  a  series 
of  great  events  of  past  history,  and  inculcating  the 
lesson  that  the  Heaven-god  gives  prosperity  and 
length  of  days  only  to  the  virtuous  ruler  who  has  the 
true  welfare  of  the  people  at  heart.  Its  unity  of 
composition  may  well  bring  its  time  of  publication 
down  to  the  sixth  century  b.  c,  though  the  sources 
on  which  the  earlier  chapters  are  based  may  be  almost 
contemporaneous  with  the  events  related.  The  sec- 
ond "King"  is  the  so-called  "She-king"  (Book  of 
Songs),  often  spoken  of  as  the  "Odes".  Of  its  305 
short  lyric  poems  some  belong  to  the  time  of  the 
Shang  dynasty  (1766-1123  b.  c),  the  remaining,  and 
perhaps  larger,  part  to  the  first  five  centuries  of  the 
dynasty  of  Chow,  that  is,  down  to  about  600  b.  c. 
The  third  "King"  is  the  so-called  "  Y-king"  (Book  of 
Changes),  an  enigmatic  treatise  on  the  art  of  divining 
with  the  stalks  of  a  native  plant,  which  after  being 
thrown  give  different  indications  according  as  they 
conform  to  one  or  another  of  the  sixty-four  hexagrams 
made  up  of  three  broken  and  three  unbroken  lines. 
The  short  explanations  which  accompany  them,  in 
large  measure  arbitrary  and  fantastic,  are  assigned 
to  the  time  of  Wan  and  his  illustrious  son  Wu,  founders 
of  the  Chow  dynasty  (1122  b.  c).  Since  the  time  of 
Confucius,  the  work  has  been  more  than  doubled  by 
a  series  of  appendixes,  ten  in  number,  of  which  eight 
are  attributed  to  Confucius.  Only  a  sinall  portion  of 
these,  however,  are  probably  authentic.  The  fourth 
"King"  is  the  "Li-ki"  (Book  of  Rites).  In  its  pres- 
ent form  it  dates  from  the  second  century  of  our  era, 
being  a  compilation  from  a  vast  number  of  documents, 
most  of  which  date  from  the  earlier  part  of  the  Chow 
dynasty.  It  gives  rules  of  conduct  down  to  the  min- 
ute details  for  religious  acta  of  worship,  court  func- 
tions, social  and  family  relations,  dress — in  short,  for 
every  sphere  of  human  action.  It  remains  to-day  the 
authoritative  guide  of  correct  conduct  for  every  culti- 
vated Chinese.  In  the  "Li-ki"  are  many  of  Confu- 
cius's  reputed  sayings  and  two  long  treatises  composed 
by  disciples,  which  may  be  said  to  reflect  with  sub- 
stantial accuracy  the  sayings  and  teachings  of  the 
master.  One  of  these  is  the  treatise  known  as  the 
"Chung-yung"  (Doctrine  of  the  Mean).    It  formi 


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CONFUCIANISM 


Book  XXVIII  of  the  "Li-ki",  and  is  one  of  its  most 
valuable  treatises.  It  consists  of  a  collection  of  say- 
ings of  Confucius  characterizing  the  man  of  perfect 
virtue.  The  other  treatise,  forming  Book  XXXIX 
of  the  "Li-ki",  is  the>  so-called ^Ta-hio"  (Great 
Learning).  It  purports  to  be  descriptions  of  the 
virtuous  ruler  by  the  disciple  Tsang-tze,  based  on 
the  teachings  of  the  master.  The  fifth  "  King"  is  the 
short  historical  treatise  known  as  the  "Ch'un-ts'ew" 
(Spring  and  Autumn),  said  to  have  been  written  by 
the  hand  of  Confucius  himself.  It  consists  of  a  con- 
nected series  of  bare  annals  of  the  state  of  Lu  for  the 
years  722-484  b.  c.  To  these  five  "Kings"  belongs 
a  sixth,  the  so-called  "Hiao-king"  (Book  of  FUial 
Piety).  The  Chinese  attribute  its  composition  to 
Confucius,  but  in  the  opinion  of  critical  scholars,  it 
is  the  product  of  the  school  of  his  disciple,  Tsang- 
tze. 

Mention  has  just  been  made  of  the  two  treatises, 
the  "Doctrine  of  the  Mean"  and  the  "Great  Learn- 
ing", embodied  in  the  "Li-ki".  In  the  eleventh 
century  of  our  era,  these  two  works  were  united  with 
other  Confucian  texts,  constituting  what  is  known  as 
the  "Sze-shuh"  (Four  Books).  First  of  these  is  the 
"Lun-yu"  (Analects).  It  is  a  work  in  twenty  short 
chapters,  showing  what  manner  of  man  Confucius 
was  in  his  daily  life,  and  recording  many  of  his  strik- 
ing sayings  on  moral  and  historical  topics.  It  seems 
to  embody  the  authentic  testimony  of  his  disciples 
written  by  one  of  the  next  generation. 

The  second  place  in  the  "  Shuh"  is  given  to  the 
"Book  of  Mencius".  Mencius  (Meng-tze),  was  not 
an  immediate  disciple  of  the  master.  He  lived  a  cen- 
tury later.  He  acquired  great  fame  as  an  exponent 
of  Confucian  teaching.  His  sayings,  chiefly  on  moral 
topics,  were  treasured  up  by  disciples,  and  published 
in  his  name.  Third  and  fourth  in  order  of  the  "Shuh" 
come  the  "Great  Learning"  and  the  "Doctrine  of  the 
Mean". 

For  our  earliest  knowledge  of  the  contents  of  these 
Confucian  texts,  we  are  indebted  to  the  painstaking 
researches  of  the  Jesuit  missionaries  in  China  during 
the  seventeenth  and  eighteenth  centuries,  who,  with 
an  heroic  zeal  for  the  spread  of  Christ's  kingdom 
united  a  diligence  and  proficiency  in  the  study  of 
Chinese  customs,  literature,  and  history  that  have 
laid  succeeding  scholars  under  lasting  obligation. 
Among  these  we  may  mention  Fathers  Premare, 
Regis,  Lacharme,  Gaubil,  Noel,  Ignacio  da  Costa,  by 
whom  most  of  the  Confucian  texts  were  translated 
and  elucidated  with  great  erudition.  It  was  but  nat- 
ural that  their  pioneer  studies  in  so  difficult  a  field 
should  be  destined  to  give  place  to  the  more  accurate 
and  complete  monuments  of  modern  scholarship.  But 
even  here  they  have  worthy  representatives  in  such 
scholars  as  Father  Zottoli  and  Henri  Cordier,  whose 
Chinese  studies  give  evidence  of  vast  erudition.  The 
Confucian  texts  nave  been  made  available  to  English 
readers  by  Professor  Legge.  Besides  his  monumen- 
tal work  in  seven  volumes,  entitled  "The  Chinese 
Classics"  and  his  version  of  the  "Ch'un  ts'ew",  he  has 
given  the  revised  translations  of  the  "Shuh",  "She", 
^Ta-hio",  "Y",  and  "Li-Ki"  in  Volumes  III,  XVI, 
XXVII,  and  XXVIII  of  "The  Sacred  Books  of  the 
East". 

III.  The  Doctrine. — (a)  Religious  Groundwork. 
— The  religion  of  ancient  China,  to  which  Confucius 
gave  his  reverent  adhesion  was  a  form  of  nature- 
worship  very  closely  approaching  to  monotheism. 
While  numerous  spirits  associated  with  natural  phe- 
nomena were  recognized — spirits  of  mountains  and 
rivers,  of  land  and  grain,  of  the  four  quarters  of  the 
heavens,  the  sun,  moon,  and  stars — they  were  all  sub- 
ordinated to  the  supreme  Heaven-god,  T'ien  (Heaven) 
also  called  Ti  (Lord),  or  Shang-ti  (Supreme  Lord). 
All  other  spirits  were  but  his  ministers,  acting  in  obedi- 
ence to  his  will.  T'ien  was  the  upholder  of  the  moral 
IV— 15 


law,  exercising  a  benign  providence  over  men.  Noth- 
ing done  in  secret  could  escape  his  all-seeing  eye.  His 
punishment  for  evil  deeds  took  the  form  either  of 
calamities  and  early  death,  or  of  misfortune  laid  up 
for  the  children  of  the  evil-doer.  In  numerous  passages 
of  the  "Shao-"and  "She-king",  we  find  this  belief 
asserting  itself  as  a  motive  to  right  conduct.  That  it 
was  not  ignored  by  Confucius  himself  is  shown  by  his 
recorded  saying,  that  "he  who  offends  against 
Heaven  has  no  one  to  whom  he  can  pray".  Another 
quasi-religious  motive  to  the  practice  of  virtue  was 
the  belief  that  the  souls  of  the  departed  relatives  were 
largely  dependent  for  their  happiness  on  the  conduct 
of  their  living  descendants.  It  was  taught  that  chil- 
dren owed  it  as  a  duty  to  their  dead  parents  to  con- 
tribute to  their  glory  and  happiness  by  lives  of  virtue. 
To  judge  from  the  sayings  of  Confucius  that  have  been 
preserved,  he  did  not  disregard  these  motives  to  right 
conduct,  but  he  laid  chief  stress  on  the  love  of  virtue 
for  its  own  sake.  The  principles  of  morality  and 
their  concrete  application  to  the  varied  relations  cf 
life  were  embodied  in  the  sacred  texts,  which  in  turn 
represented  the  teachings  of  the  great  sages  of  thepast 
raised  up  by  Heaven  to  instruct  mankind.  These 
teachings  were  not  inspired,  nor  were  they  revealed, 
yet  they  were  infallible.  The  sages  were  bom  with 
wisdom  meant  by  Heaven  to  enlighten  the  children  of 
men.  It  was  thus  a  wisdom  that  was  providential, 
rather  than  supernatural.  The  notion  of  Divine  posi- 
tive revelation  is  absent  from  the  Chinese  texts.  To 
follow  the  path  of  duty  as  laid  down  in  the  authorita- 
tive rules  of  conduct  was  within  the  reach  of  all  men, 
provided  that  their  nature,  good  at  birth,  was  not 
hopelessly  spoiled  by  vicious  influences.  Confucius 
held  the  traditional  view  that  all  men  are  born  good. 
Of  anything  like  original  sin  there  is  not  a  trace  in  his 
teaching.  He  seems  to  have  failed  to  recognize  even 
the  existence  of  vicious  hereditary  tendencies.  In  his 
view,  what  spoiled  men  was  bad  environment,  evil 
example,  an  inexcusable  yielding  to  evil  appetites 
that  everyone  by  right  use  of  his  natural  powers  could 
and  ought  to  control.  Moral  downfall  caused  by 
suggestions  of  evil  spirits  had  no  place  in  his  system. 
Nor  is  there  any  notion  of  Divine  grace  to  strengthen 
the  will  and  enlighten  the  mind  in  the  struggle  with 
evil.  There  are  one  or  two  allusions  to  prayer,  but 
nothing  to  show  that  daily  prayer  was  recommended 
to  the  aspirant  after  perfection. 

(b)  Helps  to  Virtue. — In  Confucianism  the  helps  to 
the  cultivation  of  virtue  are  natural  and  providential, 
nothing  more.  But  in  this  development  of  moral 
perfection  Confucius  sought  to  enkindle  in  others  the 
enthusiastic  love  of  virtue  that  he  felt  himself.  To 
make  oneself  as  good  as  possible,  this  was  with  him 
the  main  business  of  life.  Everything  that  was  con- 
ducive to  the  practice  of  goodness  was  to  be  eagerly 
sought  and  made  use  of.  To  this  end  right  knowledge 
was  to  be  held  indispensable.  Like  Socrates,  Con- 
fucius taught  that  vice  sprang  from  ignorance  and 
that  knowledge  led  unfailingly  to  virtue.  The  knowl- 
edge on  which  he  insisted  was  not  purely  scientific 
learning,  but  an  edifying  acquaintance  with  the  sacred 
texts  and  the  rules  of  virtue  and  propriety.  Another 
factor  on  which  he  laid  great  stress  was  the  influence 
of  good  example.  He  loved  to  hold  up  to  the  admira- 
tion of  his  disciples  the  heroes  and  sages  of  the  past, 
an  acquaintance  with  whose  noble  deeds  and  sayings 
he  Bought  to  promote  by  insisting  on  the  study  of  the 
ancient  classics.  Many  of  his  recorded  sayings  are 
eulogies  of  these  valiant  men  of  virtue.  Nor  did  he 
fail  to  recognize  the  value  of  good,  high-minded  com- 
panions. His  motto  was,  to  associate  with  the  truly 
great  and  to  make  friends  of  the  most  virtuous.  Be- 
sides association  with  the  good,  Confucius  urged  on 
his  disciples  the  importance  of  always  welcoming  the 
fraternal  correction  of  one's  faults.  Then,  too,  the 
daily  examination  of  conscience  was  inculcated.  As 


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OONTUOUNXBIS 


a  further  aid  to  the  formation  of  a  virtuous  character, 
he  valued  highly  a  certain  amount  of  self-discipline. 
He  recognized  the  danger,  especially  in  the  young,  of 
falling  into  habits  of  softness  and  love  of  ease.  Hence 
he  insisted  on  a  virile  indifference  to  effeminate  com- 
forts. In  the  art  of  music  he  also  recognized  a  pow- 
erful aid  to  enkindle  enthusiasm  for  the  practice  of  vir- 
tue. He  taught  his  pupils  the  "Odes"  and  other 
edifying  songs,  which  they  sang  together  to  the  ac- 
companiment of  lutes  and  harps.  This  together  with 
the  magnetism  of  his  personal  influence  lent  a  strong 
emotional  quality  to  his  teaching. 

(c)  Fundamental  Virtues. — As  a  foundation  for 
the  life  of  perfect  goodness,  Confucius  insisted  chiefly 
on  the  four  virtues  of  sincerity,  benevolence,  filial 
piety,  and  propriety.  Sincerity  was  with  him  a  car- 
dinal virtue.  As  used  by  him  it  meant  more  than  a 
mere  social  relation.  To  be  truthful  and  straight- 
forward in  speech,  faithful  to  one's  promises,  consci- 
entious in  the  discharge  of  one's  duties  to  others — 
this  was  included  in  sincerity  and  something  more. 
The  sincere  man  in  Conf  ucius's  eyes  was  the  man  whose 
conduct  was  always  based  on  the  love  of  virtue,  and 
who  in  consequence  sought  to  observe  the  rules  of 
right  conduct  in  his  heart  as  well  as  in  outward  actions, 
when  alone  as  well  as  in  the  presence  of  others. 
Benevolence,  showing  itself  in  a  kindly  regard  for  the 
welfare  of  others  and  in  a  readiness  to  help  them  in 
times  of  need,  was  also  a  fundamental  element  in  Con- 
fucius's  teaching.  It  was  viewed  as  the  characteris- 
tic trait  of  the  good  man.  Mencius,  the  illustrious 
exponent  of  Confucianism,  has  the  remarkable  state- 
ment: "Benevolence  is  man"  (VII,  16).  In  the  say- 
ings of  Confucius  we  find  the  Golden  Rule  in  its  nega- 
tive form  enunciated  several  times.  In  "Analects", 
XV,  13,  we  read  that  when  a  disciple  asked  him  for  a 
guiding  principle  for  all  conduct,  the  master  an- 
swered: "Is  not  mutual  goodwill  such  a  principle? 
What  you  do  not  want  done  to  yourself,  do  not  do  to 
others  '.  This  is  strikingly  like  the  form  of  the  Golden 
Rule  found  in  the  first  chapter  of  the  "  Teaching  of  the 
Apostles" — "All  things  soever  that  you  would  not 
have  done  to  yourself,  do  not  do  to  another";  also  in 
Tobias,  iv,  16,  where  it  appears  for  the  first  time  in 
Sacred  Scripture.  He  did  not  approve  the  principle 
held  by  Lao-tze  that  injury  should  be  repaid  with 
kindness.  His  motto  was  "Requite  injury  with  jus- 
tice, and  kindness  with  kindness  (Analects,  XIV,  36). 
He  seems  to  have  viewed  the  question  from  the  prac- 
tical and  legal  standpoint  of  social  order.  "To  repay 
Kindness  with  kindness",  he  says  elsewhere,  "acts  as 
in  encouragement  to  the  people.  To  requite  injury 
with  injury  acts  as  a  warning"  (Li-ki,  XXIX,  11). 
The  third  fundamental  virtue  in  the  Confucian  system 
Is  filial  piety.  In  the  "Hiao-king",  Confucius  is  re- 
corded as  saying:  "Filial  piety  is  the  root  of  all  vir- 
tue."— "Of  all  the  actions  of  man  there  are  none 
greater  than  those  of  filial  piety."  To  the  Chinese 
then  as  now,  filial  piety  prompted  the  son  to  love  and 
respect  his  parents,  contribute  to  their  comfort,  bring 
happiness  and  honour  to  their  name,  by  honourable 
success  in  life.  But  at  the  same  time  it  carried  that 
devotion  to  a  degree  that  was  excessive  and  faulty. 
In  consequence  of  the  patriarchal  system  there  pre- 
vailing, filial  piety  included  the  obligation  of  sons  to 
live  after  marriage  under  the  same  roof  with  the  father 
and  to  give  him  a  childlike  obedience  as  long  as  he 
lived.  The  will  of  the  parents  was  declared  to  be 
supreme  even  to  the  extent  that  if  the  son's  wife  failed 
to  please  them  he  was  obliged  to  divorce  her,  though  it 
cut  him  to  the  heart.  If  a  dutiful  son  found  himself 
compelled  to  admonish  a  wayward  father  he  was 
taught  to  give  the  correction  with  the  utmost  meek- 
ness; though  the  parent  might  beat  him  till  the  blood 
flowed  he  was  not  to  show  any  resentment.  The 
father  did  not  forfeit  his  right  to  filial  respect,  no 
matter  how  great  his  wickedness.    Another  virtue  of 


primary  importance  in  the  Confucian  system  Is  "pro- 
priety .  It  embraces  the  whole  sphere  of  human 
conduct,  prompting  the  superior  man  always  to  do  the 
right  thing  in  the  right  place.  It  finds  expression  in 
the  so-called  rules  of  ceremony,  which  are  not  con- 
fined to  religious  rites  and  rules  of  moral  conduct,  but 
extend  to  the  bewilderins  mass  of  conventional  cus- 
toms and  usages  by  which  Chinese  etiquette  is  regu- 
lated. They  were  distinguished  even  m  Confucius's 
day  by  the  three  hundred  greater,  and  the  three  thou- 
sand lesser,  rules  of  ceremony,  all  of  which  had  to  be 
carefully  learned  as  a  guide  to  right  conduct.  The 
conventional  usages  as  well  as  the  rules  of  moral  con- 
duct brought  with  them  the  sense  of  obligation  resting 
primarily  on  the  authority  of  the  sage-kings  and  in  the 
last  analysis  on  the  will  of  Heaven.  To  neglect  or 
deviate  from  them  was  equivalent  to  an  act  of  im- 
piety. 

(d)  Rites. — In  the  "Li-ki",  the  chief  ceremonial  ob- 
servances are  declared  to  be  six:  capping,  marriage, 
mourning  rites,  sacrifices,  feasts,  and  interviews.  It 
will  be  enough  to  treat  briefly  of  the  first  four.  They 
have  persisted  with  little  change  down  to  the  present 
day.  Capping  was  a  joyous  ceremony,  wherein  the  son 
was  honoured  on  reaching  his  twentieth  year.  In  the 
presence  of  relatives  and  invited  guests,  the  father 
conferred  on  his  son  a  special  name  and  a  square  cor- 
nered cap  as  distinguishing  marks  of  his  mature  man- 
hood. It  was  accompanied  with  a  feast.  The  mar- 
riage ceremony  was  of  great  importance.  To  marry 
with  the  view  of  having  male  children  was  a  grave 
duty  on  the  part  of  every  son.  This  was  necessary  to 
keep  up  the  patriarchal  system  and  to  provide  for  an- 
cestral worship  in  after  years.  The  rule  as  laid  down 
in  the  "Li-ki"  was,  that  a  young  man  should  marry  at 
the  age  of  thirty  and  a  young  woman  at  twenty.  The 
proposal  and  acceptance  pertained  not  to  the  young 
parties  directly  interested,  but  to  their  parents.  The 
preliminary  arrangements  were  made  by  a  go-be- 
tween after  it  was  ascertained  by  divination  that  the 
signs  of  the  proposed  union  were  auspicious.  The 
parties  could  not  be  of  the  same  surname,  nor  related 
within  the  fifth  degree  of  kindred.  On  the  day  of  the 
wedding  the  young  groom  in  his  best  attire  came  to  the 
house  of  the  bride  and  led  her  out  to  his  carriage,  in 
which  she  rode  to  his  father's  home.  There  he  re- 
ceived her,  surrounded  by  the  joyous  guests.  Cups 
improvised  by  cutting  a  melon  in  halves  were  filled 
with  sweet  spirits  and  nanded  to  the  bride  and  groom. 
By  taking  a  sip  from  each,  they  signified  that  they 
were  united  in  wedlock.  The  bride  thus  became  a 
member  of  the  family  of  her  parents-in-law,  subject, 
like  her  husband,  to  their  authority.  Monogamy  was 
encouraged  as  the  ideal  condition,  but  the  mainte- 
nance of  secondary  wives  known  as  concubines  was 
not  forbidden.  It  was  recommended  when  the  true 
wife  failed  to  bear  male  children  and  was  too  much 
loved  to  be  •divorced.  There  were  seven  causes 
justifying  the  repudiation  of  a  wife  besides  infidelity, 
and  one  of  these  was  the  absence  of  male  offspring. 
The  mourning  rites  were  likewise  of  supreme  impor- 
tance. Their  exposition  takes  up  the  greater  part  of 
the  "Li-ki".  They  were  most  elaborate,  varying 
greatly  in  details  and  length  of  observance,  according 
to  the  rank  and  relationship  of  the  deceased.  The 
mourning  rites  for  the  father  were  the  most  impressive 
of  all.  For  the  first  three  days,  the  son,  clad  in  sack- 
cloth of  coarse  white  hemp,  fasted,  and  leaped,  and 
wailed.  After  the  burial,  for  which  there  were  minute 
prescriptions,  the  son  had  to  wear  the  mourning  sack- 
cloth for  twenty-seven  months,  emaciating  his  body 
with  scanty  food,  and  living  in  a  rude  hut  erected  for 
the  purpose  near  the  grave.  In  the  "Analects",  Con- 
fucius is  said  to  have  condemned  with  indignation  the 
suggestion  of  a  disciple  that  the  period  of  the  mourn- 
ing rites  might  well  be  shortened  to  one  year.  An- 
other class  of  rites  of  supreme  importance  were  the 


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sacrifices.  They  are  repeatedly  mentioned  in  the 
Confucian  texts,  where  instructions  are  given  for  their 
proper  celebration.  From  the  Chinese  notion  of  sacri- 
fice the  idea  of  propitiation  through  blood  is  entirely 
absent.  It  is  nothing  more  than  a  food-offering  ex- 
pressing the  reverent  homage  of  the  worshippers,  a 
solemn  feast  to  do  honour  to  the  spirit  guests,  who  are 
invited  and  are  thought  to  enjoy  the  entertainment. 
Meat  and  drink  of  great  variety  are  provided.  There  is 
also  vocal  and  instrumental  music,  and  pantomimic 
dancing.  The  officiating  ministers  are  not  priests, 
but  heads  of  families,  the  feudal  lords,  and  above  all, 
the  king.   There  is  no  priesthood  in  Confucianism. 

The  worship  of  the  people  at  large  is  practically 
confined  to  the  so-called  ancestor-worship.  Some 
think  it  is  hardly  proper  to  call  it  worship,  consisting 
as  it  does  of  feasts  in  honour  of  dead  relatives.  In  the 
days  of  Confucius,  as  at  present,  there  was  in  every 
family  home,  from  the  palace  of  the  king  himself  down 
to  the  humble  cabin  of  the  peasant,  a  chamber  or 
closet  called  the  ancestral  shrine,  where  wooden  tab- 
lets were  reverently  kept,  inscribed  with  the  names  of 
deceased  parents,  grandparents,  and  more  remote 
ancestors.  At  stated  intervals  offerings  of  fruit, 
wine,  and  cooked  meats  were  set  before  these  tablets, 
which  the  ancestral  spirits  were  fancied  to  make  their 
temporary  resting-place.  There  was,  besides,  a  pub- 
lic honouring  by  each  local  clan  of  the  common  ances- 
tors twice  a  year,  in  spring  and  autumn.  This  was  an 
elaborate  banquet  with  music  and  solemn  dances,  to 
which  the  dead  ancestors  were  summoned,  and  in 
which  they  were  believed  to  participate  along  with  the 
living  members  of  the  clan.  More  elaborate  and  mag- 
nificent-still were  the  great  triennial  and  quinquennial 
feasts  given  by  the  king  to  his  ghostly  ancestors. 
This  feasting  of  the  dead  by  families  and  clans  was 
restricted  to  such  as  were  united  with  the  living  by 
ties  of  relationship.  There  were,  however,  a  few 
public  benefactors  whose  memory  was  revered  by  all 
the  people  and  to  whom  offerings  of  food  were  made. 
Confucius  himself  came  be  to  honoured  after  death, 
being  regarded  as  the  greatest  of  public  benefactors. 
Even  to-day  in  China  this  religious  veneration  of  the 
master  is  faithfully  maintained.  In  the  Imperial 
College  in  Peking  there  is  a  shrine  where  the  tablets  of 
Confucius  and  his  principal  disciples  are  preserved. 
Twice  a  year,  in  spring  and  autumn,  the  emperor  goes 
there  in  state  and  solemnly  presents  food-offerings 
with  a  prayerful  address  expressing  his  gratitude  and 
devotion. 

In  the  fourth  book  of  the  "Li-ki"  reference  is  made 
to  the  sacrifices  which  the  people  were  accustomed  to 
offer  to  the  "spirits  of  the  ground",  that  is  to  the 
spirits  presiding  over  the  local  fields.  In  the  worship 
of  spirits  of  higher  rank,  however,  the  people  seem  to 
have  taken  no  aetive  part.  This  was  the  concern  of 
their  highest  representatives,  the  feudal  lords  and  the 
king.  Each  feudal  lord  offered  sacrifice  for  himself 
and  his  subjects  to  the  subordinate  spirits  supposed 
to  have  especial  care  of  his  territory.  It  was  the  pre- 
rogative of  the  kins  alone  to  sacrifice  to  the  spirits, 
both  great  and  small,  of  the  whole  realm,  particularly 
to  Heaven  and  Earth.  Several  sacrifices  of  this  kind 
were  offered  every  year.  The  most  important  were 
those  at  the  winter  and  summer  solstice  in  which 
Heaven  and  Earth  were  respectively  worshipped.  To 
account  for  this  anomaly  we  must  bear  in  mind  that 
sacrifice,  as  viewed  by  the  Chinese,  is  a  feast  to  the 
spirit  guests,  and  that  according  to  their  notion  of 
propriety  the  highest  deities  should  be  feted  only  by 
the  highest  representatives  of  the  living.  They  saw 
a  fitness  m  the  custom  that  only  the  king,  the  Son  of 
Heaven, should,  in  his  own  behalf  and  inbehalf  of  his 
people,  make  solemn  offering  to  Heaven.  And  so  it  is 
to-day.  The  sacrificial  worship  of  Heaven  and  Earth 
ia  celebrated  only  by  the  emperor,  with  the  assistance, 
indeed,  of  a  small  army  of  attendants,  and  with  a 


magnificence  of  ceremonial  that  is  astonishing  to  be- 
hold. To  pray  privately  to  Heaven  and  burn  incense 
to  him  was  a  legitimate  way  for  the  individual  to  show 
his  piety  to  the  highest  deity,  and  this  is  still  prac- 
tised, generally  at  the  full  moon.' 

(e)  Politics. — Confucius  knew  but  one  form  of  gov- 
ernment, the  traditional  monarchy  of  his  native  land. 
It  was  the  extension  of  the  patriarchal  system  to  the 
entire  nation.  The  king  exercised  an  absolute  au- 
thority over  his  subjects,  as  the  father  over  his  chil- 
dren. He  ruled  by  right  Divine.  He  was  providen- 
tially set  up  by  Heaven  to  enlighten  the  people  by 
wise  laws  and  to  lead  them  to  goodness  by  his  example 
and  authority.  Hence  his  title,  the  "  Son  of  Heaven". 
To  merit  this  title  he  should  reflect  the  virtue  of 
Heaven.  It  was  only  the  high-minded  king  that  won 
Heaven's  favour  and  was  rewarded  with  prosperity. 
The  unworthy  king  lost  Divine  assistance  and  came  to 
naught.  The  Confucian  texts  abound  in  lessons  and 
warnings  on  this  subject  of  right  government.  The 
value  of  good  example  in  the  ruler  is  emphasized  most 
strongly.  The  principle  is  asserted  again  and  again, 
that  the  people  cannot  fail  to  practise  virtue  and  to 
prosper  when  the  ruler  sets  the  high  example  of  right 
conduct.  On  the  other  hand  the  implication  is  con- 
veyed in  more  than  one  place  that  when  crime  and 
misery  abound,  the  cause  is  to  be  sought  in  the  un- 
worthy king  and  his  unprincipled  ministers. 

IV.  History  of  Confucianism. — It  is  doubtless 
this  uncompromising  attitude  of  Confucianism  to- 
wards vicious  self-seeking  rulers  of  the  people  that  all 
but  caused  its  extinction  towards  the  end  of  the  third 
century  b.  c.  In  the  year  213  b.  c,  the  subverter  of 
the  Chow  dynasty,  Shi  Hwang-ti,  promulgated  the 
decree  that  all  Confucian  books,  excepting  the  "T- 
king",  should  be  destroyed.  The  penalty  of  death 
was  threatened  against  all  scholars  who  should  be 
found  possessing  the  proscribed  books  or  teaching 
them  to  others.  Hundreds  of  Confucian  scholars 
would  not  comply  with  the  edict,  and  were  buried 
alive.  When  the  repeal  came  under  the  Han  dynasty, 
in  101  B.  c,  the  work  of  extermination  was  wellnigh 
complete.  Gradually,  however,  copies  more  or  less 
damaged  were  brought  to  light,  and  the  Confucian 
texts  were  restored  to  their  place  of  honour.  Genera- 
tions of  scholars  have  devoted  their  best  years  to  the 
elucidation  of  the  "King"  and  "Shuh",  with  the  re- 
sult that  an  enormous  literature  has  clustered  around 
them.  As  the  State  religion  of  China,  Confucianism 
has  exercised  a  profound  influence  on  the  life  of  the 
nation.  This  influence  has  been  little  affected  by  the 
lower  classes  of  Taoism  and  Buddhism,  both  of  which, 
as  popular  cults,  began  to  flourish  in  China  towards 
the  end  of  the  first  century  of  our  era.  In  the  gross 
idolatry  of  these  cults  the  ignorant  found  a  satisfac- 
tion for  their  religious  cravings  that  was  not  afforded 
by  the  religion  of  the  State.  But  in  thus  embracing 
Taoism  and  Buddhism  they  did  not  cease  to  be  Confu- 
cianists.  These  cults  were  and  are  nothing  more  than 
accretions  on  the  Confucian  beliefs  and  customs  of  the 
lower  classes,  forms  of  popular  devotion  clinging  like 
parasites  to  the  ancestral  religion.  The  educated 
Chinese  despises  both  Buddhist  and  Taoist  supersti- 
tions. But  while  nominally  professing  Confucianism 
pure  and  simple,  not  a  few  nold  rationalistic  views 
regarding  the  spirit  world.  In  number  the  Conf  ucian- 
ists  amount  to  about  three  hundred  millions. 

V.  Confucianism  versus  Christian  Civiliza- 
tion.— In  Confucianism  there  is  much  to  admire.  It 
has  taught  a  noble  conception  of  the  supreme  Heaven- 
god.  It  has-  inculcated  a  remarkably  high  standard 
of  morality.  It  has  prompted,  as  far  as  it  knew  how, 
the  refining  influence  of  literary  education  and  of  po- 
lite conduct.  But  it  stands  to-day  encumbered  with 
the  serious  defects  that  characterize  the  imperfect 
civilization  of  its  early  development.  The  associa- 
tion of  T'ien  with  innumerable  nature-spirits,  spirits 


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of  sun,  moon,  and  stare,  of  hills  and  fields  and  rivers, 
the  superstitious  use  of  divination  by  means  of  stalks 
and  tortoise  shells,  and  the  crude  notion  that  the 
higher  spirits,  together  with  the  souls  of  the  dead,  are 
regaled  by  splendid  banquets  and  food-offerings,  can- 
not stand  the  test  of  intelligent  modern  criticism. 
Nor  can  a  religion  answer  fully  to  the  religious  needs 
of  the  heart  which  withdraws  from  the  active  partici- 
pation of  the  people  the  solemn  worship  of  the  deity, 
which  has  little  use  of  prayer,  which  recognise*  no 
such  thing  as  grace,  which  has  no  definite  teaching  in 
regard  to  the  future  life.  As  a  social  system  it  has 
lifted  the  Chinese  to  an  intermediate  grade  of  culture, 
but  has  blocked  for  ages  all  further  progress.  In  its 
rigid  insistence  on  rites  and  customs  that  tend  to  per- 
petuate the  patriarchal  system  with  its  attendant 
evils  of  polygamy  and  divorce,  of  excessive  seclusion 
and  repression  of  women,  of  an  undue  hampering  of 
individual  freedom,  Confucianism  stands  in  painful 
contrast  with  progressive  Christian  civilization. 

Leooe  The  Chinese  CUuunca  (7  vols.,  London,  1801-71); 
Idem,  The  Shu  King,  Shih  King,  and  Hsiao  King  in  Sacred 
Books  of  the  Eat,  III:  Idem,  The  Yi  King,  Ibid.,  XVI; 
Idem,  The  Li  Chi,  ibid.,  XXVil,  XXVIII:  Jennings,  The 
Confucian  Analects  (London,  1806);  Di  Harlez,  Yi-king 
(Paris,  1886);  Idem,  Hi  (Paris,  1880);  Callebt,  Li  Ki,  ou 
Memorial  des  rites  (Turin,  1863):  Zottoli,  Li  Ki  in  Cursue 
LiUeratura  Sinica  (Shanghai,  1880);  Philastre,  Le  Yi-King 
in  Annates  du  Muete  Ouimet,  VIII.  XXIII;  Leqoe,  The  Re- 
ligions of  China,  Confucianism  and  Taoism  compared  with  Chris- 
tianity (London  1880);  Fabeh,  A  Systematic  Digest  of  the 
Doctrines  of  Confucius,  tr.  by  VON  Molundokt  (Hong-Kong, 
187S);  Kudo,  Ethics  of  Confucius  (Toldo,  1904);  Giles,  Con- 
fucianism in  the  Nineteenth  Century  in  Great  Religions  of  the 
World  (New  York  1901);  Dooolas,  Confuciat  nism  and  Taoism 
(London,  1897);  Dvorak,  China's  Religumen.  Confucius  und 
seine  Lehre  (Munster,  1895);  Pure,  Confucius  und  seine 
SehOler  (Munich,  1871);  D«  Gboot,  The  Religious  System  of 
China  (3  vols..  Ley  den,  1892-93);  db  Harlez,  Les  religions  de 
la  Chins  (Paris,  1891);  de  la  Sausbate,  Lehrb.  der  Religions- 
geschichte  (Freiburg,  1905),  L 

Charles  F,  Aiken. 
Congo,  Diocese  of.   See  Angola  and  Congo. 
Congo  Independent  State  and  Congo  Missions. 

[Editor's  Note: — The  following  account  of  the 
Congo  Independent  State  was  written  before  the  an- 
nexation of  the  State  by  the  Belgian  Government. 
Belgium's  right  to  take  over  the  Congo  and  the  suc- 
cessive steps  which  have  led  up  to  the  annexation 
will  be  found  treated  under  sections  II  and  VII. 
On  20  August,  1908,  the  Chamber  of  Deputies  ap- 
proved the  treaty  of  annexation,  and  on  9  September 
following  the  treaty  was  adopted  by  the  Belgian 
Senate.  By  this  agreement  the  Belgian  Government 
took  over  the  Independent  State,  including  the  Do- 
maine  de  la  Couronne,  with  all  its  rights  and  obliga- 
tions. Among  other  trusts  the  Government  guaran- 
teed certain  allowances  to  Prince  Albert  and  Princess 
Clementine  and  created  two  funds,  one  of  $9,100,000 
to  be  expended  in  Belgium  for  public  works,  and  an- 
other of  $10,000,000  to  be  paid  to  the  king  and  his 
successors  in  fifteen  annuities  and  used  for  objects  con- 
nected with  the  Congo. 

The  present  article  deals  with  the  Independent  State 
— both  in  its  interior  organization  and  international 
position — as  it  was  down  to  the  time  of  annexation.] 

I.  Exploration;  Founding  of  the  State. — Amer- 
ica has  not  been  without  a  share  in  the  discovery  of  the 
Congo  Free  State.  It  was  James  Gordon  Bennett,  the 
proprietor  of  the  "New  York  Herald",  who  (October, 
1879)engaged  (Sir)  Henry  Morton  Stanley  to  undertake 
his  voyage  through  Africa  to  find  the  lost  explorer, 
David  Livingstone.  Americans,  therefore,  may  claim 
a  part  in  the  nonour  of  a  discovery  which  has  changed 
our  geographical  notions  and  opened  a  new  country  to 
civilization.  Congo  had  been  considered  an  arid,  unin- 
habited desert;  Stanley  found  there  rich  forests,  an 
immense  river,  vast  lakes,  and  millions  of  human  be- 
ings to  be  civilized.  Further,  the  United  States  was 
the  first  Power  (22  April,  1884)  that  recognized  the 


flag  of  the  International  Association  as  that  of  a 
friendly  state.  There  are  (1908)  in  Africa  four  Congo 
States:  the  French,  German,  Portuguese,  and  the  In- 
dependent, or  Free,  State.  It  is  this  last  wbJcn,  more 
than  the  others,  deserves  particular  attention.  It  was 
here  that  the  plenipotentiaries,  gathered  at  Berlin 
(24  Feb.,  1885),  hoped  to  see  realized  their  ideal  of 

fenerous  freedom  and  civilizing  humanity.  Leopold 
I  ascended  the  throne  of  Belgium  in  1865.  A  man  of 
undoubted  genius  and  erudition,  of  large  ideas  and 
tenacious  will,  he  was  also  inspired  with  great  ambi- 
tions. Even  before  becoming  king,  in  his  speeches  to 
the  Senate  (9  Apr.,  1853, 7  Feb.,  1860, 21  March,  1861) 
he  expressed  the  desire  to  see  his  country  rely  on  her 
own  resources  and  extend  her  empire  beyond  the  seas. 
Ascending  the  throne,  he  found  himself  ruler  of  a  coun- 
try so  small  that  it  was  scarcely  visible  on  the  map  of 
the  world,  and  it  was  but  natural  that  he  should  con- 
ceive the  nope  of  one  day  ruling  over  a  more  extended 
dominion.  He  therefore  set  his  heart  on  obtaining 
possession  of  the  Congo  for  his  people;  nor  was  this  his 
first  effort  to  realize  his  ambition ;  it  was  perhaps  the 
seventh  or  eighth  attempt  he  had  made  at  Belgian  col- 
onization. 

Briefly,  the  successive  stages  in  the  foundation  of 
the  Congo  Free  State  were  as  follows:  As  a  conse- 
quence of  the  expeditions  (1840;  1  May,  1873)  of  Liv- 
ingstone and  Stanley,  public  attention  began  to  be 
drawn  to  Central  Africa,  and  Leopold  II  divined  the 
great  possibilities  of  the  newly-discovered  country. 
On  12  Sept.,  1876,  he  called  a  Conference  Qiogravhique 
at  Brussels,  which  gave  birth  to  the  association  lor  the 
exploration  and  civilization  of  Central  Africa  com- 
monly called  the  International  African  Association. 
This  was  divided  into  different  national  committees 
each  charged  with  the  task  of  promoting  the  common 
cause.  The  Belgian  committee  was  founded  on  6 
Nov.,  1876;  King  Leopold  assisted  at  its  foundation 
and  delivered  a  remarkable  speech.  The  Belgian  was 
the  only  committee  which  displayed  any  serious  activ- 
ity. It  collected  a  sum  of  100,000  dollars,  five  times 
as  great  as  the  united  collections  of  all  the  others, 
and  took  the  leading  part  in  the  organization  of  the 
first  expedition.  The  expedition  naturally  followed 
the  route  which  had  already  been  traced  by  Living- 
stone, i.  e.  it  moved  from  east  to  west.  It  was  a  fail- 
ure, however,  and  many  lives  were  sacrificed  in  vain. 
In  January,  1878,  the  news  came  that  Stanley  had 
crossed  right  through  Central  Africa,  from  the  Zanzi- 
bar Coast  to  the  mouth  of  the  Congo  River,  whose 
upper  course  he  was  the  first  to  discover  during  this 
journey.  It  was  then  that  Leopold  conceived  the 
idea  of  sending  out  an  expedition  which  should  start 
from  the  western  coast  and  explore  the  country. 
While  others  were  content  to  applaud  Stanley  or  to 
listen  to  his  interesting  narratives,  the  King  of  the  Bel- 
gians resolved  to  employ  the  explorer  to  further  his 
designs,  which  were  not  merely  commercial  or  political, 
but  sincerely  humanitarian  as  well.  At  the  very  mo- 
ment Stanley  set  foot  on  European  ground  envoys 
were  waiting  for  him  at  Marseilles.  The  king  suc- 
ceeded in  gaining  him  for  his  purpose,  and  then  pro- 
ceeded to  found  (Nov.,  1878)  a  society  afterwards 
called  the  International  Congo  Association.  In  the 
name  of  this  association,  in  which  Leopold  was  the 
principal  though  hidden  agent,  Stanley's  little  party, 
counting  only  thirteen  white  men,  set  out.  It  was  not 
the  only  expedition  intent  on  planting  a  European  flag 
on  this  virgin  soil;  at  the  same  time  a  French  and  a 
Portuguese  mission  were  also  on  their  way. 

Towards  the  end  of  1879  Stanley  reached  a  non- 
Portuguese  territory  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Congo 
River  and  founded  there  the  post  of  Vivi.  Moving 
slowly  up  the  river  he  came  at  last  to  the  Pool.  The 
Brazza  mission  was  already  there,  and  the  French  flag 
was  planted  on  the  right  bank.  The  French  had  not 
crossed  the  river,  however,  and  the  Portuguese  expedi- 


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tion  had  stopped  at  the  Upper  Kwango,  thus  leaving  the 
country  to  the  interior  open  to  the  future  colony.  Dur- 
ing this  journey  Stanley  concluded  many,  treaties  with 
the  native  chiefs,  by  which  they  were  to  submit  to  the 
suzerainty  of  the  Association,  founded  a  certain  num- 
ber of  posts  in  the  North  near  the  Equator  and  in  the 
South  in  the  Kassai  district,  and  actually  set  up  a 
government  which  was  soon  semi-officially  recognized. 
In  Oct.,  1882,  France  tacitly  acknowledged  the  capac- 
ity of  the  Association  to  enjoy  international  rights 
(see  letter  of  M.  Duclerc,  President  of  the  Council,  to 
Leopold  II).  Hie  United  States  (22  April,  1884)  and 
Germany  (8  Nov.,  of  the  same  year)  recognized  in  a 
more  explicit  manner  the  flag  of  the  Association  as 
that  of  a  friendly  State.  A  week  later  (15  Nov.,  1884) 
the  famous  Berlin  Conference  was  opened.  The  object 
of  this  conference,  which  included  delegates  from  four- 
teen nations,  is  stated  clearly  in  the  heading  which 
serves  as  preamble  to  the  act  containingthe  collection  of 
decisions  and  called  "  1 '  Acte  General  de  Berlin".  It  runs 
as  follows: — 

"Wishing  to  regulate,  in  a  spirit  of  mutual  good 
understanding,  the  conditions  most  favourable  to 
the  development  of  commerce  and  civilization  in 
certain  parts  of  Africa,  and  to  assure  to  all  nations  the 
advantages  of  free  navigation  on  the  two  principal 
African  rivers  [Congo  and  Niger]  which  flow  into  the 
Atlantic;  desirous,  on  the  other  hand,  of  forestalling 
any  misunderstandings  and  disputes  which  new  acts 
of  occupation  on  the  African  coast  might  cause  in  the 
future;  concerned  also  with  the  measures  to  be  taken 
for  increasing  the  welfare  both  material  and  moral  of 
the  native  races  .  .  ."  During  the  intervals  between 
the  meetings  of  the  conference  M.  Strauch  worked 
hard  to  win  for  the  flag  of  the  International  Associa- 
tion official  recognition  by  all  the  powers  represented; 
his  efforts  were  successful,  and  Leopold,  as  founder 
of  the  Association,  was  able  to  officially  communicate 
the  fact  to  the  conference  at  its  second  last  meeting 
(23  Feb.,  1885).  The  plenipotentiaries  then  expressed 
their  high  appreciation  of  the  work  done  by  the  Bel- 
gian king;  at  the  same  time  they  welcomed  the  birth 
of  the  new  State,  thus  founded.  At  the  final  meeting 
of  the  conference  the  Berlin  Act  was  accepted  by  the 
Association,  which  was  then  hailed  by  Bismarck  as 
"one  of  the  principal  guardians  of  the  work  which 
they  had  in  view". 
_  The  moment  had  now  arrived  for  Leopold  to  show 
himself.  Hitherto  he  had  worked  through  vari- 
ous societies  which  finally  developed  into  the  In- 
ternational Association;  he  was  the  moving  spirit  of 
them  all.  He  now  came  forward  in  the  name  of  this 
Association,  and  receiving  from  the  Belgian  Chambers 
(vote  of  Chamber  of  Bepresentatives,  28  April,  1885; 
vote  of  Senate,  30  April,  1885)  the  necessary  authori- 
zation he  announced  to  the  various  Powers  on  1 
August,  1885,  and  the  days  following  "that  the  pos- 
sessions of  the  International  Association  would  hence- 
forth form  and  be  called  the  Independent  State  of 
Congo".  He  further  declared  himself  sovereign  of 
this  State.  It  was  understood  that  the  only  constitu- 
tional bond  of  union  between  Belgium  and  the  Inde- 
pendent State  of  Congo  was  the  person  of  the  king. 
Thus  was  founded  the  Independent  State.  Leopold 
can  justly  regard  it  as  his  own  creation.  Neverthe- 
less it  is  only  fair  to  recognize  the  part  taken  in  the 
work  by  some  Belgian  statesmen.  Without  the  recog- 
nition of  the  Powers  the  Independent  Congo  State 
could  not  have  won  a  secure  position,  and  this 
recognition  was  obtained  through  the  brilliant  di- 
plomacy of  Mr.  E.  Banning  and  of  Baron  Lamber- 
mont  at  Berlin.  Without  the  authorization  of  the 
Belgian  Chambers  Leopold  could  not  have  occupied  a 
new  throne;  it  was  M.  Beernaert,  then  prime  min- 
ister, who  obtained  this  authorization,  and  he  is  there- 
fore justly  regarded  as  "  one  of  the  statesmen  who  have 
contributed  most  to  unite  the  destinies  of  the  Congo 


and  of  Belgium"  (Leroy-Beaulieu,  "De  la  colonisa- 
tion", 352). 

II.  International  and  Political  Situation. — 
Recognition  by  the  Powers. — The  international  position 
held  by  the  Independent  State  results  directly  from 
the  friendly  recognition  of  the  Powers  accon  led  by 
treaty  to  the  International  Association,  from  which 
sprang  the  Independent  State.  Following,  in  chrono- 
logicalorder,  are  the  names  of  the  contracting  Powers 
and  the  dates  of  the  treaties:  United  States  of  Amer- 
ica (22  April,  1884);  German  Empire  (8  Nov.,  1884); 
Great  Britain  (16  Dec.,  1884);  Italy  (19  Dec.,  1884); 
Austria-Hungary  (24  Dec.,  1884);  The  Nether- 
lands (27  Dec.,  1884);  Spain  (7  Jan.,  1885);  France 
and  Russia  (5  Feb.,  1885) ;  Sweden  and  Norway 
(10  Feb.,  1885);  Portugal  (14  Feb.,  1885);  Belgium 
and  Denmark  (28  Feb.,  1885);  Turkey  (25  June, 
1885);  Switzerland  (19  Nov.,  1889);  Republic  of 
Liberia  (15  Dec.,  1891);  Japan  (9  July,  1900). 

Neutrality  of  the  Congo. — By  the  General  Act  of  Ber- 
lin (ch.  iii)  the  Powers  had  agreed  to  respect  a  politi- 


Nativb  Carpenters,  Mission  op  New  Antwerp 

cal  neutrality  in  the  Congo  Basin.  They  allowed  all 
Powers  having  possessions  there  to  put  their  terri- 
tories under  the  protection  of  this  neutrality.  Avail- 
ing itself  of  this  privilege,  the  Independent  State, 
1  Aug.,  1885,  declared  its  perpetual  neutrality.  This 
declaration  was  afterwards  repeated,  18  Dec.,  1894,  on 
the  occasion  of  certain  changes  of  frontier. 

Obligations  Imposed  by  the  Act  of  Berlin. — In  declar- 
ing its  adhesion  to  the  Act  of  Berlin  (24  Feb.,  1885) 
the  Independent  State  contracted  certain  commer- 
cial, political,  and  other  obligations  which  we  shall 
briefly  describe. — (a)  Freedom  of  Commerce. — All 
nations  were  to  have  perfect  freedom  in  commercial 
enterprise ;  the  subjects  of  all  flags  were  to  be  treated 
with  perfect  equality  and  be  at  liberty  to  engage  in  all 
kinds  of  transport;  there  was  to  be  freedom  of  traffic 
on  the  coasts,  rivers,  and  lakes  of  the  Congo,  and' the 
harbours  were  to  be  open ;  free  import  and  free  transit 
were  to  be  allowed  to  merchandise,  save  only  such 
taxes  or  duties  as  might  be  required  to  defray  the  ex- 
penses entailed  in  the  interests  of  commerce  (subse- 
quently, by  an  agreement  made  at  Brussels  on  2  July, 
1890,  an  import  duty  of  ten  per  cent  maximum 
might  be  imposed) ;  finally  no  monopoly  or  privilege 
of  a  commercial  nature  might  be  granted. — (b)  Pro- 
tection of  Natives,  Missionaries,  Travellers. — The 
Powers  signing  the  Act  bound  themselves  to  care  for 
the  native  peoples,  their  moral  and  material  welfare, 
and  to  co-operate  in  suppressing  slavery  and  espe- 


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cially  the  slave  trade.  They  bound  themselves  to 
protect  and  assist,  "without  regard  to  distinctions  of 
nationality  or  of  creed,  all  religious,  scientific  and 
philanthropic  establishments  or  enterprises,  formed 
or  organized  for  such  ends,  or  calculated  to  instruct 
the  inhabitants  and  to  make  them  understand  and 
appreciate  the  advantages  of  civilization".  In  par- 
ticular, Christian  missionaries,  men  with  scientific 
ends  in  view,  and  explorers,  together  with  their  es- 
corts, were  to  be  the  objects  of  special  protection 
(Art.  6).  (c)  Freedom  of  Religious  Worship. — "  Lib- 
erty of  conscience  and  religious  toleration  are  ex- 
pressly guaranteed  to  natives  as  well  as  to  other  sub- 
jects and  to  foreigners.  The  free  and  public  exercise 
of  all  forms  of  worship,  the  right  of  erecting  religious 
edifices,  and  of  organizing  missions  belonging  to  all 
creeds,  shall  not  be  submitted  to  any  restriction  or 
restraint"  (ibidem). — (d)  Postal  Conventions. — The 
terms  of  the  Universal  Postal  Union,  revised  at  Paris, 
1  June,  1878  (Art.  7),  were  to  be  observed  in  the  Congo 
Basin;  these  were  officially  accepted  by  the  Inde- 
pendent State,  17  Sept.,  1885.  In  like  manner,  13 
Sept.,  1886,  the  additional  Postal  Act  of  Lisbon  was 
adopted,  on  19  June,  1892,  the  Universal  Postal  Con- 
vention of  Washington,  and  on  26  May,  1906, 
that  of  Rome. — (e)  Mediation  and  Arbitration. — In 
case  serious  disagreements  should  occur  over  the  terri- 
tories where  commercial  freedom  was  allowed,  the 
Powers  signing  the  Act  bound  themselves  "  before  hav- 
ing recourse  to  arms,  to  seek  the  intervention  of  one  or 
several  friendly  Powers".  In  such  a  case  the  Powers 
reserved  to  themselves  the  right  of  having  recourse 
to  arbitration  (Art.  12). 

Conditions  of  the  Act  of  Brussels. — The  Slave  Trade 
and  Traffic  in  Spirits. — On  2  July,  1890,  on  the  pro- 

g»al  of  England,  an  international  conference  met  at 
russels.  A  general  act  was  passed  and  signed  by  all 
the  Powers  that  had  formerly  signed  the  Berlin  Act, 
and  also  by  the  Independent  State.  By  this  the  sig- 
natory Powers  bound  themselves  to  take  measures  to 
prevent  the  slave  trade  and  to  restrict  the  traffic  in 
spirits  in  the  zone  lying  between  20°  N.  lat.  and  22° 
S.  lat.  Within  this  tcrritorv  the  distillation  of  liquor 
or  importation  thereof  was  forbidden  in  regions  where 
the  use  of  such  liquor  was  not  yet  common.  In  the 
other  parts  where  it  was  already  in  use  a  heavy  import 
duty  was  imposed.  This  duty  was  fixed  by  the  Con- 
vention of  8  June,  1899,  at  seventy  francs  per  hecto- 
litre, fifty  per  cent  alcohol  (about  $1.57  a  gallon),  for  a 
period  of  six  years;  an  equivalent  excise  duty  was 
laid  on  the  manufacture  of  such  liquors. 

Right  of  Preference  of  France. — Apart  from  the  gen- 
eral provisions  which  govern  its  dealings  with  the 
Powers,  the  Independent  State,  owing  to  certain  con- 
ventions, has  special  relations  with  France  and  Bel- 

f'um.  We  shall  treat  first  of  those  concerning 
ranee,  comprised  in  the  famous,  but  often  badly  ex- 
plained, "Right  of  Preference".  On  23  April,  1884, 
Colonel  Strauch,  President  of  the  International  Asso- 
ciation, declared  in  a  letter  to  Jules  Ferry  that  if,  ow- 
ing to  unforeseen  circumstances  and  contrary  to  its 
intention,  the  Association  was  compelled  in  the  future 
to  sell  its  possessions,  it  would  consider  itself  obliged 
to  give  the  preference  of  purchase  to  France.  On  the 
following  day  the  French  minister  officially  acknowl- 
edged the  letter  and  added  that  in  the  name  of  the 
French  Government  he  bound  himself  to  respect  the 
established  relations  and  the  free  territories  of  the 
Association.  Thus  the  right  was  constituted.  Writ- 
ing, however,  on  22  April,  1887,  to  Bouree,  minister  of 
France  at  Brussels,  Baron  Van  Eetvelde  declared  that 
the  Association  had  never  meant  or  intended  that  this 
right  accorded  to  France  should  be  to  the  prejudice  of 
Belgium  of  which  Leopold  II  was  king.  In  his  letter 
of  29  April,  M.  Bouree  replied  that  this  interpretation 
had  come  to  his  notice,  but  said  nothing  more.  When 
in  1895  the  question  of  the  cession  of  the  Independent 


State  to  Belgium  was  raised,  it  seemed  prudent  to  ne- 
gotiate with  France.  As  a  consequence  the  conven- 
tion of  5  Feb.,  1895,  was  made  between  France  and 
Belgium ;  France,  on  the  one  hand,  agreed  not  to  op- 
pose the  cession,  and  on  the  other  secured  a  favour- 
able determination  of  frontiers  in  Congo.  On  the 
same  date,  by  another  convention,  the  Belgian  Gov- 
ernment, already  acting  as  successor  of  the  Independ- 
ent State,  recognized  the  right  of  preference  of  France 
in  the  purchase  of  these  territories,  in  case  of  a  com- 
plete or  partial  exchange,  concession,  or  lease  to  an- 
other Power.  It  declared  besides  that  it  would  never 
give  up  gratuitously  either  the  whole  or  a  part  of  these 
said  possessions.  It  is  quite  clear,  therefore,  (1)  that 
the  right  of  preference  is  simply  one  of  pre-emption, 
i.  e.  in  case  of  alienation  on  terms  of  sale,  negotiations 
must  first  be  entered  into  with  France;  (2)  that 
France  recognized  in  1895  the  priority  of  Belgium  in 
this  respect,  or  at  least  consented  not  to  deny  Belgium 
the  right  of  preference. 

Belgium's  Right  to  Take  Over  the  Congo. — The  Bel- 
gian Act  of  28  April,  1885,  had  declared:  "The  union 
Between  Belgium  and  the  new  State  of  the  Congo  will 
be  exclusively  personal".  This  could  not.  however, 
prevent  the  subsequent  gift  on  the  part  of  the  king, 
nor  could  it  take  from  Belgium  the  right  of  accepting 
such  a  donation.  By  his  will,  dated  2  August,  1889, 
which  was  placed  in  the  hands  of  M.  Beernaert,  who 
communicated  it  to  the  Chambers,  Leopold  II  was  to 
leave  as  a  legacy  to  his  country  all  sovereign  rights 
over  the  Independent  State  of  the  Congo.  He  added, 
besides,  that  should  the  Belgian  Government  wish  to 
take  over  the  Congo  before  this  time,  he  would  be 
happy  to  see  it  accomplished  during  his  lifetime.  An 
agreement  was  next  entered  into,  3  July,  1890,  by 
which  Belgium  was  to  advance  to  the  Congo  twenty- 
five  million  francs,  five  millions  at  once  and  the  re- 
maining twenty  at  the  rate  of  two  millions  a  year. 
Six  months  after  the  expiration  of  the  ten  years  (18 
Feb.,  1901)  Belgium  might,  if  it  wished,  annex  the 
Independent  State,  with  all  the  possessions,  rights, 
and  emoluments  belonging  to  this  sovereignty,  pro- 
vided it  assumed  the  outstanding  obligations  of  the 
State  to  third  parties,  "the  king  expressly  refusing  all 
indemnification  for  the  personal  sacrifices  he  bad 
made".  On  5  Aug.,  1894,  the  king-sovereign  an- 
nounced that  he  was  prepared  to  put  at  the  immediate 
disposal  of  Belgium  his  possessions  in  the  Congo.  Fol- 
lowing this  announcement  a  treaty  of  annexation  was 
concluded,  8  Jan.,  1895,  between  the  Belgian  Govern- 
ment and  the  Independent  State,  subject  to  the  ap- 
proval of  the  Chambers.  This  was  given,  12  Feb., 
1895,  but  was  withdrawn,  19  June,  and  the  treaty  an- 
nulled by  mutual  consent,  12  Sept.,  1895.  However, 
a  new  loan  confirmed  Belgium's  option  for  1901. 

When  this  date  arrived,  Baron  Van  Eetvelde,  minis- 
ter of  the  State  of  Congo,  addressed  (28  March,  1901) 
a  dispatch  to  the  chief  minister  of  the  Belgian  cabinet, 
Count  de  Smet  de  Naeyer,  to  the  effect  that  possibly 
the  moment  had  not  yet  arrived  for  Belgium  to  take 
over  the  Congo  State ;  and  that  if  this  were  so,  in  view 
of  the  letter  of  5  August,  1889,  and  the  existing  ties 
between  Belgium  and  the  Congo,  it  would,  perhaps, 
be  neither  politic  nor  useful  to  fix  a  new  term  for  the 
right  of  option.  A  further  communication,  22  May, 
1901,  emphasized  the  right  held  by  Belgium,  in  virtue 
of  the  above-mentioned  letter  and  the  legacy  of  the 
king.  It  added  that  in  case  the  right  of  annexation 
were  unexercised,  but  not  relinquished,  Belgium 
ought  to  renounce,  during  such  extension  of  her 
option,  the  payment  of  interest  and  the  repayment 
of  capital  due  to.  her.  At  the  same  time  the  Inde- 
pendent State  declared  its  readiness  to  submit  to  an- 
nexation. M.  Beernaert  now  proposed  to  annex  the 
Congo,  thus  opposing  the  Government  project  of  28 
March,  1901,  namely,  to  suspend  the  repayment  of 
the  capital  lent,  ana  the  payment  of  the  interest 


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thereon.  The  king,  by  a  letter  addressed  11  June, 
1901,  to  M.  Woeste,  member  of  the  Chamber,  person- 
ally took  part  in  the  question.  Only  three  items  of 
this  letter  are  public:  the  first  clearly  pointed  out  that 
'.he  moment  was  inopportune  for  annexation;  the  sec- 
ond stated  that  in  relation  to  the  Congo  Belgium 
should  remain  in  the  position  she  held  in  consequence 
of  the  Convention  of  1890;  the  third  enumerated  the 
proofs  of  the  attachment  which  the  king  had  for  his 
country.  Thus  came  about  the  Belgian  law  of  14 
Aug.,  1901,  which  renounced  the  repayment  of  the 
loans  and  the  interest  thereon  until  such  time  as  Bel- 
gium should  surrender  the  right  of  annexation — a 
right  which  she  declared  she  wished  to  preserve. 
From  an  examination  of  these  acts  it  seems  certain 
that  Belgium  has  an  incontestable  right  to  take  over 
the  Congo  during  the  lifetime  of  the  king.  That  cer- 
tain prominent  politicians,  in  a  preliminary  discus- 
sion in  1906,  seem  to  have  ignored  this  right,  was 
doubtless  only  the  effect  of  a  surprise.  _  When,  how- 
ever, as  on  3  June,  1906,  the  king-sovereign  in  a  letter 
to  the  secretaries-general  of  the  Independent  State, 
added  to  his  will  a  codicil  which  seemed  to  impose  on 
Belgium  the  obligation  of  respecting  (besides  the  en- 
gagements entered  into  with  third  parties)  certain 
royal  foundations,  the  amendment  was  not  acceptable 
to  the  Chambers.  The  minister  then  stated  that 
these  wishes  on  the  part  of  the  king  were  not  imposed 
as  conditions,  but  were  only  earnest  recommenda- 
tions. On  14  Dec.,  1906,  the  House  moved  that  while 
it  desired  for  the  Congo  the  advantages  of  civilisation 
it  was  not  unmindful  of  Belgium's  rights;  further- 
more, that  the  question  of  taking  over  the  Congo 
should  be  settled  with  the  least  possible  delay. 

The  Territory. — The  declarations  of  neutrality,  to- 
gether with  the  friendly  treaties  by  which  the  united 
Powers  of  Germany,  France.  Portugal,  etc.,  recognised 
the  State,  determined  roughly  its  frontiers.  Greater 
precision  resulted  from  the  treaty  with  England  of 
12  May,  1894.  With  France,  owing  to  some  difficul- 
ties which  arose,  five  treaties  were  made,  the  last  being 
signed  25  Feb.,  1895.  Treaties  have  still  to  be  made 
with  Germany  to  settle  the  Lake  Kivu  question  and 
with  Portugal  about  the  Lake  Dilolo  region.  With 
the  exception  of  a  narrow  border-zone  to  the  east 
near  Lake  Albert  Edward,  situated  in  the  Nile  Basin, 
nearly  all  the  territory  of  the  State  belongs  to  the 
Congo  Basin,  which  is  about  1,158,300  sq.  m.  in  ex- 
tent. The  State  is  the  largest  portion  of  this  basin, 
and  has  an  area  of  945,945  sq.  m.,  which  is  equivalent 
to  a  square  having  a  side  of  three  hundred  leagues,  or 
to  seventy-five  times  the  area  of  Belgium,  or  five 
times  that  of  France.  It  is  bounded  on  the  north  and 
north-west  by  French  Congo  and  the  Anglo-Egyptian 
Sudan ;  on  the  east  by  British  East  Africa  (Uganda 
Protectorate)  and  German  East  Africa;  on  the  south- 
east and  south  by  Rhodesia  and  Portuguese  Angola; 
and  on  the  west  by  the  Atlantic  Ocean  (which  gives 
it  about  twenty-two  miles  of  coastline)  and  the 
Portuguese  territory  of  Cabinda.  The  State  stretches 
from  a  little  above  5°  N.  lat.  to  below  13°  S.  lat,  and 
from  12°  to  between  31°-32°  E.  long.,  the  most  east- 
erly point  being  on  the  Upper  Nile. 

III.  DESCRIPTION  OF  THE  INDEPENDENT  STATE.  

Physical  Geography. — The  general  aspect  of  the  State 
has  often  been  compared  to  a  huge  cup.  To  the  west 
lie  the  Crystal  Mountains ;  to  the  south-east,  the  long 
chain  of  the  Mitumba  bordering  on  the  plateaux  of 
Ka-Tanga,  from  which  descend  the  streams  Lualaba, 
Luapula,  etc.,  whose  waters  unite  to  form  the  Congo 
River.  This  vast  central  depression,  divided  into 
several  terraces,  rests  on  alternate  strata  of  granite 
and  gneiss.  Lacustral  settings  (grit  and  clayey 
schists)  are  often  found,  as  well  as  laterite.  The  in- 
numerable rivers  of  the  Congo  are  rocky  in  their  upper 
courses  and  cut  their  way  by  rapids  from  one  terrace 
to  another,  until,  on  the  great  alluvial  plains  of  the 


centre,  they  form  an  immense  network  of  from  9000 
to  11,000  miles  of  navigable  water-ways  and  spread 
out  fan-like  from  Leopoldville.  The  principal  tribu- 
taries of  the  Congo  are  the  Ubanghi  and  Welle  to  the 
north;  the  Kassai-Sankuru,  Lomami,  etc.,  to  the 
south.  Beyond  Stanley  Pool  are  the  famous  falls 
which,  by  preventing  continuous  river-traffic,  necessi- 
tated the  railroad  (about  270  miles,  a  journey  of  two 
days)  binding  Leopoldville  to  the  seaport  of  Matadi 
(the  highest  point  of  the  Congo  Estuary  reached  by 
steamers).  The  falls  of  the  Upper  River  will  likewise 
be  doubled  by  railroads.  In  fact,  a  trunk  line  to 
Stanley  Falls  has  been  completed,  and  another  to  the 
"  Gates  of  Hell ' '  commenced.  Others  in  the  dii  ection 
of  the  Nile,  of  the  Katanga,  and  of  the  English  and 
Portuguese  railways  have  been  determined  upon. 

There  are  two  seasons  in  the  Lower  Congo,  the  dry 
and  the  rainy.  In 
the  centre  the  cli- 
mate,  always 
warm  and  rainy, 
has  produced  a 
vast  equatorial  for- 
est of  giant  trees 
and  jungle.  In 
these  regions  much 
cocoa,  coffee.copal, 
nut-  and  palm-oil, 
and,  above  all, 
caoutchouc  are 
produced.  Besides 
the  elephant, 
hunted  to  excess, 
the  fauna  of  the 
country  includes 
the  antelope,  mon- 
key, zebra  (which 
it  is  hoped  to  do- 
mesticate), okapi, 
hippopotamus.and 
crocodile.  There 
also  are  found  ter- 
mites, ants,  mos- 
quitoes, and  the 
terrible  tse-ts6 
which  causes  the 
sleeping  sickness. 
With  regard  to 
mineral  wealth, 
Katanga  gives  promise  of  an  immense  amount  of 
malachite  copper  (2  million  tons,  valued  at  $800,000,- 
000,  according  to  the  official  report  of  Jan.,  1908), 
much  tin  (20  million  tons,  valued  at  $16,000,000  along 
the  Lualaba);  also  iron  magnetite  and  oligist.  Gold 
also  has  been  found  in  the  mines  of  Kambobe,  while 
those  of  Kilo  (Aruwimi)  produced  8841.25  oz.  Troy 
($170,000)  in  1905. 

Ethnography  and  Population. — Three  indigenous 
races  are  found  in  the  Congo  Basin.  The  Azande, 
who  seem  to  belong  to  the  Nigritian  races,  inhabit  the 
north-east  frontier.  The  aboriginal  Pygmies  are 
found  in  the  centre,  mingled  with  the  rest,  but  espe- 
cially in  the  region  of  the  great  forest.  The  larger  part 
of  the  peoples  belong  to  the  Bantu  family.  The  popu- 
lation is  probably  about  twenty  millions,  although 
other  estimates  of  from  twelve  to  thirty  millions  have 
been  given. 

Language. — The  language  of  the  Blacks  is,  radically, 
the  agglutinative  speech  of  the  Bantu  peoples,  i.  e.  it 
forms  its  words  without  fusion  or  alteration.  It  is 
divided  into  over  forty  very  different  dialects.  The 
language  is  rich,  rational,  philosophic,  and  betokens  a 
much  higher  level  of  civilization  than  do  the  morals 
and  customs  of  this  wretched  race.  In  Lower  Congo 
contact  with  the  Portuguese  has  influenced  the  ideas 
and  habits  of  the  Blacks;  it  has  taught  them  the  com- 
mercial value  of  certain  products,  such  as  caoutchouc. 


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and  brought  them  under  the  enervating  influence  of 
alcohol;  Sere  the  race  has  degenerated.  In  Upper 
Congo  the  Arab  influence  has  introduced  by  violence 
both  slavery  and  habits  of  industry.  The  pernicious 
practice  of  inhaling  the  fumes  of  hemp  has  come  also 
with  Arab  domination.  In  the  centre  of  the  country 
the  race  remains  more  pure. 

Political  Organization. — Present  native  customs 
show  traces  of  a  former  supremacy  of  one  chief  over 
the  others.  There  are  unmistakable  signs  both  of 
vassalage  and  of  suzerainty.  The  tribes  are  ruled  by 
a  chief  (mfumu)  whose  authority,  however,  is  checked 
by  the  presence  of  a  council  of  elders.  The  succession 
to  the  chieftaincy  is  hereditary,  but  not  in  the  direct 
line  of  male  descent.  While  only  males  can  occupy 
the  throne,  the  succession  passes  not  to  the  son,  but 
in  the  collateral  line  to  the  brother  and  then  to  the 
son  of  the  daughter.  Other  information  on  ethno- 
graphical questions  is  given  under  VIII.  Missions 
in  the  Congo. 

Commerce.— Some  figures  with  regard  to  the  com- 
merce of  the  Congo  may  be  given  here.  In  1887  when 
a  total  of  the  exportations  of  the  Independent  State 
was  first  made,  the  figure  was  about  $306,088.  This 
we  may  compare  with  the  figures  of  subsequent  years: 
—1890,  $1,648,439;  1895,  $2,188,603;  1900,  $9,475,- 
480;  1905,  $10,606,432;  1906,  $11,655,566.  Caout- 
chouc represents  the  greater  part  of  this  output. 
Its  value  was,  in  1905;  $8,751,180  (10,938,975  lbs.). 
The  value  of  ivory  (473,260  lbs.)  for  the  same  year 
was  $967,554;  palm  nuts  (11,355,529  lbs.),  $302,817; 
palm-oil  (4,335,229  lbs.),  $220,678.  Import  statistics 
date  only  from  the  establishment  of  import  duties  in 
the  second  quarter  of  1892.  We  append  some  dates 
and  figures:— 1893,  $1,835,020;  1895,  $2,137,169; 
1900,  $4,944,821;  1905,  $4,015,072;  1906,  $4,295,517. 
These  figures  represent  largely  Belgian  commerce.  In 
1906  the  Congo  s  exports  to  Belgium  reached  $10,860,- 
939;  the  imports  from  Belgium  were  $3,057,058.  Im- 
ports from  the  United  States  do  not  exceed  $6,000. 

IV.  When  and  by  what  Right  the  Congo  State 
was  Created. — How  did  the  Congo  State  arise?  The 
question  is  not  an  easy  one  to  answer.  Certain  au- 
thors, the  mouthpieces  of  the  State,  regard  the  Inde- 
pendent State  as  the  natural  heir  of  the  petty  chiefs 
who  governed  the  various  Congolese  tribes.  They 
maintain  that  through  the  treaties  made  with  these 
chiefs  the  supreme  power  passed  from  native  to  Euro- 
pean hands.  This  is  a  thesis  easy  to  formulate,  but 
impossible  to  defend.  For  in  fact  an  international 
treaty  supposes  the  existence  of  two  nations.  Now  it 
may  be  admitted  that  the  Congolese  had,  at  the  period 
in  question,  a  political  organization — though  this 
point  has  been  doubted  by  some;  at  any  rate  the  In- 
ternational Association  was  at  the  time  surely  nothing 
more  than  a  private  company.  Again,  when  the  na- 
tive chiefs  agreed  to  put  their  mark  at  the  bottom  of 
a  treaty  in  exchange  for  a  few  pieces  of  cloth,  did  they 
realize  what  they  were  doing?  Did  they  realize  that 
they  were  veritably  abdicating,  and  not  simply  au- 
thorizing some  European  to  settle  on  their  land?  A 
recent  defender  of  the  position  stated  above  has  gone 
so  far  as  to  imagine  that  Stanley  improvised  on  the 
Congo  coast  a  course  of  international  law  for  the  use 
of  the  native  chiefs.  For  this  Stanley  had  neither 
time  nor  means  at  his  disposal,  and  he  would  have 
found  it  difficult  to  do  so  through  an  interpreter. 
Further,  even  if  the  chiefs  did  wish  to  transfer  their 
authority,  could  they  have  done  so  without  the  con- 
sent of  their  tribes?  Lastly,  the  treaties  in  question 
were  nearly  all  made  with  chiefs  who  inhabited  the 
present  French  Congo ;  they  affected  only  a  very  small 
part  of  the  present  Congo  State. 

Others  say  that  the  Independent  State  was  created 
by  the  Berlin  Conference.  This  hypothesis  is  also  un- 
acceptable. What  right  had  this  Conference  over  the 
Congo  Basin?   The  plenipotentiaries  claimed  none; 


what  they  wished  to  do  was  not  to  create  new  States, 
but  to  make  the  Powers,  present  and  future,  holding 
interests  in  Central  Africa,  accept  a  regime  of  free 
trade.  As  a  matter  of  fact  it  was  during  the  inter- 
vals between  the  meetings  of  the  Conference  that  the 
Independent  State  had  its  flag  recognized  by  the  dif- 
ferent Powers  one  after  another.  The  Conference,  as 
such,  only  congratulated  the  State.  It  supplied  the 
means  of  existence,  but  it  did  not  create.  M.  Cattier 
(Droit  et  administration  de  l'Etat  Independent,  p. 
43)  is  rightly  of  opinion  that  the  Independent  State 
owes  its  origin  to  an  act  of  occupation.  But  was  this 
lawful?  Doubtless  it  was.  First  the  land  was  a 
prey  to  the  most  revolting  savage  cruelties,  even  to 
cannibalism;  second,  it  was  ravaged  by  ceaseless  in- 
testine wars  and  by  the  slave  trade;  third,  it  denied 
strangers  the  protection  of  the  jus  gentium,  or  law  of 
nations.  In  such  a  case  the  common  good  of  man- 
kind sanctioned  the  imposition  of  a  state  of  order  and 
security,  and  hence  the  creation  of  a  civilizing  power. 
The  Powers  represented  at  the  Berlin  Conference  gave 
the  king-sovereign  a  free  hand  in  the  political  occupa- 
tion of  the  Congo  Basin,  while  the  treaties  made  with 
the  native  chiefs  and  the  victories  won  over  the  Arabs 
likewise  contributed  to  this  end.  But  it  was  only 
when  this  occupation  grew  sufficiently  effective  (about 
1895)  that  the  embryonic  polity  of  1885  became  in  a 
true  sense  the  Independent  State.  It  is  carefully  to 
be  noted  that  the  occupation  above  referred  to  did 
nothing  more  than  transfer  the  political  authority;  it 
did  not  modify  or  affect  any  private  rights,  e.  g.  prop- 
erty rights. 

V.  Interior  Organization. — Legislative  and  Ad- 
ministrative Power. — Leopold  II  exercises  over  his 
Congolese  subjects  a  sovereignty  which  makes  him 
the  most  absolute  monarch  in  the  world:  he  governs 
them  by  his  sole  and  uncontrolled  will.  He  gives  all 
important  orders,  constitutes  the  whole  administra- 
tion, and  is  the  source  of  all  authority  in  his  African 
kingdom.  He  has  established  the  Congo  Central 
Government  at  Brussels.  While  reserving  to  himself 
the  supreme  legislative  power,  he  has,  since  1  Sept., 
1894,  confided  to  a  secretary  of  state  the  direction  of 
the  Central  Government.  This  official  can  enact 
measures  (Arrites  du  Secretaire  d'Etat)  which  have  the 
force  of  laws.  _  When  he  is  absent  his  place  is  taken  by 
three  secretaries-general,  who,  acting  in  concert,  pos- 
sess his  power;  as  a  matter  of  fact,  since  the  period  of 
office  of  Baron  Van  Eetvelde  there  has  been  no  secre- 
tary of  state.  Further,  the  sovereign-king  instituted 
(16  April,  1889)  at  Brussels  a  Conseu Superieur,  which 
acts  as  a  high  court  of  justice  and  gives  advice  on  such 
questions  as  the  king  submits  for  consideration.  His 
Majesty  names  the  members  of  this  council.  In  the 
Congo  territory  itself  a  governor-general  is  at  the  head 
of  the  administration.  He  possesses  a  restricted 
legislative  power  and  can  make  police  regulations  and 
the  like.  The  State  capital  is  at  Bo  ma.  The  country 
is  divided  into  fourteen  districts,  governed  by  the 
commissaires.  and  these  are  subdivided  into  zones  and 
secteurs  which  are  under  the  authority  of  the  chefs  de 
zone,  chefs  de  sectewr. 

Judicial  Power. — For  the  administration  of  civil 
and  criminal  cases  there  are  five  lower  courts,  each 
composed  of  a  judge,  an  officier  du  ministers  public 
(procureur  d'Etat)  to  represent  the  people,  and  a  gref- 
fier;  there  is  also  a  court  of  appeal  composed  of  a 
president,  two  judges,  an  officier  du  ministers  public 
(procureur  gentral),  and  a  greffier.  In  places  where 
there  is  no  regular  court  the  officier  du  ministers  public 
(who  must  be  a  doctor  in  law)  can,  within  certain 
limits,  exercise  a  summary  jurisdiction.  Finally,  the 
native  chiefs  (mfumu)  have  certain  judicial  powers 
over  their  own  peoples.  The  repression  of  crimes,  or, 
in  the  terminology  of  Congo  law,  infractions,  which  in- 
clude even  such  offences  as  that  of  murder  (see  Code 
Penal  de  l'Etat  Indep.),  is  further  confided  to  local 


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courts,  appointed  by  the  governor-general,  and  com- 
posed (at  least  normally)  of  a  judge,  who  need  not 
nave  studied  law  (very  often  he  is  the  commissaire), 
and  an  officier  du  ministere  pu&ite  (substitute)  who 
must  be  a  doctor  in  law.  There  are  also  military 
courts  (conseil  de  guerre,  conseil  de  guerre  d'appel). 
At  the  head  of  this  administration  of  justice  is  the 
conteil  superieur  de  Bruxelles,  which  constitutes  the 
cour  de  caseation.  The  judges  and  officers  of  justice 
are  not  appointed  for  life,  but  are  all  removable ;  the 
governor-general  possesses  a  sort  of  supremacy  both 
in  their  nomination  and  supervision. 

Domanial  PoKey.—kt  first  (1885-1891)  the  State 
favoured  private  initiative  and  claimed  for  itself  no 
monopoly.  Later  on  (since  1892),  anxious  to  increase 
its  resources,  and  hearing  of  the  vast  wealth  of  rubber 
and  ivory  in  the  Upper  Congo,  it  inaugurated  a  regime 
of  monopoly.  Invoking  an  ordinance  of  5  July,  1885, 
which  had  declared  that  "  the  unoccupied  lands  must 
be  considered  as  belonging  to  the  State",  it  invali- 
dated all  acts  of  occupation  made,  whether  by  natives 
or  strangers,  after  this  date.  It  then  put  in  practice 
a  system  of  proprietorship  and  exploitation  of  the  soil 
and  its  products.  We  add  here  a  short  resume'  of  the 
extremely  complex  legislation  now  in  force: — (a) 
Concerning  the  Natives. — The  decrees  profess  respect 
for  all  native  occupation  "such  as  it  existed  before 
5  July,  1885".  Hitherto  no  adequate  or  serious  in- 
quiry has  determined  the  rights  which  the  natives  pos- 
sessed in  virtue  of  this  occupation.  Does  the  State 
admit  that  they  now  have  a  true  proprietary  right  to 
any  part  whatever  of  the  soil?  It  is  impossible  to  say. 
At  any  rate  they  may  not,  without  the  authorization 
of  the  governor-general,  dispose  of  their  lands  to  a 
third  party.  The  natives  may  continue,  then,  to  in- 
habit then-  plots  of  land  where  they  plant  manioc; 
in  addition,  by  virtue  of  the  reform  decrees  of  1906 
each  village  has  been  allotted  an  area  triple  the  size 
of  that  which  it  previously  inhabited  and  cultivated. 
The  natives  are  full  possessors  of  the  products  of  tile 
lands  thus  cultivated.  Further,  if  they  formerly  en- 
joyed any  certain  use  of  any  woods  or  forests  they 
may  still  retain  that  use. 

(b)  Concerning  the  Non-Natives. — The  rights  above 
mentioned  being  safeguarded,  all  the  rest  of  the  Congo 
State  has  been  declared  the  property  of  the  State;  it 
is  consequently  at  the  absolute  disposition  of  the  sov- 
ereign-king, who  has  distributed  it  thus:  (1)  One-third 
constitutes  the  Domaine  National,  administered  by  a 
council  of  six  charged  with  the  task  of  developing  its 
revenues.  These  revenues  are  intended  to  cover  the 
ordinary  budget  expenses,  to  pay  off  the  public  debt, 
to  form  a  reserve  fund,  and  to  serve  certain  purposes 
of  public  utility  for  the  Congo  State  and  for  Belgium. 
(2)  One-ninth,  selected  in  the  richest  part  of  the  coun- 
try, forms  the  Domaine  de  la  Couronne.  It  is  the  pri- 
vate property  of  the  king,  who,  however,  has  the  in- 
tention of  giving  it  eventually  to  some  institution  of 
public  utility,  and  in  the  meantime  desires  that  its 
revenues  should  create  and  subsidize  certain  works 
and  institutions  for  the  general  good,  whether  in  the 
State  or  in  Belgium.  Six  mines,  hereafter  to  be  se- 
lected, also  belong  to  this  Domaine,  which  is  admin- 
istered by  a  committee.  Hitherto  both  of  these  terri- 
tories have  been  administered  (en  rtaie)  by  the  em- 
ployees of  the  State.  (3)  The  rest  of  the  territory  con- 
stitutes the  Terres  Domaniales,  which  the  State  re- 
serves to  itself  to  sell,  to  let,  or  to  grant  as  it  pleases. 
All  alienation  or  letting  of  these  lands  must,  to  avoid 
nullity,  be  ratified  within  six  months  by  the  king.  Of 
these  public  lands  about  one  third  have  been  granted 
or  alienated,  principally  to  concessionary  companies. 
The  grants  of  use,  however,  far  exceed  the  alienations, 
and  they  give  to  the  companies  in  question  the  monop- 
oly of  exploitation.  In  the  greater  number  of  these 
oompanies  the  State  owns  half  the  stock. 

Fiscal  System. — (1)  The  State  subjects  non-natives 


to  direct  and  personal  taxes  similar  to  those  in  Eu- 
rope. As  a  consequence  of  the  Brussels  Conference 
(2  July,  1890)  a  customs  duty  was  laid  on  all  imports. 
The  export  customs  duty  on  rubber  (0.65  fr.  per  kilo- 
gram—about 6  cts.  per  pound)  and  ivory  (1  to  2.1  fr. 
per  kilogram — about  9  cts.  to  17  cts.  per  pound) 
forms  one  of  the  principal  sources  of  revenue  of  the 
State. — (2)  The  natives  are  subject  to  conscription. 
Since  the  reforms  of  1906  the  annual  contingent  to  be 
supplied  is  divided  into  two  sections,  one  of  which  goes 
to  the  army  and  the  other  furnishes  labourers  for  the 
public  works.  The  soldiers  serve  for  seven  years,  the 
workmen  for  five.  Further,  the  natives  who  are  not 
so  engaged  are  subject  to  a  poll  tax  affecting  every 
adult,  male  or  female.  This  tax  varies  from  6  to  24 
fr.  (about  $1.20  to  $4.80)  a  year;  it  may  be  paid  in 
money,  in  kind  (food-stuffs  as  a  rule),  or  in  personal 
labour.  Every  year  the  commissaire  draws  up  for 
the  different  villages  tables  of  equivalence  between 
money,  kind,  and  labour,  which  must,  since  the  last 


Franciscan  Convent  or  Sr.  Gabriel  or  the  Falls, 
Oriental  Province 

reforms,  be  publicly  exhibited.  The  personal  labour 
demanded  may  not  exceed  in  duration  a  total  of  forty 
hours  a  month — hence  the  phrase  "  forty  hours'  tax  . 
For  this  labour  the  natives  receive  a  certain  remunera- 
tion— by  "an  act  of  pure  condescension"  according  to 
the  latest  decrees.  The  annual  income  and  outlay  of 
the  State  are  about  30,000,000  fr.  (roughly  $6,000,000). 
The  products  of  the  Domaine  National  together  with 
taxes  paid  in  kind  represent  16,500,000  fr.  The  re- 
muneration paid  (in  kind)  to  the  natives  amounts  to 
2,500,000  or  3,000,000  fr. 

VI.  Criticisms  of  the  Congo. — For  some  years 
past  the  Independent  State  has  been  the  object  of 
very  severe  criticism,  particularly  on  the  part  of  the 
Congo  Reform  Association,  directed  by  Mr.  E.  D. 
Morel.  We  do  not  presume  to  judge  intentions; 
nevertheless  this  hostility,  directed  against  one  only 
of  the  four  Congos,  and  that  one  dependent  on  a  peo- 
ple powerless  to  defend  itself,  creates  in  Belgium  pain- 
ful feelings  of  surprise.  Grave  accusations  nave  been 
made  against  the  French  Congo;  the  German  Parlia- 
ment in  the  name  of  humanity  has  heard  earnest  pro- 
tests against  excesses  in  the  German  Congo ;  and  it  is 
not  likely,  if  a  commission  of  inquiry  were  to  traverse 
Rhodesia,  that  it  would  have  nothing  but  eulogies  to 
record.  Why  then  single  out  one  country,  and  that  a 
defenceless  one?  It  seems  but  fair,  also,  to  remark 
that  one  cannot  justly  compare  a  colony  in  its  begin- 
nings with  a  colony  established  more  than  a  century 
ago.  The  early  history  of  colonies  has  ever  been  a 
sad  one,  as  is  instanced  by  Macaulay's  account  of 
Warren  Hastings  and  the  British  occupation  of  India. 
On  the  other  hand  wrong  does  not  justify  wrong.  The 
standard  of  a  government  should  be  absolute  justice, 
and  it  is  from  this  point  of  view  that  the  wrongs  im- 
puted to  the  Congo  administration  will  be  considered. 


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The  accusations  fall  under  two  heads:  (1)  infidelity  to 
promises  given  to  the  civilized  Powers;  (2)  injustice 
towards  the  Congolese. 

(1)  Breach  of  Faith. — The  land  system  inaugurated 
in  1891  is  said  to  be  incompatible  with  the  commercial 
freedom  stipulated  for  at  Berlin,  in  particular  with 
Article  5,  which  forbade  the  granting  of  monopolies, 
and  any  privileges  in  commercial  matters.  The  Inde- 
pendent State  denies  the  charge  of  infidelity:  "There 
is  no  'commerce'  in  selling  the  product  of  one's  own 
land.  We  do  no  more  than  that.  The  monopolies 
we  accord  are  not  commercial."  In  support  of  this 
view  the  opinions  of  jurists  of  different  countries  are 
adduced.  These  were  consulted,  especially  in  1892, 
and  included  Professor  Westlake  and  Sir  Horace 
Davey,  the  latter  an  English  judge  and  member  of 
the  Privy  Council. 

(2)  Inhuman  Treatment  of  Natives. — This  ac- 
cusation appeals  to  Christian  people;  it  touches  the 
principles  of  humanity.  The  Congo  State  is  accused 
of  oppressing,  instead  of  civilizing,  the  Congo,  and 
charges  of  atrocious  cruelty  have  been  brought.  So 
grave  were  these  that  King  Leopold  thought  it  wise 
to  establish  an  International  Commission  of  inquiry 
with  unlimited  authority  to  investigate  the  condition 
of  the  natives.  The  decree  of  23  July,  1904,  en- 
trusted this  important  duty  to  M.  Janssens  (General 
Advocate  of  the  Court  of  Cassation  of  Belgium),  as 
president  of  the  commission,  Baron  Nisco,  an  Italian 
(Temporary  President  of  the  Boma  Tribunal  of  Ap- 
peal), and  Doctor  de  Schumacher  (Counsellor  of  State 
and  Chief  of  the  Department  of  Justice  of  the  Canton 
of  Lucerne,  Switzerland).  The  commission  arrived 
at  Boma,  5  Oct.,  1904.  They  concluded  their  inves- 
tigations, 13  Feb.,  1905,  and  on  the  21st  of  the  same 
month  embarked  for  Europe.  The  report  was  made 
public,  5  Nov.,  1905,  in  the  official  bulletin  of  the  In- 
dependent State,  and  is  obviously  the  most  serious 
item  in  the  question  that  we  are  now  discussing.  We 
must  except,  however,  the  chapter  dealing  with  the 
missionaries.  In  this  the  commissioners  departed 
from  their  habitual  prudence,  and  their  expressions 
here — as  is  commonly  stated — do  not  accurately  repre- 
sent their  judgment.  According  to  this  report  one 
cannot  directly  charge  the  Independent  State  with 
responsibility  for  cruelties  inflicted  upon  individuals. 
There  are  doubtless  isolated  crimes,  but  these  are  pun- 
ished. There  are  also  the  involuntary  consequences 
of  governmental  measures,  but  these  unhappy  effects 
were  not  foreseen.  Such  were  the  delegation  of 
powers  to  the  agents  of  companies;  the  giving  of  fire- 
arms to  black  sentinels;  the  failure  to  distinguish 
between  military  demonstrations  to  prevent  rebellion 
and  war  operations  to  repress  a  revolt.  Moreover, 
the  report  drew  attention  to  grave  abuses  in  the  re- 
cruiting of  labourers,  in  the  imposition  of  compulsory 
labour  on  the  natives,  in  the  land  regime,  ana  in  the 
organization  of  justice. 

Following  the  publication  of  this,  the  king  named  a 
Reform  Commission,  whose  work  resulted  m  certain 
recommendations  drawn  up  by  the  secretaries-gen- 
eral of  the  State.  These  the  king  accepted  and  em- 
bodied in  the  Reform  Decrees  of  3  June,  1906. 

It  would  be  premature  at  this  time  to  forecast  the 
probable  influence  of  these  reforms  on  the  general  sit- 
uation in  the  Congo;  we  are  too  near  the  events.  Im- 
partial history  will  distinguish  the  good  from  the  evil, 
and  fix  the  responsibilities.  It  may  be  said  that  the 
Report  recognized,  on  the  part  of  the  Independent 
State,  the  splendid  campaign  against  the  Arabs,  sig- 
nalized by  many  deeds  of  heroism,  which  put  an  end 
to  the  slave  trade,  and  rendered  its  resuscitation  al- 
most impossible.  To  the  intestine  wars  between 
the  chiefs  have  succeeded,  almost  everywhere,  peace 
and  security.  The  use  of  the  flail  and  of  alcohol  have 
been  rigorously  prohibited,  and  the  cannibal  tribes 
can  but  very  rarely  find  an  opportunity  of  indulging 


their  savage  instincts.  Finally,  it  may  be  observed 
that  in  this  whole  affair  Belgium  is  in  no  way  respon- 
sible; this  is  an  opinion  expressed  by  two  ministers  of 
the  British  Government  (see  debates  of  the  British 
Parliament  for  27  Feb.  and  3  March,  1908).  Belgium 
as  a  whole  has  remained  aloof  from  the  African  pro- 
ject, and  the  methods  adopted  were  not  known  to  it. 
If,  indeed,  the  Congo  Government  had  appealed  with 
more  simplicity  and  frankness  to  the  religious  senti- 
ments of  the  Belgian  people;  if  it  had  taken  care  to 
proclaim  a  programme  of  Christian  civilization,  it 
would  have  Kindled  more  enthusiasm  among  them, 
and  evoked  more  sympathy.  In  that  case,  also,  it 
would  have  found  more  easily  the  men  capable  of  con- 
tributing to  a  work  of  such  supreme  moral  importance. 

VII.  Ftr-ruMi  of  the  Congo  Statu. — By  a  vote  of 
14  Dec.,  1906,  the  Belgian  Chamber  of  Representa- 
tives expressed  its  willingness  to  consider  as  soon  as 
possible  the  question  of  annexation.  A  commission 
of  eighteen  was  immediately  charged  with  making 
a  draft  of  proposed  colonial  law.  When  M.  de- 
Trooz  succeeded  M.  de  Smet  de  Naeyer  as  prime  min- 
ister, he  announced  his  intention  of  rapidly  bringing 
about  the  transfer  of  the  Congo  State  to  Belgium. 
During  August,  1907,  the  Belgian  and  the  Congo  Gov- 
ernments each  named  four  plenipotentiaries  to  draw 
up  the  treaty  of  annexation.  A  praiseworthy  activ- 
ity was  displayed.  The  commission  of  eighteen 
adopted  on  the  first  reading  a  tentative  body  of  laws ; 
the  plenipotentiaries  agreed  to  sign  a  treaty.  The 
treaty,  however,  was  not  well  received  by  the  public; 
the  Liberal  Left  unanimously  declared  they  could  not 
accept  it.  The  principal  difficulty,  it  seems,  was  the 
clause  in  the  Treaty  of  Cession  which  assures  the  per- 
petuity of  the  Domaine  de  la  Couronne.  It  is  true 
that  the  revenues  of  this  Domaine  were  to  be  disposed 
of  in  a  generous  way;  yet  many  representatives  re- 
fused to  bind  the  mother  country  to  the  maintenance 
of  a  foundation  which  had  merely  been  earnestly  rec- 
ommended. In  the  meantime  M.  de  Trooz  died. 
M.  Schollaert,  his  successor,  pronounced  in  favour  of 
annexation,  and  his  declaration  before  the  Chamber 
gave  promise  of  more  acceptable  conditions  of  annex- 
ation. An  additional  clause  introduced  by  him  into 
the  treaty  greatly  improved  the  situation. 

VIII.  Missions  in  thb  Congo. — Ancient. — The 
evangelization  of  the  Congo  began  as  early  as  1484 .when 
Diego  Cam  discovered  the  mouth  of  the  Congo  River, 
known  as  the  Zaire  until  the  seventeenth  century. 
Cam's  naval  chaplain  set  himself  at  once  to  preach  the 
"  good  news"  to  the  natives,  and  won  to  the  Faith  the 
chief  of  Sogno,  a  village  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Congo, 
where  he  first  landed.  Some  of  the  inhabitants  of  this 
village  accompanied  Cam  on  his  return  voyage  and 
were  solemnly  baptized  at  the  court  of  John  II  of 
Portugal.  Later,  the  head  chief  of  Banza-Congo 
(Outeiro,  the  present  San  Salvador)  asked  King  John 
for  missionaries.  Three  were  sent  (whether  they 
were  Dominicans  or  Franciscans  or  members  of  a  Lis- 
bon chapter,  we  do  not  know) ;  they  finally  baptized 
the  head  chief  and  many  other  subordinate  ones  at 
Banza-Congo,  in  a  wooden  structure  called  the  church 
of  the  Holy  Cross.  In  1518  a  grandson  of  this  chief, 
known  as  Henry,  who  had  been  ordained  in  Portugal, 
was  made  titular  Bishop  of  Utica,  and  appointed  by 
Leo  X  Vicar  Apostolic  of  Congo.  Unfortunately,  he 
died  before  quitting  Europe.  He  is  the  only  native 
bishop  Congo  has  ever  had. 

From  the  beginning  the  Portuguese  undertook  to 
introduce  European  customs  in  Congo.  The  petty 
chiefs  became  kings  with  Portuguese  names;  their 
secretaries  of  State  headed  public  documents  thus: 
"  We,  Alphonso  [or  Diego]  by  the  grace  of  God  King 
of  Congo  and  of  Ilungo,  of  Caoongo,  of  Ngoyo,  of  the 
lands  above  and  below  the  Zaire,  Lord  of  the  Am- 
boados  and  of  Angola  .  .  .  and  of  the  Conquest  [ncl 
of  Parizon.  .  .  "   The  chiefs  for  the  most  part  could 


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do  no  more  than  put  their  mark  to  these  documents. 
One  of  them  imitated  the  feudal  system  and  divided 
his  kingdom  into  seigniories,  duchies,  etc.  At  the  be- 
ginning of  the  seventeenth  century  a  native  chief, 
Alvarez  II,  sent  one  of  his  relatives,  a  marquis,  as  his 
representative  to  the  papal  court.  The  ambassador 
arrived  in  Rome  in  a  dying  condition  and  expired  the 
day  after  his  arrival,  the  Eve  of  Epiphany,  1608. 
Paul  V,  who  personally  assisted  the  ambassador  in  his 
last  moments,  gave  him  a  magnificent  state  funeral 
and  erected  to  his  memory  a  monument  at  St.  Mary 
Major's.  Later,  Urban  VIII  had  a  superb  mauso- 
leum erected  to  him  by  Bernini;  it  still  stands  at  the 
entrance  to  the  choir  of  the  basilica.  The  Domini- 
cans, Franciscans,  Carmelites,  and  Jesuits  were  the 
first  missionaries  of  the  Congo.  In  spite  of  the  prom- 
ising beginnings,  their  labours,  though  trying,  were 
rather  fruitless.  In  the  seventeenth  century  the 
Jesuits  had  two  colleges,  one  at  Loanda,  another,  of 
minor  importance,  at  San  Salvador.  On  the  whole, 
religion  never  really  took  firm  root,  and  was  early 
brought  into  discredit  by  the  vices  and  slave-trading 
of  the  Portuguese.  It  has  managed,  however,  to 
linger  on  in  Portuguese  Congo  to  our  days.  While  the 
Portuguese  always  confined  themselves  to  the  Lower 
Congo,  as  early  as  the  seventeenth  century  the  mis- 
sionaries had  traversed  the  course  of  the  Zaire,  and 
a  seventeenth-century  map  has  been  discovered  which 
traces  the  river  according  to  data  supplied  by  them. 
From  this  it  would  seem  that  Stanley  has  not  the  dis- 
tinction of  being  the  first  white  man  to  explore  the 
Upper  Congo. 

Modern. — French  and  Portuguese  Congo. — On 
20  May,  1716,  Clement  XI  created  the  episcopal  see  of 
Santa  Cruz  do  Reino  de  Angola.  The  residence  was  at 
first  at  San  Salvador,  but  was  later  on  transferred  to 
Loanda.  The  Portuguese  bishop  of  this  town  has 
under  his  jurisdiction  about  twenty  priests.  _  It  is 
through  this  see  that  the  ancient  and  modern  missions 
of  Congo  are  united  (see  Angola).  The  first  modern 
missionaries  were  the  Fathers  of  the  Holy  Ghost 
(mother-house  at  Paris).  Towards  the  middle  of  the 
nineteenth  century  this  flourishing  congregation  of 
missionaries  had  the  spiritual  care  of  all  the  West 
African  coast  from  the  Senegal  to  the  Orange  River, 
with  the  exception  of  the  Diocese  of  Loanda.  They 
still  have  charge  of  all  French  Congo  and  of  Portu- 
guese Congo  (Loanda  excepted). 

(1)  French  Congo.— The  Fathers  of  the  Holy  Ghost 
have  here  three  vicariates: — (a)  Gabon,  founded  in 
1842  and  confided  to  them  in  1845.  Mgr.  Adam  is 
vicar  Apostolic;  12  residences;  mission  staff.  42 
priests,  21  brothers,  1  native  priest,  7  native  brothers, 
and  41  catechists.  (b)  Loango  River  (Lower  French 
Congo),  founded,  24  Nov.,  1886;  pro-vicar  Apostolic, 
Mgr.  Derouet;  6  residences;  mission  staff,  18  priests, 
11  brothers,  1  native  priest,  8  native  seminarists,  17 
native  brothers,  and  60  catechists. — (c)  Ubangbi 
(Upper  French  Congo),  founded,  14  Oct.,  1890;  vicar 
Apostolic  is  Mgr.  Augouard;  7  residences;  mission 
staff,  24  priests,  16  brothers,  and  14  catechists.  The 
Christians  of  these  three  vicariates  number  about 
40,000,  of  whom  more  than  half  are  catechumens. 

(2)  Portuguese  Congo. — This  has  a  prefecture 
Apostolic  dating  from  27  June,  1640.  The  Capuchins 
administered  it  until  1834,  when  the  mission  was 
abandoned.  A  pontifical  decree  of  1  Sept.,  1865,  re- 
established it  and  entrusted  it  to  the  Fathers  of  the 
Holy  Ghost;  4  residences,  11  priests,  11  brothers,  12 
native  seminarists,  10  native  brothers,  and  24  cate- 
chists; Christians  about  7000.  These  figures  repre- 
sent the  condition  of  the  missions  of  the  Congregation 
of  the  Holy  Ghost  in  March,  1906. 

The  Free  State. — Charles  George  Gordon,  the  hero 
of  Khartoum,  a  Presbyterian,  was  among  the  first  to 
draw  the  attention  of  Leopold  II  to  the  need  of  estab- 
lishing numerous  Catholic  missions  in  his  African  king- 


dom. At  the  beginning  of  1884,  some  days  before  his 
departure  for  the  Sudan,  Gordon  was  chosen  General 
Administrator  of  the  Stations  of  the  International  As- 
sociation, and  in  this  quality  had  an  interview  with 
Leopold,  towards  the  end  of  which  Gordon  remarked: 
"Sire,  we  have  forgotten  the  principal  thing — the 
missionaries".  "Oh,  I  have  already  considered  the 
question",  said  Leopold.  "The  Association  gives 
help  and  protection  to  all  missionaries;  further,  it 
has  given  a  subsidy  to  the  missionaries  of  the  Bible 
Society,  to  the  Baptists  ..."  "Yes,"  replied 
Gordon,  "but  you  must  also  send  Roman  mission- 
aries, many  Roman  missionaries"  (Revue  Generale, 
1885,  p.  116).  From  24  Feb.,  1878,  there  was  at 
the  extreme  east  of  the  Congo  State  a  pro- vicariate 
ApostoHc  for  the  Upper  Congo.  This  became,  in 
1880,  a  vicariate,  and  was  served  by  the  White 
Fathers  of  Cardinal  Lavigerie  (q.  v.).   But  after  the 


Mission  of  ths  Whits  Fathers,  Tanganyika 

establishment  of  the  new  State  in  1885,  Leopold  per- 
suaded the  Holy  See  to  reserve  the  Catholic  evangel- 
ization of  his  African  dominion  to  Belgian  mission- 
aries. Cardinal  Lavigerie  did  not,  however,  abandon 
this  post  of  honour,  but  founded  a  Belgian  branch  of 
his  institute,  which,  by  a  pontifical  Brief  of  30  Dec, 
1886,  was  placed  in  charge  of  the  Vicariate  of  the  Upper 
Congo.  Its  activities  are  confined  to  the  Independent 
State;  vicar  Apostolic,  Mgr.  Roelens.  An  African  sem- 
inary was  founded  at  Louvain  ( 1886)  and  placed  under 
the  direction  of  Canon  Forge tjprof essor  of  theology  at 
the  University  of  Louvain.  The  difficulties  attached 
to  such  an  enterprise  soon  made  themselves  felt,  and  it 
was  found  impossible  to  carry  it  on  without  the  help 
of  some  religious  institute.  The  aid  of  the  young  but 
already  flourishing  Congregation  of  the  Missionaries 
of  the  Sacred  Heart  of  Mary  (known  also  as  the  Con- 
gregation of  Scheutveld,  after  the  mother-house  at 
Scheutveld.near  Brussels)  had  already  been  sought  in 
1876,  and  they  were  again  appealed  to  in  1884. 
Though  the  missions  in  China  and  Mongolia  absorbed 
nearly  all  their  strength,  they  determined  (1886-87) 
to  make  an  effort  to  assist  the  Congo.  In  1888  they 
took  over  the  African  seminary,  and  on  11  May  of  the 
same  year  Leo  XIII  created  the  immense  Vicariate 
Apostolus  (present  incumbent,  Mgr.  Van  Ronate)  of 
the  Belgian  Congo,  which  he  committed  to  their  care. 
On  26  July,  1901,  a  part  of  this  territory  was  detached, 
though  still  left  in  their  charge,  to  form  the  new  Pre- 
fecture Apostolio  of  the  Upper  Kassai;  pref.  Ap. 
(1908)  is  Mgr.  Henri  Cambier. 

Towards  the  end  of  1891  the  Belgian  Jesuits, 
already  overburdened  with  two  foreign  missions, 
undertook  to  send  a  body  of  missionaries  to  the  Congo. 
They  were  placed  in  charge  of  a  portion  of  the  Belgian 
Congo  vicariate ;  on  31  Jan.,1903,  their  mission  became 
the  Prefecture  Apostolic  of  Ewango.  The  superior  and 
pref.  Ap.  (1908)  is  the  Rev.  Julian  Banckaert,  S.  J. 
There  are  also  a  prefecture  Apostolic:  Welle,  founded 
12  May,  1898,  Premonstratensians  of  the  Abbey  of 


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Tongerloo  fpref .  Ap.,  Rev.  M.  L.  Derikx)  and  a  vicari- 
ate Apostolic:  Stanley  Falls,  founded  as  a  prefecture 
3  Aug.,  1904,  Priests  of  the  Sacred  Heart  (vie.  Ap.,  Rev. 
G.  Grison) .  There  are  other  missionaries  in  the  Belgian 
vicariate  who,  though  having  no  autonomous  territory, 
nevertheless  render  very  important  service  in  the  evan- 
gelization of  the  country.  Among  these  are  the  Trap- 
pists  and  the  Redemptorists.  The  former  went  from 
the  Abbey  of  Westmalle  in  1894,  hoping  to  acquire  in 
Africa,  by  the  foundation  of  agricultural  colonies,  a  civ- 
ilizing influence  similar  to  that  of  the  medieval  Benedic- 
tines. Their  first  efforts  in  the  Lower  Congo  were 
fruitless;  later  they  established  themselves  in  the 
Upper  Congo  beyond  the  confluence  of  the  Congo  and 
the  Ruki,  almost  on  the  Equator.  Their  principal 
post  is  at  Bamania.  The  Redemptorists  have  suc- 
ceeded the  secular  priests  at  Matadi  in  the  evangeliza- 
tion of  the  town  and  of  the  railway  employees.  In 
1905-06  the  Mill  Hill  Missionaries  (English)  accepted 
two  posts  in  the  Upper  Congo.  The  Vicariate  Apos- 
tolic of  Sudan,  administered  by  the  White  Fathers, 
has  under  its  jurisdiction  a  portion  of  the  Congo  State ; 
vicar  Apostolic,  Mgr.  H.  L.  Bazin.  In  May,  1907,  the 
Fathers  of  the  Holy  Ghost  were  engaged  as  chaplains 
to  the  second  railway  section  of  the  Great  Lakes. — 
The  numerous  sisters  of  .various  religious  institutes 
who  have  devoted  their  fortunes  and  their  lives  to  the 
moral  and  religious  education  of  the  Congolese  women 
do  an  amount  of  good  beyond  all  praise.  The  Sis- 
ters of  Charity  of  Jesus  and  Mary  (Ghent  Institute) 
were  the  first  to  enter  on  this  arduous  mission.  They 
are  found  in  the  districts  evangelized  by  the  Fathers 
of  Scheutveld  and  are  assisted  by  the  Franciscan  Sis- 
ters, from  Gooreind,  Antwerp  province.  The  Mis- 
sionary Sisters  of  the  Precious  Blood  (Natal,  Holland) 
are  employed  in  the  missions  of  the  Trappist  Fathers. 
The  Congregation  of  Our  Lady  of  Africa  (White  Sis- 
ters) devote  themselves  to  the  natives  in  the  Vicariate 
of  Upper  Congo.  In  the  Prefecture  of  Kwango  the 
Notre  Dame  Sisters  (Namur)  are  established;  in 
Welle  the  Sisters  of  the  Sacred  Heart  of  Mary  (Berlaer- 
lez-Lierre).  For  statistics  see  below  the  table  of 
Catholic  missions. 

German  East  Africa. — The  German  possessions  oc- 
cupy but  a  very  small  part  of  the  Congo  Basin.  There 
are  three  vicariates  in  charge  of  the  White  Fathers: 
South  Nyanza  under  Mgr.  J.  J.  Hirth;  Unymuezi 
under  Mgr.  F.  Gerboin;  and  Tanganyika  under  Mgr. 
A.  Le  Chaptois.  In  addition  there  is  the  Vicariate  of 
Central  Zanzibar,  in  charge  of  the  Fathers  of  the  Holy 
Ghost,  under  Mgr.  F.  X.  Vogt.  Finally,  the  Vicariate 
of  South  Zanzibar,  or  Dar  es  Salaam,  in  charge  of  the 
Bavarian  Congregation  of  St.  Odile  under  Mgr.  T. 
Spreiter. 

Non-Catholic  Missions. — There  are  very  few  of 
these  in  the  French  Congo.  We  may  mention  the 
two  missions  of  Ogowe,  formerly  held  by  the  Ameri- 
can Presbyterians,  and  now  by  the  Paris  Evangelical 
Missions.  Quite  recently  a  Swedish  mission  has  been 
established  in  Loango.  In  Portuguese  Congo  the 
Methodists  have  nine  missions.  Six  missionary  socie- 
ties devote  themselves  to  the  evangelization  of  Ger- 
man East  Africa,  viz.:  the  Evangelical  Missionary 
Society  for  German  East  Africa,  the  Pagan  Mission- 
ary Society,  the  Community  of  Brothers,  and  the 
Evangelical  Missionary  Society  of  Leipzig;  and  two 
English,  viz.:  the  Universities  Mission  to  Central 
Africa  and  the  Church  Missionary  Society.  In  the 
Congo  Independent  State  there  are  many  Protestant 
missions.  The  longest  established  is  the  English 
Baptist  Missionary  Society,  Lower  Congo  (1877).  In 
1879  followed  the  Livingstone  Inland  Mission;  Luth- 
eran Svenska  or  Swedish  Mission  (1881)  ;  American 
Baptist  Missionary  Union  (1883);  Bishop  Taylor's 
Self-Supporting  Mission  (1886);  Congo  Balolo  Mission 
(1889);  International  Missionary  Alliance  (1889); 
American  Southern  Presbyterian  Mission  (1891); 


Arnot  Scotch  Presbyterian  Mission  (1891);  Seventh 
Day  Baptists  (1893).  In  1897  there  were  56  stations 
with  221  mission  workers  of  both  sexes. 

The  Natives. — The  irreligion  and  ignorance  of  the 
Congolese  have  often  been  exaggerated  and  misrepre- 
sented. They  are  not  so  debased  as  many  pretend. 
They  recognize  a  supreme  God,  Creator  of  all  things, 
but  they  seem  very  largely  to  ignore  His  immediate 
Providence  and  His  intervention  in  the  affairs  of  this 
world.  They  believe  in  the  existence  of  spirits,  and 
admit  a  metempsychosis  more  or  less  happy  in  a 
future  life.  Their  worship  is  a  species  of  gross  fetish- 
ism, propagated  by  the  sorcerers,  whose  influence  is 
very  great  and  often  most  pernicious.  These  sorcer- 
ers are  the  "wise  men"  of  Congo;  they  are  consulted 
about  everything.  If  misfortune  comes  or  crime  is 
committed,  it  is  to  them  that  recourse  must  be  had, 
and  whoever  is  designated  by  them  as  the  cause  of  the 
evil  must  pass  through  the  test  of  fire  or  of  casque 
(poisoned  drink).  The  State  forbids  such  tests  under 
most  severe  penalties.  Superstitious  fears  and  slavish 
attachment  to  amulets  are  the  chief  obstacles  to  con- 
version. Others  are  the  practice  of  polygamy,  largely 
due  to  the  custom  which  prevents  the  wife  from  hav- 
ing any  relations  with  her  husband  during  the  period 
of  lactation — from  two  to  three  years — lest  she 
should  make  her  child  unhappy;  the  cannibalism 
which  exists  in  certain  parts;  ingrained  habits  of 
idleness;  gross  egoism;  the  worship  of  might  as  con- 
founded with  right — in  short  that  sum  of  differences 
which  separates,  as  by  an  abyss,  the  essentially 
pagan  soul  of  the  Congolese  from  the  Christian 
conception  of  right  and  wrong  which  the  missioners 
try  to  impart.  The  excesses  and  the  evil  example 
of  the  Europeans  themselves  render  the  missionary's 
task  even  more  difficult.  Add  to  this  the  abuse 
which,  in  districts  where  the  rubber  trade  flour- 
ishes or  in  the  neighbourhood  of  towns,  imposes  a 
hard  task  of  from  fifteen  to  twenty  days  per  month 
of  forced  labour  instead  of  the  forty  hours  fixed  by  the 
law;  the  unfortunate  divisions  between  the  Christian 
churches  and  the  acts  of  petty  opposition  consequent 
thereon — and  the  problem  is  still  further  complicated. 
Nor  is  all  ended  when  the  Congolese  is  converted;  he 
must  be  continually  urged  to  hold  fast  to  the  gift  he 
has  received,  for  his  fickleness  is  very  great.  Often 
he  imagines  that  his  obligation  to  remain  a  Christian 
oeases  with  the  contract  which  binds  him  to  a  mission 
or  to  the  service  of  Europeans.  In  the  eastern  part 
of  Upper  Congo  the  Arabs,  who  frequently  make  slave 
raids,  have  managed  to  win  over  to  their  religion  many 
of  the  intelligent  tribes  of  the  Bakusus.  These  pros- 
elytes regard  all  their  workmen  as  slaves  for  life;  they 
are  immoral,  fanatic,  and  very  hostile  to  the  Gospel. 

The  noble  work  of  evangelization  in  the  Congo, 
however,  is  far  from  being  fruitless.  As  formerly 
under  the  Portuguese  rule,  so  to-day  the  missionaries 
find  souls  in  which  their  teaching  takes  firm  root. 
Mgr.  Augouard  gives  the  example  of  a  catechist  of 
the  tribe  of  Babois  who,  seeing  the  resources  of  the 
mission  failing,  undertook  to  feed  and  clothe  the  chil- 
dren of  his  school  with  the  profits  of  his  sewing- 
machine.  The  most  intelligent  part  of  the  popula- 
tion inhabits  the  Domaine  de  la  Couronne  and  is  well 
disposed  towards  Christianity.  Until  1908  these 
people  were  shut  off  from  all  immediate  missionary 
influence;  they  were  evangelized,  however,  by  some 
of  their  countrymen  who  had  become  Christians  while 
serving  in  the  army.  Many  travelled  long  distances 
to  see  and  speak  with  the  Catholic  missionaries,  and 
both  men  and  women,  nothing  daunted,  undertook 
perilous  Journeys  in  order  to  reach  the  mission  sta- 
tions. It  is  not  surprising,  therefore,  that  the  mis- 
sionaries have  been  received  everywhere  with  enthu- 
siasm, and  that  the  natives  have  offered  to  build  their 
simple  habitations  and  schools. 

The  Manner  of  Evangelizing. — Guided  by  experi- 


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ence,  the  present  missionaries  confer  baptism  only  on 
those  who  have  been  well  instructed  and  well  tested. 
Their  chief  reliance  is  placed  in  the  education  of  the 
young.  Hence  in  the  stations  they  have  founded 
schools  where  religion  is  taught  along  with  the  trades. 
For  the  Catholics  it  is  the  religious,  men  and  women, 
who  have  devoted  themselves  to  this  work;  among 
the  Protestants  Mrs.  Bentley  deserves  the  highest 
praise  for  the  intelligent  direction  she  has  given  to  the 
trade  instruction.  The  Jermea-chapelles,  of  which 
mention  is  often  made,  are  rural  schools  where,  under 
the  guidance  of  certain  picked  pupils,  the  young 
Congolese  are  taught  agriculture.  The  missionary 
who  regularly  visits  these  posts  supplies  the  farm  in- 
struments and  the  seeds ;  the  chief  who  grants  the  use 


Fathers  possessed  a  school  of  catechists  with  73  pupils, 
a  petit  ihninaire  with  14  pupils,  and  a  grand  shninaire 
with  one  pupil.  The  resources  of  the  Catholic  mis- 
sions are  mostly  derived  from  private  charity.  Many 
Protestant  missions  are  very  richly  endowed. 

I-VII. — Fob  the  History  or  Congo  before  the  Estab- 
lishment of  the  State. — Pioafetta,  Le  Congo,  La  vtridique 
description  du  royaume  African,  from  the  Latin  ed.  of  1598 
(Brussels,  1883);  Cavazzl  Hittomcht  Bcschrribung  der  in  dm 
urUernoccidenUuischen  Mohrtnland  liegende  drei  Konigreichen 
Congo,  Malamba  und  Angola  und  der  jetziaen  Apostolischen 
Missionen,  So  von  denm  PP.  Capucinen  datdbtt  vertichtet 
warden  (Munich,  1694);  Milne  Edwards,  Investigacoes  geogra- 
phical dot  Portugueses  (Lisbon,  1879);  Stanley,  Through  the 
Dark  Continent  (1879);  Idem,  The  Congo:  Its  Poet  Bittory. 
Preeent  Development,  and  Future  Commercial  Prospects  (London. 
1884);  Idem,  England  and  the  Congo  and  Manchester  Trade,  and 


CATHOLIC  MISSIONS  IN  THE  CONGO. 


I 

I 

Missionary  Bodies 

1  § 

11 

l| 

¥ 

*  s 

1] 

w  <f 

'  .8 
o 

1 

a 

J 
f 

1 
I 

n 

1 

White  Fathers 
Priests  of  Scheutveld 

7 
23 

29  M.  P. 
37  Schools 

f      28  M.  P.  1 
I    56  Catechu-  1 
j  menatee  (Lower  f 
I       Congo)  J 

400  F.  Ch. 

23  M.  P. 
11  M.  P. 

37  F.  Ch. 

47  F.  Ch. 

I    10  Hospitals  ) 
<  20  Dispensaries  > 
(      15  Homes  ) 

2  Hospitals 

25 
68 

12 

22 

4823 
8753 

18,797 
21,006 

Jesuits 

Premonstratensians 
Trappists 

Fathers  of  the  Sacred  Heart 
Redemptorista 

6 
3 
4 
8 
6 

1  Hospital 

1  Hospital 
1  Hospital 
1  Hospital 

22 
9 
9 
17 
12 

12 
8 
3 
2 

12 

3590 

1000(7) 

3000 

3778 

1500 

4063 

3000(T) 

9000 

4396 

8000 

White  Sisters 
Sisters  of  Charity 

Sisters  of  the  Sacred  Heart  of  Mary 
Franciscan  Sisters 

Missionary  Sisters  of  the  Precious  Blood 
Sisters  of  Our  Lady 

2 
4 

2 
4 

2 

2 

2  Schools 
6  Schools 

2  Schools 

2  Schools 

2  Sohools 

1  Home 

2  Homes 

2  Hospitals 
2  Homes 

1  Hospital 

2  Homes 

1  Hospital 
'2  Homes 

9 

28 

9 

32 
11 

16 

Included  among 
figures  given  above 

of  the  plot  of  ground  still  retains  his  title  to  the  prop- 
erty; while  the  pupils,  who  form  a  sort  of  community 
round  a  little  chapel,  have  the  usufruct.  A  wise  law 
of  the  State  places  at  the  disposal  of  charitable  and 
philanthropies!  institutions  the  orphans  and  aban- 
doned children,  who  are  very  numerous  in  the 
Congo.  Hitherto  the  Catholics  (with  the  exception  of 
one  Protestant  mission)  have  been  the  only  missioners 
to  claim  them.  The  catechists  render  very  valuable 
services  to  the  missionaries;  they  are  always  selected 
from  among  the  cleverest  and  best  trained  of  the 
young  native  Christians.    The  sleeping-sickness  has 

given  rise  to  several  hospitals,  or  lazarets,  conducted 
y  the  missionaries.  Both  Protestant  and  Catholic 
missions  have  established  printing  presses;  that  of  the 
Catholics  is  at  Kisantu.  To  facilitate  transportation 
the  Protestants  have  four  steamers,  and  the  Catholics 
two.  In  respect  to  the  relations  between  the  missions 
and  the  civil  power  we  may  cite  the  convention  con- 
cluded May,  1906,  between  the  Holy  See  and  the 
State.  The  latter  agreed  to  grant  certain  lands  to  the 
missions,  in  return  for  which  it  stipulated  for  the  open- 
ing and  maintenance  of  schools  and  religious  services 
H  the  princioal  centres.  Both  agreed  to  maintain 
hirmony  between  their  respective  subjects,  and  to 
regulate  amicably  all  difference?.    In  1907  the  White 


the  Worke  and  Ainu  of  the  International  Association  (Manches- 
ter, 1884);  Idem,  Cinq  armies  au  Congo,  Fr.  tr.  Gerard  (Brussels. 
1886);  Di  Santos  e  Silva,  Esboco  historico  do  Congo  e  Loemgo 
nos  tempos  modemos.  Contendo  uma  rtsenha  das  costumes  e 
vocabulario  do*  indigene*  ds  Cabinda  (Lisbon,  1888);  Werner, 
A  Visit  to  Stanley's  Rear-guard  at  Minor  BartleU's  camp  on 
the  Aruhurini.  with  an  Account  of  River  Life  on  the  Congo  (Lon- 
don, 1889);  Livingstone,  Missionary  Travels  and  Researches  in 
South  Africa,  including  a  Sketch  of  Sixteen  Years  Residence  in 
the  Interior  of  Africa  (London);  Hore,  Tanganyka:  Eleven 
Years  in  Central  Africa  (London,  1892);  Junker,  Travels  in 
Africa,  tr.  by  Keens  (London,  1890,  1892);  Glave,  Six  Years 
of  Adventure  in  Congoland,  preface  by  Stanley  (London,  1893); 
Stanley,  In  Darkest  Africa  (1890). 

Since  the  Establishment  of  the  Independent  State. — 
(a)  Impartial: — Wauters,  Risumi  des  principaux  fait*  de 
Vhistoir*  de  I'auvre  africaine  (Brussels,  1878-87):  Alexis,  Le 
Congo  Beige  illustrt  ou  VEtat  Indtpendant  du  Congo  (Liege,  1892); 
Lallemand,  VCEuvre  Congolaise.  Esquisee  historique  et  gto- 
graphique  (Brussels,  1897);  Etudes  ethnologiques  et  ethnographi- 
gues  sur  Us  populations  du  Congo.  Questionnaire  ethnographique, 
published  by  the  Museum  of  the  Independent  State  (Brussels, 
1898);  Questionnaire  ethnographique  et  sociologiquc,  published  by 
the  Museum  of  the  Indep.  State  (Brussels,  1898);  Mille  Au 
Congo  Beige,  avec  des  notes  et  des  documents  recent*  relatifs  au 
Congo  Francois  (Paris,  1899);  Philips,  An  Account  of  the  Congo 
Independent  State  (Philadelphia,  1899);  Blanchard,  Formation 
et  constitution  de  VEtat  Indtpendant  du  Congo  (Paris,  1899); 
Wacters,  VEtat  Indtpendant  du  Congo  (Brussels,  1899); 
Manuel  du  voyageur  et  du  resident  au  Congo,  rtdigi  sous  la  direc- 
tion du  Colonel  Donny  (Brussels,  1900);  Speyeb,  Comment  nous 
gmivcrncrons  le  Congo  (Brussels,  1902);  Vermeersch,  La 
Question  Congolaise:  Les  destinies  du  Congo  Beige  (Brussels, 
1906);  Loo  webs.  Elements  du  droit  de  VEtat  Indtpendant  du 


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Congo;  Bouloer,  The  Congo  Slate,  or  the  Growth  of  Civilisation 
in  Central  Africa  (London,  1898;)  Cacti  er,  Droit  et  adminis- 
tration de  I'Btat  Independent  du  Congo  (Brussels,  1898);  Bulle- 
tin officiel  de  VEtat  Independant  du  Congo:  Rapport  au  Roi  Sou- 
verain  (June,  1906);  Rapport  de  la  Commission  d'enquete  (Oct., 
1905);  Mao  Doonel,  King  Leopold  II  (London,  1906);  Gsil, 
A  Yankee  in  Pigmyland  (London,  1905);  Etat  Independant  du 
Congo.  Departement  de  Vlnttrieur.  Recueil  administrate  (Brussels. 
1907);  Stake,  The  Truth  about  the  Congo  (Chicago,  1907). 

(b)  Favourable  to  the  State: — Drooomans,  he  Congo.  4  Con- 
ferences publiques  (Brussels,  1894);  VEtat  Independant  du 
Congo  o  V exposition  de  Bruxelles — Tervueren  (1897);  Gilson, 
Gojtart,  etc.,  L'omvre  coloniale  du  roi  en  Afrique,  rtsuliats  de  to 
ans  (Brussels,  1898);  Goffart.  TraiU  mithodigue  de  gtqgraphie 
du  Congo,  eto.  (Antwerp.  1898).  The  reviews:  La  Belgtque 
Coloniale-  La  Belgique  Maritime  et  Coloniale:  Le  Congo  Beige 
(Brussels).  See  also  Nts,  The  Independent  State  of  the  Congo 
and  the  International  Law  (Brussels,  1903);  Descaiips,  New 
Africa  (London,  1903);  La  ViriU  sur  le  Congo  (Brussels,  1902- 
06);  Wack,  The  Story  of  the  Congo  Free  State  (New  York,  1905); 
Histotre  militaire  du  Congo  (Brussels,  1906);  Castelein.  VEtat 
du  Congo  (1907). 

(c)  Rather  Hostile:— Etiennb,  Le  Congo  et  facie  general  de 
Berlin  in  Revue  politique,  XXXVIII;  Morel,  Affairs  of  West 
Africa  (London,  1902);  Mark  Twain,  King  Leopold's  Soliloquy; 
A  Defense  of  His  Congo  Rule  (Boston,  1906);  Bourne,  Civilisa- 
tion in  Conqoland  (London,  1903);  Mille,  Le  Congo  Leopoldien 
(Paris.  1909);  Cactier,  Etude  sur  la  situation  de  VEtat  Indepen- 
dant du  Congo  (Brussels):  Morel,  Red  Rubber;  The  Story  of 
the  Rubber  Slave  Trade  Flourishing  on  the  Congo  in  the  Year  of 
Grace,  1906  (London.  1906). 

VIII.— Fob  Missions:  Bentlkt,  Pioneering  on  the  Con- 
go (London,  1900):  de  Pierpont,  Au  Congo  et  aux  Indes 
(Brussels,  1908);  D«  Deken,  Deux  ans  au  Congo  (1900); 
Betrune,  Lee  missions  oath,  <t Afrique  (1889):  Natzan,  Fe- 
tishism in  West  Africa  (London,  1904);  Les  missions  oath,  d Afri- 
que; Dark  Africa  and  the  Way  Out:  A  Scheme  for  Civilising  and 
Evangelizing  the  Dark  Continent  (London,  1902)jBdrckhardt, 
Les  missions  evangtliques  (Lausanne,  1888);  Baebten,  Les 
jtsuites  au  Congo  (J5W  a  1159)  in  Precis  historiques  (Brus- 
sels, 1892,  1893,  189S,  1896);  Missions  catholique*  du  Congo. 
Apercu  sur  certaines  questions  traiteee  dans  la  riunim  tenue  a 
Leopoldville  en  Ftv.,  1907  (Kisantu);  Missiones  catholica  curd 
8.  Congregationis  de  Prop.  Fidci  descripta  (Rome,  1907);  Van 
Str axles.  Missions  cath.  et  protest,  au  Congo  (Brussels,  1898); 

Bee  also  the  reviews:  Les  Missions  beiges  (Brussels,  1898  >; 

Missions  en  Chine  et  au  Congo  (Scheut-Ies-Bruxelles,  1898  ); 

Le  mouvemenl  dee  missions  cath.  au  Congo  (Brussels,  1888  ). 

A.  Vermeersch. 

Oongregatio  de  Auxiliis,  a  commission  estab- 
lished by  Pope  Clement  VIII  to  settle  the  theological 
controversy  regarding  grace  which  arose  between  the 
Dominicans  and  the  Jesuits  towards  the  close  of  the 
sixteenth  century.  Vast  as  was  the  subject  of  that 
controversy,  its  principal  question,  and  the  one  which 

gave  its  name  to  the  whole  dispute,  concerned  the 
elp  (auxilia)  afforded  by  grace;  while  the  crucial 
point  was  the  reconciliation  of  the  efficacy  of  grace 
with  human  freedom.  We  know  on  the  one  hand 
that  the  efficacious  grace  given  for  the  performance 
of  an  action  obtains,  infallibly,  man's  consent  and 
that  the  action  takes  place.  On  the  other  hand,  it  is 
certain  that  in  so  acting  man  is  free.  Hence  the  ques- 
tion: How  can  these  two  things — the  infallible  re- 
sult and  liberty — be  harmonized?  The  Dominicans 
solved  the  difficulty  by  their  theory  of  physical  pro- 
motion and  predetermination;  grace  is  efficacious 
when,  in  addition  to  the  assistance  necessary  for  an 
action,  it  gives  a  physical  impulsion  by  means  of 
which  God  determines  and  applies  our  faculties  to  the 
action.  The  Jesuits  found  the  explanation  in  that 
mediate  knowledge  (scientia  media)  whereby  God 
knows  in  the  objective  reality  of  things  what  a  man, 
under  any  circumstances  in  which  he  might  be  placed, 
would  do.  Foreseeing,  for  instance,  that  a  man  would 
correspond  freely  with  grace  A,  and  that  he,  freely, 
would  not  correspond  with  grace  B,  God,  desirous  of 
the  man's  conversion,  rives  him  grace  A.  This  is 
efficacious  grace.  The  Dominicans  declared  that  the 
Jesuits  conceded  too  much  to  free  will,  and  so  tended 
towards  Pelagianism.  In  turn,  the  Jesuits  com- 
plained that  the  Dominicans  did  not  sufficiently  safe- 
guard human  liberty,  and  seemed  in  consequence  to 
lean  towards  Calvinism. 

The  controversy  is  usually  supposed  to  have  begun 
in  the  year  1681,  when  the  Jesuit  Prudencio  de  Monte- 
mayor  defended  certain  theses  on  grace  which  were 
vigorously  attacked  by  the  Dominican  Domingo 


Bafiez.  That  this  debate  took  place  is  certain,  but 
the  text  of  the  Jesuit's  theses  has  never  been  pub- 
lished. As  to  those  which  were  reported  to  the  In- 
quisition, neither  Montemayor  nor  any  other  Jesuit 
ever  acknowledged  them  as  his.  The  controversy 
went  on  for  six  years,  passing  through  three  phases — 
in  Louvain,  in  Spain,  and  in  Rome.  At  Louvain  was 
the  famous  Michel  Baius  (q.  v.)  whose  propositions 
were  condemned  by  the  Church.  The  Jesuit  (after- 
wards Cardinal)  Francisco  de  Toledo,  authorized  by 
Gregory  XIII,  had  obliged  Baius,  in  1580,  to  retract 
his  errors  in  presence  of  the  entire  university.  Baius 
thereupon  conceived  a  deep  aversion  for  the  Jesuits 
and  determined  to  have  revenge.  During  the  Lent 
of  1597  he,  with  some  of  his  colleagues,  extracted 
from  the  notebooks  of  certain  students  who  were  dis- 
ciples of  the  Jesuits,  thirty-four  propositions,  many 
of  them  plainly  erroneous,  and  asked  the  university 
to  condemn  "these  Jesuit  doctrines".  Learning  of 
this  scheme,  Leonard  Lessius,  the  most  distinguished 
theologian  of  the  Society  in  the  Low  Countries  and  the 
special  object  of  Baius' attacks,  drew  up  another  list 
of  thirty-four  propositions  containing  the  genuine 
doctrine  of  the  Jesuits,  presented  them'  to  the  dean 
of  the  university,  and  asked  for  a  hearing  before  some 
of  the  professors,  in  order  to  show  how  different  his 
teaching  was  from  that  which  was  ascribed  to  him. 
The  request  was  not  granted.  The  university  pub- 
lished, 9  September,  1587,  a  condemnation  of  the  first 
thirty-four  propositions.  At  once,  throughout  Bel- 
gium, the  Jesuits  were  called  heretics  and  Lutherans. 
The  university  urged  the  bishops  of  the  Low  Countries 
and  the  other  universities  to  endorse  its  censure,  and 
this  in  fact  was  done  by  some  of  the  prelates  and  in 
particular  by  the  University  of  Douai.  In  view  of 
these  measures,  the  Belgian  provincial  of  the  Society, 
Francis  Coster,  issued  a  protest  against  the  action  of 
those  who,  without  letting  the  Jesuits  be  heard,  ac- 
cused them  of  heresy.  Lessius  also  published  a  state- 
ment to  the  effect  that  the  university  professors  had 
misrepresented  the  Jesuit  doctrine.  The  professors 
replied  with  warmth.  To  clear  up  the  issue  Lessius, 
at  the  instance  of  the  Archbishop  of  Mechlin,  formu- 
lated six  antitheses,  or  brief  statements,  embodying  the 
doctrine  of  the  Jesuits  relative  to  the  matter  of  the 
condemned  propositions,  the  third  and  the  fourth 
antithesis  bearing  upon  the  main  problem,  i.  e.  effica- 
cious grace.  The  discussion  was  kept  up  on  both 
sides  for  a  year  longer,  until  the  papal  nuncio  suc- 
ceeded in  softening  its  asperities.  He  reminded  the 
contestants  that  definitive  judgment  in  such  matters 
belonged  to  the  Holy  See,  and  he  forwarded  to  Sixtus 
V  the  principal  publications  of  both  parties  with  a 
petition  for  a  final  decision.  This,  however,  was  not 
rendered;  a  controversy  on  the  same  lines  had  been 
started  at  Salamanca,  and  attention  now  centred  on 
Spain,  where  the  two  discussions  were  merged  in  one. 

In  1588  the  Spanish  Jesuit  Luis  de  Molina  pub- 
lished at  Lisbon  his  "Concordia  liberi  arbitrii  cum 
gratia;  donis",  in  which  he  explained  efficacious  grace 
on  the  basis  of  scientia  media.  Bafiez,  the  Dominican 
professor  at  Salamanca,  informed  the  Archduke 
Albert,  Viceroy  of  Portugal,  that  the  work  contained 
certainly  thirteen  propositions  which  the  Spanish  In- 
quisition had  censured.  The  archduke  forbade  the 
sale  of  the  book  and  sent  a  copy  to  Salamanca.  Banes 
examined  it  and  reported  to  the  archduke  that  out  of 
the  thirteen  propositions  nine  were  held  by  Molina  and 
that  in  consequence  the  book  ought  not  to  be  circu- 
lated. He  also  noted  the  passages  which,  as  he 
thought,  contained  the  errors.  Albert  referred  these 
comments  to  Molina  who  drew  up  his  rejoinder.  As 
the  book  had  been  approved  by  the  Inquisition  in 
Portugal,  and  its  sale  permitted  by  the  Councils  of 
Portugal  and  of  Castile  and  Aragon  it  was  thought 
proper  to  print  at  the  end  the  replies  of  Molina;  with 
these  the  work  appeared  in  1589.   The  Dominicans 


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OOHOBBOATIONAUBM 


attacked  it  on  the  ground  that  Molina  and  all  the 
Jesuits  denied  efficacious  grace.  The  latter  replied 
that  such  a  denial  was  impossible  on  the  part  of  any 
Catholic  What  they,  the  Jesuits,  attacked  was  the 
Dominican  theory  of  predetermination,  which  they 
regarded  as  incompatible  with  human  freedom.  The 
debates  continued  for  five  years  and,  in  1504,  became 
public  and  turbulent  at  Valladolid,  when  Antonio  de 
Padilla,  S.  J.,  and  Diego  Nufio,  O.  P.,  defended  their 
respective  positions.  Similar  encounters  took  place 
at  Salamanca,  Saragossa,  Cordova,  and  other  Spanish 
cities.  In  view  of  the  disturbances  thus  created, 
Clement  VIII  took  the  matter  into  his  own  hands  and 
ordered  both  parties  to  refrain  from  further  discussion 
and  await  the  decision  of  the  Apostolic  See. 

The  pope  then  asked  an  expression  of  opinion  from 
various  universities  and  distinguished  theologians  of 
Spain.  Between  1594  and  1587  twelve  reports  were 
submitted:  by  the  three  universities  of  Salamanca, 
Alcala,  and  Siguenza;  by  the  bishops  of  Coria,  Sego- 
via, Plasencia,  Cartagena,  and  Mondofiedo;  by  Sob*, 
Miguel  Salon  (Augustinian  Friar),  Castro  (Canon  of 
Toledo),  and  Luis  Colotna,  Prior  of  the  Augustinians 
at  Valladolid.  There  were  also  forwarded  to  Rome 
some  statements  in  explanation  and  defence  of  the 
Jesuit  and  of  the  Dominican  theory.  Clement  VIII 
appointed  a  commission  under  the  presidency  of 
Cardinals  Madrucci  and  Arrigone,  which  began  its 
labours  2  Jan.,  1598,  and  on  19  March  handed  in  the 
result  condemning  Molina's  book.  Displeased  at 
their  haste  in  treating  a  question  of  such  importance, 
the  pope  ordered  them  to  go  over  the  work  again, 
keeping  in  view  the  documents  sent  from  Spain. 
Though  the  examination  of  these  would  have  required 
several  years,  the  commission  reported  again  in  No- 
vember and  insisted  on  the  condemnation  of  Molina. 
Thereupon  Clement  VIII  ordered  the  generals  of  the 
Dominicans  and  Jesuits,  respectively,  to  appear  with 
some  of  their  theologians  before  the  commission,  ex- 
plain their  doctrines,  and  settle  their  differences.  In 
obedience  to  this  command,  both  generals  began  (22 
February,  1599)  before  the  commission  a  series  of  con- 
ferences which  lasted  through  that  year.  Bellarmine, 
created  cardinal  in  March,  was  admitted  to  the  sessions. 
Little,  however,  was  accomplished,  the  Dominicans 
aiming  at  criticism  of  Molina  rather  than  exposition  of 
their  own  views.  The  death  of  Cardinal  Madruoai  in- 
terrupted these  conferences,  and  Clement  VIII,  seeing 
that  no  solution  was  to  be  reached  on  those  lines,  de- 
termined to  have  the  matter  discussed  in  his  presence. 
At  the  first  debate,  19  March,  1602,  the  pope  presided, 
with  Cardinals  Borghese  Qater  Paul  V)  and  Arrigone 
assisting,  as  well  as  the  members  of  the  former  com- 
mission and  various  theologians  summoned  by  the  pope. 
Sixty-eight  sessions  were  thus  held  (1602-1605). 

Clement  VIII  died  5  March,  1605,  and  after  the 
Lrief  reign  of  Leo  XI,  Paul  V  ascended  the  papal 
throne.  In  his  presence  seventeen  debates  took 
place.  The  Dominicans  were  represented  by  Diego 
Alvarez  and  Tomas  de  Lemos;  the  Jesuits  by  Gre- 
gorio  de  Valencia,  Pedro  de  Arrubal,  Fernando  de 
Bastida  and  Juan  de  Salas.  Finally,  after  twenty 
years  of  discussion  private  and  public,  and  eighty-five 
conferences  in  presence  of  the  popes,  the  question  was 
not  solved,  but  an  end  was  put  to  the  disputes.  The 
pope's  decree,  communicated  (5  September,  1607)  to 
both  Dominicans  and  Jesuits,  allowed  each  party  to 
defend  its  own  doctrine,  enjoined  each  from  censuring 
or  condemning  the  opposite  opinion,  and  commanded 
them  to  await  as  loyal  sons  of  the  Church  the  final  de- 
cision of  the  Apostolic  See.  That  decision,  however, 
has  not  been  reached,  and  both  orders,  consequently, 
maintain  their  respective  theories,  just  as  any  other 
theological  opinion  is  held.  The  long  controversy 
had  aroused  considerable  feeling,  and  the  pope,  aim- 
ing at  the  restoration  of  peace  and  charity  between  the 
religious  orders,  forbade  by  a  decree  of  the  Inquisition 


(1  December,  1611)  the  publication  of  any  book  con- 
cerning efficacious  grace  until  further  action  by  the 
Holy  See.  The  prohibition  remained  in  force  during 
the  greater  part  of  the  seventeenth  oentury. 

(See  also  Augustine  or  Hippo;  Baius;  BaSez; 
Grace,  Controversies  on;  Molina;  Tbomibm.) 

Aug.  Lbbunc  (psaudon.  of  Hyacinths  Sekbt,  O.  P.),  Hit- 
toria  Congregationum  de  auxilii*  divina  gratia  tub  Summit 
Pontificibut  Clement*  VIII  et  Paulo  V  (Louvain,  1700);  Theo- 
dortjs  Elfuthertos  (pseudon.  of  LrvTNtra  de  Meter,  8.  J.). 
Malaria  controvertiarum  de  divina  gratia  auxiliit  tub  Summit 
Pontificibut  Clementt  VIII  et  Paulo  V  (Venice,  1742):  Schnee- 
lf  ANN.  Die  Entttehung  u.  weitere  Entvricklung  der  Oiomittiech- 
molinittitchen  Contravene  (Freiburg,  1879:  also  in  Latin  tr., 
Freiburg,  1881);  de  Hbqnon,  Banet  et  Molina  (Paris.  1883): 
Bxlluaet,  Le  tkomieme  triumphant;  Apologie  du  thomitme 
triomphant  (Lifege,  1731);  Gayraud,  Thomitme  et  Molinitme 
(Toulouse,  1890);  Dt/iimebmtjth,  S.  Thomat  et  doctrina  prmrno- 
tionit  vhytiea  (Parle,  1886);  Frins,  S.  Thoma  Aqum.  doctrina 
de  cooperation*  Dei  (Pans,  1892);  Dumkejutoth,  Defentio 
doctrina  S.  Thoma,  a  reply  to  Frins  (Louvain,  1895). 

Antonio  Astrain. 

Congregationalism. — The  retention  by  the  Angli- 
can State  Church  of  the  prelaticai  form  of  government 
and  of  many  Catholic  rites  and  ceremonies  offensive  to 
genuine  Protestants  resulted  in  the  formation  of  innu- 
merable Puritan  factions,  with  varying  degrees  of  radi- 
calism. The  violent  measures  adopted  by  Elizabeth 
and  the  Stuarts  to  enforce  conformity  caused  the  more 
timid  and  moderate  of  the  Puritans  to  remain  in  com- 
munion with  the  State  Church,  though  keeping  up  to 
the  present  day  an  incessant  protest  against  popish 
tendencies";  but  the  more  advanced  and  daring  or 
their  leaders  began  to  perceive  that  there  was  no  place 
for  them  in  a  Church  governed  by  a  hierarchy  and  en- 
slaved to  the  civil  power.  To  many  of  them,  Geneva 
was  the  realization  of  Christ's  kingdom  on  earth,  and. 
influenced  by  the  example  of  neighbouring  Scotland, 
they  began  to  form  churches  on  the  model  of  Presby- 
terianism  (q.  v.).  Many,  however,  who  had  with- 
drawn from  the  "tyranny"  of  the  episcopate,  were 
loath  to  submit  to  the  dominion  of  presbyteries  and 
formed  themselves  into  religious  communities  ac- 
knowledging "no  head,  priest,  prophet  or  king  save 
Christ".  These  dissenters  were  known  as  "  Independ- 
ents", and  in  spite  of  fines,  imprisonments,  and  the 
execution  of  at  least  five  of  their  leaders,  they  in- 
creased steadily  in  numbers  and  influence,  until  they 
played  a  conspicuous  part  in  the  revolution  that  cost 
Charles  I  his  crown  and  life.  The  earliest  literary  ex- 
ponent of  Independence  was  Robert  Brown,  from 
whom  the  dissenters  were  nicknamed  Brownists. 
Brown  was  born  in  1550,  of  a  good  family,  in  Rutland- 
shire, and  studied  at  Cambridge.  About  1580  he  be- 
gan to  circulate  pamphlets  in  which  the  State  Church 
was  denounced  in  unmeasured  terms  and  the  duty  was 
inculcated  of  separating  from  communion  with  it. 
The  godly  were  not  to  look  to  the  State  for  the  reform 
of  the  Church ;  they  must  set  about  it  themselves  on 
the  Apostolic  model.  Brown  defines  the  Church  as  "  a 
company  or  number  of  Christians  or  believers,  who,  by 
a  willing  covenant  made  with  their  God,  are  under  the 
government  of  God  and  Christ,  and  keep  his  laws  in 
one  holy  communion".  This  new  gospel  attracted 
numerous  adherents.  A  congregation  was  formed  in 
Norwich  which  grew  rapidly.  Summoned  before  the 
bishop's  court,  Brown  escaped  the  consequences  of  his 
zeal  through  the  intervention  of  his  powerful  relation, 
Lord  Burghley,  and,  with  his  followers,  migrated  to 
Holland,  the  common  refuge  of  the  persecuted  reform- 
ers of  all  Europe.  The  Netherlands  were  soon  flooded 
with  refugees  from  England,  and  large  congregations 
were  established  in  the  principal  cities.  The  most 
flourishing  Independent  Church  was  that  of  Leyden 
under  the  direction  of  John  Robinson.  It  was  to  this 
congregation  that  the  "Pilgrim  Fathers"  belonged, 
who  in  1620  set  sail  in  the  Mayflower  for  the  New 
World. 

The  successful  establishment  of  the  New  England 
colonies  was  an  event  of  the  utmost  importance  in  the 


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CONGREGATIONALISM 


development  of  Congregationalism,  a  term  preferred 
by  the  American  Puritans  to  Independency  and  grad- 
ually adopted  by  their  coreligionists  in  Great  Britain. 
Not  only  was  a  safe  haven  now  opened  to  the  fugitives 
from  persecution,  but  the  example  of  orderly  commu- 
nities baaed  entirely  on  congregational  principles, 
"without  pope,  prelate,  presbytery,  prince  or  parlia- 
ment", was  a  complete  refutation  of  the  charge 
advanced  by  Anglicans  and  Presbyterians  that  Inde- 
pendency meant  anarchy  and  chaos,  civil  and  relig- 
ious. In  the  Massachusetts  settlements,  "the  New 
England  way",  as  it  was  termed,  developed,  not  in- 
deed without  strifes  and  dissensions,  but  without  ex- 
ternal molestation.  They  formed,  from  the  Puritan 
standpoint,  the  veritable  kingdom  of  the  saints;  and 
the  slightest  expression  of  dissent  from  the  Gospel  as 
preached  by  the  ministers  was  punished  with  scourg- 
ing, exile,  and  even  death.  The  importance  of  stamp- 
ing out  Nonconformity  in  the  American  colonies  did 
not  escape  the  vigilance  of  Archbishop  Laud;  he  had 
concerted  measures  with  Charles  I  for  imposing  the 
episcopacy  upon  them,  when  war  broke  out  between 
the  king  and  the  Parliament.  During  the  Civil  War 
in  England,  though  few  in  number  compared  with  the 
Presbyterians,  they  grew  in  importance  through  the 
ability  of  their  leaders,  notably  of  Oliver  Cromwell 
who  gained  for  them  the  ascendency  in  the  army  and 
the  Commonwealth.  In  the  Westminster  Assembly 
convened  by  the  Long  Parliament  in  1643,  Independ- 
ency was  ably  represented  by  five  ministers,  Thomas 
Goodwin,  Philip  Nye,  Jeremiah  Burroughs,  William 
Bridge  and  Sidrach  Simpson,  known  as  "The  Five 
Dissenting  Brethren",  and.  ten  or  eleven  laymen. 
They  all  took  a  prominent  part  in  the  debates  of  the 
Assembly,  pleading  strongly  for  toleration  at  the 
hands  of  the  Presbyterian  majority.  They  adopted 
the  doctrinal  articles  of  the  Westminster  Confession 
with  slight  modifications;  but  as  there  could  be  no 
basis  of  agreement  between  them  and  the  Presbyter- 
ians regarding  church  government,  a  meeting  of  "eld- 
ers and  messengers ' '  of"  the  Congregational  churches  " 
was  held  at  the  Savoy  in  1658  and  drew  up  the  famous 
"Savoy  Declaration",  which  was  also  accepted  in  New 
England  and  long  remained  as  authoritative  as  such  a 
document  could  be  in  a  denomination  which,  theoreti- 
cally, rejected  all  authority.  From  this  Declaration 
we  obtain  a  clear  idea  of  the  Congregationalist  notion 
of  the  Church. 

The  elect  are  called  individually  by  the  Lord,  but 
"those  thus  called  (through  the  ministry  of  the  word 
by  His  Spirit)  he  coram andeth  to  walk  together  in  par- 
ticular Societies  or  Churches,  for  their  mutual  edifica- 
tion and  the  due  performance  of  that  Public  Worship 
which  He  requireth  of  them  in  this  world".  Each  of 
these  particular  churches  is  the  Church  in  the  full 
sense  of  the  term  and  is  not  subject  to  any  outside  jur- 
isdiction. The  officers  of  the  church,  pastors,  teach- 
ers, elders,  and  deacons,  are  "chosen  by  the  common 
suffrage  of  the  church  itself,  and  solemnly  set  apart  by 
fasting  and  prayer,  with  imposition  of  hands  of  the 
eldership  of  that  church,  if  there  be  any  before  consti- 
tuted therein";  the  essence  of  the  call  consists  in  elec- 
tion by  the  Church.  To  preserve  harmony,  no  person 
ought  to  be  added  to  the  Church  without  the  consent 
of  the  Church  itself.  The  Church  has  power  to  admon- 
ish and  excommunicate  disorderly  members,  but  this 
power  of  censure  "  is  to  be  exercised  only  towards  par- 
ticular members  of  each  church  as  such  ".  "  In  case  of 
difficulties  or  differences,  either  in  point  of  doctrine  or 
administration,  wherein  either  the  churches  in  general 
are  concerned,  or  anyone  church,  in  their  peace,  union, 
and  edification,  or  any  member  or  members  of  any 
church  are  injured  in  or  by  any  proceeding  in  censures 
not  agreeable  to  truth  ana  order,  it  is  according  to  the 
mind  of  Christ  that  many  churches  holding  one  com- 
munion together  do  by  their  messengers  meet  in  a 
Synod  or  Council  to  consider  and  give  their  advice  in 


or  about  that  matter  in  difference,  to  be  reported  to 
all  the  churches  concerned:  Howbeit,  these  Synods  so 
assembled  are  not  entrusted  with  any  church  power 
properly  so  called,  or  with  any  jurisdiction  over  the 
churches  themselves,  to  exercise  any  censures,  either 
over  any  churches  or  persons,  or  to  impose  their  de- 
termination on  the  churches  or  officers.  If  any  per- 
son, for  specified  reasons,  be  dissatisfied  with  his 
church,  "he,  consulting  with  the  church,  or  the  officer 
or  officers  thereof,  may  peaceably  depart  from  the 
communion  of  the  church  wherewith  he  hath  so 
walked,  to  join  himself  to  some  other  church".  Fi- 
nally it  is  stated  that  ''churches  gathered  and  walking 
according  to  the  mind  of  Christ,  judging  other  churches 
(though  less  pure)  to  be  true  churches,  may  receive 
unto  occasional  communion  with  them  such  members 
of  these  churches  as  are  credibly  testified  to  be  godly 
and  to  live  without  offense". 

Such  are  the  main  principles  of  Congregationalism 
regarding  the  constitution  of  the  Church ;  in  doctrine 
the  Congregational  teachers  were,  for  the  most  part, 
strictly  Calvinistic.  Independent  ascendency  came  to 
an  abrupt  close  at  the  death  of  Cromwell  and  the 
restoration  of  Charles  II.  The  Presbyterians,  who 
had  seated  the  Stuart  on  his  throne,  might  hope  for  his 
favour;  there  was  slight  prospect  that  he  would  tol- 
erate the  democratic  tenets  of  Congregationalism.  As 
a  matter  of  fact  Charles  and  his  servile  parliament 
persecuted  both  forms  of  dissent.  A  succession  of 
severe  edicts,  the  Corporation  Act,  1661,  the  Act  of 
Uniformity,  1662,  the  Conventicle  Act,  1663,  renewed, 
1670,  the  Five-Mile  Act,  1665,  and  the  Test  Act,  1673, 
made  existence  almost  impossible  to  Nonconformists 
of  all  shades  of  belief.  Yet  in  spite  of  persecution, 
they  held  out  until  the  eighteenth  century  brought 
toleration  and  finally  freedom.  It  is  characteristic  of 
the  Puritans  that,  notwithstanding  the  sufferings  they 
had  undergone  they  spurned  the  indulgence  offered  by 
James  II,  oecause  it  tolerated  popery;  in  fact,  they 
were  more  zealous  than  the  rest  of  the  nation  in  driv- 
ing James  from  the  throne.  The  exclusion  of  Dissent- 
ers from  the  British  universities  created  a  serious 
problem  for  the  Congregationalists  as  well  as  for  the 
Catholics;  to  the  sacrifices  which  these  and  other  de- 
nominations out  of  communion  with  the  State  Church 
made  for  the  maintenance  of  academies  and  colleges 
conducted  according  to  their  respective  principles, 
England,  like  America,  owes  that  great  boon  so  essen- 
tial to  the  well-being  of  civilized  nations,  freedom  of 
education.  During  the  eighteenth  century,  while  the 
clergy  of  the  Established  Church,  educated  and  main- 
tained by  the  State,  were  notoriously  incapable  and 
apathetic,  whatever  there  was  of  spiritual  energy  in 
the  nation  emanated  from  the  denominational  col- 


Congreqational  Unions. — The  Congregational 
churches  were  at  their  best  while  the  pressure  of  per- 
secution served  to  cement  them;  this  removed,  the 
absence  of  organization  left  them  an  easy  prey  to  the 
inroads  of  rationalism  and  infidelity.  Before  the  end 
of  the  eighteenth  century  many  of  them  lapsed  into 
Unitarianism,  alike  in  England  and  America.  A  new 
problem  was  thus  forced  upon  them,  viz.  how  to  main- 
tain the  unity  of  the  denomination  without  con- 
sciously violating  their  fundamental  doctrine  of  the 
entire  independence  of  each  particular  church.  "A 
Congregational  Union  of  England  and  Wales",  formed 
in  1833  and  revised  in  1871,  issued  a  "Declaration  of 
the  Faith,  Church  Order,  and  Discipline  of  the  Con- 
gregational or  Independent  Dissenters  ",  and  provided 
for  annual  meetings  and  a  president  who  should  hold 
office  for  a  year.  American  Congregationalism  has 
always  been  of  a  more  organic  character.  While  per- 
sisting in  emphasizing  the  complete  independence  of 
particular  churches,  it  has  made  ample  provision,  at 
the  expense  of  consistency,  for  holding  the  denomina- 
tion together.   No  minister  is  admitted  except  upon 


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approval  of  the  clerical  "association ""to  which  he 
must  belong.  To  be  acknowledged  as  Congregational- 
ist,  a  new  community  must  be  received  into  fellowship 
by  the  churches  of  its  district.  Should  a  church 
fall  into  serious  error,  or  tolerate  and  uphold  notor- 
ious scandals,  the  other  churches  may  withdraw  their 
fellowship,  and  it  ceases  to  be  recognized  as  Con- 
gregational ist.  If  a  minister  is  found  guilty  of 
gross  heresy  or  evil  life,  a  council  summoned  to 
examine  his  case  may,  if  necessary,  withdraw  from 
him  the  fellowship  of  the  churches.  The  statements 
of  Henry  M.  Dexter,  D.  D.,  the  historian  of  his 
sect  ("  American  Encyclopaedia",  s.  v. "  Congregation- 
alism "),  prove  that  there  is  a  marked  contrast  between 
Congregational  theory  and  practice.  The  Congrega- 
tional is  ts  have  been  very  active  in  home  and  foreign 
mission  work  and  possess  eight  theological  seminaries, 
in  the  United  States,  viz.  Andover,  Massachusetts: 
Atlanta,  Georgia;  Bangor,  Maine:  New  Haven  and 
Hartford,  Connecticut;  Oberlin,  Ohio;  Chicago,  Illi- 
nois; and  the  Pacific,  Berkeley.  California.  Since 
1871  national  councils,  composed  of  delegates  from 
all  the  States  of  the  Union,  are  convened  every  third 
year.  "The  Congregational  Handbook  for  1907" 
gives  the  following  statistics  of  the  denomination  in 
America:  Churches  5931;  ministers  5933;  members 
668,736.  Included  in  this  count  are  Cuba  with  6  min- 
isters and  636  members  and  Porto  Rico  with  3  minis- 
ters and  50  members.  In  England  and  Wales  the 
statistics  for  1907  were:  sittings  1,801,447;  communi- 
cants 498,953;  ministers  3197;  local  preachers  5603. 
The  efforts  made  in  recent  years  to  find  a  basis  for 
some  kind  of  corporate  union  between  the  Congrega- 
tional iato,  the  Methodist  Protestants,  and  the  United 
Brethren  in  Christ  have  not  been  successful. 

Walker,  A  History  of  the  Congregational  Churches  in  the 
United  Slates  (New  York,  1894);  Idem.  The  Creeds  and  Plat- 
forms of  Congregationalism  (ibid.,  1803);  Dexter,  The  Congre- 
gationalism of  the  last  300  years,  as  seen  in  its  Literature  (ibid., 
1880).    Each  of  these  works  contains  a  good  bibliography. 

J.  F.  LOUGHLIN. 

Congregational  Singing. — In  his  Instruction  oh 
sacred  music,  commonly  referred  to  as  the  Motu  Pro- 
prio  (22  Nov.,  1903),  Pius  X says  (no. 3):  "Special  ef- 
forts are  to  be  made  to  restore  the  use  of  Gregorian 
chant  by  the  people,  so  that  the  faithful  may  again 
take  a  more  active  part  in  ecclesiastical  offices,  as  was 
the  case  in  ancient  times".  These  words  suggest  a 
brief  treatment  of  congregational  singing  with  respect 
to  (a)  its  ancient  use,  (b)  its  formal  prohibition  and 
gradual  decay,  (c)  its  present-day  revival,  (d)  the 
character  which  that  revival  may  assume. 

(a)  The  first  testimony  is  found  in  the  Epistle  of  St. 
Paul  to  the  Ephesians  (v,  19):  "Speaking  to  your- 
selves in  psalms,  and  hymns,  and  spiritual  canticles, 
singing  and  making  melody  in  your  hearts  to  the 
Lord  .  Cardinal  Bona  finds  in  these  words  a  witness 
to  the  fact  that  "from  the  very  beginnings  of  the 
Church,  psalms  and  hymns  were  sung  m  the  assembly 
of  the  faithful",  and  understands  them  to  refer  to  an 
alternated  chant  (tnvtuo  et  atiemo  cantu).  McEvilly 
in  his  "Commentary"  applies  them  to  public 
and  private  meetings.  St.  Augustine  (Ep.  cxix,  ch. 
xviii)  says:  "As  to  the  singing  of  psalms  and  hymns, 
we  have  the  proofs,  the  examples,  and  the  instructions 
of  the  Lord  Himself,  and  of  the  Apostles".  (Cf.  also 
Col.,  iii,  16;  I  Cor.,  xiv,  26.)  In  the  ancient  congrega- 
tional singing  both  sexes  took  part;  the  words  of  St. 
Paul  imposing  silence  on  women  in  church  being  in- 
terpreted to  refer  only  to  exhorting  or  instructing. 
Duchesne  describes  how  the  earliest  worship  of  the 
Christians  was  parallel  to  that,  not  of  the  Temple  of 
the  Jews  at  Jerusalem,  but  of  the  local  synagogues,  the 
Christians  borrowing  thenpe  their  four  elements  of 
Divine  service — the  lections,  the  chants  (of  the 
Psalter),  the  homilies,  and  the  prayers.  In  treating  of 
the  Syrian  Liturgy  of  the  fourth  century,  he  makes  up 
a  composite  picture  from  the  23rd  catechetical  dis- 

iv.— i  a 


course  of  St.  Cyril  of  Jerusalem  (about  the  year  347), 
the  Apostolic  Constitutions  (II,  57;  VIII,  5-15),  and 
the  homilies  of  St.  John  Chrysostom,  and  describes  the 
Divine  service  (Christian  Worship:  Its  Origin  and 
Evolution,  London,  1903,  pp.  57-64),  and  inciden- 
tally shows  the  part  the  congregation  took  in  the 
singing. 

(b)  A  council  held  at  Laodicea  in  the  fourth  century 
decreed  (can.  xv),  that  "besides  the  appointed  singers 
who  mount  the  am  bo  and  sing  from  the  book,  others 
shall  not  sing  in  the  Church  .  Cardinal  Bona  (Re- 
rum  Liturg.,  Bk.  I,  ch.  xxv,  sect.  19)  explains  that  this 
canon  was  issued  because  the  unskillful  singing  of  the 
people  interfered  with  the  decorous  performance  of 
the  chant.  The  decree  was  not  accepted  everywhere, 
as  Bona  shows.  With  respect  to  France,  he  also  re- 
marks that  the  custom  of  popular  (congregational) 
song  ceased  a  few  years  after  Csesarius ;  for  the  Second 
Synod  of  Tours  decreed  "that  the  laity,  whether  in 
vigils  or  at  Masses,  should  not  presume  to  stand  with 
the  clergy  year  the  altar  whereon  the  Sacred  Mysteries 
are  celebrated,  and  that  the  chancel  should  be  re- 
served to  the  choirs  of  singing  clerics".  Hereupon 
Sala  notes  (no.  4)  that  "this  custom  still  obtains, 
nevertheless,  in  the  Eastern  Church;  and  in  many 
places  in  the  Western  Church,  very  remote  from  cities, 
and  therefore  tenacious  of  older  customs  and  less  in- 
fluenced by  newer  ones,  the  people  learn  the  ecclesias- 
tical chant  and  sing  it  together  with  the  clergy". 
Many  causes,  doubtless,  combined  to  bring  about  the 
present  lamentable  silence  of  our  congregations, 
amongst  which  the  most  prominent  was  probably  the 
one  mentioned  by  Bona  as  havmgoccasioned  the  de- 
cree of  the  Council  of  Laodicea.  That  the  cause  was 
not,  as  Dickinson  thinks,  "the  steady  progress  of  ritu- 
alism and  the  growth  of  sacerdotal  ideas  ,  which  "in- 
evitably deprived  the  people  of  all  initiative  in  the 
worship,  and  concentrated  the  offices  of  public  devo- 
tion, including  that  of  song,  in  the  hands  of  the  clergy" 
(Music  in  the  History  of  the  Western  Church,  New 
York,  1902,  p.  48),  may  be  inferred  from  the  efforts  of 
ecclesiastical  authority  to  revive  the  older  custom  of 
congregational  singing,  as  will  be  seen  under  (c). 

(c)  The  Second  Plenary  Council  of  Baltimore  (1866) 
expressed  (no.  380)  its  earnest  wish  that  the  rudi- 
ments of  Gregorian  chant  should  be  taught  in  the  par- 
ish schools,  in  order  that  "the  number  of  those  who 
can  sing  the  chant  well  having  increased  more  and 
more,  gradually  the  greater  part,  at  least,  of  the  peo- 
ple should,  after  the  fashion  still  existing  in  some 
places  of  the  Primitive  Church,  learn  to  sing  Vespers 
and  the  like  together  with  the  sacred  ministers  and  the 
choir".  The  Third  Plenary  Council  of  Baltimore 
(1884)  repeats  (no.  119)  the  words  of  the  Second 
Council,  prefacing  them  with  denuo  conftrmemus. 

(d)  The  words  of  the  quoted  councils  and  of  the 
pope  imply  a  restoration  of  congregational  singing 
through  instruction  in  Gregorian  chant,  and  therefore 
clearly  refer  to  the  strictly  liturgical  offices  such  as 
solemn  or  high  Mass,  Vespers,  Benediction  (after  the 
Tantum  Ergo  has  begun).  Congregational  singing  at 
low  Mass  and  at  other  services  in  the  church,  not 
strictly  "liturgical"  in  ceremonial  character,  has  al- 
ways obtained,  more  or  less,  in  our  churches.  With 
respect  to  the  strictly  liturgical  services,  it  is  to  be 
hoped  that  the  congregation  may  be  instructed  suffi- 
ciently to  sing,  besides  the  responses  to  the  celebrant 
(especially  those  of  the  Preface),  the  ordinary  (i.  e.  the 
Kyrie,  Gloria,  Credo,  Sanctus,  Benedictus,  Agnus 
Dei)  of  the  Mass  in  plain  chant;  leaving  the  Introit, 
Gradual  or  Tract,  sequence  (if  there  be  one),  Offer- 
tory, and  Communion  to  the  choir;  the  Psalms  and 
hymns  at  Vespers,  leaving  the  antiphons  to  the  choir. 
The  singing  might  well  be  made  to  alternate  between 
congregation  and  choir.  Perosi  made  a  strong  plea 
to  the  musical  congress  of  Padua  (June,  1907)  for 
such  congregational  singing  of  the  Credo  (cf.  Civilta 


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Cattolica,  6  July,  1907).  (See  Choir;  Music;  Sxno- 
ino,  Choral.) 

Wagner,  Origin*  et  Dfveloppemenl  da  Chant  Liturgigue.  tr. 
Bonn  (Tournai,  1904).  14  aqq.  pvn  a  good  summary  of  the 
history  of  the  earfleat  congre«ational  rinsing.  Two  articles  in 
the  American  Ecclesiastical  Review  (July,  1892,  19-29,  and 
August,  1892,  120-133)  give  history,  references,  limits  of 
vernacular  singing,  and  methods  of  training.  See  also  Manual 
at  Church  Music  (Dolphin  Press,  Philadelphia,  1905),  112-118; 
Church  Music  (quarterly)  (December,  1905),  21-33  for 
methods;  also  Dickinson,  Music  in  the  History  of  the  Western 
Church,  223,  242,  376  for  congregational  singing  in  Protestant 
churches. 

H.  T.  Henry. 

Congregation  of  St.  Francis  do  Sales.  See 

Francis  db  Sales,  Saint. 

Congregation  of  the  Mission.   See  Lazarists. 

Congregations,  Religious.  See  Religious  Con- 
gregations. 

Congregations,  Roman.  See  Roman  Congre- 
gations. » 

Congresses,  Catholic — One  of  the  remarkable 
and  important  manifestations  of  the  social  and  relig- 
ious life  of  the  present  day  are  gatherings  of  Catho- 
lics in  general  public  conferences.  This  is  the  case 
both  when  these  assemblies  consist  of  delegates  rep- 
resenting the  entire  Catholic  population  of  a  country 
or  nation  meeting^  to  express  opinions  concerning 
matters  Close  to  its  heart;  or  when  they  consist 
simply  of  the  members  of  some  one  Catholic  associa- 
tion who  have  come  together  for  the  advancement  of 
the  particular  aims  of  the  society.  Taken  collectively, 
these  congresses  prove  that  the  life  of  the  Catholic 
Church  of  the  present  day  is  not  confined  to  Church 
devotions;  that  not  merely  individual  classes  and 
circles,  but  all  Catholics,  men  of  every  rank  and  of 
every  degree  of  culture,  of  all  callings,  all  ages,  and  of 
all  nations  have  been  quickened  to  an  unheard-of 
extent  by  the  ecclesiastical  movement  of  the  nine- 
teenth century,  and  gladly  co-operate  with  it.  This 
movement  in  Catholic  life  has  been  made  possible  by 
the  development  of  travelling  facilities,  the  multipli- 
cation of  social  interests,  and  also  by  the  political 
freedom  of  modern  nations.  But  Catholics  would 
probably  not  have  made  use  of  these  aids  in  such 
large  measure  if  they  had  not  been  stirred  up  by  ex- 
traordinary seal. 

I.  History. — The  first  large  Congress  was  held  by 
the  Catholics  of  Germany.  In  the  year  of  political 
revolutions,  1848,  they  founded  throughout  Germany 
local  Catholic  associations,  called  "Piusvereine"  after 
Pope  Pius  IX,  the  Catholics  of  Mainz  taking  the  lead. 
Their  object  was  to  stimulate  Catholics  to  make  use 
of  the  favourable  moment  to  free  the  Church  from 
dependence  on  the  State.  In  accordance  with  an 
agreement  made  by  a  number  of  distinguished  Catho- 
lics at  the  festivities  held  to  celebrate  tne  completion 
of  a  portion  of  the  cathedral  of  Cologne,  August, 
1848,  these  associations  met  in  convention  at  Mainz, 
3-6  October  of  the  same  year.  In  the  neighbouring 
city  of  Frankfort  the  German  Diet  was  in  session. 
Only  a  few  weeks  before,  this  body  had  decided  to 
separate  the  schools  from  the  Church,  in  spite  of  the 
opposing  votes  of  the  Catholic  deputies,  ana  had  filled 
the  Catholic  people  with  a  deep  distrust  of  the  Frank- 
fort Assembly.  A  large  part  of  the  Catholic  members 
of  the  Diet  went  to  Mainz,  and  expressed  their  views, 
thus  directing  widespread  attention  to  the  convention 
and  arousing  the  enttnisiasm  of  its  members,  which 
reached  its  highest  pitch  when  one  of  the  deputies, 
Wilhelm  Emanuel  von  Ketteler,  the  parish  priest  of 
Hopsten,  arose  and  urged  the  Congress  to  give  their 
attention  to  social  as  well  as  religious  questions. 
Thenceforth  the  General  German  Catholic  Congresses 
had  a  distinctive  character  impressed  upon  them.  It 
became  their  mission  to  prove  and  intensify  the  de- 


votion of  German  Catholics  to  their  Church,  to  defend 
the  rights  of  the  Church  and  the  liberties  of  Catholics 
as  citizens,  to  preserve  the  Christian  character  of  the 
schools,  and  to  further  the  Christian  spirit  in  society. 
At  first  the  congress  met  semi-annually;  after  1860, 
it  met  annually  m  a  German  or  Austrian  city.  From 
the  start  it  regarded  the  development  of  German 
Catholic  societies  into  a  power  in  national  affairs  as 
one  of  the  most  important  means  of  gaining  its  ends. 
Consequently  the  Congress  gave  its  attention  not  only 
to  the  "Piusvereine"  rmt  also  interested  itself  in  all 
other  Catholic  societies,  e.  g.  the  St.  Vincent  de 
Paul  Conferences,  the  Gesellenvereine  (journeymen's 
unions),  the  reading-circles,  the  students'  corps,  etc., 
and  also  encouraged  the  founding  of  important  new 
associations,  such  as  the  societies  in  aid  of  German 
emigrants,  the  St.  Boniface  Association,  the  St.  Au- 
gustine Association  for  the  development  of  the  Catho- 
Bc  press,  and  others.  The  end  sought  was  to  com- 
bine the  general  assemblies  of  as  many  of  these  socie- 
ties as  possible  with  that  of  the  "Piusvereine,"  or  to 
secure  their  convening  at  the  same  time  and  place. 
Thus  the  Catholic  Congress  became  in  a  few  years  and 
is  still  an  annual  general  meeting  for  the  majority  of 
German  Catholic  societies.   This  appears  from  the 

Iirogramme  of  every  German  Catholic  Congress.  As 
ong  as  the  Catholic  Congress  was  principally  a  repre- 
sentative general  meeting  of  Catholic  societies,  its 
proceedings  were  chiefly  discussions  and  debates  and 
the  number  of  thoso  who  attended  was  relatively 
small.  This  was  the  case  in  the  first  decade  of  its 
existence.  Still  even  at  this  time  one  or  more  public 
mass-meetings  were  held  at  each  Congress,  in  order 
to  arouse  the  interest  of  the  Catholic  population  of 
the  place  of  assembly  and  its  vicinity.  The  most 
celebrated  address  of  the  first  decade  was  made  in 
1849  at  Ratisbon  by  D6Uinger  on  the  "Independence 
of  the  Church."  The  most  important  of  the  early 
German  Catholic  Congresses  was  the  session  held  at 
Yienna,  1863. 

Owing  to  epidemics  and  political  difficulties  up  to 
1858  the  congress  met  irregularly  and  the  attendance 
decreased  so  that  its  future  appeared  doubtful.  After 
1858,  however,  the  congress  rose  again  in  importance 
while  at  the  same  tune  its  character  gradually 
changed.  It  became  a  general  assembly  of  German 
Catholics,  and  the  attendance  greatly  increased.  In 
these  changed  conditions  the  public  sessions  devoted 
to  oratorical  addresses  from  distinguished  speakers  as 
well  as  the  private  sessions  for  deliberation  grew  in 
importance.  In  these  years  Catholic  Germany  could 
boast  of  several  very  eloquent  orators,  the  best  among 
whom  were  Moufang,  Heinrich,  ana  Haffner,  theo- 
logians of  Maine,  and  after  these  Lindau,  a  merchant 
of  Heidelberg.  The  participation  by  the  Catholic 
nobility  in  the  meetings  made  them  socially  more 
impressive.  The  most  striking  speech  of  this  period 
was  made  at  Aachen  in  1862  by  Moufang  on  the 
"Duties  of  Catholic  Men."  Among  the  subjects  de- 
bated the  school  and  education  aroused  the  most 
feeling;  in  connexion  with  these  great  discussions 
great  attention  was  given,  under  the  guidance  of  Dr. 
Hulskamp,  editor  of  "The  Literarischer  Handweiser  ", 
to  the  development  of  the  press  and  popular  litera- 
ture. Since  the  Frankfort  Congress  of  1863  the 
labour  question  has  occupied  more  and  more  of  the 
attention  of  the  assembly. 

The  hope  awakened  in  the  hearts  of  Catholics  by 
the  apparently  victorious  progress  of  the  Catholic 
movement  in  Western  Europe  gave  special  inspira- 
tion to  the  gatherings  of  these  years.  A  similar  con- 
gress was  held  by  the  Swiss  Catholics;  a  more  im- 
portant development  was  the  resolve  of  the  Belgian 
Catholics,  instigated  by  the  success  of  the  German 
Catholic  Congress  near  them  at  Aachen,  to  hold 
Catholic  congresses  for  Belgium  and  to  invite  the 
most  distinguished  Catholic  men  of  the  entire  worV 


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to  participate.  The  intention  was  to  form  a  central 
point  for  the  Catholic  movement  of  Western  Europe 
and  to  give  it  a  perpetual  organization,  making  it  an 
international  movement,  so  that  in  the  future  Catho- 
lics of  all  nations  could  work  together.  The  chief 
organizer  of  the  preparatory  plans  was  Ducpetiaux. 
The  first  Belgian  oongress  was  held  at  Mechlin,  18-22 
August,  1863,  and  was  a  great  success.  The  most 
prominent  champions  of  the  Church  in  Europe  at- 
tended the  Belgian  Congresses:  Montalembert,  Prince 
Albert  de  Broglie,  Cardinals  Wiseman  and  Manning, 
the  two  Reichenspergers  and  Kolping,  the  Abbe1  Mer- 
milkid;  representing  the  United  States  were  Bishop 
Fitzpatrick,  of  Boston,  and  L.  Silliman  Ives,  of  New 
York.  Reports  on  the  Catholic  life  and  work  of 
every  country  were  presented:  much  time  was  de- 
voted to  the  discussion  of  social  questions,  and  de- 
cided differences  of  opinion  were  expressed.  The 
most  brilliant  success  was  achieved  by  two  discourses 
by  Montalembert  on  "  A  Free  Church  m  a  Free  State." 
A  second  congress  took  place  in  September  of  the 
next  year,  and  the  intention  was  to  hold  yearly  meet- 
ings; but  already  the  first  clouds  of  internal  conflict 
among  Catholics  began  to  appear.  According  to  their 
views  on  political  liberalism  and  modern  science, 
men's  minds  drifted  apart.  Henceforth  Catholics 
could  not  be  gathered  together  for  a  common  meeting. 
The  only  later  congress  was  held  at  Mechlin  in  1867; 
the  Swiss  assemblies  also  ceased  after  a  short  time, 
so  that  soon  the  German  Catholic  Congresses  were 
the  only  large  assemblies  of  the  kind.  At  the  Bam- 
berg Congress,  1868,  a  standing  Central  Committee 
was  formed,  which  gave  a  permanent  form  of  organi- 
zation to  the  German  Catholic  gathering. 

Development  in  France. — Towards  the  end  of  the 
sixties  a  third  period  of  progressive  development 
began,  due  to  the  increasing  interest  of  Catholics  in 
social  problems  and  the  growth  of  the  spirit  of  asso- 
ciation among  Catholic  workmen.  In  Belgium,  in 
1867,  it  was  decided  to  form  a  union  of  all  workmen's 
associations  in  order  to  systematize  their  develop- 
ment and  growth.  A  standing  committee  was  formed, 
and  a  first  congress  was  called  to  meet  at  Mons  in 
1871.  Its  object  was  to  strengthen  and  aid  the  move- 
ment for  organization  among  workingmen,  and  at  the 
same  time  to  give  it  a  Christian  character  and  to  en- 
able workingmen  to  make  their  views  and  wishes  effec- 
tive. The  work  grew  rapidly  in  importance;  up  to 
1875  the  president  was  Clement  Bivort,  and  over  50,- 
000  workingmen  were  connected  with  it.  The  most 
successful  congress  was  that  held  in  1875  at  Mechlin. 
After  this,  the  organization  declined,  partly  it  would 
seem,  because,  instead  of  following  purely  practical 
economic  ends,  under  French  influence  politics  were 
introduced ;  so  much  weight  was  laid  on  the  religious 
element  that  social  interests  did  not  receive  their  due, 
because  the  members  were  not  agreed  as  to  the  inter- 
vention of  the  State  in  socio-economic  activities,  and 
because  sufficient  consideration  was  not  given  to  the 
growing  independence  of  workingmen.  A  Catholic 
workingmen's  movement  also  sprang  up  in  the  great 
German  industrial  region  of  the  Lower  Rhine;  this 
did  not  grow  into  a  national  convention,  but  it  exerted 
its  influence  at  the  meetings  of  the  general  Catholic 
Congress,  especially  at  the  one  held  at  Dusseldorf, 
1869.  In  France  there  was  formed  an  "  Union  des  as- 
sociations ouvrieres  catholiques"  for  the  purpose  of 
promoting  all  Catholic  efforts  and  "to  develop  a  race 
of  Christian  workingmen's  families  for  the  Church  and 
State". 

The  first  congress  of  this  association  was  held  at 
Nevers,  1871,  but  it  never  grew  to  much  importance, 
although  a  permanent  central  office  was  founded,  and 
special  committees  were  appointed  to  encourage 
■ports,  clubs  for  study,  etc.  The  association  laid  un- 
due stress  on  the  cultivation  of  religious  life,  and  did 
nothing  to  develop  social  economics  in  connexion  with 


politics  and  but  little  for  the  class  interests  of  work- 
ingmen; it  was  hardly  more  than  a,  confraternity.  In 
Northern  France  it  succeeded  owing  to  personal  influ- 
ence. The  "Cercles  d'ouvriers  catholiques",  founded 
by  the  Comte  de  Mun  in  1873,  were  much  more  suc- 
cessful. De  Mun  desired  to  unite  in  these  cercles  the 
best  mechanical  and  agricultural  labourers,  to  bring 
them  under  the  influence  of  educated  practical  Cath- 
olic gentlemen,  so  that,  led  by  the  latter,  the  work- 
ingmen might  exert  a  social  and  political  influence  in 
the  world  of  labour.  At  the  same  time  he  wished  the 
organization  to  frame  and  advocate  a  distinct  plan  of 
social  reforms.  From  1875  the  work  of  advocating 
reforms  fell  chiefly  to  the  annual  sessions  which  were 
composed  of  the  delegates  of  the  "Secretariates"  of 
the  circles,  the  deputies  from  all  the  circles  of  the 
province,  and  Catholic  dignitaries  who  were  inter- 
ested in  social  questions.  The  sessions  for  delibera- 
tion had  an  average  attendance  of  from  three  to  four 
hundred  members,  and  the  public  meetings  were  often 
attended  by  several  thousand  persons.  The  assem- 
blies were  managed  by  the  Comte  de  Mun,  assisted  by 
the  Marquis  de  la  Tour  du  Pin,  M.  de  la  Guulonniere, 
and  M.  Florroy.  These  meetings  and  the  work  of  the 
various  circles  first  spread  among  French  Catholics 
correct  conceptions  of  social  problems.  The  practi- 
cal social  results  became,  however,  gradually  smaller. 
With  the  help  of  the  congress  De  Mun  gradually 
worked  out  a  complete  social  programme;  by  means 
of  industrial  associations,  with  perfect  freedom  of  or- 
ganization, laws  were  to  be  obtained  granting  to  the 
working  classes  proper  representation  m  the  political 
bodies  of  the  country,  effective  measures  were  to  be 
taken  to  aid  workmen  by  means  of  insurance  and  the 
regulation  of  wages,  their  corporal  and  mental  well- 
being  were  to  be  protected  by  Sunday  rest,  limitation 
of  working-hours,  etc.;  compulsory  arbitration  in  dis- 
putes between  masters  and  workmen  was  to  be  legally 
enforced.  The  programme  is  noteworthy  because  it 
included  reform  of  taxation,  and  also  because  it  aimed 
to  aid  agricultural  labourers  as  well  as  mechanics. 
De  Mun's  main  mistake  was,  that  he  refused  on  prin- 
ciple to  allow  the  workingmen  to  organize  independ- 
ently, and  permitted  only  organizations  common  to 
workingmen  and  employers.  Although  apparently 
the  congresses  just  described  and  the  societies  con- 
nected with  them  were  the  proofs  of  the  growth  in 
strength  of  the  economic  movement,  yet  in  their  first 
development  they  did  not  advance  far  enough  to  be 
able  to  impress  their  character  upon  the  Catholic  con- 
gresses of  the  third  period.  This  was  defined  by  the 
further  growth  of  the  general  Catholic  conventions. 
After  the  successful  settlement  of  the  differences  in  the 
Church  by  the  Vatican  Council,  in  consequence  of  the 
Kulturkampf,  the  German  Catholic  Congresses  re- 
gained their  former  importance  with  a  religious  enthu- 
siasm never  before  witnessed.  At  the  same  time  the 
French  Catholics  also  started  general  congresses. 

During  the  siege  of  Paris  by  the  Germans,  a  com- 
mittee had  been  formed  in  the  city  to  protect  Catho- 
lic interests  against  the  danger  from  anti-religious  and 
revolutionary  sects.  In  a  circular  of  25  August,  1872, 
this  committee  proposed  that  all  forms  of  Catholic 
associations  of  the  country  and  all  French  Catholic 
organizations  should  create  a  general  representative 
body  for  the  purpose  of  defending  their  common  in- 
terests. This  circular  led  to  the  convening  of  the  first 
"Congres  des  comites  catholiques"  at  Pans,  1872,  and 
the  sessions  of  this  body  were  held  annually  until 
1892.  They  were  originally  presided  over  by  M. 
Bailloud,  their  founder,  afterwards  by  Senator  Chesne- 
long.  The  congress,  divided  into  different  sections, 
busied  itself  with  purely  religious  questions,  with 
teaching,  education,  the  press,  and  social  subjects. 
A  large  part  of  the  attention  of  these  assemblies  was 
given  to  the  non-governmental  schools,  and  much 
was  done  for  them.   On  the  other  hand,  the  incessant 


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and  vehement  agitation  of  the  assemblies  against  free, 
obligatory,  lay  instruction  had  no  apparent  effect. 
The  French,  like  the  German  congresses,  received 
strong  encouragement  from  the  pope,  and  the  bishops 
ardently  promoted  them.  Nevertheless,  owing  to  its 
composition,  the  French  congress  never  attained  the 
importance  of  the  German  assemblage.  Although  in- 
tended to  be  a  union  of  all  the  Catholic  forces  of 
France,  it  drew  together  only  the  Monarchists.  For 
although  its  constitution  excluded  politics,  neverthe- 
less, as  the  circular  of  August,  1872,  said,  it  supported 
the  Conservative  candidates  as  a  matter  of  course. 
The  connexion  with  the  Royalists  made  the  congress 
unfruitful  also  in  social  questions;  its  social  political 
position  was  not  sufficiently  advanced,  and  it  offended 
the  classes  that  were  fighting  their  way  up.  When  it 
became  evident  that  the  Royalist  party  had  failed,  the 
congress  declined  with  it.  The  sessions  ceased  when 
Leo  XIII,  on  receiving  the  congratulatory  telegram  of 
the  congress  of  1892,  expressed  the  hope  that,  follow- 
ing his  wishes,  they  should  uphold  the  Republican 
constitution.  The  place  of  the  former  organization 
was  taken  by  the  "Congres  nationaux  catholiques". 
The  first  session,  held  at  Reims,  was  a  preparatory 
one;  this  was  followed  by  two  congresses  at  Paris, 
1897  and  1898.  Both  their  organization  and  aim 
were  the  same  as  those  of  the  congress  of  the  "  Com  i  tea 
catholiques",  but  the  political  views  held  were  differ- 
ent; the  meetings  were  gatherings  or  "Rallies",  that 
iB,  of  Royalists  who  had  become  Republicans  and  of 
Christian  Democrats.  The  history  of  this  organiza- 
tion is,  briefly,  that  of  the  "  Rallies  '  movement,  and  it 
went  to  pieces  with  the  latter.  A  working  together  in 
the  congress  of  those  who  were  democrats  from  honest 
conviction,  the  politically  indifferent  "New  Catho- 
lics", and  the  "Rallies",  or  "Constitutional  Right- 
ers",  who  obeyed  the  papal  command  against  inclina- 
tion and  conviction,  proved  to  be  impossible.  The 
"Christian  Democrats"  met  separately,  in  1896  and 
1897,  at  Lyons  and  received  the  blessing  of  Leo  XIII. 
But  it  was  found  that  the  views  of  the  members  were 
too  divergent  to  make  a  continuation  of  these  assem- 
blies profitable.  The  meetings  of  the  "Cercles 
d'ouvners"  also  came  to  an  end  through  the  failure  of 
the  "Rallies"  or  "Constitutional  Right".  From  the 
decade  1880-90  these  circles,  like  those  of  the  "Union 
des  associations  ouvrieres  ,  were  gradually  trans- 
formed by  their  leaders  into  pious  confraternities,  and 
the  clergy  sought  to  control  them  more  than  was  wise, 
making  the  members  feel  like  irresponsible  children. 
Most  of  the  members  of  the  circles  were  Royalists,  and 
few  of  them  obeyed  the  suggestion  of  the  pope  as  sin- 
cerely as  did  De  Mun.  In  1892  the  congress  assem- 
bled for  the  last  time;  but  even  before  this,  of  the 
1200  still  existing  circles,  a  part  had  combined  with 
the  new  diocesan  organizations,  and  a  part  with  the 
"Association  catholique  de  la  jeunesse  francaise". 

Fourth  Period  of  Development. — The  fourth  and 
latest  period  in  the  development  of  the  Catholic  Con- 
gresses dates  from  the  last  years  of  the  nineteenth 
century.  About  1890,  the  year  when  the  "People's 
Union  IVoOcsverein]  of  Catholic  Germany"  was 
founded,  the  Catholic  social  movement  reached  its 
full  strength  and  became  the  leading  factor  among 
German  Catholic  societies.  Its  influence  was  weU 
shown  by  the  multiplying  of  Catholic  societies  in  all 
directions;  it  shaped  the  form  and  aims  of  organiza- 
tion, checked  the  spirit  of  particularism,  induced  the 
societies  to  combine  in  a  united  body,  and  brought 
thousands  of  new  members  into  the  branch  associa- 
tions, while  directing  Catholic  organization  more  and 
more  toward  practical  social  work.  The  meetings  of 
the  congresses  are  the  tangible  sign  of  this  social 
movement:  their  increase  in  strength  and  influence  is 
furthered  by  the  growing  interest  of  the  civilized 
world  in  all  kinds  of  congresses.  It  is  owing  to  the 
centralized,  many-sided  propaganda  of  the  well- 


organized  "Volksverein",  with  its  600,000  members, 
that  the  German  Catholic  Congresses  have  been  so 
successful.  The  aims  of  the  societies  are  limited  to 
social  work  of  a  practical  character,  and  the  annual 
meetings  are  held  on  one  of  the  five  days  of  the  session 
of  the  Catholic  Congress  and  at  the  same  place.  Since 
the  Mannheim  Congress  of  1892  the  meetings  of  the 
congresses  have  been  attended  by  larger  numbers  of 
workmen  than  any  other  such  conventions  in  Europe, 
from  twenty-five  thousand  to  forty  thousand  being 
present  at  the  sessions,  the  number  at  a  single  session 
often  reaching  ten  thousand  persons.  In  Austria 
after  two  decades  of  hard  struggle  Christian  socialism 
finally  reached  success.  After  1867  it  was  for  a  long 
time  almost  impossible  to  hold  a  Catholic  convention 
in  Austria;  now  a  General  Catholic  Congress  is  held 
every  other  year,  while  numerous  assemblies  convene 
in  the  different  states  forming  the  Austro-Hungarian 
Monarchy;  the  general  congress  of  November,  1907, 
attained  nearly  as  much  influence  over  public  opinion 
as  the  German  Congress;  a  speech  of  Burgomaster 
Luegers  of  Vienna  started  the  "  high-school  movement ' ' 
which  has  since  greatly  agitated  Austria.  Since  1900 
a  Catholic  Congress  has  been  held  annually  in  Hun- 
gary; in  Spain  since  1889  Catholic  assemblies  have 
met  from  time  to  time;  in  Switzerland,  after  suspen- 
sion for  a  generation,  the  first  general  congress  was 
held  in  1903  on  the  basis  of  an  excellent  organization. 
In  1908  the  Danish  Catholics  of  the  Copenhagen  dis- 
trict met  for  the  first  time  to  discuss  their  school 
interests.  Before  this,  in  1886  and  1889,  they  had 
met  for  anniversary  celebrations,  the  first  time,  in  1886, 
in  conjunction  with  representatives  from  Sweden  and 
Norway.  About  the  close  of  the  nineteenth  century 
a  congress  was  held  in  Italy  representing  all  the 
Catholic  organizations  of  that  country.  Not  only 
among  the  above-named  great  nations  of  Europe  has 
Catholic  zeal  led  to  the  meeting  of  general  congresses, 
but  on  both  sides  of  the  ocean  hardly  a  year  passes 
in  which  the  Catholics  of  some  country  do  not  unite 
in  a  public  congress. 

However  numerous  and  large  these  assemblies, 
whether  general  or  special,  have  been,  they  do  not 
represent  the  whole  number  of  Catholics  who  take  an 
interest  in  social  reorganization.  Catholics  have 
taken  a  prominent  part  in  many  movements  which 
have  an  interdenominational,  universal  Christian,  or 
neutral  character,  because  this  form  of  organization 
can  lead  to  better  results.  Among  these  may  be  men- 
tioned the  "Christian  Trade  Unions"  of  Germany,  the 
"Christian  Farmers'  Unions"  of  Germany  and  Aus- 
tria, and  the  "Society  d'economie  sociale  et  union 
de  la  paix  sociale"  of  France,  founded  by  Le  Play,  in 
1856,  with  annual  congresses  since  1882.  A  German 
branch  is  the  " Gesellschai t  fur  sozial  Reform" 
(founded  1890),  which  gives  its  attention  largely  to 
scientific  investigations,  but  has  at  times  also  had 
much  influence  on  legislation;  besides  these  may  be 
cited  the  "Workingmen's  Gardens",  founded  in  1897 
by  Abb6  Lemire,  with  international  congresses  in  1903 
and  1906;  the  work  of  the  "Raiffeisen  Bank"  (inter- 
national assemblies  at  Tarbes,  1897,  and  Paris,  1900) ; 
the  "Anti-Duelling  Society",  founded  by  Prince 
Ldwenstein,  the  last  international  convention  being 
held  at  Budapest,  1908;  and  the  association  for  sup- 
pressing public  vice,  which  held  an  international  con- 
gress in  1908. 

II.  International  Congresses. — The  forerunner 
of  the  international  congresses  of  the  present  was  the 
Mechlin  general  congress  of  1863-64.  Since  then 
international  Catholic  congresses  of  general  scope  have 
been  abandoned  as  unlikely  to  be  profitable,  and  it 
has  been  sufficient,  especially  as  between  Germany, 
Austria,  and  Switzerland,  to  invite  a  few  foreign  rep- 
resentatives. It  was  only  by  limiting  the  scope  of 
discussion  to  a  few  topics,  especially  religious,  that 
it  has  been  possible  to  nold  Catholic  congresses  of  an 


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international  character.  Among  the  best  known  of 
these  assemblies  is  the  "Eucharistic  Congress",  the 
aim  of  which  is  to  increase  and  deepen  the  love  of 
Christ  in  every  way  tolerated  by  the  Church:  by 
general  communions,  general  adoration  of  the  Blessed 
Sacrament,  and  discussion  of  the  best  means  of  in- 
creasing devotion  to  the  Blessed  Sacrament.  Between 
its  sessions  the  Eucharistic  League  endeavours  to  pro- 
mote and  intensify  Eucharistic  devotion  in  the  various 
dioceses  in  which  it  is  organized.  Nineteen  of  these  meet- 
ings have  been  held  since  the  first  in  Lille  in  1881,  most 
of  them  being  preponderatingly  French,  the  inspira- 
tion of  the  first  coming  from  Mgr.  de  Segur.  The  first 
to  attract  the  attention  of  the  Catholic  world  was  that 
held  at  Jerusalem  in  1893,  and  they  have  since  grown 
more  solemn  and  influential.  A  general  congress  was 
held  at  Rome,  1905,  another  at  Metz,  1907,  and  one  in 
London  9-13  September,  1908.  Both  Leo  XIII  and 
Pius  X  manifested  great  interest  in  these  congresses. 
Less  successful,  however,  was  the  attempt  of  Leo 
XIII,  by  means  of  international  congresses,  to  make 
the  Third  Order  of  St.  Francis  once  more  a  great 
socio- religious  influence.  After  he  had  indicated  his 
plan  of  Christian  social  politics  in  his  encyclical 

No  varum  re  rum",  he  hoped  to  change  the  Third 
Order  of  St.  Francis  from  a  purely  pious  organization 
into  an  instrument  for  the  regeneration  of  society  such 
as  it  had  been  in  the  thirteenth  century.  For  a  time 
efforts  were  made,  especially  in  France,  to  carry  out 
this  ambition  of  the  pope.  A  committee  met  at  Val- 
des-Bois,  July,  1893,  at  the  call  of  the  Minister- 
General  of  the  Franciscans,  and  under  the  presidency 
of  Leon  Harmel  a  plan  of  action  was  drawn  up:  sev- 
eral meetings  were  held  in  France,  and  in  1900  an 
international  congress  met  at  Rome.  After  this  the 
movement  came  to  an  end.  The  political-social 
scientists,  who  were  too  much  absorbed  m  their  politi- 
cal schemes,  were  unable  to  grasp  the  grandeur  of  the 
pontiff's  idea,  and  the  Tertiaries  clung  to  their  accus- 
tomed exercises  and  preferred  to  remain  a  pious  con- 
fraternity rather  than  to  transform  themselves  into  a 
world-wide  religious  and  social  organisation. 

For  a  time  the  Congress  of  Catholic  Savants  had 
nearly  as  successful  a  career  as  the  Eucharistic  Con- 
gress. This  was  also  of  French  origin,  and  founded 
by  Mgr.  d'Hulst,  rector  of  the  Institut  Catholique  at 
Paris,  in  pursuance  of  a  suggestion  of  Canon  Duilhe' 
de  Saint-Projet.  The  founders  meant  to  prove  to 
mankind  that  Catholics,  instead  of  being  opposed  to 
science,  were  vigorously  active  in  scientific  work;  to 
show  the  harmony  of  faith  and  science,  and  to  stimu- 
late the  slackened  interest  of  Catholics  in  science.  The 
plan  of  the  congress  was,  therefore,  largely  apologetic; 
it  received  the  approval  of  Leo  XIII,  and  from  1888 
the  sessions  were  triennial.  The  first  two  meetings, 
at  Paris,  had  an  attendance,  respectively,  of  1605  and 
2494  persons;  the  third  congress,  at  Brussels,  2518; 
the  fourth,  at  Fribourg,  in  Switzerland,  3007:  the 
fifth,  at  Munich,  3367 ;  a  sixth  was  to  be  held  at  Rome, 
1903,  but  it  did  not  take  place.  Originally  this  con- 
gress was  divided  into  six  sections;  theology,  philoso- 
phy, law,  history,  natural  sciences,  anthropology; 
four  more  were  added  later:  exegesis,  philology,  bi- 
ology, and  Christian  art.  The  character  of  the  inter- 
national congress  of  Catholic  physicians  which  met  at 
Rome,  1900,  was  largely  religious. 

International  meetings  are  also  held  by  the  "As- 
sociation catholique  Internationale  pour  la  protection 
de  la  jeune  fille  ,  a  society  that  looks  after  young 

S girls  who  are  seeking  employment,  guards  them  from 
dangers,  and  aids  in  their  training  and  secures  em- 
inent for  them.  It  was  founded  by  a  Swiss  lady, 
u  von  Reynold,  1896-97.  Up  to  1897  the  sessions 
were  at  Fribourg,  Switzerland;  1900,  at  Paris;  1902, 
»t  Munich;  and  in  1906,  again  at  Paris.  Fribourg, 
Switzerland,  is  the  headquarters  of  the  society.  Ten 
countries  are  represented  in  it,  among  them  Argen- 


tina, South  America.  Each  national  society  holds  its 
own  annual  meeting;  the  French  branch,  formed  in 
1898,  alternately  in  the  provinces  and  at  Paris;  the 
German,  founded  1905,  at  the  session  of  the  Strasburg 
Catholic  Congress  in  connexion  with  the  Charities 
Congress.  Among  national  Catholic  assemblages 
may  be  also  included  the  so-called  "Social  Week" 
started  by  the  "Volksverein"  (People's  Union)  of  Cath- 
olic Germany.  Its  sessions  were  held  annually,  1892- 
1900,  with  the  exception  of  1897,  in  different  places. 
About  a  week  was  given  to  an  introduction  to  prac- 
tical social  work.  The  original  attendance  of  582  in 
time  rose  to  about  1000.  The  sessions  were  devoted 
not  to  discussions,  but  to  instructive  lectures  and  the 
answering  of  questions,  thus  making  what  might  be 
called  a  popular  travelling  school.  But  a  week  was 
too  short  a  period  of  instruction,  and  the  constant 
change  of  place  made  it  difficult  to  obtain  good  teach- 
ers, consequently  a  permanent  home  was  given  to  the 
association  at  Muncnen-Gladbach,  and  the  annual  ses- 
sion was  made  a  two  months'  course  in  political  econ- 
omy. A  limited  number  of  men  and  women  selected 
by  a  committee  of  the  "  Volksverein"  assisted  at  these 
lectures.  Since  1904  the  shorter  courses,  in  improved 
form,  have  been  resumed  in  addition  to  the  longer 
ones,  and  the  attendance  has  largely  increased.  The 
French  Catholics  were  the  first  to  imitate  this  ex- 
ample, holding  a  similar  assembly  at  Lyons  in  1904; 
since  then  sessions  have  been  held  at  various  places, 
that  of  1907  being  at  Amiens,  and  the  next  at  Mar- 
seilles. The  best  of  their  national  economists  give 
their  assistance:  the  programme  differs  from  the  Ger- 
man in  as  much  as  the  topics  treated  are  not  exclu- 
sively practical,  but  that  the  lectures  include  the 
philosophical  and  religious  premises  of  modern  social 
politics,  and  the  part  Christians  should  take  in  politi- 
cal life.  The  movement  spread  to  the  other  Romance 
countries  during  1906-08,  and  also  to  Belgium  and 
Holland,  and  made  great  progress,  thanks  to  the  ef- 
forts of  Professor  Toniolo  in  organizing  a  social-science 
week  at  Pisa,  followed  by  a  larger  meeting  at  Pistoja  in 
October  and  another  at  Valencia  in  December,  1907. 
In  France,  Spain,  and  Italy,  this  social-science  week 
will  hereafter  be  held  according  to  a  joint  programme. 

III.  National  Catholic  Congresses. — France. — 
Since  1898  the  French  Catholics  have  held  provincial 
conventions  in  place  of  general  congresses,  and  since 
the  separation  of  Church  and  State,  these  nave  given 
place  to  diocesan  conferences.  Such  gatherings  nave 
been  held  in  about  half  of  the  dioceses,  the  most  im- 
portant being  those  of  the  Archdiocese  of  Paris. 
Their  aim  is  to  unite  all  Catholic  social  societies,  espe- 
cially those  for  the  young  which  in  many  dioceses 
have  a  large  membership.  In  results  they  are  not  as 
effective  as  general  Catholic  congresses,  but  they 
seem  rather  to  tend  to  supply  what  has  hitherto  been 
lacking  in  France,  a  steady  and  even  attention  to  de- 
tails, as  the  Volksverein  has  done  in  Germany,  elo- 
quent orations  giving  place  to  quiet,  practical  work. 
This  would  be  an  important  result.  On  the  other 
hand,  it  is  possible  that  the  inclination  of  the  French 
to  overburden  even  socio-political  societies  with  relig- 
ious issues,  to  give  them  a  denominational  aspect,  and 
place  them  under  strict  clerical  control,  may  be  kept 
alive  by  the  diocesan  societies.  Before  this  the  im- 
pulse to  permanent  organization  came  from  a  con- 
gress, whereas  now  the  bishop  or  an  ecclesiastic  com- 
missioned by  him  is  the  head  of  the  diocesan  commit- 
tee, and  the  parish  priest  of  the  parish  committee. 

Religious  Congresses. — In  certain  French  dioceses 
e.  g.  at  Paris,  1902-1908,  special  diocesan  Eucharistic 
Congresses  have  been  held.  A  "Congres  national  de 
l'ceuvre  des  Catechismes"  was  held  at  Paris  under  the 
presidency  of  Mgr.  Amette,  Archbishop  of  Paris,  24- 
26  February,  1908.  Seventy  dioceses  were  officially 
represented,  and  the  attendance  was  over  2000.  It 
was  reported  that  20,000  lay  catechiste,  chiefly  women, 


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voluntarily  assisted  the  French  clergy  in  the  religious 
instruction  of  the  young.  These  teachers  are  united 
in  an  archconf  raternity,  publish  a  periodical,  and  re- 
ceive special  preparatory  training.  Charitable  and 
social  care  of  the  families  of  the  pupils  is  united  with 
the  catechetical  work. 

Sociological  Congresses. — The  "Union  des  associa- 
tions ouvrieres  catholiques"  has  held,  since  1871,  an- 
nual meetings  attended  by  about  600  delegates.  The 
"Association  catholique  de  la  jeunesse  francaise", 
founded  in  1886  by  Robert  de  Roquefeuil,  which  aims 
to  gather  together  the  Catholic  youth  of  the  country, 
in  order  to  strengthen  them  in  their  Faith  and  to  tram 
them  to  do  their  duty  in  the  struggle  for  the  reorgani- 
sation of  French  society  in  a  Christian  spirit,  has  held 
several  hundred  interesting  meetings.  They  have 
served  in  part  to  spread  a  more  thorough  knowledge 
of  certain  social  truths  or  of  certain  important  prob- 
lems of  religious  life;  but  they  have  principally 
made  known  the  work  of  the  "Jeunesse  catholique 
throughout  France.  Their  assemblies  which  took  up 
the  fust  mentioned  class  of  subjects  were  held  at 
Chalons,  1903,  where  trusts  were  discussed ;  at  Arras, 
1904,  which  discussed  mutual  benefit  schemes;  at 
Albi,  1905,  regulations  governing  the  labour  of  youth- 
ful workmen  was  the  topic;  and  at  Angers,  1908,  the 
agrarian  movement.  The  treatment  of  these  prob- 
lems at  these  conventions  was  excellent.  The  meet- 
ings held  to  arouse  interest  in  the  membership  were 
chiefly  provincial,  only  a  few  being  national  assem- 
blies. The  growth  of  the  association  is  best  shown  by 
the  national  conventions:  Angers,  1887,  17  groups 
having  782  members  were  represented;  Besancon, 
1898,  25  groups  with  16,000  members;  Bordeaux, 
1907,  180  groups  with  75,000  members.  There  has 
been  a  great  increase  since  the  meeting  at  Besancon, 
chiefly  by  the  admission  of  young  mechanics  and  farm 
labourers  as  well  as  of  the  student  class.  The  associa- 
tion has  placed  itself  in  all  things  under  the  guidance 
of  the  Church  authorities,  consequently,  its  social  as 
well  as  its  religious  activities  rest  on  a  denominational 
basis  without  any  further  enunciation  of  principles, 
and  it  has  always  been  very  favourably  regarded  both 
by  the  bishops  and  the  Roman  authorities.  The 
"Jeunesse  catholique"  has  not  been  undisturbed  by 
the  political  troubles  of  French  Catholics.  At  the 
congress  of  Grenoble,  1892,  it  accepted  unconditional- 
ly the  advice  of  Leo  XIII,  but  declared  at  the  same 
time  that,  in  accordance  with  its  statutes,  the  associa- 
tion had  nothing  to  do  with  party  conflicts.  Some  of 
the  groups,  however,  still  adhere  to  the  Monarchists. 
Fortunately,  these  differences  of  opinion  have  not 
checked  the  development  of  the  society,  the  religious 
and  social  influence  of  which  on  the  youth  of  France  is 
not  equalled  by  that  of  any  other  organization. 

About  the  close  of  the  nineteenth  century  Marc 
Sangnier  and  some  of  his  friends  founded  the  society 
called  the  "Sillon"  (the  Furrow).  Convinced  that  in 
future  democracy,  which  they  took  as  their  ideal, 
would  rule  the  State  and  society,  and  desiring  to  pre- 
vent its  degeneration  under  bad  and  godless  leaders, 
while  hoping  to  keep  it  from  turning  against  the 
Church,  these  young  men  resolved  to  build  up  a 
democratic  constituency  of  high-minded  Christians 
devoted  to  the  Church  and  well-informed  on  political 
and  social  questions.  The  idealism  characteristic  of 
the  "Sillon"  has  gained  for  it  the  respect  of  the 
working-classes.  In  the  beginning  the  tendencies  of 
the  society  were  not  clear,  as  was  shown  in  the  first 
four  general  meetings:  Paris,  1902;  Tours,  1903; 
Lyons,  1904;  Paris,  1905.  More  definiteness  of  plan 
was  evident  at  the  later  gatherings,  Paris,  1906;  Or- 
leans, 1907;  and  especially  at  Paris,  1908,  giving 
promise  that  the  "Sillon"  would  develop  into  a 
socio-political  party  taking  an  active  part  in  national 
politics.  This  explains  why  it  asserted  its  indepen- 
dence of  the  bishops  and  intention  always  to  support 


any  political  measure  that  may  aid  in  improving  the 
condition  of  the  working-classes,  and  especially  all 
efforts  aiming  at  thorough  social  regeneration  and  a 
genuinely  democratic  form  of  society  and  govern- 
ment. Only  in  this  way,  it  is  held,  will  the  workman 
be  able  to  obtain  an  equal  share  of  the  material,  in- 
tellectual, and  moral  possessions  belonging  to  the 
whole  nation.  Collectivism  is  absolutely  rejected  by 
the  association.  The  growth  of  the  "  Sillon  "  into  an 
independent  socio-political  party,  its  refusal  to  be 
"avant  tout  catholique"  aroused  the  distrust  of  some 
of  the  bishops.  Consequently  the  clergy  held  back 
from  it.  Nevertheless,  the  membership  did  not  fall 
off.  The  first  congress  represented  45  members;  the 
second,  300;  the  third,  800;  the  fourth,  1100;  the 
fifth,  1500;  the  sixth,  1896.  The  "Federation  gym- 
nastique  et  sportive  des  patronages  catholiques  de 
France"  intended  to  aid  all  Catholic  societies  in 
honour  of  a  local  saint  by  arranging  sports  for  the 
members  of  the  patronage  has  held  annual  meet- 
ings since  1898  when  the  federation  began  in  a  union 
of  13  patronages;  the  number  is  now  450,  represent- 
ing 50,000  young  people  in  all  parts  of  France. 

Political  Congresses. — The  "Action  liberate. popu- 
laire",  founded  by  M.  Piou  on  the  basis  of  the  Asso- 
ciations Law  of  1901,  is  a  political  association  led 
by  him  with  much  skill  and  energy.  Its  task  is  to 
defend  civil  rights  derived  from  the  Constitution  in 
all  legal  ways,  to  promote  reform  in  law-making  by 
energetic  work  at  elections,  to  develop  or  create  anew 
sociological  influence  and  methods,  and  to  improve 
the  lot  of  the  workingman.  Only  Catholics  are  mem- 
bers, but  it  claims  that  it  is  not  a  "Catholic  party." 
Its  first  general  session  convened  at  Paris,  December, 
1904,  with  900  delegates  representing  648  comiUs  or 
branches  and  150,000  members.  The  statistics  for 
the  following  years  are  as  follows:  Paris,  1905, 1400 
delegates  from  1000  comitis  with  200,000  members; 
Lyons,  1906,  1600  delegates  representing  1500 
comiUs  and  225,000  members:  Bordeaux,  1907,  1740 
comitis  with  250,000  members.  The  proceedings  of 
all  four  congresses  were  of  great  interest.  The  so- 
ciety, conducted  by  a  central  committee,  is  divided 
into  provincial  and  town  committees  which,  though 
controlled  by  the  general  committee,  are  allowed  much 
independence  of  action.  Besides  assiduous  efforts  to 
educate  the  voter  the  society  has  turned  its  attention 
more  and  more  to  practical  sociological  work,  as  the  dis- 
cussions held  at  the  various  congresses  show.  The  re- 
actionary methods  which  so  greatly  damaged  the 
Monarchists  have  never  been  adopted.  However,  the 
growth  of  the  association  has  not  equalled  expecta- 
tions, because  at  the  first  election  which  took  place 
after  its  establishment  (1906),  while  the  "Action 
liberate "  did  not  disappoint  its  friends,  the  parties  of 
the  Right,  without  the  aid  of  which  it  could  not  suc- 
ceed, were  completely  defeated  at  the  polls.  Besides, 
the  distrust  of  many  Frenchmen  was  aroused  because 
in  order  to  gain  numerical  strength  it  admitted  as 
members  many  who,  until  their  reception  into  its 
ranks,  had  been  known  as  opponents  of  the  Republic. 

The  Women's  Movement. — The  "  Ligue  patriotique 
des  Franchises",  formed  in  1901,  to  collect  funds  for 
the  election  expenses  of  the  candidates  of  the  "Ac- 
tion liberate  populaire".  aims  to  arouse  interest  among 
women  in  the  efforts  of  the  "Action"  to  defend  civil 
liberty  and  to  promote  sociological  activity.  Since 
then  the  league  has  declared  that  it  does  not  pursue 
political  ends.  The  movement  had  as  its  leaders  such 
able  women  as  the  Baroness  Reille,  Mademoiselle 
Frossard,  Mademoiselle  de  Valette,  and  others,  and 
in  1908  the  league  numbered  700  branches  with 
328,000  members,  28,000  more  than  in  1906.  The 
league  holds  numerous  district  sessions  and  an  an- 
nual general  meeting.  At  the  last  two  annual  sessions 
at  Lourdes,  2000  women  attended.  The  addresses 
and  discussions  at  these  conventions  show  that  the 


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attention  of  the  league  is  more  and  more  fixed  on 
attaining  practical  social  ends.  This,  however,  is 
made  more  difficult  by  the  mistaken  conception  that 
all  Catholic  Frenchwomen,  because  they  are  Catholics, 
should  belong  to  the  league;  consequently,  the  pro- 
gramme lacks  definiteness,  and  many  problems  are 
taken  up  in  a  hesitating  and  incomplete  manner. 
Moreover,  this  policy  prevents  a  correct  perception  of 
the  sociological  character  of  the  organisations  in  ques- 
tion and  weir  accommodation  to  the  needs  of  the 
workmgman.  They  are  turned  too  much  into  the 
direction  of  charitable  and  benevolent  activities.  The 
work  of  the  league  in  social  economics  is  as  vet  only 
in  its  infancy.  The  "Jeanne  d'Arc"  Federation  aims 
to  unite  all  Catholic  women  of  France  who  take  up 
questions  of  social  betterment,  in  an  annual  assembly 
for  exchange  of  views  and  combined  effort.  Since 
1901  a  well-attended  annual  meeting  has  been  held  at 
Paris,  but  so  far  has  resulted  only  in  an  interchange  of 
opinion  and  resolutions.  This  is  due  to  the  fact  that 
the  federation  has  no  regular  and  recognized  authority 
over  the  manifold  associations  affiliated  in  it. 

Educational  Congresses. — Up  to  1908  three  con- 
gresses of  French  priests  had  been  held:  Saint- 
Quentin,  1895;  Reims,  1897;  Bourses,  1898.  The 
first,  which  differed  in  aims  from  those  following,  met 
at  the  suggestion  of  Leon  Harmel  and  confined  itself 
to  considering  the  share  the  clergy  should  take  in  the 
efforts  to  better  present  social  conditions.  The  at- 
tendance was  about  two  hundred.  The  two  following 
congresses  called  by  the  Abbe  Lemire,  supported  by 
the  Abbes  Dabry,  Naudet,  Gibier,  Lacroix,  had  an 
attendance  of  from  six  hundred  to  eight  hundred  per- 
sons. Questions  touching  the  sacerdotal  life  were 
discussed:  training  of  the  clergy;  continuation  of 
clerical  studies;  activity  in  the  cure  of  souls:  organi- 
zation to  secure  a  continuous  succession  ot  clergy; 
priests'  unions ;  mutual  aid  societies,  etc.  The  con- 
ventions were  presided  over  by  bishops,  Leo  XIII  sent 
his  blessing,  and  the  influence  on  the  younger  clergy 
was  excellent.  There  was  much  opposition  to  them, 
however,  on  the  part  of  some  of  the  bishops  and  some 
of  the  older  clergy,  and  especially  on  the  part  of  the 
Conservatives  in  politics.  The  "  Congres  de  1' Alliance 
desgrands-seminaires"  met  at  Paris,  21-22,  July,  1908, 
the  questions  taken  up  were  mainly  the  preparatory 
training  of  the  clergy  in  letters  and  in  ascetic  life. 
Conventions  of  delegates  of  the  teachers  of  higher  and 
elementary  schools  not  under  State  control,  the  "Syn- 
dicate et  associations  de  l'enseignement  libre",  met: 
at  Bordeaux,  1908;  Poitiers,  1907;  Paris,  1908.  At 
Paris,  the  delegates  represented  2300  teachers  belong- 
ing to  teachers'  unions  and  3000  not  connected  with 
such  organizations,  from  a  teaching  force  of  20,000. 
Among  the  subjects  discussed  were  pedagogical  ques- 
tions, school-organization,  instruction  m  industrial 
and  high  schools,  matters  of  professional  interest. 
The  association  of  Catholic  Lawyers  has  met  yearly 
since  1876,  the  first  session  being  held  at  Lyons,  that 
of  1907  at  Angers.  Those  legal  questions  are  taken 
up  which,  at  the  moment,  are  of  practical  importance 
for  the  continuance  of  the  Church  as  an  organized 
society,  for  its  endowments  and  institutions.  The 
"Alliance  des  maisons  d 'education  chrttienne"  aims 
to  secure  for  independent  schools  those  advantages 
which  a  centralized  organization  confers  on  those 
under  State  control.  Up  to  1908  the  annual  sessions 
were  organized  by  AbM  Ragpn,  Professor  at  the 
Catholic  Institute  of  Paris.  The  subjects  discussed 
are  methods  of  instruction  and  school  organization. 
Hie  Alliance  originally  represented  75  schools;  the 
number  rose  to  600,  but  on  account  of  the  law  of  1901, 
which  reduced  the  number  of  schools  independent  of 
the  State,  those  in  the  Alliance  fell  to  600  in  1908. 

Germany. — Up  to  1908,  fifty-flve  congresses  have 
been  held,  the  last,  1908,  at  Dusseldorf ,  those  previous 
met  at:  Mannheim,  1902;  Cologne,  1903;  Ratisbon, 


1904;  Strasburg,  1905;  Essen,  1906;  Wttrzburg, 
1907.  The  Central  Committee,  formed  in  1868,  super- 
intends the  preparations  for  the  sessions  and  directs 
the  conventions.  When  the  KtUturkampf  began  the 
committee  was  dissolved,  and  its  work  was  done  by 
Prince  Karl  Ldwenstein-Wertheim-Rosenberg,  the 
"Standing  commissioner  of  the  Catholic  Congress". 
In  1898  a  new  committee  was  formed,  Count  Clemens 
Droste-Vischering  being  chairman.  The  president  of 
the  congress  changes  every  year,  and  the  most  distin- 
guished representatives  of  Catholicism  in  Germany 
and  the  leading  members  of  the  nobility  are  regularly 
selected  for  the  presidency,  which  office  is  always  held 
by  a  layman.  On  the  other  hand  the  chairman  of  the 
committee  of  arrangements  is  always  the  bishop  of  the 
diocese  in  which  the  coming  session  is  to  be  held. 
Each  congress  lasts  five  days,  the  meeting  being  held 
in  August.  A  number  of  Catholic  societies,  especially 
the  Volksverein,  founded  1901,  the  St.  Augustine 
Association  for  the  Development  of  the  Catholic 
Press,  founded  1877,  at  the  second  Catholic  congress 
at  Wurzburg,  and  the  Catholic  Students'  societies, 
founded  1867,  take  advantage  of  the  occasion  to  hold 
their  own  conventions  at  the  same  time  and  place.  In 
addition  to  the  sessions  of  the  General  Catholic  Con- 
gress, in  1850  arrangements  were  made  for  diocesan 
conventions;  these,  however,  seldom  meet.  Conven- 
tions are  more  common  for  the  various  Prussian  prov- 
inces and  the  different  states  of  the  confederation, 
e.  g.  for  Silesia,  Bavaria,and  the  last  held  for  Wur- 
tembere  at  Ulm,  1901.  Early  in  1904,  by  order  of  the 
Archbishop  of  Cologne,  all  the  charitable  societies  and 
those  for  social  betterment  of  the  diocese  were  feder- 
ated, the  first  convention  of  this  general  organization 
meeting  in  May,  1904.  The  first  congress  of  the 
"  Bonifacius  Association"  was  held  8-9  July,  1908,  at 
Paderbom-  the  object  of  the  society  is  to  collect  funds 
for  Catholic  churches  and  schools  among  Germans 
scattered  abroad,  for  the  Scandinavian  mission,  and 
to  aid  the  religious  needs  of  the  Catholics. 

Social  Congresses. — General  conventions  are  held  of 
the  "  Arbeiterwohl"  (Society  for  Bettering  the  Condi- 
tion of  the  Working-Classes);  "Society  of  Catholic 
Manufacturers  and  Friends  of  Working-men' ',  founded 
in  1905;  and  "Society  for  Social  Culture  and  Com- 
munal Betterment",  founded  1880  with  the  aid  of 
Franz  Brandts,  Hitze,  etc.  At  the  last-named  gen- 
eral assembly  held  annually  all  members  can  take  part 
in  the  discussions  of  the  questions  brought  up.  A 
congress  of  the  "Volksverein"  has  been  held  annually 
since  1890  in  connexion  with  the  General  Catholic  Con- 
gress. At  these  sessions,  open  to  all,  annual  reports 
and  explanation  of  the  object  of  the  union  are  given. 
The  president  of  these  annual  congresses  was  gener- 
ally Franz  Brandts  of  Munchen-Gladbach,  and  the 
chief  speakers  Grober,  Trimborne,  and  Lieber.  Under 
the  direction  and  leadership  of  Mgr.  Werthmann  of 
Freiburg,  Baden,  the  Association  for  Charitable  Work 
has  met  annually  as  a  national  assembly  since  1896, 
when  it  convened  at  Schw&bisch-Gmund.  The  ses- 
sion of  1907  was  at  Hildesheira,  the  next,  the  thir- 
teenth, at  Ravensburg.  Reports  of  committees  and 
addresses  are  alternately  made  at  the  sessions.  The 
Congress  for  Charitable  Work  came  into  existence 
through  the  sociological  activity  of  the  "  Volksverein"; 
its  aim  being  to  show  that  Catholic  charities  should  be 
more  extensively  guided  by  sociological  considera- 
tions, and  that  they  stand  in  need  of  closer  union  and 
greater  zeal.  In  1897  a  "Union  of  Charitable  Soci- 
eties" grew  out  of  this  congress ;  the  Union  is  divided 
into  local  and  provincial  societies  under  the  direction 
of  a  well-organized  central  management  which,  with- 
out interfering  with  the  subordinate  organizations, 
exerts  on  them  a  beneficial  influence.  Especially 
important  are  its  training  courses;  the  local  and  pro- 
vincial societies  also  frequently  hold  district  and  dio- 
cesan conventions.    A  reorganization  of  the  St.  Vin- 


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cent  de  Paul  societies  has  been  broached,  the  societies 
for  the  protection  of  young  girls,  and  the  women's 
movement  have  also  received  encouragement  from 
this  charitable  organization.  The  United  Catholic 
Workingmen's  Union  has  its  head-quarters  at  Berlin. 
Although  the  greater  number  of  organized  Catholic 
workmen  are  members  of  trade  unions  not  denomina- 
tional in  character,  an  effort  has  been  made,  since  the 
end  of  the  nineteenth  century,  to  unite  other  Catholic 
workmen  in  a  denominational  union.  This  work  has 
been  done  chiefly  among  the  East  German  workmen 
and  in  the  Diocese  of  Trier.  Conventions  of  delegates 
have  been  held  annually  since  1898,  the  eleventh  hav- 
ing taken  place  in  1908.  The  Union  of  the  Associa- 
tions of  Catholic  Wage-earning  Women  and  Girls  is  a 
branch  of  the  one  just  mentioned.  Four  congresses 
have  been  held,  the  fourth  in  1908.  The  Catholic  As- 
sociation for  German  Young  Men  was  formed  to  exert 
religious  influence  on  boys  who  have  left  school  and 
are  apprentices  until  they  are  prepared  to  enter  a 
workingmen's  union.  So  far.  not  over  twenty  per 
cent  ot  Catholic  apprentices  nave  joined  the  union. 
To  remedy  this  it  nas  been  proposed  to  give  a  more 
social  character  to  the  union,  and  to  form  diocesan 
and  a  national  union,  and  to  convene  the  presidents  of 
all  the  branch  unions  throughout  Germany  in  a  gen- 
eral meeting.  The  first  of  these  general  conventions 
was  held  in  1896 ;  followed  by  four  others,  up  to  1899 ; 
then  the  assemblies  lapsed  until  1905,  when,  through 
the  efforts  of  the  "  Arbeiterwohl"  (Society  for  Better- 
ing the  Condition  of  the  Working-Classes)  the  union 
was  reorganized,  and  a  general  meeting  held  at  Col- 
ogne.   Future  sessions  are  to  be  held  tnennially. 

The  "Association  of  Catholic  Women"  was  founded 
at  the  Congress  for  Charitable  Work  held  at  Frankfort, 
1903.  Two  meetings  have  been  held :  Frankfort,  1904 ; 
Munich,  1 906.  Its  weakness,  so  far,  has  been  a  lack  of 
definiteness  in  its  aims,  for,  although  an  offshoot  of  the 
"Charitasverband"  (Charitable  Union),  it  has  been 
influenced,  more  or  less,  by  the  general  women's 
movement  in  Germany  and  its  tendencies,  which  deal 
less  with  sociological  problems  than  with  the  general 
interests  of  the  sex.  It  works  for  sociological  im- 
provement through  charity;  for  the  education  of 
women;  and  in  the  interests  of  wage-earning  women 
and  women  outside  of  the  family  circle. 

The  "Catholic  Teachers'  Union"  in  Germany,  com- 
prising male  teachers  of  primary  and  middle  schools, 
was  founded  in  1899,  at  Bochum.  It  numbers  19,000 
members,  and  thirteen  conventions,  semi-annual  as  a 
rule,  have  been  held;  latterly  it  has  met  at  Strasburg, 
Berlin,  and  Breslau.  The  union  is  made  up  of  sixteen 
branches  which  meet,  generally,  once  a  year.  Wttr- 
temberg  has  formed  a  union  of  its  own.  The  "Union 
of  Catholic  Women  Teachers  of  Germany",  founded  in 
1885,  developed  slowly  until  1891.  Thirteen  conven- 
tions have  been  held,  the  last  three  in  Strasburg, 
Bochum,  and  Munich.  It  is  composed  of  teachers, 
both  of  the  primary  and  higher  schools  for  girls;  in 
1903  it  organized  a  section  of  the  teachers  in  middle 
and  higher  girls'  schools  which  holds  special  sessions 
during  the  meeting  of  the  general  convention.  The 
"Union  of  the  Associations  of  Catholic  Merchants", 
with  head-quarters  at  Essen,  founded  in  1877,  has 
20,000  members ;  its  delegates  hold  a  meeting  a  few 
days  before  the  General  Catholic  Congress  ana  at  an- 
other place.  The  union  of  the  Catholic  Students' 
Corps  who  do  not  wear  colours,  has  held  regular  an- 
nual conventions  since  1866,  the  sessions  convened  in  a 
different  university  town  each  year  with  the  exception 
of  1906,  when  Wiesbaden  was  chosen.  Some  sixty 
societies  are  thus  united;  as  many  societies  belong 
to  the  union  of  Catholic  Students'  Corps  in  which 
are  included  also  some  Swiss  and  Austrian  organiza- 
tions. The  St.  Cecilia  Society  was  founded  m  1868 
to  promote  interest  in  Church  music.  The  eighteenth 
general  assembly  took  place  at  Eichstatt  in  1908. 


Political  Congresses. — As  political  congresses,  up 
to  1907,  should  be  mentioned  the  general  meetings  of 
the  "  Windthorstbund",  the  first  session  of  which  was 
held  at  Essen,  1895.  Their  object  was  to  interest  young 
Catholics  in  politics  so  as  to  insure  constant  recruits 
for  the  Centre  Party.  The  membership  increasing,  it 
was  formed  into  unions.  Since  1897  an  annual  con- 
vention of  delegates  has  met.  At  Wiesbaden,  1907,  it 
was  decided  that,  in  accordance  with  its  statutes  and 
the  party  it  represented,  the  local  unions  could  not 
have  a  denominational  character,  consequently  some 
of  them  withdrew  from  the  association. 

Educational  Congresses. — The  Association  of 
Catholic  Lawyers,  held  two  meetings  without  achieving 
success,  and  was  merged,  1907,  with  the  "  Gorres  Asso- 
ciation "for  the  encouragement  of  science  in  Catholic 
Germany,  founded  1876,  at  Coblenz.  Since  this  first 
general  session,  the  latter  society  has  held  annual  ses- 
sions in  other  cities.  Its  importance  lies  in  the  dis- 
cussions of  its  different  sections.  At  first,  these  treated 
topics  in  philosophy  and  history,  only  of  late  other 
sections  have  been  added  for  the  natural  sciences,  law, 
and  archeology.  At  times,  there  are  two  meetings 
with  lectures  for  larger  audiences,  which  are  attended 
by  members  and  theirgueste.  A  general  meeting  of 
the  "Association  for  Christian  Art"  has  taken  place 
annually,  the  object  of  which  is  to  encourage  Catholic 
artists  and  develop  religious  art.  The  "Catholic 
Press  Club",  largely  a  Bavarian  association,  is  in- 
tended to  encourage  Catholic  journals,  Catholic  popu- 
lar libraries,  and  Catholic  culture.  Its  annual  meet- 
ings are  held  at  Munich. 

Denmark. — In  1886  various  Catholic  communities, 
with  delegates  from  Norway  and  Sweden,  united  to 
celebrate  the  eight-hundredth  anniversary  of  the  mar- 
tyrdom of  King  Canute  (Knut)  by  a  festival  at 
Odense.  Some  two  hundred  persons  attended,  and 
the  exercises  were  largely  religious.  In  1889  a  meet- 
ing was  held  at  Randers  to  celebrate  the  seven  hun- 
dredth anniversary  of  the  canonization  of  St.  Kjeld, 
the  attendance  being  entirely  Danish.  In  1908  the 
Catholics  of  Copenhagen  and  its  vicinity  met  to  dis- 
cuss questions  concerning  the  Church  and  schools  for 
all  Denmark.  Seven  conferences  of  the  Society  of  St. 
Vincent  de  Paul  have  been  held  since  1885. 

Switzerland. — Besides  the  general  assemblies  of  the 
nineteenth  century  mentioned  above,  two  sessions 
of  a  General  Catholic  Congress,  in  imitation  of  the 
German  Congress,  have  been  held  in  Switzerland: 
Lucerne,  27-29  September,  1903;  Freiburg,  22-25 
September,  1906.  At  Lucerne  it  was  resolved  to 
unite  all  Catholic  associations  into  one  organization, 
of  which  the  Swiss  "  Volksverein"  (People's  Union) 
was  to  be  the  nucleus.  This  arrangement  held  until 
1905.  The  central  committee  of  the  "Volksverein" 
now  forms  the  standing  committee  of  the  Catholic 
Congresses,  and  all  Catholic  societies  of  Switzerland, 
charitable,  social,  and  religious,  societies  to  further 
education,  culture,  women's,  and  trades'  unions  are 
affiliated  with  it.  The  general  organization  is  divided 
into  cantonal  unions,  of  which  several  meet  annually. 
Special  mention  should  be  made  of  the  first  Swiss 
congress  of  the  Sacred  Heart  of  Jesus  at  Einsiedeln, 
20-21  August,  1907.  At  the  suggestion  of  Bishop 
Mermillod  international  conferences  of  those  interested 
in  political  movements  for  social  betterment  met  annu- 
ally at  Freiburg,  Switzerland,  1883-93.  to  discuss  the 
principles  underlying  modern  political  economy.  A 
similar  meeting  was  held  here,  20-22  October,  1903; 
the  discussions  concerned  Christian  Socialism  in  the 
different  countries,  trade  unions,  women's  work,  and 
the  international  protection  of  labourers.  Practical 
courses  in  sociology  were  held  at:  Lucerne,  1896; 
Zurich,  1898,  and  1904;  in  1894  a  "Congrts  d'etude 
et  de  propagande"  was  held  at  Freiburg  for  the 
French  Swiss;  after  this,  these  assemblies  were 
adopted  by  the  French  Catholics. 


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Austria  (including  Bohemia). — Up  to  1867  the  Aus- 
trian General  Congress  formed  part  of  the  German 
Congress ;  since  this  date  six  independent  Austrian 
congresses  have  met,  the  last  at  Vienna,  16-10  Novem- 
ber, 1907.  The  organisation  is  similar  to  the  German, 
consequently,  the  annual  meetings  of  various  other 
societies  are  held  at  the  same  time  as  the  important 
"Pius  Verein"  for  the  development  of  the  Catholic 
press.  Besides  the  General  Congress  there  are  various 
national  congresses:  (1)  The  first  congress  for  North- 
em  Bohemia  was  held  in  1887;  the  fourth,  1890;  after 
a  long  intermission  the  fifth,  1904;  the  sixth,  1906. 
(2)  The  first  congress  for  Lower  Austria  met,  1894; 
the  second,  1898;  the  third,.  1903:  this  was  followed, 
1905,  by  a  meeting  of  delegates  of  the  Catholic  socie- 
ties of  the  crown  lands ;  a  national  assembly  was  held 
in  1908.  (3)  The  first  Slovenian  congress  was  held  in 
1892;  the  second,  1900.  (4)  A  Czech  congress  was 
held  in  1907  with  an  attendance  of  about  30,000  per- 
sons. In  1903  the  "Union  of  Catholic  Benevolent 
Societies  of  the  Austrian  Empire"  was  founded;  a 
charity  congress  met  at  Vienna,  1901;  a  second  at 
Graz,  1903;  a  third  at  Linz,  1906.  The  second  as- 
sembly brought  about  the  formation  of  the  Charity 
Union  for  the  whole  empire.  This  union  includes  the 
benevolent  associations  of  the  different  crown  lands 
without,  however,  lessening  their  independence,  and 
the  latter  include  the  individual  societies  of  each  part 
of  the  empire.  Besides  the  general  congress,  the  im- 
perial organization,  in  accordance  with  its  statutes, 
holds  semi-annually  a  convention  to  which  the  pro- 
vincial unions  send  delegates.  During  the  last  de- 
cade a  number  of  various  other  assemblies  have  been 
held  in  Austria,  among  them  a  congress  for  priests, 
one  session;  a  congress  for  the  veneration  of  the 
Blessed  Virgin,  St.  Poelten,  1901;  Prague,  1905,  etc. 

Hungary. — Six  Catholic  congresses  have  been  held 
in  Hungary  since  1900,  the  first  at  Stuhlweissenburg, 
the  four  following  at  Budapest,  the  last,  1907,  at 
Funfkirchen.  The  language  used  is  Magyar,  but  the 
language  spoken  at  the  place  of  meeting  reoeives 
recognition.  The  perpetual  president  is  Count  Jo- 
hanni  Zichy,  Jr.,  president  of  the  Central  Union  of  the 
Catholic  Societies  of  Hungary.  Up  to  1908  the  meet- 
ings of  the  congress  mainly  discussed  the  press  and 
the  needs  of  Catholic  young  men.  At  the  last  meeting 
a  Catholic  Federation,  similar  to  the  Volksverein  of 
Germany,  was  founded.  Some  of  the  bishops  are 
greatly  interested  in  the  congresses  and  their  results. 

Belgium. — In  Belgium  a  large  number  of  societies 
hold  conventions,  but  owing  to  the  many  divisions  of 
Catholic  associations  statistics  are  not  available. 

Holland. — Each  diocese  of  Holland  holds  a  con- 
vention from  time  to  time  of  all  its  Catholic  organ- 
isations; the  agricultural  associations  as  well  as 
societies  for  schools,  religious  or  social  purposes,  are 
included,  but  each  society  holds  its  own  sessions  and 
also  joins  in  a  general  meeting  of  all.  The  "Soci- 
ological Week"  has  been  held  three  times  in  the  last 
few  years.  The  bishop  of  the  diocese  controls  the 
organization. 

Spain. — Since  1889  six  Catholic  congresses  have 
been  held,  the  last  in  1903.  Lately  more  attention 
has  been  paid  to  social  improvement,  especially  by 
means  of  sociological  associations;  consequently,  the 
scheme  of  the  Sociological  Week  is  developing.  The 
International  Marian  Congress  met  at  Lyons,  1900, 
at  Einseideln,  1906,  and  at  Saragossa,  Sept.,  1908. 

Argentina. — Up  to  1908>  two  Catholic  congresses 
were  held  at  Buenos  Aires,  one,  15-30  August,  1884; 
the  other,  20-28  October,  1907.  The  first  aroused 
great  enthusiasm,  but  the  results  were  meagre.  The 
second  had  an  attendance  of  about  350  delegates,  the 
president  being  Dr.  Emil  Lam  area.  Its  chief  aim  was 
to  found  a  Catholic  daily  newspaper.  Besides  this  a 
Catholic  Education  League  was  organized  to  reform 
the  school-laws. 


Mat,  Geechickte  dtr  general  Venammlwmn  dtr  katkolitehm 
DeuttcUande  (Cologne,  1904);  BaOCK,  Qachichte  dtr  kaio- 
litchen  Kirche  im  neunxehnltn  Jahrhunderi  (MQnater,  1006); 
Catholic  Social  Work  in  Germany  in  The  Dublin  Review  (Lon- 
don, July,  1808).  Martin  Spahn. 

III.  In  English-speaking  Countries. — In  Eng- 
lish-speaking countries  the  term  "congress  "  is  usually 
applied  only  to  gatherings  of  an  important  national 
character,  hence  the  assemblies  in  the  United  States 
of  such  bodies  as  the  Federation  of  Catholic  Societies, 
the  Central  Verein,  the  Staats-verbund,  the  Catholic 
Young  Men's  National  Union,  the  Catholic  Total  Ab- 
stinence Union,  and  other  associations  are  treated 
under  their  separate  titles. 

In  England,  meetings  are  held  annually  of  the 
Catholic  Truth  Society,  founded  in  1872  by  Cardinal 
Vaughan,  at  which  papers  are  read  on  various  sub- 
jects connected  with  Catholic  interests.  The  Catholic 
Truth  Society  of  Ireland,  organized  in  1903,  has  also 
done  excellent  work  by  its  conventions  and  the  dif- 
fusion of  sound  Catholic  literature  in  popular  form 
(see  Truth  Societies,  Catholic).  Federations  for 
the  defence  of  Catholic  interests  have  been  formed  in 
the  dioceses  of  Salford,  Westminster,  and  Leeds.  This 
federation  movement  has  done  much  to  organize  the 
Catholic  forces,  and  has  been  characterized  by  the 
number  of  popular  gatherings  which  it  has  promoted 
especially  in  connexion  with  the  defence  of  Catholic 
education.  The  Catholic  Union  of  Great  Britain 
which  represents  an  influential  body  of  English  Cath- 
olics; the  Catholic  Association,  to  promote  Catholic 
organization  and  organizes  social  gatherings;  the 
Catholic  Young  Men's  Society  (founded  in  1854):  the 
Catholic  Education  Council,  established  by  the  bishops 
of  Great  Britain  in  1905;  the  Conference  of  Catholic 
Colleges,  founded  by  Cardinal  Vaughan  1896,  and 
other  bodies  representing  Catholic  education  hold 
annual  or  occasional  conventions.  Conferences  for 
specific  social  or  religious  purposes  are  held  by  such 
bodies  as  the  Cathohc  Guardians  Association  (chari- 
table), the  League  of  the  Cross  (temperance),  the 
Guild  of  Our  Ladv  of  Ransom  (conversion  of  England). 
Diocesan  or  local  conventions  are  found  especially  in 
London  and  Lancashire.  The  Catholics  of  Birmingham 
have  held  an  annual  reunion  for  over  half  a  century. 
Catholic  women  are  being  effectively  organized  by  the 
Catholic  Women's  League,  founded  by  Miss  Fletcher, 
London,  1907,  with  branches  in  the  provinces. 

The  most  imposing  religious  convocation  England 
has  seen  since  pre- Reformation  times  was  the  inter- 
national congress  of  the  Eucharistic  League  held  in 
London,  9-13  September,  1908.  Vincenzo  Vannu- 
telli,  Cardinal-Bishop  of  Palest rina,  presided  as  the 
legate  of  the  pope — the  first  occasion  on  which  so 
exalted  a  representative  of  the  Holy  See  had  appeared 
in  England  since  the  days  of  Reginald  Pole.  France 
and  Germany,  as  well  as  all  the  English-speaking 
countries,  were  represented  by  such  a  gathering  of 
cardinals  as  is.  seldom  seen  outside  of  Rome.  More 
than  one  hundred  archbishops,  bishops,  and  mitred 
abbots,  from  all  parts  of  the  world— even  the  great 
missionary  fields  of  Central  Africa,  Cape  Colony, 
India,  Burma,  with  thousands  of  the  laity,  were  also 
in  attendance.  The  religious  functions  took  place  in 
Westminster  Cathedral,  where,  on  one  of  the  mornings 
during  the  congress,  by  special  permission  of  the  pope, 
a  high  Mass  according  to  the  Greek  Rite  was  sung. 

The  U nited  States. — There  have  been  two  congresses 
of  Catholic  laymen  held  in  the  United  States.  In 
conjunction  with  the  celebration  of  the  centenary  of 
the  establishment  of  the  hierarchy  of  the  United 
States  by  Pius  VII  in  1789,  and  the  dedication  of  the 
Catholic  University,  at  Washington,  the  first  Catho- 
lic Congress  of  the  United  States  met  in  Baltimore, 
Maryland,  on  November  11  and  12,  1889.  The  dele- 
gates were  selected  by  the  bishops  of  the  various  dio- 
ceses and  were  in  the  main  representative  of  a  certain 


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percentage  of  the  Catholic  population  in  each.  About 
twelve  hundred  delegates  were  present.  In  prepara- 
tion for  the  gathering  a  meeting  had  been  held  in 
Chicago  the  previous  May  attended  by  Archbishop 
Ireland  of  St.  Paul  and  Messrs.  Henry  J.  Spaunhorst, 
of  St.  Louis,  William  J.  Onahan,  of  Chicago,  and 
Henry  F.  Brownson,  of  Detroit.  The  objects  proposed 
for  the  congress  were  the  closer  union  of  ail  the  mem- 
bers of  the  Catholic  body  in  the  country,  increased 
activity  of  the  laity  in  aid  of  the  clergy  in  religious 
work,  and  a  declaration  of  views  on  the  important 
questions  of  the  hour,  and  for  the  assistance  and  relief 
of  the  poorer  classes  of  society.  Cardinal  Gibbons, 
considering  the  congress  as  in  some  sense  part  of  the 
religious  function  taking  place  at  the  centenary  cele- 
bration in  Baltimore,  deemed  it  desirable  that  the 
papers  to  be  read  during  its  sessions  should  first  be 
submitted  to  an  advisory  committee  of  the  hierarchy 
and  named  as  such  committee:  Archbishop  Ireland 
(chairman)  and  Bishops  Gilmour,  of  Cleveland,  Maes, 
of  Covington.  Ryan,  of  Buffalo,  Harkins,  of  Provi- 
dence, and  Foley,  of  Detroit.  A  committee  on  Or- 
ganization, consisting  of  Messrs.  Onahan,  Spaunhorst, 
D.  A.  Rudd,  of  Cincinnati,  J.  D.  Keiley,  of  Brooklyn, 
and  Dr.  John  Gilmary  Shea,  the  historian,  was  au- 
thorized to  issue  a  call  for  the  congress  and  to  organize 
it;  and  a  Committee  on  Papers — Messrs.  Brownson, 
Peter  L.  Foy,  of  St.  Louis,  and  M.  J.  Harson,  of  Provi- 
dence— to  prepare  the  work  for  the  several  sessions. 

Beginning  with  a  solemn  pontifical  Mass  at  the 
cathedral  on  the  morning  of  11  November,  celebrated 
by  Archbishop  Corrigan  of  New  York,  and  at  which 
Archbishop  Gross  of  Oregon  preached,  the  sessions  of 
the  congress  were  opened  in  the  Concordia  Opera 
House,  former  Governor  John  Lee  Carroll,  of  Maryland, 

g residing.  The  Most  Rev.  Archbishop  Francesco 
atolli,  representing  the  pope,  Cardinals  Taschereau 
of  Quebec,  Gibbons  of  Baltimore,  with  represent- 
atives of  the  English  and  Irish  hierarchy,  and  from 
Mexico,  with  many  of  the  bishops  of  the  United 
States,  in  addition  to  the  lay  delegates,  were  present. 
The  pope,  through  Cardinal  Rampolla,  sent  his  bless- 
ing to  the  congress,  and  at  the  first  session  addresses 
were  made  by  Cardinal  Gibbons,  the  Rev.  James  Nu- 
gent of  Liverpool,  England,  Daniel  Dougherty,  Fran- 
cis Kernan,  Honor6  Mercier,  Premier  of  Quebec,  fol- 
lowed by  the  formal  papers  of  the  programme: 
"Catholic  Congresses",  by  Dr.  John  Gilmary  Shea; 
"Lay  Action  of  the  Church",  byHenry  F.  Brownson; 
and  "The  Independence  of  the  Holy  See",  by  Charles 
J.  Bonaparte.  On  the  second  day,  the  first  paper, 
"Archbishop  Carroll  as  a  Statesman",  was  read  by 
Honors  Mercier,  Premier  of  Quebec,  and  at  its  con- 
clusion a  formal  resolution  sending  greetings  to  the 
people  of  Quebec  was  adopted.  Mgr.  Gadd  who 
represented  Cardinal  Manning,  Archbishop  of  West- 
minster, then  tendered  the  greetings  of  that  prelate 
and  the  English  hierarchy  to  the  congress,  ana  Peter 
L.  Foy,  of  St.  Louis,  read  the  fourth  regular  paper, 
"The  New  Social  Order,"  which  dealt  with  philan- 
thropic movements  in  general.  Other  papers  read 
were  "Education:  the  rights  and  duties  of  the  State, 
the  Church,  and  the  Parent  in  that  Regard",  by  Ed- 
mund F.  Dunne,  of  Florida;  "The  Catholic  Periodical 
Press",  by  George  Derring  Wolf  of  Norristown,  Penn- 
sylvania; "Societies",  by  Henry  J.  Spaunhorst,  of 
St.  Louis;  "Catholic  American  Literature", "  by 
Cond6  B.  Fallen,  of  St.  Louis;  "Temperance",  by 
John  H.  Campbell,  of  Philadelphia;  "Sunday  Ob- 
servance", by  Manly  Tello  of  Cleveland;  "Labour 
and  Capital  ,  by  William  Richards,  of  Washington: 
"What  Catholics  have  Done  in  the  Last  Hundred 
Years"  by  Richard  H.  Clarke,  of  New  York; "  Church 
Music  ,  by  Heman  Allen,  of  Chicago. 

The  resolutiors  adopted  ivjoiced  in  the  progress  rf 
the  Church,  advocated  sound  Catholic  education.  «!f>- 
nounced  Mormonism,  divorce,  and  secret  societies; 


Nihilism,  Socialism,  and  Communism;  commended 
Catholic  charitable,  social,  and  benevolent  societies, 
the  support  of  the  Catholic  press,  Sunday  observance: 
and  pledged  loyalty  and  devotion  to  the  pope  and 
demanded  the  temporal  freedom  of  the  Holy  See.  It 
was  resolved  to  hold  the  next  congress  during  the 
Columbian  celebration  of  1892,  and  in  the  concluding 
address  of  the  congress  Archbishop  Ireland  said : — "I 
am  overjoyed  to  see  so  many  laymen,  overjoyed  to 
listen  to  such  magnificent  discourses  and  such  grand 
papers,  and  to  have  realized  that  there  is  among  our 
Catholics  in  America  so  much  talent,  so  much  strong 
faith.  As  one  of  your  bishops  I  am  ashamed  of  my- 
self that  I  was  not  conscious  before  this  of  the  power 
existing  in  the  midst  of  the  laity,  and  that  I  have  not 
done  anything  to  bring  it  out.  But  one  thing  I  will 
do  with  God's  help.  In  the  future  I  shall  do  all  I  can 
to  bring  out  this  power." 

Second  Congress. — The  sessions  of  the  Second  Catho- 
lic Congress  of  the  United  States  were  held  at  Chicago 
on  4,  5,  and  6  September,  1893,  as  incidental  to  the 
World's  Congresses  Auxiliary  of  the  Columbus  Expo- 
sition and  World's  Fair  of  that  year.  Archbishop 
Feehan  of  Chicago  and  William  J.  Onahan  were  presi- 
dent and  secretary  of  the  committee  on  organisation, 
by  which  it  was  decided  that  three  topics  should  be 
treated  during  the  sessions:  "The  Social  Question  as 
outlined  by  Leo  XIII  in  his  encyclical '  Rerum  Nova- 
rum'",  "Catholic  Education",  and  "The  Indepen- 
dence of  the  Holy  See".  No  discussion  of  the  papers 
was  allowed,  but  each  was  submitted  to  its  proper 
section  for  consideration.  Archbishop  Feehan  opened 
the  congress,  and  President  Bonney,  of  the  World's 
Congress  Auxiliary,  welcomed  the  delegates  "  on  behalf 
of  the  World's  Exposition  and  the  fifty  million  non- 
Catholics  who  loved  justice  and  religious  liberty". 
Cardinal  Gibbons  also  spoke,  and  on  the  second  day 
Archbishop  Satolli,  who  represented  the  pope  at  the 
World's  Exposition,  greeted  the  congress  in  the  name 
of  the  Holy  Father.  Other  visitors  were  Archbishop 
Redwood  of  Australia,  and  Count  de  Kaef stein  of 
Austria.  Letters  from  Cardinals  Vaughan  and  Logue 
were  read. 

Judge  Morgan  J.  O'Brien,  of  New  York,  presided 
over  the  sessions  during  which  these  papers  were  read : 
"The  Relations  of  the  Catholic  Church  in  the  Social, 
Civil,  and  Political  Institutions  of  the  United  States", 
Edgar  H.  (Jans,  of  Baltimore;  "Civil  Government  and 
the  Catholic  Citizen",  Walter  George  Smith,  of  Phila- 
delphia; "The  Independence  of  the  Holy  See",  Mar- 
tin P.  Morris,  of  Washington-  "Columbus,  His  Mis- 
sion and  Character",  Richard  H.  Clarke,  of  New  York ; 
"  Isabella  the  Catholic",  Mary  J.  Onahan,  of  Chicago; 
"The  Colonization  of  the  American  Continent",  George 
Parsons  Lathrop,  of  New  York;  "The  Encyclical  of 
Pope  Leo  XIII  on  the  Condition  of  Labor",  H.  C. 
Semple,  of  Montgomery,  Alabama;  "The  Rights  of 
Labour  and  the  Duties  of  Capital",  Edward  O.  Brown, 
of  Chicago,  and  the  Rev.  Dr.  William  Barry  of  Dor- 
chester, England ;  "Pauperism,  the  Cause  and  the 
Remedy",  Dr.  Thomas  Dwight,  of  Boston,  and  Miss 
M.  T.  Elder  of  New  Orleans;  "Public  and  Private 
Charities",  Charles  A.  Wingerer,  of  Wheeling,  Thomas 
F.  Ring  of  Boston,  R.  R.  Elliott  of  Detroit,  and  the 
Rev.  Francis  Maguire  of  Albany;  "Workingmen's 
Organizations  and  Societies  for  Young  Men",  Warren 
T.  Mosher  of  Youngstown ;  "Trade  Combinations  and 
Arbitration",  Robert  M.  Douglas,  Greensboro;  "Tem- 
perance", the  Rev.  James  M.  Cleary;  "Women's 
Work  in  Religious  Communities",  F.  M.  Edselas; 
"Women  in  the  Middle  Ages",  Anna  T.  Sadlier;  "Life 
Insurance  and  Pension  Funds  for  Wage  Workers", 
John  P.  Lauth,  of  Chicago;  "Immigration  and  Colo- 
nization ",  the  Rev.  M.  J.  Callahan,  ofNew  York;  "The 
Need  oi"  Catholic  Colleges",  Maurice  Francis  Egan. 

Australia. — Two  congresses  have  been  held  by  the 
Catholics  of  Australasia,  the  first  at  Sydney  in  Sep- 


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tember,  1900,  and  the  second  at  Melbourne  in  October, 
1904.  The  first  congress  followed  immediately  after 
the  dedication  of  St.  Mary's  cathedral,  Sydney,  on  9 
September,  1900,  at  which  Cardinal  Moran  presided, 
and  three  archbishops,  eight  bishops,  two  hundred 
priests,  with  the  Governors  of  New  South  Wales, 
Queensland,  New  Guinea,  and  a  great  congregation  of 
the  laity  were  present.  The  congress  received  its  im- 
petus from  Rome,  as  affording  Catholics  an  oppor- 
tunity to  manifest  their  faith  and  devotion  at  the  close 
of  the  nineteenth  century;  to  make  non-Catholics  un- 
derstand more  about  their  religion;  to  answer  calum- 
nies such  as  were  made  current  in  the  Dreyfus  case; 
to  urge  a  reform  of  divorce  laws;  and  to  promote 
harmonious  relations  between  capital  and  labour.  In 
opening  the  congress  Cardinal  Moran  spoke  on  "The 
Catholic  Church  in  the  Nineteenth  Century",  using 
the  progress  of  Catholicism  in  the  United  States  as 
an  illustration.  The  sessions  of  the  congress,  .which 
lasted  a  week,  were  held  in  the  cathedral  and  the 
topics  treated  included  social  questions,  Catholic  apol- 
ogetics, education,  science,  and  sacred  art,  ethnology 
and  statistics,  history  and  the  Catholic  missions. 

The  second  congress  met  in  Cathedral  Hall,  Mel- 
bourne, 24  to  31  October,  1904,  the  Most  Rev.  Thomas 
J.  Carr,  Archbishop  of  Melbourne,  presiding,  and  the 
gathering  was  made  one  of  the  details  of  the  local 
celebration  of  the  golden  jubilee  of  the  proclamation 
of  the  dogma  of  the  Immaculate  Conception.  Its 
delegates  included  bishops,  priests,  and  laymen  not 
only  from  all  the  States  of  the  Commonwealth,  but 
also  from  New  Zealand  and  the  islands  of  the  Pacific. 
The  topics  discussed  in  the  various  sections  were 
Marian  and  religious:  Education,  History,  and  Mis- 
sions, Charitable  Organisations,  Social  Questions, 
Sacred  Art,  Science,  Christian  Woman,  Medical  Ques- 
tions, and  the  Catholic  Newspaper.  Perhaps  the 
most  practical  outcome  of  the  gathering  was  the  es- 
tablishment of  the  Catholic  Truth  Society  of  Australia. 

Souvenir  Volume  of  the  Centennial  Celebration  and  Catholic 
Concrete  (Detroit,  1889);  Beneiger's  Catholic  Family  Almanac 
(New  York.  1894);  Catholic  News  (New  York);  Freeman'* 
Journal  (Sydney);  Advocate  (Melbourne),  contemporaneous 
files:  Proceeding*  of  the  Second  Australasian  Catholic  Congress 
(Melbourne,  1804). 

Thomas  F.  Meehan. 

Congress  of  Vienne.   See  Viknne,  Congress  or. 

Oongrua  (i.  e.  Congrua  Portio),  a  canonical  term 
to  designate  the  lowest  sum  proper  for  the  yearly  in- 
come of  a  cleric  It  is  sometimes  used  in  the  same 
sense  as  competency  (q.  v.).  Owing  to  the  many 
charges  to  which  a  benefice  is  liable,  it  Decaroe  neces- 
sary for  the  ecclesiastical  authority  to  decree  that  first 
and  foremost  the  proper  sustenance  of  the  holder  of 
the  benefice  should  be  provided  for,  and  that  a  mini- 
mum revenue  should  be  determined,  below  which  his 
income  was  not  to  fall.  This  was  all  the  more  neces- 
sary in  cases  where  benefices  had  been  incorporated 
with  monasteries  or  collegiate  churches.  Very  often 
the  curate  of  such  incorporated  benefices  received  only 
one-sixteenth  of  the  revenue.  To  remedy  this  abuse 
a  number  of  ordinances  were  passed  which  reserved 
to  the  person  having  cure  of  souls  a  decent  subsist- 
ence. The  Council  of  Trent  (Sess.  XXI,  c.  iv,  de 
Ref.)  leaves  the  determination  of  the  congrua  to  the 
judgment  of  the  bishop.  This  sum  must,  of  course, 
vary  with  the  fluctuation  of  values  at  different  times. 
It  must  not  be  so  parsimoniously  fixed  as  to  provide 
for  die  beneficiary  the  mere  necessaries  of  life.  To  be 
a  proper  income  in  accordance  with  the  dignity  of  his 
state,  it  should  likewise  be  sufficient  to  enable  him  to 
dispense  moderate  hospitality  and  almsgiving  and 
supply  himself  with  books,  etc.  The  Council  of  Trent 
dia  not  determine  the  amount  of  the  congrua.  It 
suggested,  however,  that  about  one-third  of  the  rev- 
enue of  the  benefice  should  be  assigned  to  the  vicar. 
Whan  the  benefice  can  not  furnish  a  propersuste  nance, 


it  is  die  duty  of  the  bishop  to  see  that  several  bene- 
fices be  united  or  that  the  deficit  be  made  up  from 
other  sources,  as  tithes,  collections,  etc.  If  these 
means  fail,  the  benefice  must  be  suppressed.  It  is  to 
be  noted  that  in  determining  the  congrua  the  bishop 
can  not  take  into  consideration  emoluments  that  are 
uncertain,  such  as  offerings  at  funerals  or  marriages, 
or  Mass  stipends;  nor  what  the  vicar  might  earn  by 
his  labour;  nor  what  he  receives  from  his  patrimony; 
for  these  are  not  fruits  of  the  benefice.  When  the 
congrua  has  been  fixed  for  a  certain  benefice,  it  is 
always  presumed  to  be  sufficient,  unless  it  be  proved 
to  have  been  lessened.  Hence,  if  the  beneficiary  de- 
clare the  congrua  to  be  insufficient,  especially  when  it 
has  sufficed  for  his  predecessors,  the  burden  of  proof 
rests  on  him.  If  the  congrua  had  been  sufficient  at 
the  time  a  pension  was  reserved  to  another  from  the 
fruits  of  the  benefice  and  later  became  insufficient,  the 
amount  necessary  to  provide  proper  sustenance  must 
be  taken  from  the  pension,  for  those  who  have  cure  of 
souk  are  to  be  preferred  to  pensioners.  Even  a  curate 
who  is  removable  and  a  temporary  vicar  are  to  have  a 
congrua  assigned  to  them.  Although,  in  speaking  of 
the  congrua,  authors  generally  limit  the  question  to 
the  inferior  clergy,  yet  all  rectors  of  churches,  hence 
also  bishops,  are  entitled  to  it.  The  Council  of  Trent 
(Sess.  XXIV,  cap.  xiii)  declared  that  a  cathedral 
church  whose  revenue  did  not  exceed  one  thousand 
scudi  (about  one  thousand  dollars)  should  not  be  bur- 
dened with  pensions  or  reservations.  The  bishop  is 
entitled  to  an  income  that  will  allow  him  to  live  ac- 
cording to  his  dignity.  If  he  have  a  coadjutor,  the 
ordinary  must  provide  a  congrua  for  him.  In  many 
European  countries,  where  church  property  has 
passed  into  the  possession  of  the  State,  the  civil  laws . 
have  determined  the  congrua  of  the  clergy  more  or  less 
liberally.  Such  laws  are  yet  in  force  in  Austria  and 
Germany,  and  until  the  end  of  1905  existed  in  France. 
The  salary  for  rectors  of  churches  in  the  United  States, 
fixed  by  plenary  or  diocesan  synods,  has  nothing  in 
common  with  the  canonical  congrua. 

Fekbaris,  BMiotheca  Canoniea  (Rome,  1886),  II;  Martini, 
Zur  Congrua-Fraae  in  CEsterreich  (Graz,  1883);  ANDtut-WAO- 
ner,  Did.  du  Droit  Can.  (Paris,  1901);  Vibtno.  Lehrbuch  de* 
kath.  orient,  und  prot.  Kirchenrechts  (Freibure,  1893),  424,  647, 
793;  BucHBUOKR.  KirohL  Handlex.  (Munich,  1908),  «.  v. 

William  H.  W.  Fanning. 

Oongraismicongrua,  suitable,  adapted)  is  the  term  by 
which  theologians  denote  a  theory  according  to  which 
the  efficacy  of  efficacious  grace  (see  Grace)  is  due,  at 
least  in  part,  to  the  fact  that  the  grace  is  given  in  cir- 
cumstances favourable  to  its  operation,  i.  e.  "congru- 
ous" in  that  sense.  The  distinction  between  gratia 
congrua  and  gratia  incongrua  is  found  in  St.  Augustine 
where  he  speaks  of  the  elect  as  congruenler  vocati  (Ad 
Simplicianum,  Bk.  I,  Q.  ii,  no.  13).  The  system 
known  as  Congruism  was  developed  by  eminent  Jesuit 
theologians  at  the  close  of  the  sixteenth  century  and 
the  beginning  of  the  seventeenth.  All  Molinists  re- 
gard actual  grace  as  being  really  identified  with  super- 
natural action,  actual  grace  of  will,  technically  called 
inspiration,  being  an  act  of  will.  This  act  invariably 
begins  necessarily,  and  may  become  free  at  a  certain 
point  in  its  duration;  so,  however,  that,  should  it  be- 
come free,  there  will  be  no  complete  break  in  the  indi- 
viduality, but  only  a  modification  of  the  action;  the 
original  necessary  motion  continuing  in  a  modified 
form  after  the  point  where  freedom  commences  has 
been  reached.  An  actual  grace  of  will  which  is  merely 
sufficient  never  gets  beyond  this  point.  Whenever 
the  motion  does  get  beyond  and  become  free,  it  is 
called  an  efficacious  grace;  the  term  being  applied,  not 
merely  to  the  second  stage  of  the  action,  wherein  it  is 
free,  but  even  to  the  first  stage,  wherein  it  was  neces- 
sary, with  a  tendency,  however,  to  continue  after  the 
crucial  point  where  freedom  begins.  This  tendency  to 
continue  as  a  free  act  is  founcfin  the  grace  which  re- 


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mains  merely  sufficient,  in  the  sense  that  the  second, 
or  free,  stage  may  be,  but  is  not,  reached  in  that  case ; 
whereas,  in  the  case  of  efficacious  grace,  the  second  or 
free  stage  is  actually  attained. 

Hereupon  the  question  arises:  what  is  the  precise 
reason  why,  of  two  motions  which  may  be  supposed  to 
be  similar  in  every  respect  as  far  as  their  intrinsic  con- 
stitution is  concerned — to  be  of  the  same  intensity  as 
well  as  of  the  same  kind — one  does  not  last  beyond  the 
critical  point  where  freedom  begins,  whereas  the  other 
does?  It  is  of  the  essence  of  Molinism  that  this  is  due 
in  part  to  the  will  itself  continuing  to  act  under  the 
Divine  grace  or  not  continuing.  To  which  Bellarmine 
adds  that  grace  which  proves  efficacious  is  given  by 
God  to  one  who,  He  foresees,  will  use  it  freely ;  whereas 
He  foresees  no  less  surely,  when  giving  a  grace  which 
remains  merely  sufficient,  that  it  will  not  last  in  the 
recipient  beyond  the  initial  or  necessary  stage  of  its 
duration.  Congruism  further  insists  that  the  motion 
passes  into  the  Free  stage  when  the  circumstances  are 
comparatively  favourable  (congruous)  to  it;  but  when 
they  are  comparatively  adverse  (not  congruous),  it 
will  not  continue,  at  least  as  a  rule.  The  circum- 
stances are  to  be  deemed  favourable  or  unfavourable 
not  absolutely,  but  comparatively,  that  is,  in  propor- 
tion to  the  intensity  of  the  grace:  for  it  is  plain  that,  no 
matter  how  adverse  they  may  be,  God  can  overcome 
them  by  a  strong  impulse  of  grace  such  as  would  not 
be  needed  in  other  less  stubborn  cases ;  and,  vice  versa, 
very  powerful  Divine  impulses  may  fail  where  the 
temptation  to  sin  is  very  great.  Not  that  in  the  neces- 
sary stage  of  the  motion  there  is  not  sufficient  energy, 
as  we  may  say,  to  continue,  always  supposing  freedom ; 
or  that  it  is  not  within  the  competence  of  the  will, 
when  the  crucial  point  has  been  reached,  to  discon- 
tinue the  motion  which  is  congruous  or  to  continue 
that  which  is  not  so.  The  will  can  continue  to  act  or 
can  abstain  in  either  case ;  as  a  rule,  however,  it  con- 
tinues to  act  when  the  circumstances  are  favourable  to 
that  precise  form  and  intensity  of  motion,  thereby  be- 
coming efficacious;  and  does  not  continue  when  the 
circumstances  are  unfavourable,  thereby  proving  a 
merely  sufficient  grace. 

To  anyone  who  reflects  on  the  way  in  which  the  will 
is  influenced  by  motives  it  must  be  obvious  that  any 
movement  or  tendency  that  may  arise  towards  a  par- 
ticular object,  whether  good  or  evil,  is  more  or  less 
likely  to  continue  according  as  it  harmonizes  or  con- 
flicts with  other  motions  or  tendencies  towards  objects 
which  are  incompatible  with  the  first.  The  whole 
theory  of  reflection  or  meditation  is  based  on  this 
truth.  Concomitant  states,  in  sympathy  with  the 
motions  of  grace,  make  the  favourable  or  congruous 
circumstances  in  which  these  motions  operate;  just  as 
a  tendency  towards  vice,  if  accompanied  by  other  ap- 
petites favourable  to  its  working,  must  be  deemed  con- 
gruous or  fortunate  as  regards  the  circumstances  in 
which  it  intervenes.  Janscnists,  Augustinians,  Molin- 
ists,  Determinists,  all  should  and  do  agree,  therefore,  in 
admitting  the  strengthening  influence  of  a  number  of 
confluent  motions  and,  conversely,  the  weakening 
effect  on  any  tendency  of  a  simultaneous  tendency  in 
an  opposite  direction.  So  far  all  are  Congruists;  the 
difference  being  that  whereas  Jansenists  and  Deter- 
minists do  not  admit  that  the  will  is  free  to  resist  the 
stronger  combination  of  motives ;  and  while  Augustin- 
ians proclaim  this  in  words  but  seem  to  deny  it  in  real- 
ity; all  Molinists  maintain  that  the  will  can  effectually 
cease  to  tend  towards  an  object,  even  though  it  should 
be  proposed  as  more  perfect  than  what  is  seen  to  be  in- 
compatible with  it;  provided  always  this  more  perfect 
object  is  not  presented  as  absolutely  or  infinitely  per- 
fect in  every  way.  The  will  is  likely  to  be  drawn,  and 
almost  invariably  is  drawn,  by  the  stronger,  i.  e.  more 
congruous,  motive;  it  is  not,  however,  drawn  of  neces- 
sity, nor  even  quite  invariably,  if  Molinism  is  true.  In 
this,  which  is  the  only  psychologically  intelligible  sense 


of  Congruism,  Molina,  Lessius,  and  all  their  followers 
were  Congruists  just  as  much  as  Suarez  or  Bellarmine. 

All  true  Molinists  admit  and  contend  that,  antece- 
dently to  the  concession  of  grace,  whether  merely  suffi- 
cient or  efficacious,  God  knows  by  acientia  media 
whether  it  will  actually  result  in  the  free  action  for 
which  it  is  given,  or  will  remain  inefficacious  though 
sufficient.  All  likewise  admit  and  proclaim  that  a 
specially  benevolent  Providence  is  exercised  towards 
the  recipient  of  grace  when,  with  His  knowledge  of 
conditional  results,  God  gives  graces  which  He  fore- 
sees to  be  efficacious,  rather  than  others  which  He 
foresees  would  be  inefficacious  and  which  He  is  free  to 
give.  Bellarmine  (De  Gratia  et  Lib.  Arbitrio,  Bk.  I, 
ch.  xii)  seems  to  accuse  Molina,  unjustly,  of  not  admit- 
ting this  latter  point.  Difference  of  opinion  among 
Molinists  is  manifested  only  when  they  proceed  to  in- 
quire into  the  cause  of  the  Divine  selection:  whether  it 
is  due  to  any  antecedent  decree  of  predestination 
which  God  means  to  carry  out  at  all  costs,  selecting 
purposely  to  this  end  only  such  graces  as  He  foresees 
to  prove  efficacious,  and  passing  over  or  omitting  to  se- 
lect, no  less  purposely,  such  as  he  foresees  would  be 
without  result  if  given.  Suarez  holds  that  the  selec- 
tion of  graces  which  are  foreseen  to  prove  efficacious  is 
consequent  on  and  necessitated  by  such  an  antecedent 
decree,  whereby  all,  and  only,  those  who  will  actually  be 
saved  were  infallibly  predestined  to  salvation,  and  this 
antecedently  to  any  foreknowledge,  wnether  of  their 
actual  or  merely  conditional  correspondence  with  the 
graces  they  may  receive.  The  great  body  of  the  theo- 
logians of  the  Society  of  Jesus,  as  well  as  of  other  fol- 
lowers of  Molina,  while  admitting  that  individuals, 
such  as  St.  Paul,  may  be,  and  have  been,  predestined 
in  that  way,  do  not  regard  it  as  the  only,  or  even  the 
ordinary,  course  of  Divine  Providence.  (See  Predes- 
tination.) 

Though  this  difference  of  opinion  has  really  nothing 
to  do  with  Congruism,  it  is  probably  the  main  reason 
why  Billuart  and  other  opponents  of  Molinism  have 
maintained  that  Suarez  and  Bellarmine  differ  from 
Molina  and  Lessius  not  merely  as  regards  predestina- 
tion, but  also  as  regards  the  nature  of  efficacious  grace ; 
that  the  opinion  of  Suarez  is  the  only  true  Congruism 
as  distinguished  from  the  pure  Molinism  of  the  others ; 
and  that  Congruism  in  this  sense  was  made  obligatory 
on  all  the  schools  of  the  Society  by  Acquaviva,  the 
fifth  general  (1613).  The  precise  bearing  of  his  decree 
has  been  rather  hotly  disputed,  Father  Schneemann. 
Cardinal  Mazella,  and  others  maintaining  that  it  did 
not  in  any  way  command  a  departure  from  the  teach- 
ing of  Molina.  Pere  de  Regnon  candidly,  and  rightly, 
admits  that  it  did ;  not  as  regards  the  nature  of  effica- 
cious grace  but  only  as  regards  predestination.  (See 
congregatio  de  auxiliis  j  grace  j  predestination; 
Molina;  Suarez.) 

On  Congruism  proper  the  best  author  is  probably  Suarez, 
De  GratiA,  Bk.  V,  ch.  xxi,  noa.  4  sqq.:  Idem,  ibid..  Appendix 
Prior  De  wrA  inteUuxntiA,  etc.;  Idem,  Optuc.  1  de  auxilxu,  etc., 
Bk.  Ill,  ch.  xiv.  Of  recent  writers  see  Huiiua,  De  GratiA 
Chrieti  (3rd  ed.,  Rome,  1882),  nos.  877  sqq.;  Ch.  Pesch,  De 
Gratid  (Freiburg,  1807),  Prop,  xxii;  Schneemann,  Controversi- 
arum  de  Div.  Gratia,  etc.  (Freiburg,  1881),  sect.  1,  no.  16;  La- 
houbse,  De  Gratia  DivinA,  noa.  213  sqq.;  de  Regnon,  Batlet  el. 
Molina  (Paris,  1883),  Bk.  II,  sect.  8. — On  the  predestination  as- 
pect see  Franzklin,  De  Deo  Vno  (Rome,  1878),  Th.  lv,  lix- 
Ixvi;  Billot,  De  Deo  (Prato,  1893),  pp.  288  sqq. — As  to 
whether  Congruism  is  or  implies  a  departure  from  the  principles 
of  Molina,  and  on  the  bearing  of  Acquaviva's  decree  see  on  the 
one  side  Bellarmine,  De  GratiA  el  Lib.  Arb.,  Bk'.  I,  ch.  xii.xiii; 
Billttart,  De  Gralid,  diss,  v,  art.  2,  necf  .  3:  Graveson,  Epu- 
tola  theol.-hUt.-polemica  (Bassano,  1785),  Clasais  I,  n.  1,  pp.  6 
sqq.;  Gazzaniga,  De  GratiA,  Pt.  I,  diss,  v,  cb.  ii,  no.  110.  For 
the  views  of  the  other  side  see  Mazella,  op.  oil.,  nos.  717  sqq.; 
Schiffini,  De  GratiA  (Freiburg,  1901),  IV,  no.  275;  Schnee- 
mann, Controvereiarum,  etc.,  sect.  16;  DE  Regnon,  op.  oil.,  loe. 

cit.  Walter  McDonald. 

Oonimbricenses  (or  Collegium  Conimbricense), 
the  name  by  which  the  Jesuits  of  the  University  of 
Coimbra  (q.  v.)  in  Portugal  were  known.  On  the  reg- 
ister of  the  college  at  various  times  appeared  the  names 


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of  two  hundred  Jesuits  including  professors  and  stu- 
dents. Towards  the  end  of  the  sixteenth  century  and 
the  beginning  of  the  seventeenth,  voluminous  com- 
mentaries on  the  philosophical  writings  of  Aristotle 
went  forth  from  the  university.  These  commen- 
taries were  dictations  to  the  students  by  the  professors 
and  as  such  were  not  intended  for  publication.  Still 
they  were  actually  published,  but  fraudulently.  In 
order  to  intercept  and  disown  incorrect  and  unauthor- 
ised editions,  Father  Claudius  Aquaviva,  the  General 
of  the  Society  of  Jesus,  assigned  to  Father  Peter  Fon- 
Beca,  the  provincial  of  the  Portuguese  province,  the 
task  of  supervisingthe  revision  of  these  commentaries 
for  publication.  Father  Fonseca  was  widely  known 
as  the  Aristotle  of  Portugal.  The  different  treatises 
appeared  in  the  following  order: — (1)  "Commentarii 
CoUegii  Conimbricensis  Societatis  Jesu  in  octo  librae 
Physicornm  Aristotelis  Stagyritte"  (Coimbra,  1591). 
(2)  "Commentarii  CoUegii  Conimbricensis  Societatis 
Jesu  in  quattuor  libros  Aristotelis  de  Ccelo"  (Coimbra, 
1592).  (3)  "Commentarii  etc  in  libros  meteorum 
Aristotelis  Stagyrita?"  (Coimbra,  1592).  (4)  "Com- 
mentarii etc.  in  libros  Aristotelis  qui  parva  naturalia 
appellantur"  (Coimbra,  1592).  (5)  "Commentarii 
etc.  in  libros  Ethicorum  Aristotelis  ad  Nichomachum 
aliquot  Cursus  Conimbricensis  disputationes  in  quibus 
prtecipua  qucedam  Ethics  discipline  capita  continen- 
tur"  (Coimbra,  1595).  (6)  "Commentarii  etc.  in 
duos  libros  Aristotelis  de  eeneratione  et  corruptione 
(Coimbra,  1595).  (7)  "Commentarii  etc.  in  tres 
libros  Aristotelis  de  AnimA"  (Coimbra,  1595).  This 
treatise  was  published  after  the  death  of  Father  Em- 
manuel Golz  (whom  Father  Fonseca  had  commis- 
sioned to  publish  the  earlier  volumes)  by  Father  Cos- 
mas  Maggalliano  (Magalhsns).  To  it  he  added  a 
treatise  of  Father  Balthazar  Alvarez  "De  Anima  Sep- 
arata "  and  his  own  work  "Tractatio  aliquot  proble- 
matum  ad  quinque  Sensus  Spectantium".  (8)  "Com- 
mentarii etc.  in  univeraam  dialecticam  Aristotelis 
nunc  primum"  (ed.  Venice,  1606). 

To  this  last  treatise  was  prefixed  a  foreword  dis- 
owning any  connexion  whatever  with  the  work  pub- 
lished at  Frankfort  in  1604  and  claiming  to  be  the 
"Commentarii  Conimbricenses".  The  portion  of  the 
preface  here  referred  to  is  substantially  the  following: 
"  Before  we  could  finish  the  task  entrusted  to  us  of  ed- 
iting our  Logic,  to  which  we  were  bound  by  many 
promises,  certain  German  publishers  fraudulently 
brought  out  a  work  professing  to  be  from  us,  abound- 
ing in  errors  and  inaccuracies  which  were  really  their 
own.  They  also  substituted  for  our  commentaries 
certain  glosses  gotten  furtively.  It  is  true  these  writ- 
ings thirty  years  previously  were  the  work  of  one  of 
our  professors  not  indeed  intended  for  publication. 
They  were  the  fruit  of  his  zeal  and  he  never  dreamed 
they  would  appear  in  print".  The  last  treatise  was 
prepared  for  printing  by  Father  Sebastian  Couto. 
The  entire  eight  parts  formed  five  quarto  volumes,  en- 
joyed a  wide  circulation,  and  appeared  in  many  edi- 
tions, the  best  known  being  those  of  Lyons,  Lisbon, 
and  Cologne.  The  Commentaries  are  in  flowing  Latin 
and  are  supplemented  by  reliable  explanations  of  the 
text  and  exhaustive  discussion  of  the  svstem  of  Aris- 
totle. Karl  Werner  says  that  the  Jesuits  of  Coimbra 
gave  to  the  world  a  masterpiece,  whose  equal  is  vet  to 
be  seen  and  which  has  received  the  admiration  that  it 
deserves.  Father  de  Backer  gives  an  exact  list  of  all 
the  editions.  The  later  ones  have  added  the  Greek 
text  of  Aristotle. 

Lanohobst  in  Ktrchenlex.,  a.  v.;  Somhehvogel,  BM.  it  la 
c.  de  J.,  II;  Bbaga,  Hittoria  da  Vnivereidade  de  Coimbr*  (Lis- 
bon, 1892-1902). 

John  J.  Cassidy. 

Ooninck,  Giles  de  (also  called  Regius),  Jesuit 
theologian,  b.  20  Dec.,  1571,  at  Bailleul  in  French 
Flanders;  d.  31  May,  1633,  at  Lou  vain.  At  the  age  of 
twenty-one  he  entered  the  Society  of  Jesus.  During 


his  course  of  studies  at  Louvain  he  had  Lessius  among 
his  professors,  and  became  the  worthy  successor  of  his 
illustrious  teacher  in  the  chair  of  scholastic  theology, 
which  he  held  for  eighteen  years.  St.  Alphonsus  con- 
siders Coninck  a  moral  theologian  of  distinction. 
Though  de  Lugo  impugned  his  views  on  many  ques- 
tions, he  is  acknowledged  to  have  rendered  consider- 
able services  to  moral  theology.  His  style  is  concise, 
clear,  and  direct;  on  several  points  his  writings  are 
exhaustive.  Coninck's  principal  works  are:  Com- 
mentariorum  ac  disputationum  in  univeraam  doc- 
trinam  D.  Thorn®",  etc.  (Antwerp,  1616;  enlarged 
and  revised  1619, 1624;  Lyons,  1619, 1624, 1625, 1643; 
Rouen,  1630.  The  last  edition  was  among  the  Jesuit 
works  condemned  to  be  torn  and  burnt,  by  an  act  of 
the  parliament  of  Rouen,  12  Feb.,  1762).  "  De  Mora- 
litate,  natura  et  effectibus  actuum  supernaturalium", 
etc.  (Antwerp,  1623;  Lyons,  1623;  Paris,  1624.  The 
author  is  said  to  have  left  very  ample  additions  in- 
tended to  appear  in  the  subsequent  editions  of  the 
work.  Father  MuUendorff  assures  his  readers  that 
this  treatise  may  be  recommended  to  the  theologians 
even  of  to-day).  "  Responsio  ad  dissertationem  im- 
pugn an  tern  absolutionem  moribundi  sensibus  desti- 
tuti",  etc.  (Antwerp,  1625);  "Disputationes  theo- 
logies" (Antwerp,  1645,  published  posthumously, 
though  finished  twelve  years  before  the  author's 
death). 

Hubtek,  Nomendator  (Innsbruck,  1892),  I,  361;  MOixbn- 
DORrr  in  Kirchenlex.,  Ill,  947 ;  Somukrvookl,  Bibliolhtque  de  la 
c  de  J..  II.  1369  sq.  A.  J  MaaS. 

Connecticut.— This  State,  comprising  an  area  of 
substantially  5000  square  miles,  was  one  of  the  thir- 
teen colonies  which,  in  1776,  declared  their  independ- 
ence from  England.  It  was  among  the  first  to  ratify 
the  Federal  Constitution  under  which,  in  1789,  the 
republic  known  as  the  United 
States  of  America  established 
its  present  form  of  government. 
The  population  enrolled  in  the 
census  of  1900  was  908,420,  and 
in  1908  undoubtedly  exceeded 
1,000,000,  the  increase  being  in 
the  cities,  while  the  rural  com- 
munities barely  held  their  own. 
Manufacturing  industries, 
rather  than  agricultural  or  com- 
mercial, are  the  principal  re- 
sources of  the  State. 

Early  Settlers.— The  first 
English  settlement  was  estab- 
lished on  the  Connecticut  River  at  Windsor  by 
traders  from  the  Plymouth  Colony  in  1633.  In 
the  same  year  the  Dutch  from  New  Amsterdam  had 
sailed  up  the  river  and  erected  a  trading  house  and 
fort  where  the  city  of  Hartford  now  stands,  a  few 
miles  below  Windsor.  The  Dutch  soon  after 
withdrew,  leaving  the  English  to  establish  the  first 
permanent  settlements  within  the  boundaries  of  Con- 
necticut. Saybrook,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Connecticut 
River,  was  settled  by  the  English  in  1636,  and  New 
Haven  by  colonists  from  Massachusetts  Bay  in  1638. 
In  1664  the  New  Haven  Colony,  then  comprising  the 
various  settlements  along  the  coast,  was  forced  to 
unite  with  those  in  the  Connecticut  valley,  thus  form- 
ing one  commonwealth  thereafter  known  as  Connec- 
ticut. 

On  24  January,  1639,  settlers  of  Windsor,  Hartford, 
and  Wethersfield  then  "cohabiting  and  dwelling  in 
and  upon  the  River  of  Connectecotte  and  the  lands 
thereunto  adjoining"  united  in  the  adoption  of  the 
first  written  constitution  known  in  history.  The 
"  Fundamental  Orders",  as  they  were  called,  estab- 
lished a  Christian  commonwealth,  and  provided  for 
the  election  of  a  governor  and  other  magistrates,  to- 
gether with  a  General  Court  having  both  legislative 


Seal  of  Connecticut 


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and  judicial  powers.  This  General  Court  consisted  of 
deputies  who  were  to  be  Freemen  elected  from  the 
several  towns.  The  towns  named  above  were  each  to 
send  four  deputies,  and  other  towns  thereafter  added 
to  the  jurisdiction  were  to  send  such  numbers  as  the 
court  should  judge  meet,  to  be  reasonably  propor- 
tioned to  the  number  of  Freemen  in  each  town.  In 
1661  Governor  Winthrop  was  sent  to  England  to  peti- 
tion the  king  for  a  charter  confirming  such  privileges 
and  liberties  as  were  necessary  for  the  permanent  wel- 
fare of  the  colony.  He  secured  from  the  reigning 
sovereign,  Charles  II,  a  most  liberal  charter  which  re- 
mained the  organic  law  of  the  commonwealth  until 
the  adoption  of  the  present  State  Constitution  in  1818, 
almost  half  a  century  after  the  State  had  severed  its 
allegiance  to  the  English  Crown.  This  charter  con- 
ferred upon  the  people  of  the  colony  the  right  to  elect 
their  own  governor  and  other  officers,  and  the  largest 
measure  of  self-government.  It  is  of  interest  to  note 
the  territorial  boundaries  of  the  colony  set  forth  in  the 
charter.  It  was  bounded  on  the  east  by  Narragansett 
Bay,  on  the  north  by  the  line  of  the  Massachusetts 
Plantation,  and  on  the  south  by  the  sea.  It  was  to 
extend  to  the  west  in  longitude  with  the  line  of  the 
Massachusetts  Colony  to  the  South  Sea  "on  the  west 
part  with  the  islands  there  adjoining". 

In  1786  Connecticut  ceded  to  the  United  States  all 
its  public  land,  reserving,  however,  about  three  and  a 
hall  million  acres  in  what  is  now  the  State  of  Ohio. 
This  was  known  for  many  years  as  the  "Connecticut 
Reserve"  or  "Western  Reserve".  The  legislature 
granted  some  five  hundred  thousand  acres  of  the  res- 
ervation to  the  citizens  of  the  towns  of  Danbury,  Fair- 
field, Norwalk,  New  London,  and  Groton  to  indem- 
nify them  for  special  losses  during  the  War  of  the  Revo- 
lution when  these  towns  were  burned  by  the  British 
troops.  The  grant  was  afterwards  known  as  the 
"Fire  Lands".  In  1795  a  committee  was  appointed 
to  dispose  of  the  reservation.  It  was  sold  to  a  syndi- 
cate organized  to  effect  the  purchase  for  $1,200,000. 
The  income  from  this  fund  is  devoted  to  the  support 
of  common  schools,  and  the  State  Constitution  declares 
it  shall  never  be  directed  to  any  other  purpose. 

The  present  Constitution  was  adopted  in  1818. 
Under  its  provisions  the  town  is  the  basis  of  represen- 
tation in  the  lower  house  of  the  legislature  rather  than 
population.  This  has  brought  about,  by  the  growth 
of  the  larger  cities  and  towns,  a  most  undemocratic 
form  of  government.  The  cities  of  New  Haven,  Hart- 
ford and  Bridgeport,  each  having  a  population  of  more 
than  100,000,  have  only  two  representatives  in  the 
lower  house,  while  a  large  number  of  towns  with  a 
population  of  less  than  1000  have  the  same  number 
of  representatives.  In  1902  a  constitutional  conven- 
tion was  held  in  the  hope  that  this  inequitable  system 
of  representation  would  be  corrected.  The  conven- 
tion was  so  constituted,  however,  as  to  make  any  hope 
of  a  radical  change  of  the  system  of  representation 
impossible.  The  convention  numbered  167  delegates, 
one  from  each  town.  The  constitution  finally  pro- 
posed by  this  convention  made  but  a  slight  change  in 
the  basis  of  representation,  and  was  rejected  by  the 
people  when  submitted  for  their  ratification. 

The  early  settlers  of  Connecticut  were  for  the  most 
part  English  of  the  upper  middle  class.  Their  minis- 
ters, many  of  them,  had  been  clergymen  of  the  Estab- 
lished Church  who  had  been  deprived  of  their  English 
livings  for  non-conformity.  Tneir  devoted  congrega- 
tions followed  them  across  the  Atlantic  and  founded 
the  settlement  at  Massachusetts  Bay.  From  thence 
came  chiefly  the  first  emigrants,  attracted  by  the  fer- 
tile soil  of  the  Connecticut  valley  and  the  sequestered 
harbours  along  the  Sound.  Before  the  War  of  the 
Revolution,  however,  Ireland  had  contributed  quite  a 
noticeable  percentage  to  the  population  of  the  various 
settlements.  This  seems  to  be  established  from  the 
considerable  number  of  Irish  names  disclosed  in  the 


official  military  documents  of  that  period.  The  vast 
majority  of  the  population,  however,  remained  dis- 
tinctively English  of  Puritan  origin  until  the  great 
emigration  set  in  from  Ireland,  prompted  by  the  dis- 
astrous famine  in  1846.  There  is  also  a  considerable 
German  element  distributed  pretty  evenly  through- 
out the  State.  Since  the  close  of  the  Civil  War  French 
Canadians  have  come  down  from  the  Province  of 
Quebec,  and  have  settled  more  numerously  in  the 
eastern  part  of  the  State  where  they  have  found  em- 
ployment in  the  manufacturing  towns.  More  recently 
the  Italians,  in  large  numbers,  have  located  in  the 
cities  and  larger  towns.  New  Haven,  alone,  it  is  esti- 
mated, has  an  Italian  population  of  upwards  of  20,000. 
Russian  Jews  have  also  become  very  numerous,  prin- 
cipally in  the  cities,  while  Scandinavians,  Lithuanians, 
and  Greeks  are  becoming  an  increasingly  prominent 
element  of  the  urban  population.  In  common  with 
all  the  other  States  of  the  Atlantic  seaboard,  while  the 
language  and  customs  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  are  still 
overwhelmingly  dominant,  the  strain  of  English  blood 
is  becoming  more  and  more  attenuated  with  the  pass- 
ing of  each  decade.  In  colonial  times  and  during  the 
earlier  days  of  the  Republic,  Connecticut  occupied  a 
place  of  distinction  and  commanding  influence  among 
her  sister  commonwealths.  At  the  close  of  the  War 
of  the  Revolution  she  was  the  eighth  in  respect  to 
population  among  the  thirteen  States  that  formed  the 
Union,  having  by  the  census  of  1790,  238,141  souls. 
She  furnished,  however,  31,959  soldiers  to  armies  of 
the  Revolution,  thus  exceeding  by  5281  the  number 
furnished  by  Virginia,  then  the  most  populous  of  all 
the  States,  and  having  at  that  time  more  than  three 
times  the  population  of  Connecticut.  In  this  respect 
Connecticut  was  surpassed  only  by  Massachusetts, 
which  furnished  67,097  soldiers,  from  a  population  of 
475,257  souls. 

Religious  Polity. — The  planters  of  the  Connecti- 
cut River  towns,  in  formulating  their  first  constitu- 
tion in  1639,  were  all  of  them  Puritans  of  the  sect  sub- 
sequently known  throughout  all  of  the  New  England 
States  as  Congregationalists.  The  distinctive  theory 
of  their  ecclesiastical  polity  regarded  each  congrega- 
tion as  a  self-governing  body,  with  power  to  formu- 
late its  own  creed  and  prescribe  its  own  conditions  of 
membership.  They  repudiated  all  allegiance  to  any 
central  ecclesiastical  authority,  and  the  various  con- 
gregations or  churches,  as  they  were  then  called,  were 
independent  and  self-governing,  bound  to  each  other 
by  ties  of  fellowship  and  community  of  interest,  rather 
than  by  canons  prescribed  by  any  superior  ecclesias- 
tical authority.  (See  Congregationalism.)  There 
was  from  the  very  first,  however,  the  most  intimate 
relation  between  the  churches  and  the  civil  authority. 
Church  membership  was  an  indispensable  qualifica- 
tion for  civil  office,  and  for  the  exercise  of  the  rights  of 
Freemen.  In  the  preamble  of  their  first  constitution 
they  declared  that  they  were  entering  into  a  combina- 
tion or  confederation  "to  maintain  and  preserve  the 
liberty  and  purity  of  the  Gospel  of  our  Lord  Jesus 
which  we  now  profess,  as  also  the  discipline  of  the 
churches  which  according  to  the  truth  of  the  said 
Gospel  is  now  practiced  among  us".  Freedom  of 
religious  worship,  as  now  understood  and  demanded 
everywhere  in  America,  was  a  principle  to  which  they 
accorded  but  scant  and  reluctant  acceptance.  For  a 
century  and  a  half  Congregationalism  was  the  estab- 
lished religion  supported  by  public  taxation.  Other 
Christian  sects  were  merely  tolerated.  Not  until  the 
adoption  of  the  Constitution  of  1818  did  the  principle 
of  true  religious  freedom  receive  governmental  recog- 
nition. It  was  then  declared  that  it  being  the  duty 
of  all  men  to  worship  the  Supreme  Being,  and  to  ren- 
der their  worship  in  the  mode  most  consistent  with 
the  dictates  of  their  consciences,  that  no  person 
should  by  law  be  compelled  to  join  or  support,  be 
classed  with,  or  associated  to  any  congregation, 


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church  or  religious  association.  It  was  further  de- 
clared that  every  society  or  denomination  of  Chris- 
tians should  have  and  enjoy  the  same  and  equal  pow- 
ers, rights,  and  privileges.  Among  such  powers  was 
specified  authority  in  such  denominations  to  support 
and  maintain  ministers  or  teachers,  and  to  build  and 
repair  houses  for  public  worship  by  a  tax  on  the  mem- 
bers of  such  society  only,  to  be  laid  by  a  majority  vote 
of  the  legal  voters  assembled  at  any  society  meeting 
warned  and  held  according  to  law  or  in  any  manner. 
It  was  further  provided  that  any  person  might  sepa- 
rate himself  from  the  society  or  denomination  of  Chris- 
tians to  which  he  belonged  by  leaving  a  written  notice 
to  that  effect  with  the  clerk  of  the  society,  and  should 
thereupon  cease  to  be  liable  for  any  future  expenses 
incurred  by  such  society.  This  power  of  taxation  has 
for  many  years  ceased  to  be  exercised  by  the  constit- 
uent societies  of  any  of  the  denominations,  which  are 
now  usually  maintained  by  pew  rents,  voluntary  offer- 
ings, and  the  income  of  specific  charitable  trusts 
where  such  exist. 

The  observance  of  Sunday  has  always  been  strictly 
provided  for  by  law.  The  statutes  now  in  force  had 
their  origin  about  the  beginning  of  the  eighteenth 
century.  They  forbid  any  secular  business  or  labour, 
except  works  of  necessity  or  mercy,  the  keeping  open 
of  any  shop,  warehouse,  or  manufacturing  establish- 
ment, the  exposing  of  any  property  for  sale,  or  the 
engaging  in  any  sport  on  Sunday,  and  the  person 
offending  may  be  fined  not  to  exceed  fifty  dollars. 
Theee  statutes  also  provide  that  any  person  who  is 
present  at  any  concert  of  musks,  dancing,  or  other 
public  diversion  on  Sunday,  or  the  evening  thereof, 
may  be  fined  not  more  than  four  dollars.  The  keep- 
ing open  of  saloons  and  sale  of  liquor  on  Sunday  is 
also  prohibited  under  severe  penalties.  These  laws 
still  have  public  opinion  strongly  in  their  favour,  and 
are  in  consequence  pretty  generally  respected  and 
enforced.  Special  laws  allow  the  running  of  railway 
trains  and  trolley  cars  on  Sundays  during  such  hours 
and  with  such  frequency  as  the  State  railroad  com- 
missioners may,  from  time  to  time,  prescribe. 

All  judges  and  magistrates,  clerks  of  courts,  and 
certain  other  officials  m  special  cases  are  empowered 
by  statute  to  administer  oaths.  An  oath  of  faithful 
performance  is  usually  required  from  the  incumbent 
before  entering  upon  the  duties  of  any  public  office. 
Administrators  and  others  when  making  return  of  the 
duties  they  have  performed  are  required  to  make  oath 
that  the  duties  have  been  faithfully  performed  or  that 
the  return  they  make  thereof  is  true  and  correct. 
The  ceremonial  of  the  oath  universally  employed  is 
by  raising  the  right  hand  in  the  presence  of  the 
magistrate  administering  it,  who  recites  the  statutory 
form,  always  beginning  with  the  words  "  You  solemnly 
swear",  and  ending  with  the  invocation  "So  help  you 
God".  For  many  years  the  statutes  have  permitted 
any  person  having  conscientious  scruples  to  affirm  in 
Keu  of  being  sworn.  Such  persons  "solemnly  and 
sincerely  affirm  and  declare'',  "upon  the  pains  and 
penalties  of  perjury".  If  the  authority  administer- 
ing the  oath  shall  have  reason  to  believe  that  any 
other  ceremony  will  be  more  binding  upon  the  con- 
science of  a  witness,  he  may  permit  or  require  any 
other  ceremony  to  be  used. 

Statutes  against  blasphemy  and  profanity  have 
been  in  existence  since  the  settlement  of  the  colony, 
and  in  the  seventeenth  century  these  crimes  were 
severely  punished.  The  statutes  now  in  force  are 
traced  to  legislation  of  1642  and  1650,  and  provide 
that  one  who  shall  blaspheme  against  God,  either 
person  of  the  Holy  Trinity,  the  Christian  religion, 
or  the  Holy  Scriptures,  shall  be  fined  not  more  than 
one  hundred  dollars  and  imprisoned  not  more  than 
one  year,  and  bound  to  his  good  behaviour.  One  who 
shall  use  any  profane  oath  or  wickedly  curse  another 
shall  be  fined  one  dollar. 


It  has  always  been  the  custom  to  open  each  daily 
session  of  both  houses  of  the  General  Assembly  with 
prayer,  and  chaplains  are  appointed  by  each  body 
whose  salaries  are  fixed  by  law.  It  is  stul  the  custom 
to  open  each  term  of  the  Supreme  and  Superior  courts 
with  prayer.  The  clerk  invites  some  clergyman  to 
perform  that  office,  and  pays  him  an  honorarium 
which  is  taxed  in  the  regular  expenses  of  the  court. 
The  great  festival  of  Christmas  received  little  recog- 
nition among  the  Congregational iata  of  Connecticut 
and  the  other  New  England  States  until  the  latter 
half  of  the  nineteenth  century.  Almost  from  the 
settlement  of  the  oolony  it  was  the  custom  for  the 

Sivemor  to  proclaim  a  day  of  thanksgiving  in  the 
te  autumn  to  be  observed  as  a  religious  holiday. 
It  was  originally  intended  to  be  and  is  still  considered 
as  a  sort  of  harvest  festival,  and  has  long  been  es- 
teemed in  Connecticut  as  a  day  for  family  reunions 
and  feasting.  It  was  not  until  Episcopalians  or,  still 
later,  Catholics  became  such  prominent  factors  in  the 
population  that  the  25th  of  December  was  declared 
by  statute  to  be  a  legal  holiday.  Good  Friday,  as 
such,  has  never  been  made  a  legal  holiday.  The 
earlier  settlers  and  their  descendants  were  accustomed 
to  observe  a  day  in  the  early  spring,  proclaimed  by 
legal  authority  as  a  day  of  fasting  and  prayer.  For 
many  years  now  it  has  been  the  custom  for  the  gov- 
ernor to  select  Good  Friday  for  the  annual  spring 
fast.  Thus  Christmas  and  Good  Friday  have  in 
recent  years  received  somewhat  indirectly  the  recog- 
nition of  civil  authority.  No  statutes  have  been 
enacted,  however,  to  compel  their  observance,  and 
the  statutes  relating  to  Sunday  observance  are  in  no 
way  applicable  to  these  days.  No  other  holy  days 
of  the  Church  are  recognized  in  any  manner  by  the 
law. 

No  privilege  under  the  law  attaches  in  any  way  to 
communications  made  to  a  priest  under  the  seal  of 
confession.  As  yet  such  privilege  extends  only  to 
communications  between  a  lawyer  and  his  client, 
which  the  common  law  of  England  has  always  pro- 
tected. It  may  be  doubted  if  a  law  extending  such 
privilege  to  priests  or  indeed  to  clergymen  of  any 
denomination  could  be  passed  through  the  legislature 
as  at  present  constituted.  No  instance,  however, 
exists,  certainly  in  recent  years,  where  an  attempt 
has  been  made  in  any  court  of  justice  to  compel  a 
priest  to  disclose  any  knowledge  which  came  to  him 
through  the  confessional,  and  it  is  quite  certain  that 
public  opinion  would  strongly  disapprove  any  such 
attempt. 

Ecclesiastical  Corporations. — The  statutes  of 
Connecticut  contain  quite  elaborate  provisions  regu- 
lating ecclesiastical  societies  and  the  incorporation  of 
churches.  Many  of  those  still  in  force  were  originally 
passed  when  the  Congregational  denomination  was 
practically  the  State  religion,  and  its  various  eccle- 
siastical societies  had  power  to  lay  taxes  for  their 
support.  Originally  such  a  society  was  distinct  from 
the  church,  constituting  a  separate  organisation. 
Individuals  might  be  legal  members  of  the  society 
and  not  members  of  the  church.  This  condition  still 
remains  in  many  communities,  although,  as  before 
stated,  one  may  escape  liability  of  taxation  by  with- 
drawing from  the  society.  It  would  be  legally  possi- 
ble for  an  ecclesiastical  society  to  be  incorporated 
under  these  laws  for  the  purpose  of  maintaining  a 
church  in  communion  with  the  Catholic  Church.  In 
early  times  before  statutes  were  enacted  for  the 
organization  and  government  of  these  societies,  the 
several  towns  had  the  functions  of  ecclesiastical 
societies. 

In  recent  years  special  statutory  provisions  have 
been  made  for  the  government  of  other  denomina- 
tions. Prior  to  1866,  when  a  law  was  passed  having 
special  reference  to  the  Catholic  Church,  the  title  to 
most  of  its  property  was  vested  in  the  bishop  and  his 


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successors.  In  that  Tear  an  act  was  passed  by  the 
legislature  providing  for  the  organization  of  a  corpora- 
tion in  connexion  with  any  Catholic  church  or  congre- 
gation. Such  corporation  consists  of  the  bishop -and 
vicar-general  of  the  diocese,  the  pastor  and  two  lay- 
men of  the  congregation.   The  lay  members  are  ap- 

Sointed  annually  by  the  ex-officio  or  clerical  members, 
uch  corporation  is  empowered  to  hold  all  property 
conveyed  to  it  for  the  purpose  of  maintaining  religious 
worship  according  to  the  doctrine,  discipline,  and 
ritual  of  the  Catholic  Church,  and  for  the  support  of 
the  educational  or  charitable  institutions  of  that 
church.  A  restriction  exists  to  the  effect  that  no  one 
incorporated  church  or  congregation  may  possess  an 
amount  of  property,  except  church  buildings,  parson- 
ages, school-houses,  asylums  and  cemeteries,  the 
annual  income  of  which  exceeds  three  thousand 
dollars.  Such  corporation  shall  at  all  times  be  sub- 
ject to  the  general  laws  and  discipline  of  the  Catholic 
Church,  and  shall  hold  and  enjoy  its  franchise  solely 
for  the  purposes  above  mentioned.  Upon  a  forfeiture 
of  its  franchise  or  surrender  of  its  charter  its  property 
vests  in  the  bishop  and  his  successors,  in  trust  for  such 
congregation.  Tnis  law  has  in  the  main  worked  with 
entire  satisfaction.  Property  of  various  religious 
orders  is  usually  legally  vested  in  a  corporation  either 
specially  chartered  or  organized  under  the  general 
laws  of  the  State  where  the  mother-house  of  the  com- 
munity is  located. 

Tax  Exemption. — In  the  general  statute  providing 
for  exemption  from  taxation  are  included  buildings 
exclusively  occupied  as  colleges,  academies,  churches, 
public  school-houses,  or  infirmaries,  and  parsonages 
of  any  ecclesiastical  society  to  the  value  of  five  thou- 
sand dollars,  while  used  solely  as  such.  So  also  are 
buildings  belonging  to  and  used  exclusively  for  scien- 
tific, literary,  benevolent  or  ecclesiastical  societies. 
Clergymen  are  not  exempt  under  the  law  from  lia- 
bility to  perform  jury  duty  or  rendering  military 
service.  They  are,  however,  rarely  if  ever  found  in 
a  jury  panel,  for  the  reason  that  it  is  not  customary 
to  place  their  names  on  the  lists  from  which  jurors 
are  drawn. 

Marriage  and  Divorce. — The  laws  relating  to 
marriage  require  that  no  persons  shall  be  married 
until  one  oftl  tern  under  oath  shall  inform  the  registrar 
of  the  town  in  which  the  marriage  is  to  be  celebrated 
of  the  name,  age,  colour,  occupation,  birthplace,  resi- 
dence and  condition  (whether  single,  widowed,  or 
divorced)  of  each.  The  registrar  thereupon  issues  a 
certificate  that  the  parties  have  complied  with  the 
provisions  of  law,  which  certificate  is  a  license  to  any 
person  authorized  to  celebrate  marriage,  to  join  them 
in  marriage  in  that  town.  No  such  certificate  shall 
be  issued  if  either  party  is  a  minor  without  the  writ- 
ten consent  of  the  parent  or  guardian  of  such  minor. 
The  person  celebrating  the  marriage  is  required  to 
certify  that  fact  upon  the  license,  stating  the  time 
and  place  of  such  marriage,  and  return  the  same  to  the 
registrar  before  or  during  the  first  week  of  the  month 
following  the  marriage.  If  he  fails  to  do  so  he  is 
liable  to  a  fine  of  ten  dollars.  All  judges  and  justices 
of  the  peaoe  and  ordained  or  licensed  clergymen 
belonging  to  the  State  or  any  other  State,  so  long  as 
they  continue  in  the  work  of  the  ministry,  may  join 
persons  in  marriage.  A  clergyman  in  solemnizing 
marriage  is  regarded  in  the  law  as  a  public  officer,  and 
his  acta  in  that  capacity  are  prima  facie  evidence  of 
his  character.  Any  person  who  attempts  to  join 
persons  in  marriage,  knowing  that  he  is  not  authorized 
so  to  do,  may  be  fined  not  more  than  $500  or  im- 
prisoned not  more  than  one  year,  or  both. 

Divorces  are  granted  by  the  superior  court  on  any 
of  the  following  grounds:  adultery;  fraudulent  con- 
tract; wilful  desertion  for  three  years  with  total 
neglect  of  duty;  seven  years'  absence,  whereabouts 
unknown'  habitual  intemperance;  intolerable  cruelty; 


sentence  to  imprisonment  for  life,  or  for  any  infamous 
crime  involving  a  violation  of  conjugal  dutypuniah- 
able  by  imprisonment  in  the  State's  prison.  The  Gen- 
eral Assembly  may  pass  an  act  dissolving  a  marriage 
so  far  as  its  civic  relation  is  concerned,  but  in  recent 
years  applications  to  that  body  have  been  regarded 
with  disfavour  and  are  very  exceptional.  Notwith- 
standing the  fact  that  the  j  udges  have  in  recent  years 
been  increasingly  vigilant  in  requiring  strict  proof  of 
the  facts  upon  which,  under  the  law,  a  divorce  may  be 
adjudged,  the  number  of  divorces  has  alarmingly 
increased. 

Charities  and  Excise. — The  State  is  well  supplied 
with  hospitals  and  orphan  asylums.  The  former, 
located  in  all  of  the  principal  cities,  are,  most  of  them, 
controlled  by  secular  corporations,  but  in  Hartford, 
Bridgeport,  and  New  Haven,  Catholic  hospitals  have 
been  established  in  recent  years.  All  hospitals,  secu- 
lar and  Catholic,  receive  liberal  annual  grants  from 
the  State.  Several  orphan  asylums  are  supported  by 
the  charity  of  non-Catholics,  while  the  St.  Francis 
Asylum,  located  in  New  Haven,  provides  for  the 
needs  of  the  Catholic  population.  County  houses 
for  dependent  children  who  would  otherwise  have  to 
be  committed  to  the  town  poorhouses  are  established 
by  law  in  each  county  and  supported  by  public  grants. 

For  many  years  the  sale  of  spirituous  and  intoxi- 
cating liquors  has  been  regulated  by  a  law  which 
secures  local  option  to  each  city  and  town.  On 
petition  of  twenty-five  legal  voters  of  any  town  a 
secret  ballot  must  be  held  at  the  next  annual  election 
on  the  question  of  licence  or  no  licence.  Unless  the 
vote  is  in  the  affirmative  the  sale  of  liquor  in  that 
town  is  absolutely  prohibited,  except  by  a  public 
agent  for  limited  purposes  of  necessity.  Licences  are 
granted  by  the  county  commissioners.  The  licence  fee 
in  towns  of  over  3000  inhabitants  is  $450,  and  in  other 
towns  $250.  The  business  of  the  licencees  is  very 
strictly  regulated  by  law,  and  their  places  must  be 
closed  from  twelve  o'clock  at  night  until  five  the  next 
morning,  and  on  Sundays  and  all  days  on  which  any 
public  election  is  held. 

There  is  one  State  prison,  located  at  Wethersfield, 
a  reformatory  for  boys  at  Meriden,  and  an  industrial 
school  for  girls  at  ftfiddletown.  No  reformatory  for 
adult  convicts  has  yet  been  established  in  the  State, 
though  the  matter  has  received  legislative  sanction, 
and  the  establishment  of  such  a  reformatory  will 
doubtless  be  accomplished. 

The  statute  of  wills  has  been  in  force  from  the 
establishment  of  the  colony.  All  persons  of  sound 
mind  above  eighteen  years  of  age  may  dispose  of 
their  estate  by  will.  A  will  must  be  in  writing,  sub- 
scribed by  the  testator,  and  attested  by  three  wit- 
nesses, each  of  them  subscribing  in  his  presence. 

The  common  law  of  public  and  charitable  uses  has 
always  been  in  force  in  Connecticut.  Grants  for  the 
"maintenance  of  the  ministry  of  the  Gospel",  of 
schools  of  learning,  the  relief  of  the  poor,  the  main- 
tenance of  any  cemetery  or  lot  therein,  or  monuments 
thereon,  are  especially  declared  to  be  within  the  law 
of  charitable  uses. 

Educational  Facilities. — New  Haven,  the  prin- 
cipal city,  having  a  population  in  1900  of  108,027,  and 
in  1908  estimated  to  be  upwards  of  125,000,  is  chiefly 
noted  as  being  the  seat  of  Yale  University.  The  col- 
lege from  which  this  university  has  grown  was  char- 
tered as  a  collegiate  school  by  the  Colonial  Assembly 
in  1701,  and  first  opened  at  Saybrook,  a  town  at  the 
mouth  of  the  Connecticut  River.  Its  promoters  were 
the  leading  Congregational  ministers  of  the  colony, 
nearly  all  of  whom  had  been  graduated  at  Harvard. 
College  which  had  been  founded  at  Cambridge  by  the 
General  Court  of  the  Colony  of  Massachusetts  Bay  in 
1636.  In  1718  the  college  was  transferred  to  New. 
Haven  where  the  first  building  was  erected,  and  where 
it  took  the  name  of  Yale  College  on  account  of  a  dona* 


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CONNOLLY 


tion  of  books  and  money  of  the  value  of  about  £800, 
made  by  Elihu  Yale.  Yale  was  born  near  Boston  in 
1648,  but  on  his  maturity  removed  to  England  where 
he  died  in  1721,  never  having  returned  to  the  colonies. 
The  declared  intention  of  the  founders  of  the  College 
was  to  educate  young  men  for  the  ministry  of  the 
Congregational  sect,  then,  and  for  many  years  after, 
the  established  religion  of  the  colony.  It  received 
from  time  to  time  substantial  grants  from  the  Colonial 
Assembly,  and  the  only  one  of  its  ancient  group  of 
buildings  still  remaining,  and  recently  restored,  was 
erected  with  funds  granted  for  that  purpose  by  the 
legislature.  In  1715  it  received  a  new  charter. 

To  the  original  college  other  faculties  and  depart- 
ments have  from  time  to  time  been  added.  In  1812 
a  school  of  medicine  was  established;  in  1822,  theo- 
logy; in  1824,  law;  in  1847,  a  school  of  science,  now 
known  as  the  Sheffield  Scientific  School;  in  1868,  a 
school  of  fine  arts;  in  1894,  a  department  of  music, 
and  in  1900,  a  forest  school.  These  several  schools 
and  departments,  together  with  the  Peabody  Museum 
of  Natural  History,  founded  in  1866,  and  the  Win- 
chester Observatory  in  1871,  together  constitute  Yale 
University.  More  than  3,000  students  are  enrolled  in 
all  of  its  departments,  and  its  various  faculties  num- 
ber 320  professors  and  instructors.  Its  libraries  con- 
tain about  500,000  volumes.  In  1907  its  property 
and  funds  amounted  to  nearly  nine  millions  of  dollars 
in  value,  and  it  expended  in  that  year  more  than  one 
million  dollars  in  its  operations.  Vale  has  long  since 
ceased  to  be  denominational  or  sectarian  in  its  char- 
acter and  influence,  and  has  become  substantially  a 
siscular  institution.  Upwards  of  300  Catholics  are 
numbered  among  its  students,  and  several  among  the 
instructors. 

Other  colleges  in  the  State  are  Trinity,  established 
in  Hartford,  the  capital  of  the  State,  by  the  Episco- 
palians in  1824,  which  has  200  students,  and  Wesley  an 
University  at  Middletown,  chartered  in  1831,  and 
aider  the  control  of  the  Methodist  Episcopalians. 
T  is  institution  has  about  350  students,  and  thirty-five 
pi-ofesaors  and  instructors.  There  is  no  State  uni- 
versity, as  such,  although  a  school  of  agriculture  was 
established  by  the  State  in  the  town  of  Mansfield  in 
1(81,  upon  the  bequest  of 'Augustus  Storrs.  This  in- 
stitution now  receives  the  income  of  the  various  grants 
from  the  United  States  to  Connecticut  for  the  mainte- 
nance of  colleges  for  instruction  in  agriculture  and  the 
mechanic  arts,  and  is  duly  incorporated  as  the  Con- 
necticut Agricultural  College.  It  has  an  enrollment 
of  about  140  students,  with  twenty-eight  professors 
and  instructors.  The  Sheffield  Scientific  School  of 
Yale  University  maintains  advanced  courses  in  civil, 
mechanical,  electrical,  and  mining  engineering,  which 
are  pursued  by  large  numbers  of  students. 

In  the  State  system  of  public  schools,  high  schools 
are  maintained  m  all  cities  and  considerable  towns, 
and  district  or  grammar  schools  are  conveniently  ac- 
cessible to  every  child  in  the  State.  The  public 
schools  have  a  total  enrollment  of  163,141  pupils,  with 
4,281  teachers.  The  total  amount  expended  for  the 
maintenance  of  these  schools,  including  expenditures 
for  new  buildings  and  repairs,  was  for  the  year  1905, 
$3,795,259.  Besides  the  State  schools,  good  schools 
of  the  grammar  grade  are  maintained  in  most  of  the 
larger  Catholic  parishes.  There  are  75  of  these 
parochial  schools  in  the  State,  with  31,877  pupils,  and 
714  teachers.  The  teachers  are  almost  exclusively 
members  of  various  sisterhoods.  The  establishment 
of  these  parochial  schools  has  cost  the  Catholic  popu- 
lation of  the  State  $3,290,700,  and  the  annual  cost  of 
their  maintenance  has  reached  the  sum  of  $475,355. 
These  schools  receive  no  aid  from  the  State  or  other 
public  funds. 

Church  Statistics. — The  See  of  Hartford  was 
erected  18  September,  1843,  with  jurisdiction  over 
the  States  of  Connecticut  and  Rhode  Island.  These 
IV.— 17 


States  had  formerly  been  included  in  the  Diocese  of 
Boston.  The  first  Bishop  of  Hartford  was  the  Bight 
Reverend  William  Taylor,  who,  with  his  successors, 
maintained  the  episcopal  residence  in  the  city  of 
Providence  until  1872,  when  Rhode  Island  was  set 
apart  as  the  Diocese  of  Providence,  and  Bishop  Mc- 
Farland  then  took  up  his  residence  in  Hartford.  In 
1835  a  census  taken  by  Bishop  Fenwick  of  Boston 
found  about  720  Catholics  in  Connecticut,  and  in 
1844  Catholics  numbered  4817.  In  1890  they  had 
increased  to  152,945,  outnumbering  the  communi- 
cants of  all  Protestant  denominations  by  more  than 
5000.  In  1899  the  Catholic  population  in  Connecticut 
exceeded  250,000,  and  in  1908  had  reached  395,354, 
with  a  remaining  non-Catholic  population  of  725,000. 
Neither  the  coloured  nor  the  Indian  races  contribute 
appreciably  to  this  number.  For  the  most  part  the 
Catholics  of  Connecticut  are  of  Irish  ancestry,  largely 
augmented  by  the  German,  Italian,  French  Canadian, 
and  Polish  immigrations  of  recent  years.  Compara- 
tively few  trace  their  ancestry  to  the  early  settlers  of 
the  colony,  and  these  generally  are  converts  or  belong 
to  the  families  of  converts.  The  number  of  conver- 
sions has  been  slowly  but  steadily  increasing,  but  the 
enormous  growth  of  the  Catholic  Church  in  Connecti- 
cut is  still  chiefly  due  to  the  great  tide  of  immigration 
from  European  countries  during  the  last  half-century. 

The  Congregationalists  are  the  most  numerous  of 
the  Protestant  denominations,  having,  according  to 
the  religious  census  taken  in  1890,  59,154  members. 
The  same  census  disclosed  26,652  Protestant  Episco- 
palians. 29,411  Methodists,  and  22,372  Baptists.  It 
is  notable  that  of  Presbyterians,  probably  in  other 
parts  of  the  United  States  one  of  the  most  numerous 
of  the  Protestant  bodies,  there  were  in  Connecticut 
at  the  time  of  the  taking  of  this  census  only  1680 
communicants. 

Houjktir.  Hittory  of  Connecticut  (New  Haven,  1855),  II; 
Livbkmore,  Republic  of  New  Haven  (Baltimore,  1886);  Bab- 
bee,  Connecticut  Hietorical  Collection*  (New  Haven,  1836); 
Trumbull,  Hittory  of  Connecticut  (New  London.  1808),  II; 
Colonial  Record*  of  Connecticut,  edt.  Tbukbull  and  Hoadlet 
(Hartford,  1850-1890),  XV;  Neva  Haven  Colonial  Record*,  ed. 
Hoadlet  (Hartford,  1857-8),  II;  O'Donnell,  Hittory  of  the 
Diocet*  of  Hartford  (Boston,  1900). 

Jambs  Henry  Webb. 

Connolly,  John,  second  Bishop  of  New  York,  U. 
S.  A.,  b.  at  Slane,  Co.  Meath,  Ireland,  1750;  d.  New 
York,  6  February,  1825.  He  joined  the  Dominican 
Order  in  early  youth  and  was  sent  to  Rome,  where, 
after  ordination  to  the  priesthood,  he  became  profes- 
sor at  St.  Clement's,  theologian  of  the  Minerva,  agent 
of  the  Irish  Bishops,  and  Prior  of  St.  Clement's.  Both 
Pius  VI  and  Pius  Vll  held  him  in  high  esteem.  By 
his  influence  he  saved  the  Irish,  Scotch,  and  English 
colleges  and  his  own  convent,  church,  and  library 
from  being  plundered  by  the  French  invaders.  He 
was  nominated  Bishop  of  New  York  as  successor  to 
Bishop  Concanen,  who  had  desired  his  appointment 
in  the  first  instance.  He  was  consecrated  in  Rome, 
6  November,  1814,  but  did  not  reach  New  York  until 
24  November,  1815.  Despite  advanced  years  and 
untoward  circumstances,  he  did  the  fruitful  work  of 
both  bishop  and  missionary  almost  to  the  day  of  his 
death.  The  diocese  then  included  all  New  York  and 
part  of  New  Jersey,  for  which  there  were  only  four 
priests.  He  built  several  churches,  founded  an  or- 
phan asylum,  and  introduced  the  Sisters  of  Charity. 
Actively  interested  in  religious  progress  throughout 
the  country,  he  advocated  the  idea  of  a  diocese  in 
every  state  as  the  best  means  of  promoting  the  cause 
of  the  Church. 

Batlet,  A  Brief  Sketch  of  the  Hi*t.  of  the  Cath.  Ch.  on  the 
Island  of  New  York  (New  York,  1853);  De  Courct  and  Shea, 
Hittory  of  the  Cath.  Ch.  in  the  U.  S.  (New  York,  1856);  Claree, 
Live*  of  the  Deceated  Bithopt  (New  York,  1872),  I,  192;  Cath- 
olic Miscellany  (Charleston),  files  1824  and  1825  passim. 

Victor  F.  O'Danibl. 
Connolly,  Thomas  Louis.  See  Halifax. 


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CONRAD 


Connor,  Diocese  of.   See  Down  and  Connor. 

Conon,  Pope,  date  of  birth  unknown;  d.,  after  a 
long  illness,  21  September,  687.  The  son,  seemingly, 
of  an  officer  in  the  Thracesian  troop,  he  was  educated 
in  Sicily  and  ordained  priest  at  Rome.  His  age,  ven- 
erable appearance,  and  simple  character  caused  the 
clergy  and  soldiery  of  Rome,  who  were  in  disagree- 
ment, to  put  aside  their  respective  candidates  and  to 
elect  him  as  pope.  He  was  consecrated  (21  October, 
686)  after  notice  of  his  election  had  been  sent  to  the 
Exarch  of  Ravenna,  or  after  it  had  been  confirmed  by 
him  (see  Benedict  I-X,  Popes,  under  Benedict  II). 
He  received  the  Irish  missionaries,  St.  Kilian  and  his 
companions,  consecrated  Kilian  bishop,  and  commis- 
sioned him  and  the  others  to  preach  the  Faith  in 
Franconia.  (Vita  S.  Kiliani,  in  Canisius,  Lect. 
Antiquse,  III,  175-180.)  He  was  in  favour  with  the 
savage  Emperor  Justinian  II  who  informed  him  that 
he  had  recovered  the  Acts  of  the  Sixth  General 
Council,  by  which,  he  wrote,  it  was  his  intention  to 
abide.  Justinian  also  remitted  certain  taxes  and 
dues  owing  to  the  imperial  exchequer  from  several 
papal  patrimonies. 

Acta  SS.,  8  July,  II,  612  eq.;  Duchesne  ed..  Liber  Ponlifi- 
calit.  I,  388  sq.;  Mann,  Live*  of  the  Popes,  I,  pt.  II,  72  sq. 

Horace  K.  Mann. 

Cononites.    See  Tritheists. 

Conquistadores.  See  Spanish  Exploration  and 
Colonization. 

Oonradin  of  Bornada  (or  or  Brescia),  Dominican 
preacher,  b.  in  the  latter  part  of  the  fourteenth  cen- 
tury; d.  at  Bologna,  1  November,  1421).  His  parents, 
noble  and  wealthy  Brescians,  were  devoted  adherents 
of  the  Church  in  a  time  of  many  ills,  including  the 
great  Western  Schism.  They  ijave  their  son  a  careful 
education  and  sent  him,  at  the  Age  of  sixteen,  to  study 
civil  and  canon  law  at  the  University  of  Padua. 
There  for  five  years  amid  the  perils  of  the  unbridled 
licence  and  moral  disorders  of  the  times,  the  youth 
was  conspicuous  for  both  talent  and  virtue,  winning 
the  esteem  of  his  masters  and  compelling  the  respect 
of  his  fellow-students.  He  entered  the  Dominican 
Order  at  Padua  in  1419,  and  was  speedily  found  to  be 
a  model  of  religious  observance.  After  his  ordination 
his  zeal  found  fruitful  expression  in  his  eloquent 
preaching.  He  was  made  prior  of  Brescia  and  shortly 
afterwards,  by  appointment  of  the  master  general, 
prior  of  the  convent  of  St.  Dominic  at  Bologna,  where 
ne  was  to  restore  strict  observance.  During  a  visita- 
tion of  the  black  plague  he  displayed  heroic  zeal  and 
intrepidity  in  ministering  to  the  stricken  people. 
Amid  political  upheavals,  when  Bologna  under  the 
influence  of  the  Bentivogli  had  revolted  against  papal 
authority,  Conradin  took  a  firm  stand  against  the 
conduct  of  the  misguided  populace.  For  publishing 
the  papal  interdict,  which  they  had  incurred  but  which 
they  had  disregarded,  he  was  twice  seized  and  impris- 
oned, suffering  many  indignities  and  cruelties.  His 
courageous  bearing  and  constant  mediation  finally 
prevailed,  however,  and  peace  was  restored.  Pope 
Martin  V,  in  recognition  of  his  services,  sought  to 
create  him  a  cardinal,  but  the  humble  servant  of  God 
resolutely  declined  the  honour.  The  plague  breaking 
out  anew,  Conradin  fell  a  victim  to  his  charity  and 
died  in  the  midst  of  his  heroic  ministrations.  His 
early  biographers  generally  refer  to  him  as  Blessed. 

Tocron,  Hommes  illustres  de  Vardre  de  Saint-Dominique 
(Paris,  1746),  III,  153. 

John  R.  Volz. 

Conrad  of  Ascoli,  Blessed,  Friar  Minor  and  mis- 
sionary, b.  at  Ascoli  in  the  March  of  Ancona  in  1234; 
d.  there,  19  April,  1289.  He  belonged  to  the  noble 
family  of  Milliano  and  from  his  earliest  years  made 
penance  the  predominating  element  of  Ins  life.  He 
entered  the  Order  of  Friars  Minor  at  Ascoli  together 


with  his  townsman  and  lifelong  friend,  Girolamo 
d'Ascoli,  afterwards  minister  general,  and  later  pope 
under  the  title  of  Nicholas  IV.  Having  completed 
his  studies  at  Perugia,  Conrad  was  sent  to  Rome  to 
teach  theology.  Later  he  obtained  permission  to  go 
to  Africa,  where  he  preached  with  much  fruit  through 
the  different  provinces  of  Libya  and  worked  numerous 
miracles.  He  was  recalled  from  Africa  to  go  on  a 
mission  to  the  King  of  France,  then  at  war  with  Spain, 
and  subsequently  he  became  lector  of  theology  at 
Paris.  When  not  engaged  in  teaching,  Conrad 
preaehed  to  the  people  or  ministered  to  the  sick  in 
hospitals.  In  1288  he  was  summoned  to  Rome  by 
the  new  pope,  Nicholas  IV,  who  wished  to  make  him 
cardinal,  but  Conrad  died  on  the  way  after  reaching 
his  native  city,  being  then  fifty-five  years  of  age. 
Nicholas  IV  was  deeply  grieved  at  the  loss  of  his 
saintly  friend,  on  whose  counsel  and  zeal  he  had 
counted  so  much,  and  declared  that  Conrad's  death 
was  a  great  loss  to  the  Church.  The  people  of  Ascoli 
erected  a  splendid  tomb  over  the  remains  of  Blessed 
Conrad.  In  1371,  when  his  body  was  removed  to  the 
new  church  of  the  Franciscans,  it  was  found  incorrupt 
and  gave  forth  a  sweet  odour.  Pius  VI  approved  the 
cultus  of  Blessed  Conrad.  His  feast  is  kept  in  the 
Order  of  Friars  Minor  on  19  April. 

Waddino.  Annate  Mmorum,  V.  212-215;  Ada  88.,  April, 
II,  38-40;  Lzmmkns,  ed..  Catalogue  Sanctorum  Fratrum  Mm- 
orum (Rome,  1903),  18;  Leo,  Lwes  of  the  Saints  and  Blessed 
of  the  Three  Orders  of  St.  Francis  (Taunton.  1886).  II,  83-8? 

Stephen  M.  Donovan. 

Conrad  of  Hochstadt  (Hostabkn),  Archbishop  of 
Cologne  and  Imperial  Elector  (1238-1261),  and  son  of 
Count  Lothar  of  Hochstadt  and  Mathilde  of  Vian- 
den,  date  of  birth  unknown;  d.  28  September,  1261. 
Nothing  is  known  of  his  early  youth.  In  1216  he 
became  beneficiary  of  the  parish  of  Wevelinghoven 
near  Dusseldorf;  in  1226  ne  was  canon  and,  some 
years  later,  provost  of  the  cathedral  of  Cologne. 
After  the  death  of  Henry  of  Molenark  (26  March, 
1238)  the  cathedral  chapter  elected  Conrad  Arch- 
bishop of  Cologne.  He  received  the  archiepiscopal 
insignia  from  the  Emperor  Frederic  II  at  Brescia 
in  August  of  the  same  year.  The  following  year,  28 
October,  he  was  ordained  priest  and  consecrated 
archbishop  by  Ludolf  of  Munster. 

During  the  first  few  months  of  his  reign  the  new 
archbishop  was  on  the  side  of  the  emperor  in  his  con- 
flict with  Pope  Gregory  IX,  but  for  unknown  reasons 
went  over  to  the  papal  party  shortly  after  the  em- 
peror's excommunication  {12  March,  1239).  The 
whole  temporal  administration  of  Conrad  was  a  series 
of  struggles  with  some  neighbouring  princes  and  with 
the  citizens  of  Cologne,  wno  refused  to  acknowledge 
the  temporal  sovereignty  of  the  archbishop  over  their 
city.  Conrad  was  generally  victorious,  but  his  often 
treacherous  manner  of  warfare  has  left  many  dark 
spots  on  his  reputation.  When  Pope  Innocent  IV 
deposed  Frederic  II  (17  July,  1245),  it  was  chiefly  due 
to  the  influence  of  Conrad  that  the  pope's  candidate, 
Henry  Raspe,  Landgrave  of  Thuringia,  was  elected 
king,  and  when  Henry  died  after  a  short  reign  of  seven 
months  (17  February,  1247),  it  was  again  the  influ- 
ence of  Conrad  that  placed  the  crown  on  the  head  of 
the  youthful  William  of  Holland. 

In  recognition  of  these  services,  Pope  Innocent 
made  him  Apostolic  legate  in  Germany  (14  March, 
1249),  an  office  which  had  become  vacant  by  the 
death  of  Archbishop  Sifrit  of  Mainz,  five  days  previ- 
ously. The  clergy  and  laity  of  Mainz  desired  to  have 
the  powerful  Conrad  of  Cologne  as  their  new  arch- 
bishop. Conrad  seems  to  have  secretly  encouraged 
them,  but  for  diplomatic  reasons  referred  them  to  the 
pope,  who  kindly  but  firmly  refused  to  place  the  two 
most  important  ecclesiastical  provinces  of  Germany 
under  the  power  of  one  man.  Shortly  after  this  decis- 
ion the  hitherto  friendly  relations  between  Pope  In 


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nocent  IV  and  the  archbishop  ceased,  and  in  April, 
1250,  the  Apostolic  legation  in  Germany  was  commit- 
ted to  Peter,  Bishop  of  Albano.  At  the  same  time 
began  Conrad's  estrangement  from  King  William, 
which  finally  led  to  open  rebellion.  With  all  the 
means  of  a  powerful  and  unscrupulous  prince,  Con- 
rad attempted  to  dethrone  William  and  would  prob- 
ably have  been  successful  had  not  the  king's  prema- 
ture death  made  the  intrigues  of  the  archbishop  un- 
necessary. After  the  death  of  King  William  (28 
January,  1256),  Conrad  played  an  important  but  de- 
spicable role  in  the  election  of  the  new  king.  For  a 
large  sum  he  sold  his  vote  to  Richard  of  Cornwall, 
brother  of  Henry  III  of  England,  and  crowned  him  at 
Aachen,  17  May,  1257.  This  was  the  last  important 
act  of  Conrad.  He  is  buried  in  the  cathedral  of 
Cologne,  of  which  he  laid  the  corner-stone,  15  August, 
1248. 

Cabdacnb,  Konrad  von  Hottaden,  Erzbischof  von  K/Sln, 
ltSS-61  (Cologne,  1880);  Id.,  Beouten  da  Kiilner  Enbischofi 
Konrad  von  tiottaden  in  Annalen  des  hist.  Vereina  fQr  den 
Niederrhrin  (Cologne,  1880),  No.  35;  Burckhardt,  Konrad 
von  Hochttaden  (Bonn,  1843);  Annates  Monasterii  8.  Panta- 
leonit  in  Mm.  Germ.  Hiel.:  Script.,  XXII,  530  sqq. 

Michael  Ott. 

Conrad  of  Leonberg  (Leontorius),  a  Cistercian 
monk  and  Humanist,  b.  at  Leonberg  in  Swabia  in 
1460;  d.  at  Engenthal  near  Basle  after  1520.  He 
took  vows  at  the  Cistercian  monastery  of  Maulbronn 
in  the  Neckar  district,  which,  unlike  most  other  Cis- 
tercian monasteries  of  those  times,  was  then  enjoying 
its  golden  age.  In  1490  he  became  secretary  to  the 
general  of  his  order.  When  the  German  Humanists 
Began  to  revive  the  study  of  the  Latin  and  Greek 
classics,  as  Conrad  deplored  the  barbarous  Latin  in 
which  the  scholastic  philosophers  and  theologians  of 
Germany  were  expounding  t  ne  doctrine  of  their  great 
masters,  he  was  in  full  accord  with  their  endeavours 
to  restore  the  classical  Latinity  of  the  Ciceronian  Age. 
He  also,  by  word  and  example,  encouraged  the 
study  of  Greek,  but  was  especially  attracted  by  the 
great  Hebrew  scholar  Reuchlin  (d.  1522)  who  in- 
spired Conrad  with  his  own  enthusiasm  for  the  study 
of  Hebrew.  Like  Reuchlin,  his  friend  and  teacher, 
Conrad  was  convinced  of  the  necessity  of  Hebrew  for 
a  thorough  understanding  of  the  Holy  Scriptures,  and 
became  one  of  the  few  great  Hebrew  scholars  of  his 
time.  He  was  in  correspondence  with  the  best  writers 
in  sacred  and  profane  literature,  and  was  highly  es- 
teemed by  the  learned  men  of  his  period.  For  a  time 
he  appears  to  have  been  engaged  as  proof-reader  in 
the  celebrated  printing-office  of  Amerbach  at  Basle. 
Besides  writing  numerous  Latin  poems,  orations,  and 
epistles,  he  published  (Basle,  1506-8)  the  Latin  Bible 
with  the  "Postilla"  and  "Moralitates"  of  the  Oxford 
Franciscan  Nicolas  de  Lyra,  together  with  the  "  Addi- 
tiones  "  of  Paul  of  Burgos  (d.  1435)  and  the  "  Replicas  " 
of  Mathias  Thoring  (d.  1469). 

Wion,  Lignum  Vita  (Venice,  1595),  I,  78;  Hurter,  Nomen- 
clator  (Innsbruck,  1907),  II,  949;  Haoen,  DeuUdUandt 
lileraruche  Verhaitniae  im  Reformationt-ZeitaUer  (Erlangen, 
1841),  I,  151. 

Michael  Ott. 
Oonrad  of  Lichtenau.   See  Lichtenau. 

Conrad  of  Marburg,  confessor  of  Saint  Elizabeth 
of  Thuringia  and  papal  inquisitor,  b.  at  or  near  Mar- 
burg, Germany,  in  the  second  half  of  the  twelfth  cen- 
tury; d.  30  July,  1233.  His  contemporaries  called 
him  Magister,  a  proof  that  he  had  finished  the  course 
of  studies  at  some  university,  perhaps  Paris  or  Bo- 
logna. According  to  the  Thuringian  court-chaplain 
Berthold,  and  Ca?sarius  of  Heisterbach,  he  was  prob- 
ably a  secular  priest,  therefore  neither  a  Dominican, 
as  Hausrath  states,  nor  a  Franciscan,  as  is  asserted  by 
Henke  and  others.  Papal  letters  and  contemporary 
chroniclers  describe  Conrad  as  a  man  of  much  ability, 
large  theological  learning,  great  eloquence,  ardent 
in  defence  of  the  purity  of  Catholic  Faith,  and  a 


severe  ascetic.  They  also  agree  as  to  the  sternness  of 
his  character.  He  is  first  heard  of  as  a  vigorous 
preacher  of  the  crusade  proclaimed  in  1213  by  Inno- 
cent III.  The  death  of  Innocent  and  the  consequent 
relaxation  of  interest  in  the  crusade,  did  not  dampen 
the  ardour  of  Conrad,  while,  in  addition,  he  was 
charged  with  various  important  commissions.  Hon- 
orius  III  authorized  him  (1219)  to  adjust  the  differ- 
ences of  the  convent  of  Nihenburg  with  the  Duke  of 
Saxony  and  the  Count  of  Askanien.  The  abbot  of 
Hayna,  the  provost  of  St.  Stephen,  Mainz,  and  Con- 
rad were  appointed  in  1227  papal  commissioners  for 
the  separation  of  Marburg  from  the  parish  of  Ober- 
weimar.  The  synod  of  Mainz  (1225)  had  issued  sev- 
eral decrees  for  the  improvement  of  the  clergy  and 
Conrad  was  intrusted  with  their  execution;  he  was 
also  charged  with  the  reform  of  certain  convents,  as 
Nordhausen.  In  1232  he  describes  himself  as  visito- 
tor  monasteriorum  in  AlemanniA.  In  the  course  of 
these  labours  Conrad  became  acquainted  with  the 
Landgrave  Ludwig  of  Thuringia  and  his  wife,  St. 
Elizabeth.  The  prince  held  Conrad  in  high  esteem, 
and  the  latter  exercised  great  influence  at  the  Thur- 
ingian court,  being  authorized  by  Ludwig  to  appoint 
to  all  ecclesiastical  offices  in  the  gift  of  the  landgrave. 
This  power  of  appointing  to  ecclesiastical  livings  was 
confirmed  (12  June,  1227)  by  Gregory  IX  (Mon.  Germ. 
Hist.:  EpistoUe  Saw.  XIII,  ed.  Rodenberg,  I,  276,  n. 
361). 

In  1225,  after  the  recall  of  the  Franciscan  Rodeger, 
Conrad  became  the  spiritual  director  and  confessor  of 
the  pious  landgravine.  He  treated  her  with  the 
same  severity  that  he  used  against  himself,  a  pro- 
cedure in  accordance  with  her  own  wishes.  At  times, 
however,  he  checked  her  pious  zeal  and  forbade  ex- 
cessive mortifications.  Conrad  has  been  often 
blamed,  quite  unjustly,  for  the  direction,  in  keeping 
with  the  custom  of  the  time,  which  he  imparted  to  the 
soul  of  St.  Elizabeth.  After  the  death  of  St.  Eliza- 
beth on  19  November,  1231,  Conrad  was  deputed, 
with  the  Archbishop  of  Mainz  and  the  Abbot  of  Eber- 
bach,  to  examine  witnesses  concerning  her  life  and  the 
miracles  attributed  to  her  intercession.  He  also 
wrote  for  the  process  of  canonization  a  short  life  of  St. 
Elizabeth.  In  his  later  years  Conrad  was  very  active 
in  Germany  as  papal  inquisitor.  The  heresies  of  the 
Catharists  and  the  Waldenses  were  spreading  through- 
out the  land;  to  Catharism,  in  particular,  was  owing 
the  fantastic  sect  of  the  Luciferians  (see  Michael, 
Geschichte  des  deutschen  Volkes,  II,  266).  From  the 
beginning  of  the  thirteenth  century  the  German  eccle- 
siastical authority,  in  union  with  the  civil  power,  had 
proceeded  vigorously  against  all  heresies.  The  con- 
flict in  which  Conrad  had  so  large  a  share  was  waged 
according  to  the  medieval  views  of  public  right  and 
welfare.  The  first  process  in  which  he  took  part  was 
that  directed  against  Heinrich  Minnike,  Provost  of 
Goslar.  In  1224  after  a  trial  that  lasted  two  years, 
Minnike  was  declared  guilty  of  heresy,  delivered  to  the 
secular  arm,  and  perished  at  the  stake.  In  the  follow- 
ing years  Conrad  preached  with  great  vigour  against  the 
heretics  and  was  warmly  praised  and  encouraged  to 
greater  zeal  by  Gregory  IX  in  a  letter  of  1227.  The 
Archbishops  of  Trier  and  of  Mainz  both  wrote  to  the 
pope  in  1231  in  praise  of  the  extraordinary  activity  of 
Conrad  and  reported  his  triumphs  over  several  hereti- 
cal leaders.  Thereupon  Pope  Gregory  conferred  on 
Conrad  (11  October,  1231)  the  extensive  authority  of 
papal  inquisitor,  the  first  such  officer  appointed  in 
Germany.  At  the  same  time  the  pope  released  Con- 
rad from  the  obligation  of  following  the  ordinary 
canonical  procedure  (te  a  cognitionibus  causarum 
habere  volumus  excusatum)  and  authorized  him  to  pro- 
ceed resolutely  against  heretics  as  he  thought  best, 
but  with  due  observance  of  the  papal  decrees  on  the 
subject. 

In  the  exercise  of  this  authority,  even  according  to 


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the  sympathetic  accounts  of  contemporary  annalists, 
Conrad  proved  too  severe  and  harsh.  His  assistants, 
Conrad  Dorso,  a  Dominican  lay  brother,  and  John,  a 
layman,  were  ignorant  fanatics  unqualified  for  such 
work.  Conrad  believed  too  easily  the  declarations  of 
persons  accused  of  heresy;  on  the  strength  of  their 
statements,  and  without  further  investigation,  others 
were  arrested  and  treated  as  heretics.  The  accused 
either  confessed  their  guilt  and  had  their  heads  shaved 
for  penance,  or  denied  their  guilt,  were  delivered  as 
obstinate  heretics  to  the  secular  arm,  and  perished  at 
the  stake.  How  great  was  the  number  of  victims  can- 
not now  be  ascertained.  In  Western  Germany  a  general 
panic  followed  the  appearance  of  this  severe  judge  of 
heretics,  who  did  not  fear  to  summon  before  his  tri- 
bunal powerful  nobles,  suspected  of  heresy,  among 
such  the  Count  of  Sayn.  The  count  appealed  to  the 
Archbishop  of  Mainz  who  convened  a  synod  of  his  suf- 
fragans (25  July,  1233),  at  which  King  Henry  also  as- 
sisted. Both  the  bishops  and  the  influential  nobles 
were  generally  ill-disposed  towards  Conrad,  who  was 
present  at  the  synod,  and  it  was  found  impossible  to 
prove  the  charge  of  heresy  against  the  Count  of  Sayn. 
Thereupon  Conrad  undertook,  in  the  exercise  of  his 
papal  commission,  to  preach  a  crusade  against  heretic 
nobles.  Shortly  afterwards  (30  July,  1233)  both  he 
and  his  companion,  the  Franciscan  Gerhard  Lutzel- 
kolb,  were  murdered  while  returning  to  Marburg.  He 
was  buried  in  Marburg  near  St.  Elizabeth.  Despite 
the  unfavourable  action  of  the  synod  of  Mainz,  Greg- 
ory IX  extended  his  protection  to  the  memory  of  the 
deceased  inquisitor  and  insisted  that  severe  punish- 
ment be  meted  out  to  his  murderers. 

Henke,  Konrad  von  Marburg,  Beichlvater  drr  hi.  Elisabeth  und 
Inquisitor  (Marburg,  1861);  Hacbhath,  Der  Ketzermeister  Kon- 
rad von  Marburg,  in  Klein*  Schritlm  (Leipzig.  1883).  137-233; 
Beck,  Konrad  von  Marburg,  InmiisUor  in  Deulschland  (Brealau, 
1871);  Kaltf.r,  Konrad  von  Marburg  und  die  Inquisition  in 
Deutschland  (Prague,  1882);  Michael,  Oesch.  dee  deutechen 
Volket  (Freiburg,  1899),  II,  109, 206.  sqq.:  318.  sqq.;  Huyskenb, 
Zum  700.  Geburtstage  der  hi.  Elisabeth  von  ThQrinqcn,  Studien  fiber 
die  Quell,  ihrer  Gesch.  in  Histor.  Jahrb.  (1907),  XXVIII,  499 
aqq,  729  aqq. 

J.  P.  KlBSCH. 

Conrad  of  Offlda,  Blessed,  Friar  Minor,  b.  at  Of- 
fida,  a  little  town  in  the  March  of  Ancona,  c.  1241; 
d.  at  Bastia  in  Umbria,  12  December,  1306.  When 
barely  fourteen  years  old  he  entered  the  Order  of 
Friars  Minor  at  Ascoli,  and  was  making  rapid  progress 
in  the  study  of  sacred  sciences,  when  an  internal  voice 
called  him  to  humbler  offices  of  the  religious  life.  He 
therefore  abandoned  his  studies  with  the  consent  of 
his  superiors,  and  for  many  years  was  employed  as 
cook  and  questor.  His  superiors  subsequently  had 
him  ordained  and  sent  him  forth  to  preach.    His  im- 

Eassioned  sermons  touched  the  hearts  of  the  most 
ardened.  Conrad  modelled  his  life  after  that  of  his 
seraphic  father,  St.  Francis.  He  was  especially  zeal- 
ous for  the  observance  of  poverty.  During  his  long 
religious  life  he  always  wore  the  same  habit  and 
always  went  barefoot,  without  sandals.  The  early 
legend  declares  that  Conrad's  guardian  angel  was  the 
same  that  had  formerly  fulfilled  this  office  for  St. 
Francis,  and  that  Blessed  Giles  came  back  to  earth  to 
teach  him  the  mysteries  of  contemplation.  When 
Brother  Leo,  the  companion  and  confessor  of  St. 
Francis,  was  dying,  he  sent  for  Conrad  and  made  him 
the  depositary  of  his  writings.  Conrad  was  allied 
with  Angelo  Clareno  and  intimately  united  with  John 
of  La  Penna,  John  of  Parma,  Peter  of  John  Olivi, 
Peter  of  Monticello,  and  others  of  the  "Spirituals". 
In  1294  he  obtained  permission  from  C«lestine  V  to 
separate  from  the  mam  body  of  the  order  and  found 
the  Celestines  by  whom  the  Rule  of  St.  Francis  was 
observed  in  all  its  purity.  When  this  congregation 
was  suppressed  by  Boniface  VIII,  Conrad  imme- 
diately returned  under  the  authority  of  the  superiors 
Of  the  order.  The  letter  written  in  1295  by  Peter  of 


John  Olivi  to  Blessed  Conrad  in  which  the  legitimacy 
of  Boniface  VIII's  election  is  defended,  has  been 
edited  by  Ignatius  Jeiler  (Historisches  Jahrbuch,  III, 
649).  During  a  course  of  missions  he  was  giving  at 
Bastia,  he  passed  away  at  the  age  of  about  sixty-five 
years  and  was  buried  in  that  place.  Fifty-six  years 
later  his  remains  were  carried  off  by  the  Perugians 
and  buried  at  San  Francesco.  They  now  repose  be- 
side those  of  Blessed  Giles  in  the  choir  of  the  cathe- 
dral at  Perugia.  Pius  VII  in  1817  ratified  the  cultus 
of  Blessed  Conrad.  His  feast  is  kept  in  the  Order 
of  Friars  Minor  on  19  December. 

See  the  early  Vita  Fr.  Conradi  in  Analeeta  Franeiseana 
(Quaracchi,  1897),  III,  422-430:  an  epitome  of  the  nme  ia 
given  in  Analeeta  Franeiseana  (Quaracohi,  1906),  IV,  233-4; 
Verba  B.  Conradi  in  Opuscules  de  critiques  historiques,  I,  370; 
Miscellanea  Franeiseana,  VII,  132;  Waddino,  Annates  Mine- 
rum,  I,  165;  III,  364;  IV,  232;  V,  216,  and  paarim;  Lkmkbns, 
ed.,  Catalogue  Sanctorum  Minorum  (Home,  1903),  8;  Clahxno, 
Tribulationes,  ed.  Ehrle  in  A rchiv  filr  Literatur  und  Kirchen- 
gesehichte  des  Mittelaliere,  II,  308:  Sabatieh.  ed.,  Actus  B. 
Francisci  (Paria,  1902),  50-53;  Jacobilli,  Vite  de"  Santi  a 
BeatidelV  Umbria,  III,  12  December;  Sabatibr,  ed.,  Speculum 
Perfectionis  (Paria,  1898),  cxi-cxiv;  Leo,  Lives  of  Iks  Saints 
and  Blessed  of  the  Three  Orders  of  St.  Francis  (Taunton,  1887), 
IV,  174-7;  Macdonbll,  Sons  of  Francis  (London,  1902), 
303-315. 

Stephen  M.  Donovan. 

Conrad  of  Piacenza,  Saint,  hermit  of  the  Third 
Order  of  St.  Francis,  date  of  birth  uncertain :  d.  at  Noto 
in  Sicily,  19  February,  1351.  He  belonged  to  one  of 
the  noblest  families  of  Piacenza,  and  having  mar- 
ried when  he  was  quite  young,  led  a  virtuous  and 
God-fearing  life.  On  one  occasion,  when  he  was  en- 
gaged in  his  usual  pastime  of  hunting,  he  ordered  his 
attendants  to  fire  some  brushwood  in  which  game  had 
taken  refuge.  The  prevailing  wind  caused  the  flames 
to  spread  rapidly,  and  the  surrounding  fields  and  forest 
were  soon  in  a  state  of  conflagration.  A  mendicant, 
who  happened  to  be  found  near  the  place  where  the 
fire  had  originated,  was  accused  of  being  the  author. 
He  was  imprisoned,  tried,  and  condemned  to  death. 
As  the  poor  man  was  being  led  to  execution,  Conrad, 
stricken  with  remorse,  made  open  confession  of  his 
guilt;  and  in  order  to  repair  the  damage  of  which  he 
had  been  the  cause,  was  obliged  to  sell  all  his  posses- 
sions. Thus  reduced  to  poverty,  Conrad  retired  to  a 
lonely  hermitage  some  distance  from  Piacenza,  while 
his  wife  entered  the  Order  of  Poor  Clares.  Later  he 
went  to  Rome,  and  thence  to  Sicily,  where  for  thirty 
years  he  lived  a  most  austere  and  penitential  life  ana 
worked  numerous  miracles.  He  is  especially  invoked 
for  the  cure  of  hernia.  In  1515  Leo  X  permitted  the 
town  of  Noto  to  celebrate  liis  feast,  which  permission 
was  later  extended  by  Urban  VIII  to  the  whole  Order 
of  St.  Francis.  Though  bearing  the  title  of  saint, 
Conrad  was  never  formally  canonized.  His  feast  is 
kept  in  the  Franciscan  Order  on  19  February. 

Waddino,  Annates  Minorum,  VI,  240-242.  VIII,  62;  Acta 
SS.,  February,  III,  162-170;  Leo,  Lives  of  the  Saints  and 
Blessetl  of  the  Three  Orders  of  St.  Francis  (Taunton,  1885),  JL 
261-265. 

Stephen  M.  Donovan. 

Conrad  of  Saxony  (also  called  Conradus  Saxo, 

Conrad  of  Brunswick,  or  Conradus  Holyinger). 
Friar  Minor  and  ascetical  writer,  date  and  place  of 
birth  uncertain ;  d.  at  Bologna  in  1279.  Holyinger  is 
perhaps  his  family  name.  The  error  has  been  made 
by  some  of  confounding  Conrad  of  Saxony  with  an- 
other person  of  the  same  name  who  suffered  for  the 
Faith  in  1284,  whereas  it  is  certain  that  they  were  two 
distinct  individuals,  though  belonging  to  the  same 
province  of  the  order  in  Germany.  Conrad  became 
provincial  minister  of  the  province  of  Saxony  in  1245, 
and  for  sixteen  years  ruled  the  province  with  much 
zeal  and  prudence.  While  on  his  way  to  the  general 
chapter  of  1279,  he  was  attacked  with  a  grievous 
illness  and  died  at  Bologna  in  the  same  year.  The 
writings  of  Conrad  of  Saxony  include  several  ser- 


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mons  and  the  "Speculum  Beats  Maris  Virginia";  the 
latter,  at  times  erroneously  attributed  to  St.  Bona- 
venture,  has  recently  been  edited  by  the  Friars  Minor 
at  Quaracchi.  The  preface  to  this  excellent  edition  of 
the  "Speculum"  contains  a  brief  sketch  of  the  life  of 
Conrad  of  Saxony  and  a  critical  estimate  of  his  other 
writings. 

Speculum  B.  M.  V.  Fr.  Conradi  a  Sazonia  (Quaracchi,  1904); 
AnaUcta  Franciscana  (Quaracchi,  1887),  II,  69,  83. 

Stephen  M.  Donovan. 

Conrad  of  TJrach,  Cardinal-Bishop  of  Porto  and 
Santa  Rufina;  born  about  1180:  d.  1227.  At  an  early 
age  he  became  canon  of  the  church  of  St.  Lambert, 
the  cathedral  of  Liege.  In  1 199  he  entered  the  Cister- 
cian monastery  of  Villers  in  Belgium,  of  which  he  soon 
became  prior  and,  in  1209,  abbot.  In  1214  he  was 
chosen  Abbot  of  Clairvaux  and,  in  1217,  Abbot  of 
Ctteaux  and  general  of  his  order.  Pope  Honorius  III 
created  him  cardinal,  8  January,  1219,  and  charged 
him  with  two  important  legations,  one  in  France 
(1220-23),  to  suppress  the  Albigenses;  the  other  in 
Germany  (1224-26),  to  preach  and  arrange  the  crusade 
which  Frederick  II  had  vowed  to  undertake.  After 
the  death  of  Honorius  III  the  cardinals  agreed  to  elect 
him  pope,  but  he  refused  the  dignity.  The  Cistercians 
venerate  him  as  Blessed  (30  September). 

Glon'INO,  Conrad  von  Urach,  Cardinalbischof  von  Porto  und 
tancta  Rufina  (Augsburg,  1001);  Clement,  Conrad  (TUrach,  de 
Vordre  da  Ctteaux,  Ugai  en  France  et  en  Allemagne  in  Revue 
Benedictine  (Marabous,  1805),  XXII,  232  sqq.:  Schrecken- 
btein.  Konrad  von  Urach  aU  CardinaUegat  in  Veutechiand  in 
Fonehungen  rur  deuttchen  Qachichte  (Gfittingen,  1867),  VII, 
321-393. 

Michael  Ott. 

Conrad  of  Utrecht,  Bishop,  b.  in  Swabia  at  an 
unknown  date;  killed  at  Utrecht,  14  April,  1099. 
Before  becoming  bishop  he  was  chamberlain  of  Arch- 
bishop Anno  II  of  Cologne  and,  for  a  time,  tutor  of 
Prince  Henry,  the  future  Emperor  Henry  IV.  When 
the  excommunicated  Bishop  William  of  Utrecht 
died  in  1076,  the  emperor  gave  the  episcopal  See  of 
Utrecht  to  Conrad,  who,  like  his  predecessor,  sided 
with  Henry  IV  in  his  conflicts  with  Gregory  VII,  and 
at  the  Synod  of  Brixen  in  1080  even  condemned  the 
pope  as  a  heretic.  The  contemporary  annalist,  Lam- 
bert of  Hersfeld,  calls  Conrad  a  schismatic  bishop,  un- 
worthy of  holding  an  episcopal  see.  In  a  battle  with 
Robert,  Count  of  Flanders,  Conrad  was  defeated, 
afterwards  taken  captive  and  compelled  to  yield  part 
of  South  Holland  to  Robert.  This  territorial  loss  of 
the  bishop  was  compensated  by  the  emperor,  who,  in 
1077,  gave  him  the  district  of  Stavoren  in  Friesland, 
and  in  1086  added  the  two  other  Frisian  districts, 
Ostergau  and  Weetergau.  Conrad  is  the  founder  and 
architect  of  the  collegiate  church  of  Notre-Dame  at 
Utrecht.  He  was  assassinated,  shortly  after  com- 
pleting the  Holy  Sacrifice,  by  his  Frisian  architect 
whom  he  had  discharged,  and  who,  in  the  opinion  of 
some,  was  instigated  by  a  certain  nobleman  whose 
domains  Conrad  held  unjustly.  He  is  said  to  have 
written  the  discourse  "Pro  Imperatore  contra 
Papam",  and  to  have  delivered  it  at  the  Synod  of 
Gerstungen  in  1085.  It  is  inserted  by  Aventinus  (d. 
1534)  in  his  "Vita  Henrici  IV"  and  by  Goldast  (d. 
1606)  in  his  "Pro  Henrico  IV  imperatore".  Hefele 
(Conciliengeschichte,  V,  180,  note)  is  of  the  opinion 
that  the  discourse  is  falsely  attributed  to  Conrad  of 
Utrecht,  and  that  Aventinus  himself  is  the  author. 

RuptrU  Chronicm  in  Man.  Germ,  Hi*.:  Script.,  VIII,  278. 

Michael  Ott. 

Corny  (or  Conroy),  Florence,  in  Irish  Flaithri 
CMaolconaibe  (O'Mtjlconry),  Archbishop  of  Tuam, 
patriot,  theologian,  and  founder  of  the  Irish  (Fran- 
ciscan) College  of  St.  Anthony  at  Louvain,  b.  in  Gal- 
way,  1560;  d.  at  Madrid,  18  Nov.,  1629.  His  early 
studies  were  made  on  the  Continent,  in  the  Nether- 
lands, and  in  Spain;  at  Salamanca  he  joined  the  Fran- 


ciscans. In  1588  he  was  appointed  provincial  of  the 
order  in  Ireland  and  as  such  sailed  with  the  Spanish 
Armada;  we  have  no  details  as  to  the  manner  of  his 
escape  from  the  disaster  which  overtook  that  ill-fated 
expedition.  At  all  times  active  in  the  interest  of  his 
native  land  he  was  again  sent  tc  Ireland,  this  time  by 
Clement  VIII,  to  aid  with  counsel  and  influence  the 
Irish  and  their  Spanish  allies  during  the  last  struggle 
of  Hugh  O'Neill  (Tyrone's  Rebellion)  for  the  inde- 
pendence of  Ireland.  After  the  disaster  of  Kinsale 
(1601)  he  accompanied  Hugh  Roe  O'Donnell  (Prince 
of  Tyrconnell)  to  Spain  in  the  hope  of  interesting  anew 
the  Spanish  Court.  But  the  great  chieftain  soon  died 
at  Simancas,  being  assisted  on  his  death-bed  by 
Father  Conry  (Four  Masters,  ad  an.  1602)  who  also 
accompanied  the  remains  to  their  last  resting  place  in 
the  Franciscan  church  at  Valladolid.  Conry  was  also 
deeply  interested  in  the  welfare  of  the  Irish  College  at 
Salamanca  (q.  v.).  When  the  native  Irish  chieftains, 
the  Earl  of  Tyrone  (Hugh  O'Neill)  and  the  Earl  of 
Tyrconnell  (Rory  O'Donnell,  brother  of  Hugh  Roe), 
fled  from  Ireland  in  1607,  Conry  proved  a  devoted 
friend  in  their  exile  and  accompanied  them  to  Rome. 
For  the  so-called  "Revelations"  of  Christopher  St. 
Laurence,  Baron  of  Howth,  implicating  Father  Conry 
and  the  principal  Irish  in  an  imaginary  plot  to  seize 
Dublin  Castle  and  raise  a  new  rebellion  just  previous 
to  the  "Flight  of  the  Earls"see  Meehan  (cited below), 
pp.  67-73.  At  Rome  Father  Conry  was  consecrated 
Archbishop  of  Tuam  in  1609  by  Cardinal  Maffeo  Bar- 
berini  (later  Urban  VIII),  always  a  warm  friend  of  the 
persecuted  Irish  Catholics.  In  1614  Conry  wrote  from 
Valladolid  a  vigorous  remonstrance  to  the  Catholic 
members  of  the  Irish  Parliament  for  their  cowardly 
adhesion  to  the  Bill  of  Attainder  that  deprived  of  their 
estates  the  fugitive  Irish  earls  and  their  adherents  and 
vested  six  whole  counties  of  Ulster  in  the  English 
Crown.  Meehan  says  of  this  document  that  it  is 
"stamped  in  its  every  line  with  the  impress  of  a  great 
mind  (Fate  and  Fortunes  of  the  Earls  of  Tyrone  and 
Tyrconnell,  Dublin,  1886,  3d  ed.,  pp.  262,  395). 

In  1616  Archbishop  Conry  founded  at  Louvain  for 
Irish  Franciscan  youth  the  College  of  St.  Anthony  of 
Padua,  principally  with  means  furnished  by  Princess 
Isabella,  wife  of  Archduke  Albert,  and  daughter  of 
Philip  the  Second.  The  archbishop  was  himself  the 
foremost  member  of  this  famous  Irish  Franciscan 
house  of  studies  whence  came  a  long  line  of  erudite  and 
virtuous  historians  and  archaeologists  (O'Clery,  Col- 
gan,  Hugh  Ward,  Francis  Walsh,  and  others:  cf.  V.  De 
Buck,  "  L'archeologie  irlandaise  au  couvent  de  Saint- 
Antoinede  Padouea  Louvain  ",  Paris,  1869),  and  where 
the  most  active  Irish  printing  press  on  the  Continent 
was  long  in  operation.  One  of  the  earliest  works  of 
Conry  was  a  translation  from  Spanish  into  very  pure 
Irish  of  a  catechism  known  as  "The  Mirror  of  Christian 
Life",  printed  at  Louvain  in  1626,  but  probably  cur- 
rent in  manuscript  at  an  earlier  date,  both  in  Ireland 
and  among  the  Irish  troops  in  the  Netherlands ;  this 
was  composed,  as  he  says  himself  "out  of  charity  for 
the  souls  of  the  Gael".  As  Archbishop  of  Tuam,  Conry 
never  took  possession  of  his  see,  owing  to  the  royal 
proclamations  of  1606,  1614,  1623,  commanding  all 
Bishops  and  priests,  under  the  gravest  penalties,  to 
quit  the  kingdom.  But  he  governed  Tuam  through 
vicars-general  and  continued  to  live  principally  at  St. 
Anthony's  in  Louvain,  not  improbably  on  the  bounty 
of  the  King  of  Spain,  as  was  the  case  with  many  Irish 
ecclesiastics  of  the  time.  His  influence  in  Irish  mat- 
ters at  the  royal  court  was  always  considerable:  thus, 
as  late  as  1618  we  find  him  presenting  to  the  Council 
of  Spain  Philip  O'Sullivan  Beare's  "Relation  of  Ire- 
land and  the  Number  of  Irish  therein",  and  in  the 
following  year  his  own  "Statement  of  the  Severities 
Practised  by  England  against  the  Irish  Catholics". 
Like  his  fellow-Franciscan,  Luke  Wadding,  and  Peter 
Lombard,  Archbishop  of  Armagh,  he  was  ever  at  tb. 


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disposition  of  his  exiled  countrymen.  He  communi- 
cated (1610)  to  the  Council  of  Spain  a  translation  of 
the  original  (Irish)  statement  of  one  Francis  Maguire 
concerning  his  observations  in  the  "State  of  Vir- 
ginia", between  1608  and  1610,  a  curious  and  unique 
document  for  the  earliest  English  settlements  in  the 
New  World  and  the  life  and  habits  of  the  Indian 
tribes  (Alexander  Brown,  The  Genesis  of  the  United 
States,  Boston,  1890,  I,  392-99). 

Archbishop  Conry  was  a  profound  scholastic  theo- 
logian, very  learned  especially  in  the  writings  of 
St.  Augustine,  all  of  whose  works  he  read  seven  times, 
while  those  pertaining  to  grace  he  read  some  twenty 
times.  In  the  interpretation  of  the  more  difficult 
passages  he  frequently  had  recourse  to  prayer  and 
lasting.  At  Lou  vain  he  sat  at  the  feet  of  Baius,  and 
was  also  a  friend  of  Jansenius  (d.  1638).  He  had, 
however,  by  his  own  efforts  arrived  independently  at 
conclusions  concerning  the  teaching  of  St.  Augustine 
on  grace  and  free  will  quite  similar  to  those  of  his 
teachers.  Most  of  his  writings  on  these  subjects  were 
published  after  his  death.  His  work  on  the  fate  of 
unbaptized  children  (De  statu  parvulorum  sine  bap- 
tismo  decedentium  ex  hac  vita  juxta  sensum  beati 
Augustini,  Louvain,  1624,  1635;  Rouen,  1643)  was 
reprinted  by  the  Jansenists  as  an  appendix  to  the  1662 
edition  of  the  "  Augustinus".  Cardinal  Noris  (Vindic. 
Aug.,  ch.  iii,  §  5)  says  that  in  it  Conry  abundantly 
demonstrates  from  the  Scriptures  and  Augustine  the 
sensible  character  of  the  sufferings  of  such  unbaptized 
children.  His  "Peregrinus  Jenchontinus,  h.  e.  de 
natura  humana  feliciter  institute,  infeliciter  lapsa, 
miserabiliter  vulnerata,  misericorditer  restaurata" 
(ed.  Thady  MacNamara,  Paris,  1641)  treats  of  orig- 
inal sin,  the  grace  of  Christ,  free  will,  etc.,  the  "Pfl- 
grim  of  Jericho"  being  human  nature  itself,  the  rob- 
ber Satan,  the  good  Samaritan  Our  Lord.  Hurter 
says  that  this  edition  was  owing  to  Arnauld,  and  that 
the  same  ardent  Jansenist  is  possibly  the  author  of  the 
(Paris,  1645)  French  version.  Conry  wrote  also  other 
works  expository  of  the  teaching  and  opinions  of  the 
great  Doctor  of  Grace,  e.g.  "De  gratia  Christi" 
(Paris,  1646);  "De  flagellis  fustorumH  (Paris,  1644); 
"De Augustini  sensu  circa  b.  Marias  Virginis  concep- 
tionem"  (Antwerp,  1619).  In  1654  his  body  was 
brought  back  from  Madrid  and  buried  in  the  col- 
legiate chapel  of  St.  Anthony's,  near  the  high  altar, 
where  an  epitaph  by  Nicholas  Aylmer  recorded  his 
virtues,  learning,  and  love  of  country: — 

Ordinis  altus  honor,  fidei  patriaeque  honos, 
Pontificum  merito  laude  perenne  jubar. 
Thomas  Darcy  Magee  says  of  this  patriotic  scholar: 
"He  is  the  leading  figure  in  a  class  of  exiled  Catholic 
churchmen  who  were  of  great  service  to  religion  and 
letters  and  not  seldom  powerful  allies  of  their  country. 
From  the  founding  of  a  college  to  the  composition  of  a 
catechism  he  shrank  from  no  labour  that  could,  ac- 
cording to  his  convictions,  benefit  the  people  of  his 
native  land." 

Ware-Harris,  Writers  of  Ireland  (Dublin,  1739-45);  Rapin, 
Hist,  du  Jansenisms  ed.  Domenech  (Pari*,  1861);  Hurter, 
Somendator,  253:  Meehan,  The  Fate  and  Fortunes  of  Hugh 
O'Neill,  Earl  of  Turone,  and  Rory  O'Donel,  Earl  of  Tyrconnel, 
their  Flight  from  Ireland  and  Death  in  Exile  (Dublin,  1886); 
Harold,  Life  of  Luke  Wadding,  preface  to  the  Epitome  Annali- 
um  (Rome,  1662);  Renehan,  Collections  of  Irish  Church  His- 
tory (Dublin  1861),  I,  399.  400;  O'Clsht,  Life  of  Hugh  Roe 
O'Donnell,  ed.  Murphy  (Dublin.  1895),  cxlv,  cxlix,  cliii;  Jeiler 
in  Kirchenlex.,  Ill,  949;  Moras.  Spinlegium  Ossoriense  (Dub- 
lin, 1874-85),  i;  162:  Maoee,  Lives  of  the  Irish  Writers  of  the 
Seventeenth  Century  (Dublin,  1848),  13-24. 

Stephen  M.  Donovan. 

Oonsalvi,  Ercole,  cardinal  and  statesman,  b.  in 
Rome,  8  June,  1757;  d.  there,  24  January,  1824.  His 
ancestors  belonged  to  the  noble  family  of  the  Bru- 
nacci  in  Pisa,  one  of  whom  settled  in  the  town  of 
Toscanella  in  the  Papal  States  about  the  middle  of 
the  seventeenth  century.  The  grandfather  of  the 
cardinal,  Gregorio  Brunacci,  inherited  from  Ercole 


Consalvi  of  Rome  a  large  fortune  on  condition  of 
taking  the  name  and  arms  of  the  Consalvi  family. 
In  this  way  Gregorio  Brunacci  became  Marchess 
Gregorio  Consalvi.  with  residence  in  Rome.  At  the 
age  of  nine,  Ercole  Consalvi  was  placed  in  the  col- 
lege of  the  Scolopii  or  Brothers  of  the  Pious  Schools 
at  Urbino,  where  he  remained  from  1766  to  1771. 
From  1771  to  1776  he  was  in  the  seminary  of  Fras- 
cati,  where  he  finished  his  studies  in  rhetoric,  phil- 
osophy and  theology;  it  was  there  also  that  he 
gained  the  powerful  protection  of  the  Caidinal,  Duke 
of  York,  Bishop  of  Frascati.  The  years  from  1776 
to  1782  were  devoted  to  the  studies  of  jurisprudence 
and  ecclesiastical  history  in  the  Aoademia  Ecclesi- 
astica  of  Rome,  where  he  had  among  other  professors 
the  Jesuit  scholar,  Zaccaria.  He  then  entered  on 
his  public  career.  Named  private  chamberlain  by 
Pius  VI  in  April,  1783,  in  1786  he  was  made  Ponenie 
del  buon  poverno,  i.e.  member  of  a  congregation 
charged  with  the  direction  of  municipal  affairs.  Ap- 
pointed in  1787  secretary  of  the  congregation  com- 
missioned to  administer  the  Ospizio  of  San  Michele  a 
Ripa,  in  1790  he  became  Votanle  di  Segnatura,  or 
member  of  a  high  court  of  appeals,  and  in  1792  ob- 
tained the  nomination  of  Uditore  di  Rota,  or  member 
of  the  high  court  of  justice.  He  was  made  assessor 
in  1796  of  a  military  commission  established  by 
Pius  VI  for  the  purpose  of  preventing  revolutionary 
disturbances  and  intervention  of  the  French  Direc- 
tory in  the  Papal  States.  In  this  latter  capacity  he 
accomplished  his  work  with  such  tact,  prudence,  and 
foresight  that  no  serious  troubles  arose,  which 
could  have  served  as  an  excuse  for  an  invasion  of 
Rome  by  the  armies  of  the  French  Republic.  Un- 
fortunately on  28  December,  1797,  the  French  gen- 
eral Duphot  was  killed  in  Rome;  he  was  himself 
largely  to  blame,  and  the  event  took  place  without 
the  slightest  fault  of  the  Papal  Government.  Still  it 
was  used  as  a  pretext  for  the  occupation  of  the  city. 
On  10  February,  1798,  General  Berthier  entered 
Rome  with  an  army,  and  five  days  afterwards  the 
pope  was  deprived  of  his  temporal  sovereignty,  and 
a  Roman  republic  proclaimed.  Consalvi,  having 
been  assessor  of  the  military  commission,  was  placed 
first  on  the  list  of  those  who  were  to  be  handed  over 
to  the  French  Government.  He  was  arrested,  im- 
prisoned in  the  fortress  of  Sant'  Angelo,  sent  to  Civi- 
tavecchia en  route  to  Cayenne,  French  Guiana, 
brought  back  to  the  castle  of  Sant'  Angelo,  and  then 
sent  to  Terracina,  whence  he  was  finally  permitted 
to  repair  to  Naples. 

Consalvi  thus  recovered  his  personal  liberty; 
but  he  disliked  to  remain  in  Naples,  and  wished 
rather  to  join  Pius  VI,  who  shortly  after  the 
occupation  of  Rome  was  taken  from  his  capital 
and  held  a  captive  in  a  Carthusian  monastery 
near  Florence.  Having  obtained  permission  from 
the  Neapolitan  Government,  he  went  by  sea  to  Leg- 
horn and  thence  to  Florence,  where  he  made  two 
visits  to  the  pope;  his  wish  to  remain  with  the  pontiff 
was  frustrated  by  the  French  envoy  at  Florence. 
Towards  the  end  of  September,  1798,  he  took  up  his 
residence  in  Venice.  After  the  death  of  Pius  VI  at 
Valence  in  France,  29  August,  1799,  the  cardinals  as- 
sembled in  Venice  for  the  conclave,  and  Consalvi 
was  chosen  secretary  by  an  almost  unanimous 
vote.  He  had  a  large  share  in  securing  the  election 
of  Cardinal  Chiaramonti,  Bishop  of  Imola  (14  March, 
1800).  The  new  pope,  Pius  VII  (1800-23),  soon  ap- 
pointed Consalvi  pro-secretary  of  state;  and  thus 
Consalvi  accompanied  the  pope  to  Rome,  where  they 
arrived  3  July,  1800.  Shortly  before,  the  pope  had 
recovered  possession  of  the  Papal  States,  which  were 
then  partly  under  the  control  of  Austria  and  partly  un- 
der that  of  Naples.  On  11  August,  1800,  Consalvi 
was  made  cardinal  and  appointed  definitively  secre- 
tary of  state.    In  this  capacity  he  first  endeavoured 


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to  restore  better  conditions  in  the  Papal  States.  He 
abolished  the  custom  of  furnishing  food  to  the 
people  at  low  prices,  introduced  free  trade,  with- 
drew from  circulation  all  depreciated  money,  and  ad- 
mitted a  large  number  of  laymen  to  Government 
offices.  He  did  much  to  embellish  Rome  and  to 
make  it  an  art-centre  by  designing  public  promen- 
ades along  the  Tiber,  restoring  the  ancient  monu- 
ments, and  filling  the  museums  with  statues  un- 
earthed by  excavations  made  under  his  direction.  In 
his  negotiations  with  the  various  courts  or  Govern- 
ments of  Europe  he  was  ever  watchful  in  safeguard- 
ing the  interests  of  the  Holy  See,  both  temporal  and 
spiritual,  the  latter  especially,  in  which  the  pope  as 
the  head  of  Christendom  was  primarily  concerned. 
In  this  respect  he  rendered  an  incalculable  service  to 
religion  in  signing  the  French  Concordat.  The  nego- 
tiations commenced  for  that  purpose  by  Monsignor 
Spina,  Archbishop  of  Corinth,  and  Father  Caselli, 
former  Superior  General  of  the  Servites,  seemed  to 
lag;  in  order  not  to  interrupt  them  completely  Con- 
sal  vi  was  sent  to  Paris  in  June,  1801.  Long  and 
painful  discussions  followed  with  Napoleon  Bona- 
parte, then  First  Consul  of  the  French  Republic,  or 
his  commissioners,  until  finally,  on  the  15th  of  July, 
the  Concordat  was  signed  by  the  papal  and  the 
French  commissioners,  and  afterwards  ratified  by 
the  pope  and  the  French  Government.  Consalvi 
left  immediately  for  Rome,  where  he  arrived  on  the 
6th  of  August.  With  what  are  known  as  the  "Or- 
ganic Articles",  added  by  the  French  Government  to 
the  Concordat,  Consalvi  had  nothing  to  do;  on  the 
contrary  he  condemned  them  unequivocally  as  de- 
structive of  the  Concordat,  of  which  they  pretended 
to  be  commentaries.  He  was  also  prominent  in  the 
negotiations  that  preceded  the  Italian  Concordat, 
concluded  with  the  Cisalpine  Republic  on  the  16th  of 
September,  1803. 

When  Napoleon  was  proclaimed  emperor  in  1804, 
Consalvi  urged  Pius  VII  to  accept  Bonaparte's  invi- 
tation to  crown  him  as  the  new  sovereign  of  France ,  and 
during  the  pope's  absence  (November,  1804,  to  May, 
1805)  Consalvi  acted  as  his  representative  to  the  entire 
satisfaction  of  his  master.  When  the  discussions  be- 
tween Napoleon  and  Pius  VII  commenced,  Consalvi 
was  blamed  for  the  refusal  of  the  pope  to  consider 
himself  a  vassal  of  the  French  emperor.  The  sus- 
picions of  Napoleon  were  confided  to  Cardinal  Fesch. 
then  French  ambassador  at  Rome;  and  the  dismissal 
of  Consalvi  was  insisted  upon.  Consalvi,  hoping  to 
secure  peace  for  his  master,  asked  repeatedly  to  be 
relieved;  but  only  after  long  hesitation  did  the  pope 
consent  to  the  demand.  Consalvi  left  the  secre- 
tariate of  state  on  17  June,  1806,  but  was  often  con- 
sulted privately  on  matters  of  importance.  The  im- 
perial persecution  of  the  pope  reached  its  climax  with 
the  annexation  of  the  Papal  States  to  the  French 
Empire  (20  June,  1809),  and  the  deportation  of 
the  pope  to  Savona  during  the  night  of  5-6  July. 
Consalvi  was  forced  to  depart  from  Rome,  10  De- 
cember following;  in  company  with  Cardinal  di 
Pietro  he  journeyed  to  Paris,  where  he  arrived  20 
February,  1810.  There  he  lived  in  retirement  as 
much  as  possible,  and  refused  a  pension  of  30,000 
francs  assigned  to  him  by  the  French  Government. 
On  the  occasion  of  Napoleon's  marriage  to  the  Arch- 
duchess Marie  Louise  of  Austria,  Consalvi  with  twelve 
other  cardinals  declined  to  assist  at  the  civil  and  re- 
ligious ceremony,  held  1-2  April,  1810,  though  he 
was  present  at  the  semi-solemn  reception  at  Saint- 
Qoua,  31  March,  and  went  also  to  the  Tuileries  in 
Paris  for  the  great  reception,  on  3  April.  He  did  not 
wish  to  appear  as  approving  the  second  marriage  of 
Napoleon,  as  long  as  the  pope  had  not  pronounced 
on  the  validity  of  the  first.  Napoleon  was  so  in- 
censed at  his  action,  that  he  expelled  him  with  the 
other  cardinals  of  like  sentiments  from  the  Tuileries 


on  3  April,  and  in  the  first  moment  of  passion  gave 
orders  to  have  him  shot.  However,  he  modified  his 
rash  judgment  and  decreed  that  Consalvi  and  the 
twelve  other  cardinals  should  be  deprived  of  their 
property  and  of  their  cardinalitial  dignity.  From 
that  moment  these  princes  of  the  Church  were  com- 
pelled to  wear  black  garments,  whence  their  name 
of  "black  cardinals",  and  on  11  June  they  were  all 
banished  to  various  cities  of  France.  Consalvi  was 
sent  to  Reims;  it  was  there  in  his  enforced  retire- 
ment that  he  wrote  his  memoirs.  Set  free  on  26 
January,  1813,  he  hastened  to  Pius  VII,  then  at 
Fontainebleau.  At  his  suggestion  the  pope  re- 
tracted (24  March)  the  concessions  made  to  Napoleon 
in  a  Brief  from  Savona  and  in  a  new  concordat 
agreed  upon  at  Fontainebleau;  as  a  consequence 
Consalvi  was  restricted  in  his  free  intercourse  with 
the  pope.  When  Pius  VII  left  Fontainebleau  for 
Italy  (23  January,  1814)  Consalvi  followed  a  few 
days  afterwards,  at  first  under  a  military  escort  as 
far  as  Beziers.  Having  heard  of  Napoleon's  abdica- 
tion in  Fontainebleau  (11  April,  1814)  he  asked  for 
a  passport  and  rejoined  Pius  VII  in  Italy.  He  was 
at  once  reappointed  secretary  of  state  by  papal  letter 
written  from  Foligno,  19  May,  1814. 

Before  taking  office  Consalvi  went  to  Paris  for  the 
purpose  of  claiming  from  the  allied  Powers  of  Europe 
the  restoration  of  the  Papal  States  under  the  sovereign- 
ty of  the  pope.  With  the  same  object  in  view  he  went 
also  to  England,  and  assisted  afterwards  at  the  Con- 
gress of  Vienna  (September,  1814,  to  June,  1815). 
He  was  successful  in  his  negotiations,  and  obtained 
the  restitution  of  all  papal  territory  such  as  it  had 
been  before  the  French  Revolution,  with  the  excep- 
tion of  Avignon,  Venaissin,  and  a  small  strip  of  land 
in  the  legation  of  Ferrara.  After  his  return  to  Rome 
Consalvi  continued  to  work  for  the  welfare  of  the 
Papal  States  and  of  the  Church.  He  abolished  the 
ancient  privileges  of  the  nobility  and  of  the  papal 
cities,  devised  a  new  plan  of  administration  for  the 
papal  territory,  readjusted  the  finances,  prepared  a 
new  civil  and  criminal  code  of  laws,  reorganized  the 
system  of  education,  and  provided  for  public  safety. 
He  continued  the  elaboration  of  his  plans  for  the 
embellishment  of  Rome  and  the  improvement  of  the 
Campagna;  he  endeavoured,  as  already  said,  to  make 
Rome  a  centre  of  art,  and  extended  his  protection 
to  such  famous  artists  as  Canova  and  Thorwaldsen. 
At  the  same  time  he  maintained  with  firmness  the 
rights  and  sovereignty  of  the  pope.  When  in  1817 
the  Carbonari  tried  to  bring  about  a  rebellion,  a  few 
of  their  leaders  were  prosecuted,  banished,  or  im- 
prisoned; and  in  1821  a  Bull  was  issued  against 
these  disturbers.  During  this  period  several  con- 
cordats or  similar  agreements  were  concluded  with 
foreign  Powers:  with  Bavaria  in  1817,  with  Prussia 
and  the  princes  of  the  Upper  Rhine  in  1821,  with 
Hanover  in  1823,  with  Victor  Emmanuel  of  Sardinia 
in  1817,  with  King  Ferdinand  I  of  the  Two  Sicilies 
in  1818.  The  new  French  Concordat  concluded  in 
1817  with  King  Louis  XVIII  never  received  legal 
force  in  France;  hence  that  of  1801  continued  in  ex- 
istence. The  career  of  Consalvi  came  to  an  end 
with  the  death  of  Pius  VII  (20  August,  1823). 
After  his  retirement  his  thoughts  were  devoted  to 
the  erection  of  a  monument  at  St.  Peter's  in  honour 
of  his  former  master;  only  a  few  months  afterwards 
he  was  carried  himself  to  his  tomb  in  San  Lorenzo, 
while  his  heart  was  taken  to  the  Pantheon.  Ap- 
propriate monuments  were  erected  to  his  memory  in 
ootn  places. 

Ercole  Consalvi  is  to  be  regarded  as  one  of  the 
greatest  statesmen  who  has  ever  served  the  papal 
court ;  his  eminent  qualities  were  at  all  times  apparent 
during  the  great  trials  of  the  papacy.  If  not  always 
successful  in  his  enterprises,  it  was  largely  because  of 
the  scarcity  of  means  at  his  disposal  and  the  prejudices 


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of  his  age.  The  purity  of  his  life  was  the  more  ad- 
mired because  in  his  position  he  had  to  mingle  much 
with  a  worldly  society.  He  was  devoted  to  works 
of  charity  and  religion;  the  poor  knew  him  as  their 
friend,  and  in  his  exercises  of  devotion  he  was  most 
punctual.  Finally  he  was  very  unselfish  and  disin- 
terested. He  served  the  pope  and  the  Church  loy- 
ally without  looking  for  personal  advantage.  He 
never  asked  for  a  position,  except  for  that  of  Udiiore 
di  Rota,  which  appeared  desirable  owing  to  the 
studies  he  had  made  and  the  great  opportunities  it 
offered  for  travelling  during  the  vacation  months. 
The  many  gifts,  pensions,  or  legacies,  offered  him, 
and  at  times  persistently,  by  friends,  admirers,  and 
patrons,  were  invariably  declined.  All  in  all,  both 
for  the  work  he  accomplished  and  for  his  personal 
character,  Consalvi  is  one  of  the  purest  glories  of 
the  Church  of  Rome. 

Crstihbau-Jolt,  Mtmoires  du  Cardinal  Contain,  ad. 
Drochon  (Paris,  1895);  Wi&iman,  Recollection*  of  the  Last 
Four  Popes  (London.  1858);  Rinuri,  La  diplomasia  pmtifieia 
net  eecolo  XIX  (Rome,  1902);  Idem,  R  congresso  di  Vienna  e 
la  Santa  Sede  (Rome,  1904);  Thxinsr,  Histoire  da  deux  con- 
cordat* (Paris,  1869);  Abtadd,  Histoire  du  Pape  Pie  VII  (Paris, 
1837);  Wbbnbr  in  Kirchenlex.  (Freiburg,  1884),  s.  v.;  N»fc- 
bbn  in  Realeneyk.  f.  prot.  Thed.,  s.  v. 

Francis  J.  Schaejub. 

Consanguinity  (in  Canon  Law),  a  diriment  im- 
pediment of  marriage  as  far  as  the  fourth  degree  of 
kinship  inclusive.  The  term  consanguinity  here 
means,  within  certain  limitations  defined  by  the  law 
of  nature,  the  positive  law  of  God,  or  the  supreme  au- 
thority of  State  or  Church,  the  blood-relationship 
(cognatio  naturalia),  or  the  natural  bond  between  per- 
sons descended  from  the  same  stock.  In  view  of  the 
recognized  descent  of  all  men  from  one  common  stock, 
there  is  a  general  blood-relationship  between  all  men; 
hence  the  limitation  mentioned  has  reference  to  the 
nearest  root  or  source  of  consanguinity.  This  bond  or 
union  of  blood  takes  place  in  one  case  through  the 
descent  of  one  person  from  the  other;  this  is  called  the 
direct  line.  In  another  case  it  takes  place  because 
the  common  blood  is  drawn  from  a  common  root,  the 
same  ancestor,  from  whom  both  persons  descend, 
though  they  do  not  descend  one  from  the  other,  and 
are  therefore  not  in  a  direct  but  in  a  transverse  or  col- 
lateral line.  By  the  law  of  nature,  it  is  universally 
conceded,  marriage  is  prohibited  between  parent  and 
child,  for  the  reverential  relation  between  them  is  rec- 
ognized as  incompatible  with  the  equality  of  relations 
engendered  by  the  bond  of  marriage.  The  universal 
sentiment  of  peoples  is  likewise  opposed  to  marriage 
between  all  persons  related  in  any  degree  in  the  direct 
line,  thus  between  grandparent  and  grandchild. 

History  of  Impediment. — Because  of  the  acknowl- 
edged derivation  of  the  human  race  from  the  common 
progenitors,  Adam  and  Eve,  it  is  difficult  to  accept  the 
opinion  of  some  theologians  that  the  marriage  of 
brother  and  sister  is  against  the  law  of  nature;  other- 
wise the  propagation  of  the  human  race  would  have 
begun  by  violation  of  the  natural  law.  It  is  readily 
understood  that,  considering  the  freedom  of  inter- 
course between  such  persons,  some  effort  would  soon 
be  made  (in  the  interest  of  the  social  welfare)  to  pre- 
vent early  corruption  within  the  close  family  circle  by 
placing  a  bar  to  the  hope  of  marriage.  Hence  among 
all  peoples  there  has  arisen  a  natural  repugnance  to 
the  marriage  of  brother  and  sister.  Some  theologians 
suppose  herein  a  positive  Divine  law,  but  it  is  not  easy 
to  point  out  any  such  early  Divine  enactment.  Abra- 
ham married  Sarah  who  was  his  sister  by  his  father, 
though  of  a  different  mother  (Gen.,  xi;  cf.  Gen.  xx, 
12).  Marriage  was  allowed  at  Athens  with  half-sis- 
ters by  the  same  father  (Plutarch,  Cim.,  iv;  Themist., 
xxxii),  with  half-sisters  by  the  same  mother  at  Sparta 
(Philo,  De  Special.  Leg.,  tr.  Yonge,  III,  306),  and  with 
full-sisters  in  Egypt  (Diodorus  Siculus,  I,  27)  and 
Persia,  as  illustrated  in  the  well-known  instances  of 


the  Ptolemies  in  the  former,  and  of  Cambyses  in  the 
latter,  country  (Herodian,  III,  31).  For  c  good  sum- 
mary of  non-Christian  customs  in  this  respect  see 
Melody,  "Marriage  of  Near  Kin"  in  "Catholic  Uni- 
versity Bulletin 'r  (Washington,  Jan.,  1903,  pp.  40- 
60). 

In  the  earlier  history  of  the  human  race  there  was  a 
tendency  in  a  family  group  to  keep  marriages  of  its 
members  within  the  group.  Of  this  we  have  exam- 
ples in  the  marriage  of  Isaac  and  Rebecca  (Gen.,  xxiv) 
and  Jacob  and  Ca-Rachel  (ibid.,  xxix).  We  know 
from  Exodus,  vi,  20,  that  Ami-am  took  Jochabed,  his 
father's  sister,  to  wife,  and  she  bore  him  Aaron  and 
Moses.  The  Mosaic  Law,  however,  introduced  im- 
portant modifications  into  the  arrangements  of  mar- 
riage or  carnal  intercourse  between  near  relations  by 
blood  as  also  by  affinity;  these  modifications  were 
founded  mainly  upon  the  sharpened  instincts  of  hu- 
man nature  and  tne  importance  of  guarding  against 
the  dangers  of  corruption  from  the  intimacy  of  very 
near  relations,  which  prompted  the  cutting  off  all  hope 
of  covering  past  impurity  by  subsequent  marriage. 
Undoubtedly  this  danger  increased  the  instinctive 
natural  repugnance  to  marriage  between  those  con- 
nected by  the  closest  ties  of  blood  and  family  affection. 
These  prohibitions  relating  to  consanguinity,  between 
a  man  and  the  "  flesh  of  his  flesh ' ',  are  contained  mainly 
in  Lev.,  xviii,  7-13,  and  xx,  17, 19.  Specific  prohibi- 
tions are  here  made  with  regard  to  marriage  or  carnal 
intercourse  with  a  mother,  granddaughter,  aunt  by 
blood  on  either  side,  sister,  or  half-sister,  whether 
"born  at  home  or  abroad".  This  expression  has 
generally  been  understood  as  equivalent  to  "in  or  out 
of  wedlock".  Yet,  as  late  as  David's  time,  the  lan- 
guage of  Thamar  towards  her  half-brother  Amnon  (II 
K.,  xiii,  13)  seems  to  imply  the  possibility  of  their 
union  with  consent  of  their  father,  perhaps  because  he 
was  also  king  (for  a  contrary  opinion  see  Werni,  Jus 
Deere talium,  Rome,  1894,  II,  634).  Some  theologians 
held  the  daughters  of  Lot  (Gen.,  xix,  30-38)  some- 
what excusable  because  they  thought  that  the  human 
race  had  been  swallowed  up  by  fire,  and  could  be  con- 
tinued through  their  father  alone  (Kenrick,  De  Im- 
ped. Matr.,  ch.  v,  p.  318). 

In  early  Roman  times  marriage  of  cousins  was  not 
allowed,  though  it  was  not  infrequent  after  the  Second 
Punic  War.  Marriage  between  uncle  and  niece  was 
unlawful  among  Romans.  Consanguinity  in  the  di- 
rect line,  to  any  extent,  was  recognized  by  the  Church 
as  an  impediment  to  marriage.  Worthy  of  notice  is 
the  declaration  by  Nicholas  I  (858-57)  in  his  letter  to 
the  Bulgarians,  that  "between  those  persons  who  are 
related  as  parents  and  children  marriage  cannot  be 
contracted,  as  between  father  and  daughter,  grand- 
father and  granddaughter,   or  mother  and  son, 

g-andmother  and  grandson, .and  so  on  indefinitely", 
illuart,  however,  calls  attention  to  the  fact  that  Inno- 
cent III,  without  distinction  of  lines,  allows  indiscrim- 
inately infidels  converted  to  Christianity  to  retain 
their  wives  who  are  blood-relations  in  the  second  de- 
gree. Other  theologians  take  it  for  granted  that  this 
declaration  of  Innocent  III  has  no  reference  to  the  di- 
rect line.  In  the  early  ages  the  Church  accepted  the 
collateral  degrees  put  forward  by  the  State  as  an  im- 
pediment to  marriage.  St.  Ambrose  (Ep.  be  in  P.  L., 
XVI,  1185)  and  St.  Augustine  (De  Civ.  Dei,  XV,  xvi) 
approved  the  law  of  Theodosius  which  forbade  (c.  384) 
the  marriage  of  cousins.  This  law  was  retained  in  the 
Western  Church,  though  it  was  revoked  (400),  at 
least  in  the  East,  by  Arcadius,  for  which  reason, 
doubtless,  the  text  of  the  law  has  been  lost.  The  Code 
of  Justinian  permitted  the  marriage  of  first  cousins 
(contobrini),  but  the  Greek  Church  in  692  (Second 
Trullan  Synod,  can.  liv)  condemned  such  marriages, 
and,  according  to  Balsamon,  even  those  of  second 
cousins  (sobrini). 
This  discipline  continued  throughout  the  Church 


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till  the  eighth  century.  We  then  meet  with  the  canon 
(c.  16,  C.  55,  q.  2),  attributed  to  various  popes  and  em- 
bodied in  a  letter  of  Gregory  III  (732),  which  forbids 
marriage  among  the  Germans  to  the  seventh  degree  of 
consanguinity.  Wernz  CJus  Decretal.,  IV,  p.  624), 
says  that  at  this  date  so  severe  a  prohibition  cannot  be 
based  on  the  canonical  computation,  but  rather  on 
that  of  the  Roman  law;  it  is,  therefore,  no  proof  of  so 
early  an  acceptance  by  the  Church  of  the  Germanic 
computation.  For  a  fuller  exposition  of  the  theory 
that  the  canonical  computation  is  borrowed  from  the 
Germanic  system  see  Von  Scherer,  "Handbuch  des 
Kirchenrechte"  (Graz,  1898),  II,  291,  and  theexcel- 
lent  expose  of  Wernz,  "Jus  Decretalium",  IV,  616-25, 
especially  p.  621,  where  he  sets  forth  with  moderation 
both  the  free  and  original  action  of  the  Chureh  in  es- 
tablishing the  degrees  within  which  it  was  forbidden 
relations  to  marry  and  her  natural  tendency,  so  often 
exhibited  in  other  matters,  to  accept  whatever  was 
good  or  useful  in  the  manners  and  institutions  of  newly 
converted  peoples.  Von  Scherer  calls  attention  (op. 
cit.,  II,  296-9)  to  the  influence  of  the  ninth-century 
Pseudo-Isidore  (and  the  canonical  collections  based  on 
him,  e.  g.  the  "  Decretum"  of  Burchard)  in  familiariz- 
ing the  West  with  the  Germanic  computation,  and 
says  that  it  does  not  appear  in  any  genuine  papal  de- 
ctetals  before  Alexander  II,  and  that  its  exact  charac- 
ter is  not  yet  thoroughly  ascertained.  The  Roman 
canonist  De  Angelis  (Pnelectiones  Jur.  Can.,  Bk.  Ill, 
tit.  xiv)  holds  rightly  that  the  computation  of  degrees 
was  originally  the  same  as  that  of  the  Roman  civil  law 
fur  inheritance.  He  states  that  in  the  eleventh  cen- 
tury Alexander  II  (c.  2,  C.  36,  q.  5)  adopted  the  now 
usual  system  of  computation,  which  established  for 
collateral  consanguinity  the  principle  that  persons 
were  remote  from  one  another  by  as  many  degrees  as 
they  are  remote  from  the  common  stock,  omitting  the 
common  stock  (Wernz,  however,  op.  cit.,  IV,  623,  be- 
lieves that  this  system,  de  facto  the  Germanic  compu- 
tation was  adopted  at  some  earlier  period,  though 
doubtless  not  so  early  as  Gasparri  maintains).  In 
1  his  way  the  degrees  of  relationship  were  determined 
by  the  number  of  generations  on  one  side  only;  while 
in  the  Roman  civil  system  the  number  of  degrees  re- 
sulted from  the  sum  of  the  generations  on  both  sides. 
1  n  the  Roman  system  (computatio  Romana  civUit)  first 
cousins  would  be  in  the  fourth  degree,  while  in  the 
new  computation  they  would  be  in  the  second  degree 
of  consanguinity.  This,  as  is  seen,  would  extend  the 
impediment  of  consanguinity. 

Some  have  called  the  new  computation  Germanic 
(computatio  Germanica)  because  it  has  a  similarity  to 
the  peculiar  Germanic  system  of  determining  inherit- 
ance, and  whose  technical  terms  were  borrowed  from 
the  seven  joints  of  the  body  (on  both  sides)  from  the 
neck  to  the  finger-tips.  But  Santi-Leitner  calls  atten- 
tion (ed.  1905,  III,  241,  against  Gasparri)  to  various 
discrepancies  between  the  ecclesiastical  (computatio 
canonxca)  and  the  Germanic  systems  which  often  led 
the  newly-converted  Franks  and  other  Germans  to  op- 
pose the  system  of  the  Church.  The  latter  system 
was  more  directly  connected  with  the  natural  rela- 
tions of  marriage,  and  Alexander  II  (1061-73)  treated 
it  as  peculiarly  ecclesiastical  law  (c.  2,  C.  35,  q.  5)  and 
threatened  severely  all  advocates  of  a  return  to  the 
Roman,  or  civil,  calculation.  The  reception  and  ex- 
tension of  this  severe  discipline  regarding  the  impedi- 
ment of  consanguinity  came  about  gradually  and  by 
custom,  says  Wernz,  from  the  sixth  and  seventh  cen- 
turies (when  first  the  third  and  then  the  fourth  de- 
gree, i.  e.  respectively  second  and  third  cousins, 
was  the  limit;  to  the  eleventh  and  twelfth  cen- 
turies; in  the  eleventh  century  the  controversy  of 
St.  Peter  Damian  ("De  parentefte  gradibus"  in  P.  L., 
XITV,  191  aqq.)  with  the  Roman  legists  of  Ravenna, 
decided  in  his  favour  by  Alexander  II,  helped  to  fix  the 
popular  view  in  the  sense  of  extreme  strictness.    It  is, 


however,  doubtful  whether  the  sixth  and  seventh  de- 
grees of  consanguinity  were  ever  a  diriment  impedi- 
ment, at  least  everywhere.  It  is  not  improbable  that 
even  the  fifth  was  only  a  preventive  impediment 
(Wernz,'  op.  cit.,  IV,  626).  While  in  the  twelfth  cen- 
tury the  theory  of  the  remote  degrees  was  strictly 
maintained  by  canonists,  councils,  and  popes,  in  prac- 
tice marriages  ignorantly  contracted  within  them  were 
healed  by  dispensation  or  dissimulation  (Wernz,  loc. 
cit.).  Finally,  in  the  Fourth  Lateran  Council  (1215) 
Innocent  III  restricted  consanguinity  as  a  diriment 
impediment  to  the  fourth  degree.  He  explains  that  it 
was  found  difficult  to  carry  out  the  extension  to  fur- 
ther degrees.  In  those  days  of  imperfect  registration 
it  was,  of  course,  often  impossible  to  ascertain  the  dis- 
tant degrees  of  relationship.  (For  a  defence  of  his  il- 
lustrative reference  to  the  current  theory  of  the  "four 
bodily  humours",  borrowed  from  the  ancient  physiol- 
ogy, see  Santi-Leitner,  op.  cit.  Ill,  248;  cf.  Wernz,  op. 
cit,  IV,  629.) 

Gregory  I  (590-604),  if  the  letter  in  question  be 
truly  his,  granted  to  the  newly  converted  Anglo- 
Saxons  restriction  of  the  impediment  to  the  fourth  de- 
gree of  consanguinity  (c.  20,  C.  35,  qq.  2,  3) ;  Paul  III 
restricted  it  to  the  second  degree  for  American  Indians 
(Zitelli,  Apparat.  Jur.  Eccl.,  405),  and  also  for  natives 
of  the  Philippines.  Benedict  XIV  (Letter  "jEstas 
Anni",  11  Oct.,  1757)  states  that  the  Roman  pontiffs 
have  never  granted  dispensation  from  the  first  degree 
of  collateral  consanguinity  (brothers  and  sisters). 
For  converted  infidels  it  is  recognized  that  the  Church 
does  not  insist  upon  annulment  of  marriages  beyond 
this  first  degree  of  consanguinity.  (For  further  de- 
tails of  the  history  of  ecclesiastical  legislation  concern- 
ing this  impediment  see  Esmein,  "  Le  mariage  en  droit 
canonique  ,  Paris,  1891,  I,  335-56;  II,  258,  345; 
Santi-Leitner,  op.  cit.  below,  247-48;  and  Wernz, 
"Jus  Decretal",  II,  614  sqq.) 

Motives   of   Impediment. — The   Church  was 

Srompted  by  various  reasons  first  to  recognize  the  pro- 
ibitive  legislation  of  the  Roman  State  and  then  to  ex- 
tend the  impediment  of  consanguinity  beyond  the 
limits  of  the  civil  legislation.  The  welfare  of  the 
social  order,  according  to  St.  Augustine  (De  Civ.  Dei, 
XV,  xvi)  and  St.  Thomas  (Suppl.  Q.  liii,  a.  3),  de- 
manded the  widest  possible  extension  of  friendship 
and  love  among  all  humankind,  to  which  desirable  aim 
the  intermarriage  of  close  blood-relations  was  opposed ; 
this  was  especially  true  in  the  first  half  of  the  Middle 
Ages,  when  the  best  interests  of  society  required  the 
unification  of  the  numerous  tribes  and  peoples  which 
had  settled  on  the  soil  of  the  Roman  Empire.  By 
overthrowing  the  barriers  between  inimical  families 
and  races,  ruinous  internecine  warfare  was  diminished 
and  greater  peace  and  harmony  secured  among  the 
newly-converted  Christians.  In  the  moral  order  the 
prohibition  of  marriage  between  near  relations  served 
as  a  barrier  against  early  corruption  among  young  per- 
sons of  either  sex  brought  habitually  into  close  inti- 
macy with  one  another;  it  tended  also  to  strengthen 
the  natural  feeling  of  respect  for  closely  related  per- 
sons (St.  Thomas,  II— II,  Q.  cliv,  a.  9;  St.  Augustine, 
De  Civ.  Dei,  XV,  x).  Nature  itself  seemed  to  abhor 
the  marriage  of  close  kin,  since  such  unions  are  often 
childless  and  their  offspring  seem  subject  to  grave 
physical  and  mental  weakness  (epilepsy,  deaf-mute- 
ness, weak  eyes,  nervous  diseases),  ana  incur  easily 
and  transmit  the  defects,  physical  or  moral,  of  their 
parents,  especially  when  the  interbreeding  of  blood- 
relations  is  repeated  (Santi-Leitner,  op.  cit.,  IV,  252; 
Huth,  "The  Marriage  of  Near  Kin,  considered  with  re- 
spect to  the  Law  of  Nations,  the  results  of  Experience 
and  the  teachings  of  Biology",  London,  1875;  Sur- 
bled,  "  La  morale  dans  sea  rapports  avec  la  mddecine 
et  lfygiene",  Paris,  1892,  II,  245-55;  Eschbach, 
"Disputat.  physiologico-theolog.",  99  sqaj  Luckock, 
"The  History  of  Marriage,  Jewish  and  Christian,  in 


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relation  to  divorce  and  certain  forbidden  degrees", 
London,  1894;  Esmein,  "Le  mariage  en  droit  canoni- 
que",  Paris,  1891, 1, 337,  sqq. ;  see  also  Wernz,  op.  cit. 
IV,  636-37,  and  the  Encyclical  of  Gregory  XVI,  22 
Nov.,  1836). 

Mode  of  Calculation. — In  calculating  the  degree 
of  consanguinity  special  attention  must  be  paid  to 
three  things,  the  line,  the  degree,  and  the  stock  or  root. 
The  stock,  or  root,  is  the  common  ancestor,  or  the  per- 
son, male  or  female,  from  whom  descend  as  from  the 
nearest  common  bond  the  persons  whose  blood-rela- 
tionship is  to  be  determined.  The  degree  is  the  dis- 
tance of  one  person  from  the  other  in  regard  to  blood- 
relationship.  The  line  is  the  classified  series  of  per- 
sons descending  from  the  common  stock  through  one 
or  more  generations.  The  line  is  direct  when  the  series 
of  persons  descend  one  from  the  other,  as  father  and 
son,  grandfather  and  grandchild.  The  line  is  trans- 
verse, or  collateral,  when  the  blood-relations  spring 
from  a  common  stock,  yet  do  not  descend  one  from 
the  other  but  form  different  branches  side  by  side,  as 
two  brothers,  two  nephews.  This  collateral  line  is 
equal  or  unequal  according  as  these  persons  derive 
equally  or  unequally  from  the  same  stock  or  root.  The 
blood-relationship  is  computed  according  to  the  dis- 
tance from  the  stock  whence  it  is  derived,  and  this  is 
the  rule  by  which  the  degrees  or  steps  of  consanguinity 
are  determined. 

In  the  direct  line  the  Roman  civil  and  the  canon  law 
agree  on  the  principle  that  there  are  as  many  degrees 
as  generations;  hence  as  many  degrees  as  there  are 
persons,  omitting  the  stock  or  root.  A  son  is  one 
degree  from  his  father,  a  grandchild  two  degrees 
from  the  grandfather.  In  the  computation  of  the 
degrees  of  the  transverse  or  collateral  line  there  is  a 
serious  difference  between  the  Roman  civil  and  the 
canon  law.  The  civil  law  founded  its  degrees  upon 
the  number  of  generations,  the  number  of  degrees 
being  equal  to  the  number  of  generations;  thus 
between  Drothers  there  are  two  degrees  as  there  are 
two  generations;  between  first  cousins  four  degrees, 
corresponding  to  the  four  generations.  The  degrees 
are  calculated  easily  in  the  civil  law  by  summing 
up  the  number  of  persons  in  each  line,  omitting  the 
common  ancestor.  Except  for  marriage,  the  canon 
law  follows  regularly  the  computation  of  the  civil  law, 
e.  g.  in  the  question  of  inheritance.  But  the  canon 
law,  in  the  collateral  line  of  consanguinity,  computes 
for  marriage  one  series  only  of  generations,  and  if  the 
series  are  unequal,  only  the  longer  one.   Hence  the 

firinciple  of  canon  law  that  in  the  transverse  or  col- 
ate  rat  line  there  are  as  many  degrees  of  consanguinity 
as  there  are  persons  in  the  longer  series,  omitting  the 
common  stock  or  root.  If  the  two  serieij  are  equal, 
the  distance  is  the  number  of  degrees  of  either  from 
the  common  stock.  Thus  brother  and  sister  are  in  the 
first  degree,  first  cousins  in  the  second  degree;  uncle 
and  niece  in  the  second  degree  because  the  niece  is  two 
degrees  from  the  grandfather  who  is  the  common 
stock.  Thus  if  Caius  has  two  sons,  Titius  and  Sem- 
pronius,  and  Sempronius  has  a  son  and  grandchild,  the 
relationship  of  the  grandchild  of  Sempronius  to  Titius 
is  in  the  third  degree,  because  this  grandchild  is  dis- 
tant three  degrees  from  the  common  stock,  Caius. 
This  rule  holds  if  the  common  stock  should  only  be 
one  person;  thus  half-brothers  and  half-sisters,  that  is 
from  either  father  or  mother,  are  in  the  first  degree. 
Children  of  the  same  father  and  mother  are  called  ger- 
man,  as  from  the  common  germ;  those  of  the  same 
mother  and  not  of  the  same  father  are  called  uterine, 
as  from  the  same  womb;  and  children  of  the  same 
father  and  different  mother  are  called  blood-children. 
The  legitimacy  or  illegitimacy  of  any  member  of  the 
series  does  not  modify  the  relationship  as  a  bar  to 
marriage. 

For  civil  effects  the  civil  law's  computation  of  de- 
grees must  be  known.   In  most  European  countries 


the  law  follows  mainly  the  computation  of  the  Roman 
civil  law.  In  England,  since  the  Reformation,  the 
Levitical  law  has  been  recognized  as  the  standard  by 
which  to  determine  the  prohibitions  of  marriage.  For 
Catholics  everywhere,  as  Alexander  II  decreed  (c.  2, 
C.  35,  q.  5),  the  ecclesiastical  calculation  (com- 
pulatio  canonica)  must  be  followed  for  the  direct  ques- 
tion of  the  lawfulness  of  marriage.  Clement  V,  in  the 
Council  of  Vienne  (1311),  decreed  that  any  one  who 
knowingly  contracted  marriage  within  the  forbidden 
degrees  should  by  the  fact  incur  excommunication, 
though  not  reserved ;  this  penalty  has  ceased  since  the 
Bull  "Apostolic*  Sedis"  of  Pius  IX  (1869).  The 
Council  of  Trent  (1563)  required  the  absolute  separa- 
tion of  those  who  knowingly  contracted  marriage 
within  the  prohibited  degrees,  and  denied  all  hope  of 
obtaining  a  dispensation,  especially  if  the  attempted 
marriage  had  been  consummated.  But  in  this  regard 
the  practice  of  the  Church,  probably  on  account  of  the 
recognition  of  such  marriages  by  the  State,  and  the 
consequent  difficulty  of  enforcing  the  dissolution  of 
illicit  unions,  has  tended  towards  greater  leniency. 
The  Council  of  Trent,  it  is  true  (Sess.  XXIV,  c.  v,  De 
ref.,  matr.),  made  no  changes  in  the  existing  legisla- 
tion, despite  the  wishes  of  many  for  a  reduction  of  the 
limits  of  the  impediment  (Themer,  Acta  Cone.  Trid., 
Leipzig,  1874,  336,  342).  Such  reduction  would  in  all 
probability  have  been  discussed  at  the  Vatican  Coun- 
cil (1870),  had  it  not  been  interrupted  (Lammer,  Zur 
Codification  des  can.  Rechts,  Freiburg,  1899,  137, 
sqq.,  and  Martin,  Coll.  docum.  Cone.  Vat.,  p.  162  sqq.). 

In  the  Uniat  Eastern  Churches,  the  marriage  of 
blood-relations  is  forbidden  in  the  collateral  line  to  the 
seventh  civil  degree,  i.  e.  second  cousins  touching  third, 
but  in  that  degree  is  only  preventive,  not  diriment 
(Wernz,  IV,  627).  Among  the  Italo-Greeks,  however, 
the  Maronites,  and  the  Syrians  the  legislation  of  the 
Roman  Church  obtains  (Benedict  XIV,  Etsi  Pastor- 
alis,  26  May,  1742;  Synod  of  Mount  Lebanon,  1736; 
Synod.  Sciarf.  Syror.,  1888).  In  the  schismatic 
Churches  of  the  East  all  marriages  of  relations  in  the 
direct  line  are  prohibited;  in  the  collateral  line  the 
seventh  (civil)  degree  is  the  limit  of  prohibition;  the 
remotest  degree,  nowever,  is  only  a  preventive  im- 
pediment. In  the  National  Greek  Church,  since 
1873,  marriage  is  forbidden  within  the  sixth  (civil)  de- 
gree, i.  e.  second  cousins;  in  Russia,  since  1870,  within 
the  fourth  (civil)  degree,  i.  e.  first  cousins  (cf.  Zhish- 
man,  Eherecht  d.  oriental.  Kirche,  Vienna,  1864,  and 
Milas,  Das  Kirchenrecht  der  morgenlftnd.  Kirche, 
Mostar,  1897). 

Dispensation  from  the  Impediment.— Whatever 
dispensing  power  is  available  resides  principally  in  the 
supreme  authority  of  the  Church,  namely  the  Apostolic 
See.  The  pope  generally  exercises  his  power  of  dis- 
pensing through  the  Roman  Congregations.  For  pub- 
lic dispensations  (in  foro  externa)  the  Dataria  (see 
Roman  Curia)  is  the  ordinary  medium  for  so-called 
Catholic  countries;  the  Sacra  Penitentiaria  for  cases 
of  conscience  (occult  impediments)  and  of  late  for  the 
cases  of  the  poor.  The  Congregation  of  Propaganda 
is  the  medium  for  countries  dependent  on  it,  e;  g. 
Great  Britain  and  its  dependencies  and  the  United 
States.  This  power  of  dispensation  with  the  right  to 
subdelegate  is  often  delegated  to  bishops,  vicars 
Apostolic,  and  others  having  pastoral  authority  over 
souls.  In  whatever  is  forbidden  by  the  law  of  nature 
there  is  no  dispensation.  In  the  direct  line  of  consan- 
guinity Nicholas  I  supposes  that  there  is  no  room  for 
dispensation.  However,  in  cases  of  infidels  when  one 
or  both  are  converted,  while  it  is  to  be  held  that  mar- 
riages within  the  first  degree  of  the  direct  line  are  in- 
valid, in  all  others  the  Holy  See  has  to  be  consulted. 
The  Holy  See  has  the  supreme  right  in  doubtful  cases 
to  determine  what  may  or  may  not  be  forbidden  by 
the  law  of  nature  or  by  the  Divine  positive  law.  Bene- 
dict XIV,  as  already  said,  emphasized  the  fact  that  the 


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popes  had  never  granted  a  dispensation  for  a  marriage 
between  brother  and  sister,  even  where  the  union 
might  have  occurred  without  a  knowledge  of  the  re- 
lationship on  the  part  of  the  contracting  persons. 

Consanguinity  may  be  duplicated  as  arising  from 
two  sources:  first,  from  two  roots,  e.  g.  two  brothers 
marrying  two  women  who  are  cousins;  the  children  of 
each  brother  will  be  related  to  those  of  the  other  in  the 
second  degree  on  the  father's  side,  and  in  the  third  de- 
gree on  the  mother's  side;  second,  from  one  root,  but 
when  the  descendants  intermarry.  Hence,  where 
there  is  a  double  consanguinity,  there  is  a  double  im- 
pediment which  must  be  expressed  in  the  petition  for 
dispensation;  and  should  there  be  a  more  extensive 


is  also  required  if  an  attempt  at  marriage  had  been 
made,  even  if  not  consummated. 

Civil  Legislation. — In  the  Eastern  Church  the 
Quinisext  Council  (692)  forbade,  as  we  have  seen,  mar- 
riages between  first  cousins.  In  the  eighth  century 
Emperors  Leo  and  Constantino  confirmed  this  decree 
and  forbade  alliances  between  persons  in  the  sixth 
degree  of  consanguinity  according  to  the  computation 
of  the  Roman  civil  law,  i.  e.  between  the  grandchildren 
of  brothers  and  sisters,  and  still  later  in  the  seventh 
degree  of  the  same  computation.  This  holds  to-day 
in  the  Greek  Church.  The  question  of  consanguinity 
is  important  in  determining  civil  rights,  which  are 
mainly  under  control  of  the  State,  though  illegitimacy 


TABLE  OF  CONSANGUINITY 


OK  THE  FATHER'S  SIDE 

4  4  4  4  4 

Their  great— Their  grand-— Their— Great-great-— Great-great— 
grandchildren        children       children         uncle  grandfather 

Great-great-  Great-great 
aunt  grandmother 


OS  THE  MOTHER'S  SIDE 

4  4  4  4 

-Great-great  Their       Their  grand-  —Their  great- 
uncle       children       children  grandchildren 
Great -great- 
aunt 


4  3  3 

Their  great-^— Their  grand-  Their— 
grandchildren        children  children 


3  3  3 

•  Great-uncle  Great-grand-— Great-uncle- 
Great-aunt  father  Great-aunt 

Great-grand- 
mother 


grandchildren 


4 

Their— 
children 


3 

-Second  - 


2  2  2 

-Uncle  Grandfather  Uncl« 

Aunt         Grandmother  Aunt 


children 


4  3  2  1 

Great-grand— Grand-nephew— Nephew  —Brother- 
nephew         Grand-niece      Niece  Half-brother 
Great-grand- 


Mother 


John 

T 

3on 
aughh 


Son 
Daughter 


2  3  4 

-  Nephew — Grand-nephew—  Great-grand- 
Half-sister      Niece       Grand-niece  nephew 

Great-grand- 


Grandaon 
Granddaughter 


Great-grand- 
children 


Great-great 
grandchildren 


duplication  by  still  further  intermarriages,  all  the  for- 
bidden degrees  resulting  from  the  blood-relationship 
should  be  mentioned  in  seeking  dispensation.  In  the 
petition  for  dispensation,  both  series  in  the  collateral 
consanguinity  must  be  mentioned,  though  this  is  not 
necessary  for  validity  of  the  dispensation.  A  special 
proviso  is  made  when  dispensation  is  sought  from  col- 
lateral consanguinity.  It  must  be  mentioned,  even 
for  validity,  if  the  one  part  is  next  of  kin  to  the  root  or 
common  ancestor  and  the  other  within  the  forbidden 
degrees ;  the  sex  of  the  next  of  kin  should  also  be  men- 
tioned, because  of  the  greater  difficulty  of  the  dispen- 
sation for  a  nephew  to  marry  his  aunt.  If  the  farthest 
should  be  in  the  fifth  degree,  there  is  even  in  that  case 
no  prohibition  of  marriage.  The  impediment  of  mar- 
riage arises  also  from  any  carnal  intercourse,  even  out- 
side of  marriage,  to  the  fourth  degree  of  consanguinity. 
To  consanguinity  within  the  prohibited  degrees  may 
be  added  the  gravamen  of  the  crime  of  incest.  If  the 
incest  were  committed  in  the  hope  of  facilitating  the 
grant  of  a  dispensation,  this  circumstance  must  be 
mentioned  in  the  petition  for  dispensation ;  mention 


often  produces  ecclesiastical  disbarments  (see  Birth). 
The  hindrances  to  marriage  based  on  consanguinity  vary 
considerably  in  different  States.  In  Germany  consan- 
guinity is  a  bar  only  in  the  direct  line,  and  between 
brothers  and  sisters.  In  France  uncle  and  niece,  aunt 
and  nephew,  are  forbidden  to  intermarry,  but  dispen- 
sation may  be  granted  by  the  head  of  the  State.  The 
prohibition  does  not  extend  to  this  relationship  aris- 
ing from  an  illegitimate  union.  Even  in  the  most 
conservative  Catholic  countries,  there  is  a  tendency  to 
limit  the  impediment  of  consanguinity.  In  England 
the  statutes  of  Henry  VIII,  repealed  in  part  by  Ed- 
ward VI  and  wholly  by  Phillip  and  Mary,  were  revived 
in  Elizabeth's  first  year,  the  provision  being  that  "  no 
prohibition,  God's  law  except,  shall  trouble  or  im- 
peach any  marriage  outside  Levitical  law".  The  ec- 
clesiastical interpretation  was  that  consanguinity  was 
an  impediment  to  marriage  as  far  as  the  third  degree 
of  civil  computation.  A  man  might  not  marry  his 
aunt,  or  his  niece,  but  might  marry  his  first  cousin. 
Relationship  by  the  half-blood  was  put  on  the  same 
footing  as  tne  full-blood,  and  illegitimate  conaanguin- 


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ity  was  treated  as  equivalent  to  legitimate  blood  rela- 
tionship. The  courts  regarded  marriages  within  the 
forbidden  degree  as  voidable  rather  than  void,  but  such 
marriages  were  declared  void  by  an  act  of  5  and  6  Wil- 
liam IV  (1835).  In  the  United  States  all  the  States 
prohibit  marriage  between  lineal  descendants;  most 
of  them  prohibit  marriages  between  uncle  and  niece, 
nephew  and  aunt,  and  between  first  cousins  (Des- 
mond, The  Church  and  the  Law,  Chicago,  1898,  C.  X). 

Genealogical  Table. — We  subjoin  a  genealogical 
table  which  exhibits  the  various  degrees  of  consan- 
guinity according  to  a  custom  in  use  in  the  Western 
Church  since  the  seventh  century  (Isidore  of  Seville). 
This  will  be  a  useful  guide  in  determining  the  extent 
of  the  impediment  of  affinity  (q.  v.).  Affinity  from  a 
true  marriage  is  a  diriment  impediment  to  the  fourth 
degree  of  consanguinity  of  the  deceased  spouse;  ac- 
cording to  the  ecclesiastical  law  a  widower  may  not 
marry  any  of  his  deceased  wife's  blood-relations  as  far 
as  the  fourth  degree  inclusively,  nor  a  widow  her  de- 
ceased husband's  blood-relations.  There  is  a  modifi- 
cation if  the  affinity  be  one  arising  from  illicit  inter- 
course. 

Fkijk,  De  Impedim.  et  Dispens.  Matrim.  (Louvain,  1885),  ch. 
xiii,  xxx.  xxxi;  Scavini,  Theol.  Mar.,  Bk.  Ill,  De  Jmped.  Matr., 
art.  2  (Milan,  1858);  De  Amokus,  Prat.  Jur.  Can.,  vol.  III.  pt. 
I,  tit.  xiv  (Rome,  1880);  Taunton,  The  Law  of  the  Church  (Lon- 
don, 1006)  s.  v.;  Zitblu,  Apparat.  Juris  Ecct.,Bk.  II,  ch.  it, 
art.  7.  p.  439  (Rome,  1888):  Sa.nti-Leitner,  Pral.  Jur.  Can. 
(4th  ed.,  New  York,  1005),  III.  245-61;  Kenrick,  Theol.  Mot., 
Tract,  xxi,  De  Matr.,  ch.  v.  (Mechlin,  1861);  Addis  and  Ar- 
nold, Catholic  Dictionary  (London,  1003),  a.  v.;  Craibbon, 
Man.  Jur.  Can.,  vol.  Ill,  Bk.  II,  ch.  viii,  De  Imped.  Cognat. 
{Poitiers,  1880):  Laurkntiub,  Inst.  Jur.  Can.  (Freiburg,  1003). 
151;  An d re- W Aa n er.  Diet,  de  droit  canon.  (Paris,  1901),  s.  v.; 
>' A  vino,  Encidopedia  dell' Ecdesiastico,  s.  v.  Imped,  del  Matr. 
(Turin.  1878);  Hastinob,  Diet,  of  the  Bible  (New  York,  1902), 
B.  v.  Marriage;  Cheyne,  Encyolopmdia  Btblica  (New  York, 
1890),  s.  v.  Marriage. 

Richard  L.  Burtsell. 


II 


Conscience. — I.  The  Name. — In  English  we  have 
done  with  a  Latin  word  what  neither  the  Latins  nor  the 
French  have  done:  we  have  doubled  the  term,  making 
"  conscience ' '  stand  for  the  moral  department  and  leav- 
ing "consciousness"  for  the  universal  field  of  objects 
about  which  we  become  aware.  In  Cicero  we  have  to  de- 
pend upon  the  context  for  the  specific  limitation  to  the 
ethical  area,  as  in  the  sentence:  "  mea  mihi  conscientia 
pluris  est  quam  omnium  sermo"  (Att.,  XII,  xxviii,  2). 
Sir  W.  Hamilton  has  discussed  how  far  we  can  be  said 
to  be  conscious  of  the  outer  objects  which  we  know, 
and  how  far  "consciousness"  ought  to  be  held  a  term 
restricted  to  states  of  self  or  self-consciousness.  (See 
Thiele,  Die  Philosophic  desSelbstbewusstseins,  Berlin, 
1895.)  In  the  two  words  Beumsstsein  and  Geunssen 
the  Germans  have  made  a  serviceable  distinction  an- 
swering to  our  "consciousness"  and  "conscience". 
The  ancients  mostly  neglected  such  a  discrimination. 
The  Greeks  often  used  <f>p6m)o-tt  where  we  should  use 
"conscience",  but  the  two  terms  are  far  from  coinci- 
dent. They  also  used  avnlSnait,  which  occurs  repeat- 
edly for  the  purpose  in  hand  both  in  the  Old  and  the 
New  Testament.  The  Hebrews  had  no  formal  psy- 
chology, though  Delitzsch  has  endeavoured  to  find  one 
in  Scripture.  There  the  heart  often  stands  for  con- 
science. 

II.  Origin  of  Conscience  in  the  Race  and  in  the 
Individual. — Of  anthropologists  some  do  and  some  do 
not  accept  the  Biblical  account  of  man's  origin;  and 
the  former  class,  admitting  that  Adam's  descendants 
might  soon  have  lost  the  traces  of  their  higher  descent, 
are  willing  to  hear,  with  no  pledge  of  endorsing,  what 
the  latter  class  have  to  say  on  the  assumption  of  the 
human  development  even  from  an  animal  ancestry, 
and  on  the  further  assumption  that  in  the  use  of  evi- 
dences they  may  neglect  sequence  of  time  and  place. 
It  is  not  maintained  by  any  serious  student  that  the 
Darwinian  pedigree  is  certainly  accurate:  it  has  the 
value  of  a  diagram  giving  some  notion  of  the  lines 
along  which  forces  are  supposed  to  have  acted.  Not, 


then,  as  accepting  for  fact,  but  as  using  it  for  a  very 
limited  purpose,  we  may  give  a  characteristic  sketch  of 
ethical  development  as  suggested  in  the  last  chapter  of 
Mr.  L.  T.  Hobl  louse's  "  Morals  in  Evolution".  It  is  a 
conjectural  story,  very  like  what  other  anthropolo- 
gists offer  for  what  it  is  worth  and  not  for  fully  certi- 
fied science. 

Etni«H» -conduct  ox  regulatgdlife;  and  regulation 
has  a  crude  begihriingjn  tj^J^^ffi  P"'"ial  M***  9fl  a  r«- 
sponse  tOTStimulus,  as  reflex^acS^  asaisefS-ailapta- 
tiontoem^Daaneat.  JEhygjJieamceba  doubles  itself 
roiJnlTifsToodin  the  water  and  lives  ;TFp"ropagates  by 
self-division.  At  another  stage  in  the  animal  series 
we  find  blind  impulses  for  the  benefit  of  life  and  ita 
propagation  taking  a  more  complex  shape,  until  some- 
thing like  instinctive  purpose  is  displayed.  Useful 
actions  are  performed,  not  apparently  pleasurable  in 
themselves,  yet  with  good  in  the  sequel  which  cannot 
have  been  foreseen.  The  care  of  the  animal  for  its 
young,  the  provision  for  the  need  of  its  future  offspring 
is  a  kind  of  foreshadowed  sense  of  duty.  St.  Thomas 
is  bold  to  follow  the  terminology  of  Roman  lawyers, 
and  to  assert  a  sort  of  morality  in  the  pairing  ana  the 
propagating  of  the  higher  animals:  "ius  naturale  est 
quod  natura  omnia  animalia  docuit".  (It  is  the  na- 
tural law  which  nature  has  taught  all  animals. — "  In 
IV  Sent.",  dist.  xxxiii,  a.  1,  art.  4.)  Cusjams-are 
formed  under,  the  pressures  and  the  interactions  of  ac- 
tual living,  they  are  fixed  by  heredity,  and  they  await 
the  analysis  and  the  improvements  of  nascent  reason. 
With  the  advent  of  man,  in  his  rudest  state — however 
he  came  to  be  in  that  state,  whether  by  ascent  or  de- 
scent— there  dawns  a  conscience,  which,  injbedevel- 
opment  theory,  wjlLhave  to  pass  through  many  stages. 
At  first  its  categories  of  right  and  wrong  are  in  a  very 
fluid  condition,  keeping  no  fixed  form,  and  easily  inter- 
mixing, as  in  the  chaos  of  a  child's  dreams,  fancies,  il- 
lusions, and  fictions.  The  requirements  of  social  life, 
which  becomes  the  great  moralizer  of  social  action,  are 
continually  changing,  and  with  them  ethics  varies  ita 
Adaptations.  As  society  advances,  its  ethics  im- 
jsroves.  "  The  lines  on  which  custom  is  formed  are  de- 
termined in  each  society  by  the  pressures,  the  thousand 
interactions  of  those  forces  of  individual  character  and 
.social  relationship,  which  never  cease  remoulding  until 
they  have  made  men's  loves  and  hates,  -their  hopes  and 
.fears  for  themselves  and  their  children,  their  dread  of 
unseen  agencies,  their  jealousies,  their  resentments, 
'  their  antipathies,  their  sociability  and  dim  sense  of  mu- 
tual dependence — all  their  qualities  good  and  bad,  sel- 
fish and  sympathetic,  social  and  anti-social."  (Op. 
cit..  Vol.  II,  p.  262.)  The  grasp  of  experience  widens 
and  power  of  analysis  increases,  till,  in  a  people  like  the 
Greeks,  we  come  upon  thinkers  who  can  distinctly  re- 
flect on  human  conduct,  and  can  put  in  practice  the 
yrw$i  oeavrbr  (know  thyself),  so  that  henceforth  the 
method  of  ethics  is  secured  for  all  times,  with  indefinite 
scope  left  for  its  better  and  better  application.  ^-Here 
we  nave  reached  the  level  of  philosophical  or  spiritual 
religions,  systems  which  seek  to  concentrate  all  experi- 
ence in  one  focus,  and  to  illuminate  all  morality  from 
one  centre,  thought,  as  ever,  becoming  more  compre- 
hensive as  it  becomes  more  explicit ' '.    (ibid.,  p.  266.) 

What  is  said  of  the  race  is  applied  to  the  individual, 
as  in  him  customary  rules  acquire  ethical  character  by 
the  recognition  of  distinct  principles  and  ideals,  all 
tending  to  a  final  unity  or  goal,  which  for  the  mere  evo- 
lutionist is  left  very  indeterminate,  but  for  the  Chris- 
tian has  adequate  definition  in  a  perfect  possession  of 
God  by  knowledge  and  love,  without  the  contingency 
of  further  lapses  from  duty.  To  come  to  the  fullness  of 
knowledge  possible  in  this  world  is  for  the  individual  a 
process  of  growth.  The  brain  at  first  has  not  the  or- 
ganization which  would  enable  it  to  be  the  instrument 
of  rational  thought:  probably  it  is  a  necessity  of  our 
mind's  nature-thatwe  should  not  start  with  the  fully 
formed  brain  but  that  the  first  elements  of  knowledge 


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should  be  gathered  with  the 
iilg  structure.  In  the  mon 
stewijrteSrns  right  conduct 
tion,  by  sanction  in  the  way  "of  rewards  and  punish- 
ments. Bain  exaggerates  the  predominance  of  the 
last  named  element  as  the  source  whence  the  sense  of 
obligation  comes,  and  therein  he  is  like  Shaftesbury 
(Inquiry,  II,  n.  1),  who  sees  in  conscience  only  the  re- 
prover. This  view  is  favoured  also  by  Carlyle  in  his 
Essay  on  Characteristics",  and  by  Dr.  Mackenzie  in 
his  "Manual  of  Ethics"  (3rd  ed.,  Ill,  §  14),  where  we 
read:  "  I  should  preferto  say  simply  that  conscience,  is 
a  feelingoTpam  accompanying  and  resulting 'Tromour 
non^ooTrfornrtty~to  principle.  "NewnTBn  also  has  put 
Ore  stress  on  the  reproving  office  of  conscience.  Carlyle 
says  we  should  not  observe  that  we  had  a  conscience  if 
we  had  never  offended.  Green  thinks  that  ethical 
theory  is  mostly  of  negative  use  for  conduct.  (Prole- 
gomena to  Ethics,  IV,  1.)  It  is  better  to  keep  in  view 
both  sides  of  the  truth  and  say  that  the  mind  ethically 
developed  comes  to  a  sense  of  satisfaction  in  right  doing 
^rPTTrrf  uTgatlsfaction  in  wrongdoing,  and  that  the  re- 
gards andjihe-pwiohmonta  judiciously  assigned  to  the 
young  have  for  their  purpose,  as  Aristotle  puts  it,  to 
teaeh-tae  teachable  how  to  find  pleasure  in  what  ought 
to-  please  and  displeasure  in  what  Ought  to  displease. 
The  immature  mind  must  be  given  external  sanctions 
before  it  can  reach  the  inward.  Its  earliest  glimmer- 
ing of  duty  cannot  be  clear  light:  it  begins  by  distin- 
guishing conduct  as  nice  or  as  nasty  and  naughty:  as 
approved  or  disapproved  by  parents  and  teachers,  be- 
hind whom  in  a  dim  way  stands  the  oft-mentioned 
God,  conceived,  not  only  in  an  anthropomorphic,  but 
in  a  nepiomorphic  way,  not  correct  yet  more  correct 
than  Caliban's  speculations  about  Setebos.  The  per- 
ception of  sin  in  the  genuine  sense  is  gradually  formed 
until  the  age  which  we  roughly  designate  as  the  seventh 
year,  and  henceforth  the  agent  enters  upon  the  awful 
career  of  responsibility  according  to  the  dictates  of  con- 
' science.  —On  grounds_no_t  ethic&l  but_Bx&olaet<ieally 
theological,  St.  Thomas  explains  a  theory  that  the  un- 
BaffttzecTperson  atrthe  dawn  of  reason  goes  through  a 
fbot  origin  in  moral  discrimination  which  turns  simply 
OTrtbe  acceptance  or  rejection  of  God,  and  entails  mor- 
tal sin  in  case  of  failure.    (I— II,  Q.  lxxxix,  a.  6.) 

III.  What  Conscience  Is  in  the  Soul  of  Man? — 
It  is  often  a  good  maxim  not  to  mind  for  a  time  how  a 
thing  came  to  be,  but  to  see  what  it  actually  is.   To  do 
so  in  regard  to  conscience  before  we  take  up  the  history 
xf,  of  philosophy  in  its  regard  is  wise  policy,  for.it  will  give 
-  us  some  clear  doctrine  upon  which  to  lay  hold,  while 
{  we  travel  through  a  region  perplexed  by  much  confus- 
'  ion  of  thought.    The  following  points  arecardinal :  (a) 
The  natural  conacienceoa  no  distmct  "faculty.  Jxut  the 
•  one  intellect  of_amaninasmuch  as  it  considers  right 
mroMuc|[aided  meanwhile  by  a  good  will, 
of  the  emotions,  by  the- practical  experience 
oniving.  andby  alLexternal  helps  that  are  to  the  pur- 
pose,   (b)  The  natural  conscience  of  the  Christian  is 
known  by  him  to  act  hot  alone,  but  under  the  enlight- 
enment and  theimpulBe  derived  from  revelation"  and 
grace  in  a  strictly  supernatural  order,    (c)  As  to  the 
ordefof  hatuTe,"whi  3T  does  not  exist  but  which  might 
have  existed,  St.  Thomas  (I— II,  O.  cix,  a.  3)  teaches 
that  both  f prjiifijjiovfledgfioi  God  and  for  the  knowl- 
edgejat  moral  duty,  men  such  as  we  are  would  require 
~86me  assista^c^f^mTjOTrtr/ffiak&theirknowIedge  suf- 


~15cieiiflyextensm^  and  rela- 

tive^ adequate;  anoTespecially  tP-put  it  within  reach 
of  those  who  are  much  engrossed  with  the  cares  of  ma- 
terial rife-.  •  -It-wouW  be  absurd  to  suppose  that  in  the 
niiU.  nf  rmtiiro  ftpd  could  bedebarred  frouajmyreve- 
Jatign_af_ -Himself p  and,  would  leave  TTTmself  to  be 
■g*S£b«d  for  quite_irresponsively.  (d)  Being  a  prac- 
tical tiling,  consciencedepends  in  large  measure  for  its 
correctness  upon  the  good  use  of  it  and  on  proper  care 
taken  to  heed  its  deliverances,  cultivate  its  powers, 


and  frustrate  its  enemies,  (e)  Even  where  due  dili- 
gence is  employed  conscience  will  err  sometimes,  but 
its  inculpable  mistakes  will  be  admitted  by  God  to  be 
not  blameworthy.  These  are  so  many  principles 
needed  to  steady  us  as  we  tread  some  of  the  ways  of 
ethical  history,  where  pitfalls  are  many. 

IV.  The  Philosophy  op  Conscience  Considered 
Historically. — (1)  In  pre-Christian  timet. — The  earl- 
iest written  testimonies  that  we  can  consult  tell  us  of 
recognized  principles  in  morals,  and  if  we  confine  our 
attention  to  the  good  which  we  find  and  neglect  for  the 
present  the  inconstancy  and  the  admixture  of  many 
evils,  we  shall  experience  a  satisfaction  in  the  history. 
The  Persians  stood  for  virtue  against  vice  in  their  sup- 
port of  Ahura  Mazda  against  An  rim  an;  and  it  was  an 
excellence  of  theirs  to  rise  above  "  independent  ethics  " 
to  the  conception  of  God  as  the  rewarder  and  the  pun- 
isher.  They  even  touched  the  doctrine  of  Christ's  say- 
ing, "  What  doth  it  profit  a  man  if  he  gain  the  whole 
world,  and  lose  his  own  soul?"  when  to  the  question, 
what  is  the  worth  of  the  whole  creation  displayed  before 
us,  the  Zend-Avesta  has  the  reply:  "the  man  therein 
who  is  delivered  from  evil  in  thought,  word,  and 
deed:  he  is  the  most  valuable  object  on  earth."  Here 
conscience  was  clearly  enlightened.  Of  the  moral  vir- 
tues among  the  Persians  truthfulness  was  conspicuous. 
Herodotus  says  that  the  youth  were  taught  "to  ride 
and  shoot  with  the  bow  ,  and  "to  speak  the  truth". 
The  unveracious  Greeks,  who  admired  the  wiles  of  an 
Odysseus,  were  surprised  at  Persian  veracity  (Herodo- 
tus, I,  136,  138);  and  it  may  be  that  Herodotus  is  not 
fair  on  this  head  to  Darius  (III,  72).  The  Hindus  in 
the  Vedas  do  not  rise  high,  but  in  Brahminism  there  is 
something  more  spiritual,  and  still  more  in  the  Bud- 
dhist reform  on  its  best  side,  considered  apart  from  the 
pessimistic  view  of  life  upon  which  its  false  asceticism 
was  grounded.  Buddhism  had  ten  prohibitive  com- 
mandments: three  concerning  the  body,  forbidding 
murder,  theft,  and  unchastity ;  four  concerning  speech, 
forbidding  lying,  slander,  abusive  language,  and  vain 
conversation ;  and  three  concerning  the  mind  intern  ally, 
covetousness,  malicious  thoughts,  and  the  doubting 
spirit.  The  Egyptians  show  the  workings  of  con- 
science. In  the  "Book  of  the  Dead"  we  find  an  ex- 
amination of  conscience,  or  rather  profession  of  inno- 
cence, before  the  Supreme  Judge  after  death.  Two 
confessions  are  given  enunciating  most  of  the  virtues 
(chap,  cxxv):  reverence  for  God;  duties  to  the  dead; 
charity  to  neighbours ;  duties  of  superiors  and  subjects ; 
care  for  human  life  and  limb ;  chastity,  honesty,  truth- 
fulness, and  avoidance  of  slander;  freedom  from  covet- 
ousness. The  Assyro-Babylonian  monuments  offer  us 
many  items  on  the  favourable  side;  nor  could  the  peo- 
ple whence  issued  the  Code  of  Hammurabi,  at  a  date 
anterior  to  the  Mosaic  legislation  by  perhaps  seven 
hundred  years,  be  ethically  undeveloped.  If  the  Code 
of  Hammurabi  has  no  precepts  of  reverence  to  God 
corresponding  with  the  first  three  Commandments  of 
the  Mosaic  Law,  at  least  its  preface  contains  a  recogni- 
tion of  God's  supremacy.  In  China  Confucius  (c. 
500  b.  c),  in  connexion  with  an  idea  of  heaven,  deliv- 
ered a  high  morality;  and  Mencius  (c.  300  b.  c.)  de- 
veloped this  code  of  uprightness  and  benevolence  as 
"Heaven's  appointment  .  Greek  ethics  began  to  pass 
from  its  gnomic  condition  when  Socrates  fixed  attention 
on  the  ypQBi  atavr6v  in  the  interests  of  moral  reflection. 
Soon  followed  Aristotle,  who  put  the  science  on  a  lasting 
basis,  with  the  great  drawback  of  neglecting  the  theistic 
side  and  consequently  the  full  doctrine  of  obligation. 
Neither  for  "obligation"  nor  for  "conscience"  had  the 
Greeks  a  fixed  term.  Still  the  pleasures  of  a  good  con- 
science and  the  pains  of  an  evil  one  were  wellset  forth 
in  the  fragments  collected  by  Stobseus  rtpl  toD  trv  mSSrnt. 
Penandros,  asked  what  wastrue  freedom,  answered :  '*  i 
good  conscience"  (Gaisford's  Stobieus,  vol.  I,  p.  429). 

(2)  In  the  Christian  Fathers. — The  patristic  treat- 
ment of  ethics  joined  together  Holy  Scripture  and  the 


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classical  authors  of  paganism;  no  system  was  reached, 
but  each  Father  did  what  was  characteristic.  Tertul- 
lian  was  a  lawyer  and  spoke  in  legal  terms:  especially 
his  Montanism  urged  him  to  inquire  which  were  the 
mortal  sins,  and  thus  he  started  for  future  investiga- 
tors a  good  line  of  inquiry.  Clement  of  Alexandria 
was  allegoric  and  mystic:  a  combiner  of  Orientalism, 
Hellenism,  Judaism,  and  Christianity  in  their  bearing 
on  the  several  virtues  and  vices.  The  apologists,  in 
defending  the  Christian  character,  dwelt  on  the  marks 
of  ethical  conduct.  St.  Justin  attributed  this  excel- 
lence to  the  Divine  Logos,  and  thought  that  to  Him, 
through  Moses,  the  pagan  philosophers  were  indebted 
(Apol.,  I,  xliv).  Similarly  Origen  accounted  for  pre- 
Christian  examples  of  Christian  virtue.  As  a  Roman 
skilled  in  legal  administration  St.  Ambrose  was  largely 
guided  by  Latin  versions  of  Greek  ethics,  as  is  very 
well  illustrated  by  his  imitation  in  style  of  Cicero's 
"De  Officiis",  which  he  made  the  title  of  his  own  work. 
He  discusses  honestum  et  utile  (I,  ix) ;  decorum,  or  r* 
wp4rop,  as  exhibited  in  Holy  Scripture  (x) ;  various  de- 
grees of  goodness,  mediocre  and  perfect,  in  connexion 
with  the  text,  "if  thou  wilt  be  perfect"  (xi);  the  pas- 
sions of  hot  youth  (xvii).  Subsequent  chapters  dwell 
on  the  various  virtues,  as  fortitude  in  war  and  its  allied 
quality,  courage  in  martyrdom  (xl,  xli).  The  second 
book  opens  with  a  discussion  of  beatitude,  and  then  re- 
turns to  the  different  virtues.  It  is  the  pupil  of  St. 
Ambrose,  St.  Augustine,  who  is,  perhaps,  the  most  im- 
portant of  the  Fathers  in  the  developmentof  the  Chris- 
tian doctrine  of  conscience,  not  so  much  on  account  of 
his  frequent  discourses  about  moral  subjects,  as  be- 
cause of  the  Platonism  which  he  drank  in  before  his 
conversion,  and  afterwards  got  rid  of  only  by  degrees. 
The  abiding  result  to  the  Scholastic  system  was  that 
many  writers  traced  their  ethics  and  theology  more  or 
less  to  innate  ideas,  or  innate  dispositions,  or  Divine 
illuminations,  after  the  example  of  St.  Augustine. 
Even  in  St.  Thomas,  who  was  so  distinctly  an  A ris tote- 
lean  empiricist,  some  fancy  that  they  detect  occasional 
remnants  of  Augustinianism  on  its  Platonic  side. 

Before  leaving  the  Fathers  we  may  mention  St. 
Basil  as  one  who  illustrates  a  theorizing  attitude.  He 
was  sound  enough  in  recognizing  sin  to  be  graver  and 
less  grave:  yet  in  the  stress  of  argument  against  some 
persons  who  seemed  to  admit  only  the  worst  offences 
against  God  to  be  real  sins,  he  ventured,  without  ap- 
proving of  Stoic  doctrine,  to  point  out  a  sort  of  equal- 
ity in  all  sin,  so  far  as  all  sin  is  a  disobedience  to  God 
(Horn,  de  Justitia  Dei,  v-viii).  Later  Abelard  and  re- 
cently Dr.  Schell  abused  this  suggestion.  But  it  has 
had  no  influence  in  any  way  like  that  of  St.  Augustine's 
Platonism,  of  which  a  specimen  may  be  seen  in  St. 
Bonaventure,  when  he  is  treating  precisely  of  con- 
science, in  a  passage  very  useful  as  shedding  light  on  a 
subsequent  part  of  this  article.  _Some  habite,  he-says. 
are  acquired,  p"™"  jnnajp  ""■"'flnrfiR  knowledge  afcain- 
guTafraad  knowledge  of  uniyejsals- "Quumenim  ad 
cognitioHeTff  3u5  concurrant  necessario,  videlicet  pne- 
sentia  cognoscibilis  et  lumen  quo  median te  de  illo  judi- 
camus,  habitus  cognoscitivi  sunt  quodammodo  nobis 
innati  ratione  luminis  animo  inditi;  sunt  etiam  ac- 
quisiti  ratione  speciei ' ' — "  For  as  two  things  necessarily 
concur  for  cognition,  namely,  the  presence  of  some- 
thing cognoscible,  and  the  light  by  which  we  judge  con- 
cerning it,  cognoscitive  habits  are  in  a  certain  sense  in- 
nate, by  reason  ef  the  light  wherewith  the  mind-  is  en- 
dowed; and  they  are  also  acquired,  by  reason  of  the 
species."  ("Comment,  in  II  Lib.  Sent.",  dist.  xxxix, 
art.  1,  Q.  ii.  Cf.  St.  Thomas,  "  De  Veritate  ",  Q.  xi,  art. 
1:  "Principia  dicuntur  innata  quse  statim  lumine  in- 
tellectus  agentis  cognoscuntur  per  species  a  sensibus 
abstractas  . — Principles  are  called  innate  when  they 
are  known  at  once  by  the  light  of  the  active  intellect 
through  the  species  abstracted  from  the  senses.) 
Then  comes  the  very  noticeable  and  easily  mis- 
understood addition  a  little  later:  "si  quse  sunt 


cognoscibilia  per  sui  essentiam,  non  per  speciem, 
respectu  talium  poterit  dici  conscientia  esse  habitue 
simpliciter  innatus,  utpote  respectu  hujus  quod  est 
Deum  am  arc  et  timere;  Deus  enim  non  cognoscitur  per 
similitudinem  a  sensu,  immo  'Dei  notitia  naturaliter 
est  nobis  inserta',  sicut  dicit  Augustinus" — "if  there 
at&seaie  things  cognoscibje.  through  their  very  essence 
and  not  through  the  species,  conscience,  with  regard  to 
such,  things,  may  be  called  a  habit  simply  innate,  as,  for 
example,  with  regard  to  loving  and  serving  God ;  for 
God  is- not  known  by  sense  through  an  image;  rather, 
'the  knowledge  of  God  is  implanted  in  us  by  nature', 
-^as  Augustine  says"  ("  In  Joan.",  Tract,  cvi,  n.  4;  "Con- 
fess:", X,  xx,  xx ix;  "De  Lib.  Arbitr.",  I,  xiv,  xxari; 
"De  Mor.  Eccl."  iii,  iv;  "De  Trin.",  XIII,  iii,  vi; 
"Joan.  Dam.  de  Fide",  I,  i,  iii).  We  must  remember 
that  St.  Bonaventure  is  not  only  a  theologian  but  also 
a  mystic,  supposing  in  man  oculus  carnis,  oculus  rati- 
onis  and  oculus  contemplationis  (the  eye  of  the  flesh, 
the  eye  of  reason,  and  the  eye  of  contemplation) ;  and 
that  he  so  seriously  regards  man's  power  to  prove  by 
arguments  the  existence  of  God  as  to  devote  his  labour 
to  explaining  that  logical  conviction  is  consistent  with 
faith  in  the  same  existence  (Comm.  in  III  Sent.,  dist. 
xxiv,  art.  1,  Q.  iv).  All  these  matters  are  highly  sig- 
nificant for  those  who  take  up  any  thorough  examina- 
tion of  the  question  as  to  what  the  Scholastics  thought 
about  man  having  a  conscience  by  his  very  nature  as 
a  rational  being.  The  point  recurs  frequently  in  Scho- 
lastic literature,  to  which  we  must  next  turn. 

(3)  In  Scholastic  times. — It  will  help  to  make  intelli- 
gible the  subtle  and  variable  theories  which  follow,  if  it 
be  premised  that  the  Scholastics  are  apt  to  puzzle 
readers  by  mixing  up  with  their  philosophy  of  reason  a 
real  or  apparent  apriorism,  which  is  called  Augustin- 
ianism, Platonism,  or  Mysticism,  (a)  As  a  rule,  to 
which  Durandus  with  some  others  was  an  exception, 
the  Schoolmen  regarded  created  causes  as  unable  to  is- 
sue in  any  definite  act  unless  applied  or  stimulated  by 
God,  the  Prime  Mover:  whence  came  the  Thomistic 
doctrine  of  pramotio  physica  even  for  the  intellect  and 
the  will,  ana  the  simple  concursus  of  the  non-Thomists. 

(b)  Furthermore  they  supposed  some  powers  to  be 
potential  and  passive,  that  is,  to  neetTa  creative  deter- 
minant received  into  them  as  their  complement:  of 
which  kind  a  prominent  example  was  the  inteUectus 
possibilis  informed  by  the  species  irdeUigibUis,  and  an- 
other instance  was  in  relation  to  conscience,  the  syn- 
teresis.    (St.  Thomas,  De  Verit.,  Q.  xvi,  art.  1,  ad  13.) 

(c)  First  principles  or  habits  inherent  in  intellect  and 
will  were  clearly  traced  by  St.  Thomas  to  an  origin  in 
experience  and  abstraction;  but  others  spoke  more 
ambiguously  or  even  contradictorily ;  St.  Thomas  him- 
self, in  isolated  passages,  might  seem  to  afford  material 
for  the  priorist  to  utilize  in  favour  of  innate  forms. 
But  the  Thomistic  explanation  of  appetUus  innatus,  as 
contrasted  with  elicitus,  saves  the  situation. 

Abelard,  in  his  "Ethics",  or  "NoseeTeipsum".does 
not  plunge  us  into  these  depths,  and  yet  he  taught  such 
an  indwelling  of  the  Holy  Ghost  in  virtuous  pagans  as 
too  unrestrictedly  to  make  their  virtues  to  be  Chris- 
tian. He  placed  morality  so  much  in  the  inward  act 
that  he  denied  the  morality  of  the  outward,  and  sin  he 
placed  not  in  the  objectively  disordered  deed  but  in 
contempt  for  God,  in  which  opinion  he  was  imitated  by 
Prof.  Schell.  Moreover  he  opened  a  way  to  wrong 
opinions  by  calling  free  will  "the  free  judgment  about 
the  will".  In  his  errors,  however,he  wasnotso  wholly 
astray  as  careless  reading  might  lead  some  to  infer.  It 
was  with  Alexander  of  Hales  that  discussions  which 
some  will  regard  as  the  tedious  minutiae  of  Scholastic 
speculation  began.  The  origin  lay  in  the  introduction 
from  St.  Jerome  (in  Ezech.,  I,  Bk.  I,  ch.  1)  of  the  term 
synteresis  or  synderesis.  There  the  commentator,  hav- 
ing treated  three  of  the  mystic  animals  in  the  Proph- 
ecy as  symbolizing  respectively  three  Platonic  powers 
of  the  soul:  rb  tuifiviiifriKbr  (the  appetitive),  rb  9viuk6h 


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(the  irascible),  and  tA  \oyacir  (the  rational),  uses  the 
fourth  animal,  the  eagle,  to  represent  what  he  calls 
avrr-tiinpn-    The  last,  according  to  the  texts  em- 
ployed by  him  to  describe  it,  is  a  supernatural  knowl- 
edge: it  is  the  Spirit  Who  groans  in  man  (Rom.,  viii, 
26),  the  Spirit  who  alone  knows  what  is  in  man  (I  Cor., 
ii,  1 1),  the  Spirit  who  with  the  body  and  the  soul  forms 
the  Pauline  trichotomy  of  I  These.,  v,  23.  Alexander 
of  Hales  neglects  this  limitation  to  the  supernatural, 
and  takes  synteresis  as  neither  a  poteniia  alone,  nor  a 
habitus  atone,  but  a  poteniia  habitualis.  something  na- 
tive, essential,  indestructible  in  the  soul,  yet  liable  to  be 
obscured  and  baffled.    It  resides  both  in  the  intelli- 
gence and  in  the  will:  it  is  identified  with  conscience, 
not  indeed  on  its  lower  side,  as  it  is  deliberative  and 
makes  concrete  applications,  but  on  its  higher  side  as 
it  is  wholly  general  in  principle,  intuitive,  a  lumen  in- 
naium  in  the  intellect  and  a  native  inclination  to  good 
in  the  will,  voluntas  naturalis  non  deliberaliva  (Summa 
Theol.,  Pt.  II,  QQ.  lxxi-lxxvii).    St.  Bonaventure,  the 
pupil,  follows  on  the  same  lines  in  his  ' ' ^inmmrntnriiim 
in  II  Sent."  (dist.  ixxix),  with  the  difference  that  he 
loesteTthe  synteresis  as  color  et  pondus  in  the  will  only, 
distinguishing  it  from  the  conscience  in  the  practical 
intellect,  which  he  calls  an  innate  habit — "rationale 
iudicatorium,  habitus  cognoscitivus  moralium  princi- 
piorum" — "a  rational  judgment,  a  habit  cognoscitive 
of  moral  principles".   Unlike  Alexander,  he  retains 
the  name  conscience  for  descent  to  particulars:  "con- 
SLieniia  uuii  Solum  consist  it  in  universal!  sed  etiam  de- 
scendit  ad  particularia  deliberative,"— " conscience  not 
only  consists  in  the  universal  but  also  descends  to  de- 
liberative particulars".    As  regards,  gpnpra.1  principles 
in  the  conscience,  the  habits  are  innate:  while  as_re- 
ards  particular  appHcationfl,  they  are  acquired" "(II 
ent. ,  dist  xxxix,  art.  1,  'Q.  ii). 
As  forming  a  transition  from  the  Franciscan  to  the 
Dominican  School  we  may  take  one  whom  the  Servite 
Order  can  at  least  claim  as  a  great  patron,  though  he 
seems  not  to  have  joined  their  body,  Henry  of  Ghent. 
■  He  places  conRnifinra.in  the  intellect,  nnt  in  the  affee- 
^  tiye  part — "non  ad  affect ivam  pertinet" — hy  whipfr 
the  SfthnljwticH  rnaa-nt.  gpnRfally  the  will  without  special 
reference  to. feeling. or  emotion  as  distinguished  in  the 
modern  sense  from  will.    While  Nicholas  of  Cusa  de- 
scribed the  Divine  illumination  as  acting  in  blind-born 
man  (virtus  ilium inati  ccecinati  qui  per  fidem  visum 
acquirit),  Henry  of  Ghent  required  only  assistances 
to  human  sight.    Therefore  he  supposed:   (a)  an 
influentia  generalis  Dei  to  apprehend  concrete  ob- 
jects and  to  generalize  thence  ideas  and  principles; 
(b)  a  light  of  faith;  (c)  a  lumen  speciale  wherewith 
was  known  the  sincera  et  limpida  Veritas  rerum  by 
chosen  men  only,  who  saw  things  in  their  Divine 
exemplars  but  not  God  Himself;  (d)  the  lumen 
gloria  to  see  God.    For  our  purpose  we  specially  note 
this:  " conscientia  ad  partem  anima  cognitivam  non 
pertinet,  sed  ad  affectivam" — "conscience  belongs 
not  tothe-eegnitive  part  of -the  mind,  but  to  the  affec- 
tww^tQuodhbet.,  I,  xviii).    St.  Thomas,  leading  the 
.Dominicans,  places  synteresis  not  in,  the  will  but  in  the 
intellect,  and  Be  applies  the  term  conscience  to  the  con- 
creT5  determinations  of  the  general  principle  which  the 
synteresis  furnishes:  "By  conscience  the  knowledge 
given  through  synteresis  is  applied  to  particular  ac- 
tions".   ("Be  Verit.",  Q.  xvii,  a.  2.  Cf.  "Summa 
Theol.",  Q.  lxxix,  a.  13;  "III  Sent.",  dist.  xiv,  a.  1, 
Q.  ii;  "Contra  Gent.",  II,  59.)   Albertus  agrees  with 
St.  Thomas  in  assigning  to  the  intellect  the  synteresis, 
which  he  unfortunately  derives  from  syn  and  hcerere 
(hterens  in  aliquo)  (Summa  Theol.,  Pt.  II,  Q.  xcix, 
memb.  2, 3;  Summa  de  Creaturis,  Pt.  II,  Q.  lxix,  a.  1). 
Yet  he  does  not  deny  all  place  to  the  will:  "Est  ra- 
tionis  practice  .  .  .  non  sine  voluntate  naturali,  sed 
nihil  est  voluntatis  deliberative  (Summa  Theol.,  Pt. 
II,  Q.  xcix,  memb.  1).   The  preference  of  the  Francis- 
can School  for  the  prominence  of  will,  and  the  prefer- 


ence of  the  Thomistic  School  for  the  prominence  of  in- 
tellect is  characteristic.  (See  Scot  us,  IV  Sent.,  dist. 
xlix,  Q.  iv.)  Often  this  preference  is  less  significant 
than  it  seems.  Fouillee,  the  great  defender  of  the 
idle  force — idea  as  the  active  principle— allows  in  a 
controversy  with  Spencer  that  feeling  and  will  may  be 
involved  in  the  idea.  Having  shown  how  Scholasti- 
cism began  its  research  into  conscience  as  a  fixed  termi- 
nology, we  must  leave  the  matter  there,  adding  only 
threeheads  under  which  occasion  was  given  for  serious 
errors  outside  the  Catholic  tradition: — 

(a)  While  St.  Augustine  did  excellent  service  in  de- 
veloping the  doctrine  of  grace,  he  never  so  clearly 
defined  the  exact  character  of  the  supernatural  as  to 
approach  the  precision  which  was  given  through  the 
condemnation  of  propositions  taught  by  Baius  and  Jan- 
senius;  and  in  consequence  his  doctrine  of  original  sin 
remained  unsatisfactory.  When  Alexander  of  Hales, 
without  distinction  of  natural  and  supernatural,  in- 
troduced among  the  Scholastics  the  words  of  St. 
Jerome  about  synteresis  as  scintilla  conscientia,  and 
called  it  lumen  mnatum,  he  helped  to  perpetuate  the 
August  in  ian  obscurity. 

(b)  As  regards  the  intellect,  several  Scholastics  in- 
clined to  the  Arabian  doctrine  of  intellectus  agens,  or  to 
the  Aristotelean  doctrine  of  the  Divine  mOt  higher 
than  the  human  soul  and  not  perishable  with  it.  Roger 
Bacon  called  the  intellectus  agens  a  distinct  substance. 
Allied  with  this  went  Exemplarism,  or  the  doctrine 
of  archetypic  ideas  and  the  supposed  knowledge  of 
things  in  these  Divine  ideas.  [Compare  the  xpoXi^etj 
Ifiupvrot  of  the  Stoics,  which  were  universals,  mral 
frnuat  (Zeller,  Stoics,  ch.  vi)].  Henry  of  Ghent  distin- 
guished in  man  a  double  knowledge:  "primum  exem- 
plar rei  est  species  eius  universalis  causa ta a  re:  secun- 
dum est  are  divina,  continens  rerum  ideales  rationes" 
— "  the  first  exemplar  of  a  thing  is  universal  species  of 
it  caused  by  the  thing:  the  second  is  the  Divine  Art 
containing  the  ideal  reasons  (rationes)  of  things" 
(Theol.,  1, 2,  n.  15).  Of  the  former  he  says:  "  per  tale 
exemplar  acquisitum  certa  et  infallibilis  notitia  veri- 
tatis  est  omnmo  impossibilis" — "through  such  an  ac- 
quired exemplar,  certain  and  infallible  knowledge  of 
truth  is  utterly  impossible"  (n.  17);  and  of  the  latter: 
"  illi  soli  certain  veritatem  valent  agnoscere  qui  earn 
in  exemplari  (jeterno)  valent  aspicere,  quod  non  omnes 
valent"  — "they  alone  can  know  certain  truth  who 
can  behold  it  in  the  (eternal)  exemplar,  which  not  all 
can  do"  (I,  1,  n.  26).  The  perplexity  was  further  in- 
creased when  some,  with  Occam,  asserted  a  confused 
intuition  of  things  singular  as  opposed  to  the  clearer 
idea  got  by  the  process  of  abstraction:  "Cognitio  sin- 
gulars abstractiva  praesupponit  intuitivam  ejusdem 
objecti" — "abstractive  cognition  of  a  singular  presup- 
poses intuitive  cognition  of  the  same  object"  (Quod- 
lib.,  I,  Q.  xiii).  Scotus  also  has  taught  the  confused 
intuition  of  the  singulars.  Here  was  much  occasion 
for  perplexity  on  the  intellectual  side,  about  the 
knowledge  of  general  principles  in  ethics  and  their  ap- 
plication when  the  priority  of  the  general  to  the  par- 
ticular was  in  question. 

j£-(c)  The  will  also  was  a  source  of  obscurity.  Des- 
cartes supposed  the  free  will  of  God  to  have  deter- 
mined  what  for  conscience  was  to  be  right  and  what 
wrong,  and  he  placed  the  act  of  volition  in  an  affirma- 
tion of  the  judgment.  Scotus  did  not  go  thus  far,  but 
some  Scotists  exaggerated  the  determining  power  of 
Divine  will,  especially  so  as  to  leave  it  to  the  choice  of 
God  indefinitely  to  enlarge  a  creature's  natural  facul- 
ties in  a  way  that  made  it  hard  to  distinguish  the  nat- 
ural from  the  supernatural.  Connected  with  the  phil- 
osophy of  the  will  in  matters  of  conscience  is  another 
statement  open  to  controversy,  namely,  that  the  will 
can  tend  to  any  good  object  in  particular  only  by  rea- 
son of  its  universal  tendency  to  the  good.  This  is  what 
Alexander  of  Hales  means  by  synteresis  as  it  exists  in 
the  will,  when  he  says  that  it  is  not  an  inactive  habit 


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but  a  habit  in  some  sense  active  of  itself,  or  a  general 
tendency,  disposition,  bias,  weight,  or  virtuality. 
With  this  we  might  contrast  Kant's  pure  noumenal 
will,  good  apart  from  all  determinedly  good  objects. 

(4)  Anti-Scholastic  Schools. — The  "history  of  ethics 
outside  the  Scholastic  domain,  so  far  as  it  is  antagonis- 
tic, has  its  extremes  in  Monism  or  Pantheism  on  the 
one  side  and  in  Materialism  on  the  other. 

(a)  Spinoza  is  a  type  of  the  Pantheistic  opposition. 
His  views  are  erroneous  inasmuch  as  they  regard  all 
things  in  the  light  of  a  fated  necessity,  with  no  free 
will  in  either  God  or  man;  no  preventable  evil  in  the 
natural  course  of  things;  no  purposed  good  of  crea- 
tion; no  individual  destiny  or  immortality  for  the  re- 
sponsible agent :  indeed  no  strict  responsibility  and  no 
strict  retribution  by  reward  or  punishment.  On  the 
other  hand  many  of  Spinoza's  sayings,  if  lifted  into  the 
theistic  region,  may  be  transformed  into  something 
noble.  The  theist,  taking  up  Spinoza's  phraseology 
in  a  converted  sense,  may,  under  this  new  interpreta- 
tion, view  all  passionate  action,  all  sinful  choice,  as  an 
"inadequate  idea  of  things",  as  "the  preference  of  a 
part  to  the  detriment  of  the  whole",  while  all  virtue  is 
seen  as  an  "adequate  idea"  taking  in  man's  "full  rela- 
tion to  himself  as  a  whole,  to  human  society  and  to 
God".  Again,  Spinoza's  amor  Dei  intelleclualis  be- 
comes finally,  when  duly  corrected,  the  Beatific  Vi- 
sion, after  having  been  the  darker  understanding  of 
God  enjoyed  by  holy  men  before  death,  who  love  all 
objects  in  reference  to  God.  Spinoza  was  not  an  anti- 
nomian  in  conduct;  he  recommended  and  practised 
virtues.  He  was  better  than  his  philosophy  on  its  bad 
side,  and  worse  than  his  philosophy  on  its  good  side 
after  it  has  been  improved  byChristian  interpretation. 

(b)  Hobbes  stands  for  ethics  on  a  Matei  ialfstic  basis. 
Tracmg"all  human'aclion  to  self-love,  he  had  to  ex- 
plain the  generous  virtues  as  the  more  respectable  ex- 
hibitions of  that  quality  when  modified  by  social  life. 
"He  set  various  schools  of  antagonistic  thought  devis- 
ing hypotheses  to  account  for  disinterested  action  in 
man.  The  Cambridge  Platonists  unsatisfactorily  at- 
tacked him  on  the  principle  of  their  eponymous  philos- 
opher, supposing  the  innate  no^para  to  rule  the  em- 
pirical aUrfHuiara.  by  the  aid  of  what  Henry  More 
called  a  "boniform  faculty",  which  tasted  "  the  sweet- 
ness and  savour  of  virtue".  This  calling  in  of  a  spe- 
cial faculty  had  imitators  outside  the  Platonic  School; 
for  example  in  Hutcheson,  who  had  recourse  to  Divine 
"implantations"  of  benevolent  disposition  and  moral 
sense,  which  remind  us  somewhat  of  synteresis  as  im- 
perfectly described  by  Alexander  of  Hales.  A  robust 
reliance  on  reason  to  prove  ethical  truth  as  it  proved 
mathematical  truths,  by  inspection  and  analysis,  char- 
acterized the  opposition  which  Dr.  Samuel  Clarke  pre- 
sented to  Hobbes.  It  was  a  fashion  of  the  age  to  treat 
philosophy  with  mathematical  rigour;  but  very  differ- 
ent was  the  "geometrical  ethics  of  Spinoza,  the  nec- 
essarian, from  that  of  Descartes,  the  libertarian,  who 
thought  that  God's  free  will  chose  even  the  ultimate 
reasons  of  right  and  wrong  and  might  have  chosen 
otherwise.  It  Hobbes  has  his  representatives  in  the 
Utilitarians,  the  Cambridge  Platonists  have  their  rep- 
resentatives in  more  or  less  of  the  school  of  which  T. 
H.  Green  is  a  leading  light.  A  universal  infinite  mind 
seeks  to  realize  itself  finitely  in  each  human  mind  or 
brain,  which  therefore  must  seek  to  free  itself  from  the 
bondage  of  mere  natural  causality  and  rise  to  the  lib- 
;rty  of  the  spirit,  to  a  complete  self-realization  in  the 
infinite  Self  and  after  its  pattern.  What  this  pattern 
ultimately  is  Green  cannot  say;  but  he  holds  that  our 
way  towards  it  at  present  is  through  the  recognized 
virtues  of  European  civilization,  together  with  the  cul- 
tivation of  science  and  art  In  the  like  spirit  G.  E. 
Moore  finds  the  ascertainable  objects  that  at  present 
can  be  called  "good  in  themselves"  to  be  social  inter- 
course and  aesthetic  delight. 

(c)  Kant  may  stand  midway  between  the  Pantheis- 


tic and  the  purely  Empirical  ethics.  On  the  one  side 
he  limited  our  knowledge,  strictly  so  called,  of  things 
good  to  sense-experiences;  but  on  the  other  he  al- 
lowed a  practical,  regulative  system  of  ideas  lifting  us 
up  to  God.  Duty  as  referred  to  Divine  commands 
jwas  religion,  not  ethics:  it  was  religion,  not  ethics,  to 
regard  moral  precepts  in  the  light  of  the  commands  of 
God.  In  ethics  these  were  restricted  to  the  autonom- 
ous aspect,  that  is,  to  the  aspect  of  them  under  which 
the  will  of  each  man  was  its  own  legislator.  Man,  the 
toumenon,  not  the  phenomenon,  was  his  own  law- 

Sver  and  his  own  end  so  far  as  morality  went:  any- 
ling  beyond  was  outside  ethics  proper.  Again,  the 
objects  prescribed  as  good  or  forbidden  as  bad  did  not 
ester  in  among  the  constituents  of  ethical  quality: 
they  were  only  extrinsic  conditions.  The  whole  of 
morality  intrinsically  was  in  the  good  will  as  pure 
from  all  content  or  object  of  a  definite  kind,  from  all 
definite  inclination  to  benevolence  and  as  deriving  its 
whole  dignity  from  respect  for  the  moral  law  simply  as 
a  moral  Taw,  self-imposed,  and  at  the  same  time  uni- 
versalized for  all  other  autonomous  individuals  of  the 
rational  order.  For  each  moral  agent  as  noumenal 
willed  that  the  maxim  of  his  conduct  should  become  a 
principle  for  all  moral  agents. 

We  have  to  be  careful  how  in  practice  we  impute 
consequences  to  men  who  hold  false  theories  of  con- 
science. In  our  historical  sketch  we  have  found 
Spinoza  a  necessarian  or  fatalist;  but  he  believed  in 
effort  and  exhortation  as  aids  to  good  life.  We  have 
seen  Kant  assert  the  non-morality  of  Divine  precept 
and  of  the  objective  fitness  of  things,  but  he  found  a 
place  for  both  these  elements  in  his  system.  Simi- 
larly Paulsen  gives  in  the  body  of  his  work  a  mundane 
ethics  quite  unaffected  by  his  metaphysical  principles 
as  stated  in  his  preface  to  Book  II.  Luther  logically 
might  be  inferred  to  be  a  thorough  antinomian:  he 
declared  the  human  will  to  be  enslaved,  with  a  natural 
freedom  only  for  civic  duties;  he  taught  a  theory  of 
justification  which  was  in  spite  of  evil  deeds;  he  called 
nature  radically  corrupt  and  forcibly  held  captive  by 
the  lusts  of  the  flesh ;  he  regarded  Divine  grace  as  a 
due  and  necessary  complement  to  human  nature, 
which  as  constituted  by  mere  body  and  soul  was  a 
nature  depraved;  his  justification  was  by  faith,  not 
only  without  works,  but  even  in  spite  of  evil  works 
which  were  not  imputed.  Nevertheless  he  asserted 
that  the  good  tree  of  the  faith-justified  man  must 
bring  forth  good  works;  he  condemned  vice  most  bit- 
terly, and  exhorted  men  to  virtue.  Hence  Protest- 
ants can  depict  a  Luther  simply  the  preacher  of  good, 
while  Catholics  may  regard  simply  the  preacher  of 
evil.    Luther  has  both  sides. 

\  V.  Conscience  in  its  Practical  Working. — (1) 
\The  supremacy  of  conscience  is  a  great  theme  of  dis- 
course. "  Were  its  might  equal  to  its  right",  says  But- 
ler, "it  would  rule  the  world".  With  Kant  we  could 
slay  that  conscience  is  autonomously  supreme,  if 
against  Kant  we  added  that  thereby  we  meant  only 
that  every  duty  must  be  brought  home  to  the  individ- 
ual by  his  own  individual  conscience,  and  is  to  this  ex- 
tent imposed  by  it ;  so  thateven  he  who  follows  author- 
ity contrary  to  his  own  private  judgment  should  do  so 
on  his  own  private  conviction  that  the  former  has  the 
better  claim.  If  the  Church  stands  between  God  and 
conscience,  then  in  another  sense  also  the  conscience  is 
between  God  and  the  Church.  Unless  a  man  is  con- 
scientiously submissive  to  the  Catholic  Church  his  sub- 
jection is  not  really  a  matter  of  inner  morality  but  a 
mechanical  obedience. 

(2)  Conscience  as  a  matter  of  education  and  perfecti- 
bility.— As  in  all  other  concerns  of  education,  so  in  the 
training  of  conscience  we  must  use  the  several  meaiw. 
As  a  check  on  individual  caprice,  especially  in  youth, 
we  must  consult  the  best  living  authorities  and  the  best 
traditions  of  the  past.  At  the  same  time  that  we  are 
recipient  our  own  active  faculties  must  exert  them- 


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selves  in  the  pursuit  with  a  keen  outlook  for  the  chances 
of  error.  Really  unavoidable  mistakes  will  not  count 
«gainst  us;  but  many  errors  are  remotely,  when  not 
proximately,  preventable.  From  all  our  blunders  we 
should  learn  a  lesson.  The  diligent  examiner  and  cor- 
rector of  his  own  conscience  has  it  in  his  power,  by  long 
diligence  to  reach  a  great  delicacy  and  responsiveness 
to  the  call  of  duty  and  of  higher  virtue,  whereas  the 
negligent,  and  still  more  the  perverse,  may  in  some 
sense  become  dead  to  conscience.  The  hardening  of 
the  heart  and  the  bad  power  to  put  light  for  darkness 
and  darkness  for  light  are  results  which  may  be 
achieved  with  only  too  much  ease.  Even  the  best 
criteria  will  leave  residual  perplexities  for  which  pro- 
vision has  to  be  made  in  an  ethical  theory  of  probabili- 
ties which  will  be  explained  in  the  article  Probabilism. 
Suffice  it  to  say  here  that  the  theory  leaves  intact  the 
old  rule  that  a  man  in  so  acting  must  judge  that  he  cer- 
tainly is  allowed  thus  to  act.  even  though  sometimes  it 
might  be  more  commendable  to  do  otherwise.  In  in- 
ferring something  to  be  permissible,  the  extremes  of 
scrupulosity  and  of  laxity  have  to  be  avoided. 

(3)  The  approvals  andreprovaU  of  conscience. — The 
office  of  conscience  is  sometimes  treated  under  too  nar- 
row a  conception.  Some  writers,  after  the  manner  of 
Socrates  when  he  spoke  of  his  demon  as  rather  a  re- 
strainer  than  a  promoter  of  action,  assign  to  conscience 
the  office  of  forbidding,  as  others  assign  to  law  and  gov- 
ernment the  negative  duty  of  checking  invasion  upon 
individual  liberty.  Shaftesbury  (Inquiry  II,  2, 1)  re- 
gards conscience  as  the  consciousness  of  wrongdoing, 
not  of  rightdoing.  Carlyle  in  his  "  Essay  on  Charac- 
teristics''asserts  that  we  should  have  no  sense  of  hav- 
ing a  conscience  but  for  the  fact  that  we  have  sinned; 
with  which  view  we  may  compare  Green's  idea  about  a 
reasoned  system  of  ethics  (Proleg.,  Bk.  IV,  ch.  ii,  sect. 
311)  that  its  use  is  negative  "to  provide  a  safeguard 
against  the  pretext  which  in  a  speculative  age  some  in- 
adequate and  misapplied  theories  may  afford  our  self- 
ishness rather  than  m  the  way  of  pointing  out  duties 
previously  ignored".  Others  say  that  an  ethics  of 
conscience  should  no  more  be  hortatory  than  art  should 
be  didactic.  Mackenzie  (Ethics,  3rd  ed.,  Bk.  Ill,  ch.  i, 
sect.  14)  prefers  to  say  simply  that  "conscience  is  a 
feeling  of  pain  accompanying  and  resulting  from  non- 
conformity to  principle".  The  suggestion  which,  by 
way  of  contrary,  these  remarks  offer  is  that  we  should 
use  conscience  largely  as  an  approving  and  an  instiga- 
ting and  an  inspiring  agency  to  advance  us  in  the  right 
way.  We  should  not  in  morals  copy  the  physicists, 
who  deny  all  attractive  force  and  limit  force  to  vis  a 
tergo,  a  push  from  behind.  Nor  must  we  think  that 
the  positive  side  of  conscience  is  exhausted  in  urging 
obligations:  it  may  go  on  in  spite  of  Kant,  beyond 
duty  to  works  of  supererogation.  Of  course  there 
is  a  theory  which  denies  the  existence  of  such  works 
on  the  principle  that  every  one  is  simply  bound  to 
the  better  and  the  best  if  he  feels  himself  equal  to 
the  heroic  achievement.  This  philosophy  would  lay 
it  down  that  he  who  can  renounce  all  and  give  it 
to  the  poor  is  simply  obliged  to  do  so,  though  a  less 
generous  nature  is  not  bound,  and  may  take  advan- 
tage— if  it  be  an  advantage — of  its  own  inferiority. 
Not  such  was  the  way  in  which  Christ  put  the  case:  He 
said  hypothetically,  "  if  thou  wilt  be  perfect",  and  His 
follower  St.  Peter  said  to  Ananias  "  Was  not  [thy  land] 
thine  own?  and  after  it  was  sold,  was  it  not  in  thine 
own  power?  . . .  Thou  hast  not  lied  unto  men,  but  unto 
God.  (Acts,  v,  4.)  We  have,  then,  a  sphere  of  duty 
and  beyond  that  a  sphere  of  free  virtue,  and  we  include 
both  under  the  domain  of  conscience.  It  is  objected 
that  only  a  prig  considers  the  approving  side  of  his  con- 
science, but  that  is  true  only  of  the  priggish  manner, 
not  of  the  thing  itself;  for  a  sound  mind  may  very  well 
seek  the  joy  which  comes  of  a  faithful,  generous  heart, 
and  make  it  an  effort  of  a  conscience  that  outstrips  duty 
to  aim  at  higher  perfection,  not  under  the  false  persua 
IV.— 18 


sion  that  only  after  duty  has  been  fulfilled  does  merit 
begin,  but  under  the  true  conviction  that  duty  is  meri- 
torious, and  that  so  also  is  goodness  in  excess  of  duty. 
Not  that  the  eye  is  to  be  too  narrowly  fixed  on  rewards: 
these  are  included,  while  virtue  for  virtue's  sake  and 
for  the  sake  of  God  is  carefully  cultivated. 

Aristotle,  Elk.  Nic.,  VI,  6;  Peteb  Lombard,  II  Sent.,  diat. 
xxxix,  Q.  iii;  Alexander  of  Hales,  Summa,  Pt.  II,  Q.  lxxi; 
St.  Bon  a  venture,  In  Lib.  Sent.,  loc.  cit.;  Albertus  Maonus, 
Summa  Theol.,  Pt.  II,  Q.  xoix,  raemb.  2,  3:  Idem,  Summa  de 
Crtat.,  Pt.  II,  Q.  lxix,  a.  1;  St.  Thomas,  Summa,  I,  Q.  lxxix, 
u.  12.  13;  I-IL  Q.  xix,  u.  5,  6:  Idem,  De  Verity  Q.  xvi;  Lehre 
von  Wescn  des  Gevrissens  in  dnr  Scholastik  drx  tSen  Jahrhunderis 
(Freiburg  im  Br.,  1896);  Thiele,  Die  Philosophic  des  Setbet- 
bevmsstseins  (Berlin,  1896);  Qass,  Qeechichle  der  christlichen 
Blhik  (Berlin,  1881-1887);  Luthardt,  History  of  Christian  Ethics 
to  the  Reformation,  tr.  from  German  (Edinburgh,  1868);  Janet 
and  Seailles,  History  of  the  Problems  of  Philosophy,  tr.  from 
French  by  Monahan  (London,  1902);  Paul  Janet,  The  Theory 
of  Morals,  tr.  Chapman  (Edinburgh);  Sidowick,  History  of 
Ethics  (London  1898);  Butler,  Sermons;  Newman,  Grammar 

St  Assent  (London,  1903);  Sidowick,  Methods  of  Ethics  (Lon- 
on,  1901):  Buchbebger,  Kirchliches  Handlexikon  (Munich, 
1907);  de  Wulf,  Henri  de  Gand  (Louvain,  1894);  Humphrey, 
Conscience  and  Law  (London,  1896). 

John  Rickabt. 

'  Conscience,  Examination  op.  See  Examination 
or  Conscience. 

Conscience,  Hendbik,  a  Flemish  novelist,  b.  at 
Antwerp,  3  December,  1812;  d.  at  Brussels,  10  Sep- 
tember, 1883.  His  father  was  French  and  his  mother 
Flemish.  Until  the  age  of  seven  Conscience  was  a 
cripple,  and  was  constantly  under  the  care  of  his 
mother  who  used  to  tell  him  wonderful  tales  of  fairies 
and  angels.  Little  by  little,  however,  he  grew 
stronger,  and  was  able  to  take  part  in  the  games  of 
other  children,  but,  as  soon  as  he  could  read,  books 
were  his  favourite  companions.  In  fact,  it  was  by 
reading  that  he  mainly  educated  himself,  for  his 
schooling  was  limited  to  what  would  be  considered 
to-day  as  the  elementary  grade.  In  1830  he  was  a 
tutor  in  the  Delhi  School,  to  some  degree  a  fashion- 
able institution  of  Antwerp,  but  at  the  very  begin- 
ning of  the  struggle  for  independence  he  resigned 
his  position  and  entered  the  army  as  a  private. 

His  military  service,  which  lasted  six  years,  brought 
him  into  contact  with  the  peasants  of  the  northern 
part  of  Belgium,  and  gave  him  an  opportunity  to 
study  their  manners,  their  customs,  and  to  see  the 
attractive  sides  of  their  character,  rough  as  it  is  on 
the  surface.  After  leaving  the  army  he  was  succes- 
sively connected  with  the  local  administration  of  Ant- 
werp, the  academy  of  the  same  city,  and,  in  1857, 
with  the  local  administration  of  Court rui.  In  1868 
he  was  appointed  commissioner  of  the  royal  museums 
of  painting  and  sculpture.  He  had  taught  Flemish 
to  the  sons  of  King  Leopold  I,  and  in  1868  refused 
the  chair  of  Flemish  literature  in  the  University  of 
Ghent.  In  1869  he  became  a  member  of  the  Royal 
Academy  of  Belgium. 

While  in  the  army  Conscience  began  to  write,  but 
in  French.  In  1837,  following  the  advice  of  his  friend 
Jan  Delaet,  he  made  up  his  mind  to  write  in  Flemish, 
an  idiom  which  was  then  considered  too  rude  for 
literary  composition.  In  this  language  he  published 
his  first  novel,  "The  Wonderful  Year  ",  and  six  months 
later  a  volume  of  verse  and  prose,  "Phantasij". 
These  two  highly  romantic  productions,  where  every- 
thing, romance,  style,  and  even  language,  lay  open  to 
criticism,  were  failures.  Conscience,  however,  was  in 
no  way  dismayed  and  took  in  hand  another  work. 
This  time  his  efforts  were  crowned  with  success. 
When,  in  1838,  "The  Lion  of  Flanders"  appeared, 
it  enriched  Flemish  literature  with  a  masterpiece. 
After  this  success  he  never  ceased  writing.  His  com  • 
plete  works  embrace  more  than  a  hundred  volumes . 

Conscience  got  his  inspiration  from  three  main 
sources:  the  fatherland,  the  family,  and  loyalty  to 
the  Church.  His  conception  of  art  is  an  idealistic 
one,  though  he  gives  a  vivid  account  of  the  realities 
of  life.    His  avowed  purpose  was  always  to  inspire 


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the  people  with  a  love  for  the  good  and  the  beautiful. 
He  possesses  to  a  high  degree  the  sense  of  the  dra- 
matic and  pathetic;  he  has  a  wonderful  power  of  grasp- 
ing the  picturesque  side  of  things,  and  often  renders 
it  with  a  rare  felicity  of  expression.  His  works  en- 
joyed a  great  vogue,  and  have  been  translated  into 
most  of  the  European  languages.  Several  English 
editions  appeared  in  London,  Edinburgh,  and  Balti- 
more. Among  his  historical  novels  "The  Lion  of 
Flanders"  and  "Jacob  van  Artevelde"  are  consid- 
ered his  best  achievements;  among  his  studies  of  life 
and  manners  the  most  successful  were  "Siska  van 
Roosemael"  and  "The  Blessing  of  Being  Rich"; 
among  hid  village  tales  the  best  known  are  "The 
Conscript"  and  'Baas  Gansendonck".  The  city  of 
Antwerp  raised  a  monument  to  this  famous  son, 
which  was  unveiled  some  weeks  before  his  death. 

Conscience,  Geschiedenis  mijner  jeugd:  Ekkhocd,  Henri 
Conscience  (Brussels,  1881);  di  Mont,  Hendrik  Commence, 
zijn  (even  en  lijne  xoerken  (Ghent,  1883);  Marieton,  Lea 
Flamands  b.  propos  de  la  mort  de  H.  Conscience:  he  sentiment  de 
race  (Lyons,  1884);  de  Koninck,  Bibliographic  nalionale  beige 
(Brussels,  1886). 

P.  J.  Mabiqub. 

Conscience,  Liberty  of.   See  Toleration. 

Consciousness  (Lat.  conscientia;  Ger.  Bewnsstsein) 
cannot,  strictly  speaking,  be  defined.  In  its  widest 
sense  it  includes  all  our  sensations,  thoughts,  feelings, 
and  volitions — in  fact  the  sum  total  of  our  mental  life. 
We  indicate  the  meaning  of  the  term  best  by  con- 
trasting conscious  life  with  the  unconscious  state  of  a 
swoon,  or  of  deep,  dreamless  sleep.  We  are  said  to  be 
conscious  of  mental  states  when  we  are  alive  to  them, 
or  are  aware  of  them  in  any  degree.  The  term  self- 
conscious  is  employed  to  denote  the  higher  or  more 
reflective  form  of  knowledge,  in  which  we  formally 
recognize  our  states  as  our  own.  Consciousness  in  the 
wide  sense  has  come  to  be  recognized  in  modern  times 
as  the  subject-matter  of  a  special  science,  psychology; 
or,  more  definitely,  phenomenal  or  empirical  psy- 
chology. The  investigation  of  the  facts  of  conscious- 
ness, viewed  as  phenomena  of  the  human  mind,  their 
observation,  description,  and  analysis,  their  classifi- 
cation, the  study  of  the  conditions  of  their  growth  and 
development,  the  laws  exhibited  in  their  manifesta- 
tion, and,  in  general,  the  explanation  of  the  more  com- 
plex mental  operations  ana  products  by  their  reduc- 
tion to  more  elementary  states  and  processes,  is  held 
to  be  the  business  of  the  scientific  psychologist  at  the 
present  day. 

History. — The  scientific  or  systematic  study  of  the 
phenomena  of  consciousness  is  modern.  Particular 
mental  operations,  however,  attracted  the  attention 
of  acute  thinkers  from  ancient  times.  Some  of  the 
phenomena  connected  with  volition,  such  as  motive, 
intention,  choice,  and  the  like,  owing  to  their  ethical 
importance,  were  elaborately  investigated  and  de- 
scribed by  early  Christian  moralists ;  whilst  some  of 
our  cognitive  operations  were  a  subject  of  interest  to 
the  earliest  Greek  philosophers  in  their  speculations 
on  the  problem  of  human  knowledge.  The  common 
character,  however,  of  all  branches  of  philosophy  in 
the  ancient  world,  was  objective,  an  inquiry  into  the 
nature  of  being  and  becoming  in  general,  and  of  cer- 
tain forms  of  being  in  particular.  Even  when  epis- 
temological  questions,  investigations  into  the  nature 
of  knowing,  were  undertaken,  as  e.  g.  by  the  School  of 
Democritus,  there  seems  to  have  been  very  little 
effort  made  to  test  the  theories  by  careful  comparison 
with  the  actual  experience  of  our  consciousness.  Ac- 
cordingly, crude  hypotheses  received  a  considerable 
amount  of  support.  The  great  difference  between 
ancient  and  modern  methods  of  investigating  the 
human  mind  will  be  best  seen  by  comparing  Aris- 
totle's "  De  Anima"  and  any  modern  treatise  such  as 
William  James'  "  Principles  of  Psychology",  or  James 
Ward's  article  on  psychology  in  the  ninth  edition  of 


the  "  EncycloptBdia  Britannica".  Although  there  is 
plenty  of  evidence  of  inductive  inquiry  in  the  Greek 
philosopher's  book,  it  is  mainly  of  an  objective  char- 
acter; and  whilst  there  are  incidentally  acute  observa- 
tions on  the  operations  of  the  senses  and  the  constitu- 
tion of  some  mental  states,  the  bulk  of  the  treatise  is 
either  physiological  or  metaphysical.  On  the  other 
hand  tne  aim  of  the  modern  inquirer  throughout  is 
the  diligent  study  by  introspection  of  different  forms 
of  consciousness,  and  the  explanation  of  all  complex 
forms  of  consciousness  by  resolving  them  into  their 
simplest  elements.  The  Schoolmen,  in  the  main, 
followed  the  lines  of  the  Greek  philosophers,  especially 
Aristotle.  There  is  a  striking  uniformity  in  the  trac- 
tate "De  Anima"  in  the  hands  of  each  successive 
writer  throughout  the  whole  of  the  Middle  Ages.  The 
object  and  conditions  of  the  operations  of  the  cogni- 
tive and  appetitive  faculties  of  the  soul,  the  constitu- 
tion of  species,  the  character  of  the  distinction  between 
the  soul  and  its  faculties,  the  connexion  of  soul  and 
body,  the  inner  nature  of  the  soul,  its  origin  and  des- 
tiny are  discussed  in  each  treatise  from  the  twelfth  to 
the  sixteenth  century;  whilst  the  method  of  argument 
throughout  rests  rather  on  an  ontological  analysis  of 
our  concepts  of  the  various  phenomena  than  on  pains- 
taking introspective  study  of  the  character  of  our 
mental  activities  themselves. 

However,  as  time  went  on,  the  importance  of  cer- 
tain problems  of  Christian  theology,  not  so  vividly 
realized  by  the  ancients,  compelled  a  more  searching 
observation  of  consciousness  and  helped  on  the  sub- 
jective movement.  Free  will,  responsibility,  inten- 
tion, consent,  repentance,  and  conscience  acquired  a 
significance  unknown  to  the  old  pagan  world.  This 
procured  an  increasingly  copious  treatment  of  these 
subjects  from  the  moral  theologians.  The  difficulties 
surrounding  the  relations  between  sensuous  and  in- 
tellectual knowledge  evoked  more  systematic  treat- 
ment in  successive  controversies.  Certain  questions 
in  ascetical  and  mystical  theology  also  necessitated 
more  direct  appeal  to  strictly  psychological  investi- 
gation among  tne  later  Schoolmen.  Still,  it  must  be 
admitted  that  the  careful  inductive  observation  and 
analysis  of  our  consciousness,  so  characteristic  of 
modern  psychological  literature,  occupies  a  relatively 
small  space  in  the  classical  De  animd  of  the  medieval 
schools.  The  nature  of  our  mental  states  and  pro- 
cesses is  usually  assumed  to  be  so  obvious  that  de- 
tailed description  is  needless,  and  the  main  part  of  the 
writer's  energy  is  devoted  to  metaphysical  argument. 
Locke's  "Essay  Concerning  Human  Understanding" 
(1690)  and  the  writings  of  Thomas  Hobbes  (1588- 
1679),  both  of  which  combine  with  confused  and 
superficial  metaphysics  much  acute  observation  and 
genuinely  scientific  attempts  at  analysis  of  various 
mental  states,  inaugurated  the  systematic  inductive 
study  of  the  phenomena  of  the  mind  which  has  grown 
into  the  modern  science  of  consciousness,  the  empir- 
ical or  phenomenal  psychology  of  the  present  day.  In 
Great  Britain  the  idealism  ofBerkeley,  which  resolved 
the  seemingly  independent  material  world  into  a  series 
of  ideas  awakened  by  God  in  the  mind,  and  the  scep- 
ticism of  Hume,  which  professed  to  carry  the  analysis 
still  farther,  dissolving  the  mind  itself  into  a  cluster  of 
states  of  consciousness,  focused  philosophical  specu- 
lation more  and  more  on  the  analytic  study  of  mental 
phenomena,  and  gave  rise  to  the  Associationist  School. 
This  came  at  last  virtually  to  identify  all  philosophy 
with  psychology.  Reid  and  Stewart,  the  ablest 
representatives  of  the  Scotch  School,  whilst  opposing 
Hume's  teaching  with  a  better  psychology,  still 
strengthened  by  their  method  the  same  tendency. 
Meantime,  on  the  Continent,  Descartes'  system  of 
methodic  doubt,  which  would  reduce  all  philosophical 
assumptions  to  his  ultimate  cogito,  ergo  sum,  furthered ' 
the  subjective  movement  of  speculation  from  another 
side,  for  it  planted  the  seed  of  the  sundry  modern 


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philosophies  of  consciousness,  destined  to  be  evolved 
along  various  lines  by  Fichte,  Schelling,  and  Hart- 

mflnn 

Such  being  in  outline  the  history  of  modem  specu- 
lation in  regard  to  human  consciousness,  the  question 
of  primary  interest  here  is:  Viewed  from  the  stand- 
point of  Catholic  theological  and  philosophical  teach- 
ing, what  estimate  is  to  be  formed  of  this  modern 
psychological  method,  and  of  the  modern  science  of 
the  phenomena  of  consciousness?  It  seems  to  the 
present  writer  that  the  method  of  careful  industrious 
observation  of  the  activities  of  the  mind,  the  accurate 
description  and  classification  of  the  various  forms  of 
consciousness,  and  the  effort  to  analyse  complex  men- 
tal products  into  their  simplest  elements,  and  to  trace 
the  laws  of  the  growth  and  development  of  our  several 
faculties,  constitute  a  sound  rational  procedure  which 
is  as  deserving  of  commendation  as  the  employment  of 
sound  scientific  method  in  any  other  branch  of  knowl- 
edge. Further,  since  the  only  natural  means  of 
acquiring  information  respecting  the  inner  nature  of  the 
soul  is  by  the  investigation  of  its  activities,  the  scientific 
study  of  the  facts  of  consciousness  is  a  necessary  pre- 
liminary at  the  present  day  to  any  satisfactory  meta- 
physics of  the  soul.  Assuredly  no  philosophy  of  the 
human  soul  which  ignores  the  results  of  scientific  ob- 
servation and  experiment  applied  to  the  phenomena 
of  consciousness  can  to-day  claim  assent  to  its  teach- 
ing with  much  hope  of  success.  On  the  other  hand, 
most  English-speaking  psychologists  since  the  time  of 
Locke,  partly  through  excessive  devotion  to  the  study 
of  these  phenomena,  partly  through  contempt  for 
metaphysics,  seem  to  have  fallen  into  the  error  of  for- 
getting that  the  main  ground  for  interest  in  the  study 
of  our  mental  activities  lies  in  the  hope  that  we  may 
draw  from  them  inferences  as  to  the  inner  constitution 
of  the  being,  subject,  or  agent  from  which  these  activi- 
ties proceed.  This  error  has  made  the  science  of  con- 
sciousness, in  the  hands  of  many  writers,  a  "psychol- 
ogy without  a  soul".  This  is,  of  course,  no  necessary 
consequence  of  the  method.  With  respect  to  the  rela- 
tion between  the  study  of  consciousness  and  philoso- 
phy in  general,  Catholic  thinkers  would,  for  the  most 
part,  hold  that  a  diligent  investigation  of  the  various 
forms  of  our  cognitive  consciousness  must  be  under- 
taken as  one  of  the  first  steps  in  philosophy ;  that  one's 
own  conscious  existence  must  be  the  ultimate  fact  in 
every  philosophical  system ;  and  that  the  veracity  of 
our  cognitive  faculties,  when  carefully  scrutinized, 
must  be  the  ultimate  postulate  in  every  sound  theory 
of  cognition.  But  the  prospect  of  constructing  a  gen- 
eral philosophy  of  consciousness  on  idealistic  lines 
that  will  harmonize  with  sundry  theological  doctrines 
which  the  Church  has  stamped  with  her  authority, 
does  not  seem  promising.  At  the  same  time,  although 
much  of  our  dogmatic  theology  has  been  formulated 
in  the  technical  language  of  the  Aristotelean  physics 
and  metaphysics,  and  though  it  would  be,  to  say  the 
least,  extremely  difficult  to  disentangle  the  Divinely 
revealed  religious  element  from  the  human  and  im- 
perfect vehicle  by  which  it  is  communicated,  yet  it  is 
most  important  to  remember  that  the  conceptions  of 
Aristotelean  metaphysics  are  no  more  part  of  Divine 
Revelation  than  are  the  hypotheses  of  Aristotelean 
physics ;  and  that  the  technical  language  with  its  philo- 
sophical associations  and  implications  in  which  many 
of  our  theological  doctrines  are  clothed,  is  a  human 
instrument,  subject  to  alteration  and  correction. 

Quantitative  Science  op  Consciousness. — The 
term  psychophysics  is  employed  to  denote  a  branch  of 
experimental  psychology  which  seeks  to  establish 
quantitative  laws  describing  the  general  relations  of 
intensity  exhibited  in  various  kinds  of  conscious  states 
under  certain  conditions.  Elaborate  experiments 
and  ingenious  instruments  have  been  devised  by 
Weber,  Fechner,  Wundt,  and  others  for  the  purpose 
of  measuring  the  strength  of  the  stimulus  needed  to 


awaken  the  sensations  of  the  several  senses,  the  quan- 
tity of  variation  in  the  stimulus  required  to  produce  a 
consciously  distinguishable  sensation,  and  so  to  dis- 
cover a  minimum  increment  or  unit  of  consciousness ; 
also  to  measure  the  exact  duration  of  particular  con- 
scious processes,  the  "reaction-time"  or  interval  be- 
tween the  stimulation  of  a  sense-organ  and  the  per- 
formance of  a  responsive  movement,  and  similar  facts. 
These  results  have  been  stated  in  certain  approximate 
laws.  The  best  established  of  these  is  the  Weber- 
Fechner  generalization,  which  enunciates  the  general 
fact  that  the  stimulus  of  a  sensation  must  be  increased 
in  geometrical  progression  in  order  that  the  intensity 
of  the  resulting  sensation  be  augmented  in  arith- 
metical progression.  The  law  is  true,  however,  only  of 
certain  kinds  of  sensation  and  within  limits.  Whilst 
these  attempts  to  reach  quantitative  measurement — 
characteristic  of  the  exact  sciences — in  the  study  of 
consciousness  have  not  been  directly  very  fruitful  in 
new  results,  they  have  nevertheless  been  indirectly 
valuable  in  stimulating  the  pursuit  of  greater  accu- 
racy and  precision  in  all  methods  of  observing  and 
registering  the  phenomena  of  consciousness. 

Self-Consciousness. — A  most  important  form  of 
consciousness  from  both  a  philosophical  and  a  psycho- 
logical point  of  view  is  self-consciousness.  By  this  is 
understood  the  mind's  consciousness  of  its  operations 
as  its  own.  Out  of  this  cognition  combined  with 
memory  of  the  past  emerges  the  knowledge  of  our  own 
abiding  personality.  We  not  only  have  conscious 
states  Tike  the  lower  animals,  but  we  can  reflect  upon 
these  states,  recognize  them  as  our  own,  and  at  the 
same  time  distinguish  them  from  the  permanent  self 
of  which  they  are  the  transitory  modifications. 
Viewed  as  the  form  of  consciousness  by  which  we 
study  our  own  states,  this  inner  activity  is  called  in- 
trospection. It  is  the  chief  instrument  employed  in 
the  building  up  of  the  science  of  psychology,  and  it  ip 
one  of  the  many  differentia  which  separate  the  human 
from  the  animal  mind.  It  has  sometimes  been 
spokenof  as  an  "internal  sense",  the  proper  object  of 
which  is  the  phenomena  of  consciousness,  as  that  of 
the  external  senses  is  the  phenomena  of  physical  na- 
ture. Introspection  is,  however,  merely  the  function 
of  the  intellect  applied  to  the  observation  of  our  own 
mental  life.  The  peculiar  reflective  activity  exhibited 
in  all  forms  of  self-consciousness  has  led  modern  psy- 
chologists who  defend  the  spirituality  of  the  soul,  in- 
creasingly to  insist  on  this  operation  of  the  human 
mind  as  a  main  argument  against  materialism.  The 
cruder  form  of  materialism  advocated  in  the  last  cen- 
tury by  Broussais,  Vogt,  Moleschott,  and  at  times  by 
Huxley,  which  maintained  that  thought  is  merely  a 
"product",  "secretion",  or  "function"  of  the  brain, 
is  shown  to  be  untenable  by  a  brief  consideration  of 
any  form  of  consciousness.  All  "secretions"  and 
"products"  of  material  agents  of  which  we  have  ex- 
perience, are  substances  which  occupy  space,  are  ob- 
servable by  the  external  senses,  and  continue  to  exist 
when  unobserved.  But  all  states  of  consciousness  are 
non-spatial;  they  cannot  be  observed  by  the  senses, 
and  they  exist  only  as  we  are  conscious  of  them — their 
esse  is  percipi.  Similarly  "functions"  of  material 
agents  are,  in  the  last  resort,  resolvable  into  move- 
ments of  portions  of  matter.  But  states  of  conscious- 
ness are  not  movements  any  more  than  they  are 
"secretions"  of  matter.  The  contention,  however, 
that  all  states  of  consciousness,  though  not  "secre- 
tions" or  "  products  "  of  matter,  are  yet  forms  of  activ- 
ity which  have  their  ultimate  source  in  the  brain  and 
are  intrinsically  and  absolutely  dependent  on  the  lat- 
ter is  not  disposed  of  by  this  reasoning. 

To  meet  this  objection,  attention  is  directed  to  the 
form  of  intellectual  activity  exhibited  in  reflective 
self-consciousness.  In  this  process  there  is  recogni- 
tion of  complete  identitv  between  the  knowing  agent 
and  the  object  which  is  known;  the  ego  is  at  once  sub- 


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CONSECRATION 


iect  and  object.  This  feature  of  our  mental  life  has 
been  adduced  in  evidence  of  the  immateriality  of  the 
soul  by  former  writers,  but  under  the  title  of  an  argu- 
ment from  the  unity  of  consciousness  it  has  been 
stated  in  perhaps  its  most  effective  form  by  Lotze. 
The  phrase  "continuity  of  consciousness"  has  been 
employed  to  designate  the  apparent  connectedness 
which  characterizes  our  inner  experience,  and  the 
term  "stream"  of  consciousness  has  been  popularized 
by  Professor  James  as  an  apt  designation  of  our  con- 
scious life  as  a  whole.  Strictly  speaking,  this  continu- 
ity does  not  pertain  to  the  "states"  or  phenomena  of 
consciousness.  One  obviously  large  class  of  inter- 
ruptions is  to  be  found  in  the  nightly  suspension  of 
consciousness  during  sleep.  The  connecting  contin- 
uity is  really  in  the  underlying  subject  of  conscious- 
ness. It  is  only  through  the  reality  of  a  permanent, 
abiding  principle  or  being  which  endures  the  same 
whilst  the  transitory  states  come  and  go  that  the  past 
experience  can  be  linked  with  the  present,  and  the 
apparent  unity  and  continuity  of  our  inner  life  be  pre- 
served. The  effort  to  explain  the  seeming  continuity 
of  our  mental  existence  has,  in  the  form  of  the  prob- 
lem of  personal  identity,  proved  a  hopeless  crux  to  all 
schools  of  philosophy  which  decline  to  admit  the  real- 
ity of  some  permanent  principle  such  as  the  human 
soul  is  conceived  to  be  in  the  Scholastic  philosophy. 
John  Stuart  MUl,  adhering  to  the  principles  of  Hume, 
was  driven  to  the  conclusion  that  the  human  mind  is 
merely  "a  series  of  states  of  consciousness  aware  of 
itself  as  a  series".  This  has  been  rightly  termed  by 
James  "the  definite  bankruptcy"  of  the  Association- 
ist  theory  of  the  human  mind.  James'  own  account 
of  the  ego  as  "a  stream  of  consciousness"  in  which 
"each  passing  thought"  is  the  only  "thinker"  is  not 
much  more  satisfactory. 

Abnormal  Forms  op  Consciousness. — In  pro- 
cesses of  self-conscious  activity  the  relative  prominence 
of  the  self  and  the  states  varies  much.  When  the 
mind  is  keenly  interested  in  some  external  event,  e.  g. 
a  race,  the  notice  of  self  may  be  diminished  almost  to 
zero.  On  the  other  hand,  in  efforts  of  difficult  self- 
restraint  and  deliberate  reflection,  the  consciousness 
of  the  ego  reaches  its  highest  level.  Besides  this 
experience  of  the  varying  degrees  of  the  obtru- 
siveness  of  the  self,  we  are  all  conscious  at 
times  of  trains  of  thought  taking  place  auto- 
matically within  us,  which  seem  to  possess  a  certain 
independence  of  the  main  current  of  our  mental  life. 
Whilst  going  through  some  familiar  intellectual  opera- 
tion witn  more  or  less  attention,  our  mind  may  at  the 
same  time  be  occupied  in  working  out  a  second  series 
of  thoughts  connected  and  coherent  in  themselves,  yet 
quite  separate  from  the  other  process  in  which  our 
intellect  is  engaged.  These  secondary  "split-off" 
processes  of  thought  may,  in  certain  rare  cases,  de- 
velop into  very  distinct,  consistent,  and  protracted 
streams  of  consciousness;  and  they  may  occasionally 
become  so  complete  in  themselves  and  so  isolated 
from  the  main  current  of  our  mental  life,  as  to  possess 
at  least  a  superficial  appearance  of  being  the  outcome 
of  a  separate  personality.  We  have  here  the  phenom- 
enon of  the  so-called  "double  ego".  Sometimes  the 
sections  or  fragments  of  one  fairly  consistent  stream 
of  consciousness  alternate  in  succession  with  the  sec- 
tions of  another  current,  and  we  have  the  alleged 
"mutations  of  the  ego",  in  which  two  or  more  dis- 
tinct personalities  seem  to  occupy  the  same  body  in 
turn.  Sometimes  the  second  stream  of  thought  ap- 
pears to  run  on  concomitantly  with  the  main  current 
of  conscious  experience,  though  so  shut  off  as  only  to 
manifest  its  existence  occasionally.  These  parallel 
currents  of  mental  life  have  been  adduced  by  some 
writers  in  support  of  an  hypothesis  of  concomitant 
"multiple  personalities".  The  psychological  litera- 
ture dealing  with  these  phenomena  which  has  grown 
up  in  recent  years  is  already  very  large.    Here  it  suf- 


fices to  observe  in  passing  that  all  these  phenomena 
belong  to  morbid  mental  life,  that  their  nature  and 
origin  are  admittedly  extremely  obscure,  and  that  the 
cases  in  which  the  ego  or  subject  of  one  stream  of  con- 
sciousness has  absolutely  no  knowledge  or  memory  of 
the  experiences  of  the  other,  are  extremely  few  and 
very  doubtful.  The  careful  and  industrious  observa- 
tions, however,  which  are  being  collected  in  this  field 
of  mental  pathology  are  valuable  for  many  purposes; 
and  even  if  they  have  not  so  far  thrown  much  light 
on  the  problem  of  the  inner  nature  of  the  soul,  at  all 
events  they  stimulate  effort  towards  an  important 
knowledge  of  the  nervous  conditions  of  mental  pro- 
cesses, and  they  ought  ultimately  to  prove  fruitful  for 
the  study  of  mental  disease. 

Reverie,  dreams,  and  somnambulistic  experiences 
are  forms  of  consciousness  mediating  between  normal 
life  and  the  eccentric  species  of  mentality  we  have  just 
been  discussing.  One  particular  form  of  abnormal 
consciousness  which  has  attracted  much  attention 
during  the  last  quarter  of  a  century  is  that  exhibited 
in  hypnotism  (q.  v.).  The  type  of  consciousness  pre- 
sented here  is  in  many  respects  similar  to  that  of 
somnambulism.  The  main  feature  in  which  it  differs 
is  that  the  hypnotic  state  is  artificially  induced  and 
that  the  subject  of  this  state  remains  in  a  condition  of 
rapport  or  special  relation  with  the  hypnotizer  of  such 
a  kind  that  he  is  singularly  susceptible  to  the  suggestions 
of  the  latter.  One  feature  of  the  hypnotic  state  in 
common  with  some  types  of  somnambulism  and  certai  n 
forms  of  the  "split-off"  streams  of  consciousness  con- 
sists in  the  fact  that  experiences  which  occurred  in  a 
previous  section  of  the  particular  abnormal  state, 
though  quite  forgotten  during  the  succeeding  normal 
consciousness,  may  be  remembered  during  a  return  of 
the  abnormal  state.  These  and  some  other  kindred 
facts  have  recently  given  rise  to  much  ingenious  spec- 
ulation as  to  the  nature  of  mental  life  below  thu 
"threshold"  or  "margin"  of  consciousness.  Certain 
writers  have  adopted  the  hypothesis  ofa"  subliminal"', 
in  addition  to  our  ordinary  supraliminal",  conscious- 
ness, and  ascribe  a  somewhat  mystic  character  to  th» 
former.  Some  assume  a  universal,  pantheistic,  sub- 
liminal consciousness  continuous  witn  the  subliminal 
consciousness  of  the  individual.  Of  this  universal 
mind  they  maintain  that  each  particular  mind  is  but  a 
part.  The  question,  indeed,  as  to  the  existence  and 
nature  of  unconscious  mental  operations  in  individual 
minds  has  been  in  one  shape  or  another  the  subject  of 
controversy  from  the  time  of  Leibniz.  That  during 
our  normal  conscious  existence  obscure,  subconsciouii 
mental  processes,  at  best  but  faintly  recognizable,  d<> 
take  place,  is  indisputable.  That  latent  activities  of 
the  soul  which  are  Strictly  unconscious,  can  be  truly 
mental  or  intellectual  operations  is  the  point  in  debate. 
Whatever  conclusions  be  adopted  with  respect  tn 
those  various  problems,  the  discussion  of  them  has  es- 
tablished beyond  doubt  the  fact  that  our  normal  cor.- 
sciousness  of  everyday  life  is  profoundly  affected  by 
subconscious  processes  of  the  soul  which  themselves 
escape  our  notice.  (See  Personality;  Psychology; 
Soul.) 

John  Rickaby,  First  Principles  (London,  1901),  part  II,  v; 
Balmes.  Fundamental  Philosophy  (New  York(  1898),  I,  joriii; 
Jambs,  Principles  of  Psychology  (New  York  and  London,  1890), 
vii,  ix,  x;  Fekkiek,  An  Introduction  to  the  Philosophy  of  Con- 
sciousness (London,  1866);  Lotze, Metaphysic,  tr.(Oxford,  1884) 
Ill.i;  Ladd,  Philosophy  of  Mind  (London  and  New  York,  1895), 
v;  Janet,  V Automatisms  Psychologique  (Paris.  1899),  38-44, 
84-140,  305-335;  Maher,  Psychology,  Empirical  and  Rational 
(London  and  New  York,  1007),  26-28.  386-367,  475-492. 

Michael  Maher. 

Consecration,  in  general,  is  an  act  by  which  a 
thing  is  separated  from  a  common  and  profane  to  a 
sacred  use,  or  by  which  a  person  or  thing  is  dedicated 
to  the  service  and  worship  of  God  by  prayers,  rites, 
and  ceremonies.  The  custom  of  consecrating  persons 
to  the  Divine  service  and  things  to  serve  in  the  war- 


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ship  of  God  may  be  traced  to  the  remotest  times.  We 
find  rites  of  consecration  mentioned  in  the  early  cult 
of  the  Egyptians  and  other  pagan  nations.  Among 
the  Semitic  tribes  it  consisted  in  the  threefold  act  of 
separating,  sanctifying,  or  purifying,  and  devoting  or 
offering  to  the  Deity.  In  the  Hebrew  Law  we  find  it 
applied  to  the  entire  people  whom  Moses,  by  a  solemn 
act  of  consecration,  designates  as  the  People  of  God. 
As  described  in  the  Book  of  Exodus  (xxiv),  the  rite 
used  on  this  occasion  consisted  (1)  of  the  erection  of  an 
altar  and  twelve  memorial  stones  (to  represent  the 
twelve  tribes) ;  (2)  of  the  selection  of  twelve  youths  to 
perform  the  burnt-offering  of  the  holocaust ;  (3)  Moses 
read  the  covenant,  and  the  people  made  their  profes- 
sion of  obedience;  (4)  Moses  sprinkled  upon  the  peo- 
ple the  blood  reserved  from  the  holocaust.  Later  on 
we  read  of  the  consecration  of  the  priests — Aaron  and 
his  sons  (Exod.,  xxix) — who  had  been  previously 
elected  (Exod.,  xxviii).  Here  we  have  the  act  of  conse- 
cration consisting  of  purifying,  investing,  and  anoint- 
ing (Lev.,  viii)  as  a  preparation  for  their  offering  public 
sacrifice.  The  placing  of  the  meat  in  their  hands 
(Exod.,  xxix)  was  considered  an  essential  part  of  the 
ceremony  of  consecration,  whence  the  expression  fill- 
ing the  hand  has  been  considered  identical  with  con- 
secrating. As  to  the  oil  used  in  this  consecration,  we 
find  the  particulars  in  Exodus  (xxx,  23, 24 ;  xxxvii,  29). 

Distinct  from  the  priestly  consecration  is  that  of  the 
Jjevites  (Num.,  iii,  6)  who  represent  the  first-born  of 
all  the  tribes.  The  rite  of  their  consecration  is  de- 
scribed in  Numbers,  viii.  Another  kind  of  personal 
consecration  among  the  Hebrews  was  that  of  the  Naz- 
arites  (Num.,  vi).  It  implied  the  voluntary  separa- 
t  ton  from  certain  things,  dedication  to  God,  and  a  vow 
of  special  sanctity.  Similarly,  the  rites  of  consecra- 
tion of  objects — such  as  temples,  altars,  firstfruits, 
spoils  of  war,  etc. — are  minutely  described  in  the  Old 
Testament.  Among  the  Romans  whatever  was  de- 
voted to  the  worship  of  their  gods  (fields,  animals,  etc. 
was  said  to  be  consecrated,  and  the  objects  which  per- 
tained intimately  to  their  worship  (temples,  altars, 
etc)  were  said  to  be  dedicated.  These  words  were, 
however,  often  used  indiscriminately,  and  in  both 
cases  it  was  understood  that  the  object  once  conse- 
crated or  dedicated  remained  sacred  in  perpetuum. 

The  Church  distinguishes  consecration  from  bless- 
ing, both  in  regard  to  persons  and  to  things.  Hence 
the  Roman  Pontifical  treats  of  the  consecration  of  a 
bishop  and  of  the  blessing  of  an  abbot,  of  the  blessing 
of  a  comer-stone  and  the  consecration  of  a  church  or 
altar.  In  both,  the  persons  or  things  pass  from  a  com- 
mon, or  profane,  order  to  a  new  state,  and  become  the 
subjects  or  the  instruments  of  Divine  protection.  At 
a  consecration  the  ceremonies  are  more  solemn  and 
elaborate  than  at  a  blessing.  The  ordinary  minister 
of  a  consecration  is  a  bishop,  whilst  the  ordinary  min- 
ister of  a  blessing  is  a  priest.  At  every  consecration 
the  holy  oils  are  used ;  at  a  blessing  customarily  only 
holy  water.  The  new  state  to  which  consecration  ele- 
vates persons  or  things  is  permanent,  and  the  rite  can 
never  be  repeated,  which  is  not  the  case  at  a  blessing; 
the  graces  attached  to  consecration  are  more  numer- 
ous and  efficacious  than  those  attached  to  a  blessing; 
the  profanation  of  a  consecrated  person  or  thing  car- 
ries with  it  a  new  species  of  sin,  namely  sacrilege, 
which  the  profanation  of  a  blessed  person  or  thing  does 
not  always  do. 

Of  consecrations  proper  the  Roman  Pontifical  con- 
tains one  of  persons,  that  is  of  a  bishop,  and  four  of 
things,  that  is,  of  a  fixed  altar,  of  an  altar-stone,  of  a 
church,  and  of  a  chalice  and  paten.  The  consecration 
of  a  church  is  also  called  its  dedication  (q.  v.),  in  ac- 
cordance with  the  distinction  between  consecration 
and  dedication  among  the  ancient  Romans  pointed 
out  above.  To  these  might  be  probably  added  con- 
firmation and  Holy  orders,  for  which,  however,  the 
Raman  Pontifical,  because  they  are  distinct  sacra- 


ments, has  retained  their  proper  names.  If  we  except 
the  consecration  of  a  bishop,  which  is  a  sacrament- 
al though  there  is  a  question  among  theologians, 
whether  the  sacrament  and  the  character  imprinted  by 
it  are  distinct  from  the  sacrament  and  character  of 
the  priesthood,  or  only  a  certain  extension  of  the  sacer- 
dotal sacrament  and  character — all  the  other  conse- 
crations are  sacramentals.  These  are  inanimate 
things  which  are  not  susceptible  of  Divine  grace,  but 
are  a  medium  of  its  communication,  since  by  their  con- 
secration they  acquire  a  certain  spiritual  power  by 
which  they  are  rendered  in  perpetuum  fit  and  suitable 
for  Divine  worship.  (St.  Thomas  Aquinas,  Summa 
Theol.,  Ill,  Q.  lxxxiii,  a.  3,  ad  3  and  4.) 

In  the  Eastern  Churches  the  prayers  at  the  conse- 
cration of  altars  and  sacred  vessels  are  of  the  same 
import  as  those  used  in  the  Latin  Church,  and  they  are 
accompanied  by  the  sign  of  the  cross  and  the  anointing 
with  holy  oils  (Renaudot,  "Liturgiarum  Orient.  Col- 
lectio",  I,  Ad  benedictiones).  At  the  consecration  of 
a  bishop,  the  Orientals  hold,  with  the  Latins,  that  the 
essence  consists  in  the  laying-on  of  hands,  and  they 
entirely  omit  the  anointing  with  holy  oils  (Morinus, 
De  sacris  Ecclesise  ordinationibus,  Pars  III,  Appen- 
dix). 

When  we  speak  of  consecration  without  any  special 
qualification,  we  ordinarily  understand  it  as  the  act  by 
which,  in  the  celebration  of  Holy  Mass,  the  bread  and 
wine  are  changed  into  the  body  and  blood  of  Christ. 
It  is  called  transubstantiation,  for  in  the  Sacrament  of 
the  Eucharist  the  substance  of  bread  and  wine  do  not 
remain,  but  the  entire  substance  of  bread  is  changed 
into  the  body  of  Christ,  and  the  entire  substance  of 
wine  is  changed  into  His  blood,  the  species  or  outward 
semblance  of  bread  and  wine  alone  remaining.  This 
change  is  produced  in  virtue  of  the  words :  This  is  my 
body  and  This  is  my  blood,  or  This  is  the  chalice  of  my 
blood,  pronounced  by  the  priest  assuming  the  person 
of  Christ  and  using  the  same  ceremonies  that  Christ 
used  at  the  Last  Supper.  That  this  is  the  essential 
form  has  been  the  constant  belief  and  teaching  of  both 
the  Eastern  and  Western  Churches  (Renaudot,  "  Li- 
turgiarum Orientalium  Collectio,  I,  iY. 

IT  Consecration  of  a  Bishop. — The  consecration 
of  a  bishop  marks  the  plenitude  of  the  priesthood, 
and  it  is  probable  that  on  this  account  the  "  Pontificate 
Romanum"  places  the  ceremony  of  episcopal  conse- 
cration immediately  after  that  of  the  ordination  of 
priests,  Tit.  XIII,  "De  consecratione  electi  in  Episco- 
pum".  Episcopal  jurisdiction  is  acquired  by  the  act 
of  election  and  confirmation  or  by  definite  appoint- 
ment, whilst  the  fullness  of  the  priestly  power  itself  is 
obtained  in  consecration,  as  the  completion  of  hierar- 
chical orders.  Formerly  the  consecration  of  a  suffra- 
gan bishop  was  performed  jure  communi  by  the  metro- 
politan of  the  province,  who  could  delegate  another 
bishop.  An  archbishop  was  consecrated  by  one  of  his 
suffragans,  the  senior  being  usually  selected.  _  If  the 
bishop-elect  was  not  a  suffragan  of  any  ecclesiastical 
province,  the  nearest  bishop  performed  the  ceremony. 
According  to  the  present  discipline  of  the  Church  the 
office  of  consecrator  is  reserved  to  the  Roman  pontiff, 
who  performs  the  consecration  in  person  or  delegates 
it  to  another  (Benedict  XIV,  Const.  "In  postremo", 
10  Oct.,  1756,  §  17).  If  the  consecration  takes  place 
in  Rome,  and  the  bishop-elect  receives  the  permission 
to  choose  the  consecrator,  he  must  select  a  cardinal 
who  is  a  bishop,  or  one  of  the  four  titular  Latin  patri- 
archs residing  m  Rome.  If  they  refuse  to  perform  the 
ceremony,  he  may  choose  any  archbishop  or  bishop. 
A  suffragan,  however,  is  obliged  to  select  the  metro- 
politan of  his  province,  if  the  latter  be  in  Rome  (ibidem). 
In  Rome  the  consecration  takes  place  in  a  consecrated 
church  or  in  the  papal  chapel  (Cong.  Sac.  Rit.,  Deer. 
V  of  latest  edit.,  no  date).  If  the  consecration  is<  to 
take  place  outside  of  Rome,  an  Apostolic  commission 
is  sent  to  the  bishop-elect,  in  which  the  Roman  pontiff 


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grants  him  the  faculty  of  choosing  any  bishop  having 
communion  with  the  Holy  See  to  consecrate  him  and 
Administer  the  oath,  a  pledge  of  obedience  and  respect 
to  the  Apostolic  See.  Besides  the  consecrator,  the  an- 
cient canons  and  the  general  practice  of  the  Church 
require  two  assistant  bishops.  This  is  not  of  Divine 
but  of  Apostolic  institution  (Santi,  "  Prselectiones 
Juris  Canonici",  Vol.  I,  Tit.  vi,  n.  49),  and  hence,  in 
cases  of  necessity,  when  it  is  impossible  to  procure 
three  bishops,  the  places  of  the  two  assistant  bishops 
may,  by  Apostolic  favour,  be  filled  by  priests,  who 
should  be  dignitaries  (Cong.  Sac.  Rit.,  16  July,  1605). 
These  priests  must  observe  the  rubrics  of  the  "  Pontifi- 
cate Roman  um"  with  regard  to  the  imposition  of 
hands  and  the  kiss  of  peace  (Cong.  Sac.  Rit.,  9  June, 
1853).  Benedict  XIV  (De  Synod.  Diosc.,  Lib.  XIII, 
cap.  xiii,  n.  2  sqq.)  holds  that  the  consecration  of  a 
bishop,  when  the  consecrator  is  assisted  by  one  priest, 
although  the  Apostolic  Brief  required  two  assistant 
priests,  is  valid  although  illicil.  In  missionary  coun- 
tries the  consecrator  may  perform  the  ceremony  with- 
out the  assistance  even  of  priests  (Zitelli,  "Apparatus 
Juris  Ecclesiastici",  Lib.  I,  Tit.  i,  §  iv).  The  selection 
of  the  assistant  bishops  or  priests  is  left  to  the  conse- 
crator, whose  choice  is,  however,  understood  to  be  in 
harmony  with  the  wishes  of  the  bishop-elect  (Mar- 
tinucci,  Lib.  VII,  cap.  iv,  n.  5). 

The  day  of  consecration  should  be  a  Sunday  or  the 
feast  of  an  Apostle,  that  is  to  say  a  dies  nalalilia,  and 
not  merely  a  day  which  commemorates  some  event  of 
his  life,  e.  g.  the  Conversion  of  St.  Paul.  Since  in 
liturgy  Evangelists  are  regarded  as  Apostles  (Cong. 
Sac.  Rit.,  17  July,  1706)  their  feast  days  may  be  se- 
lected. The  choice  of  any  other  day  must  be  ratified 
by  special  indult  of  the  Holy  See.  Outside  of  Rome 
the  consecration  ought  to  be  performed,  if  it  can  be 
conveniently  done,  in  the  cathedral  of  the  diocese,  and 
within  the  province  of  the  bishop-elect;  the  latter 
may,  however,  select  any  church  or  chapel  for  the 
ceremony.  A  bishop  must  be  consecrated  before  the 
expiration  of  three  months  after  his  election  or  ap- 
pointment If  it  is  delayed  beyond  this  time  without 
sufficient  reason,  the  bishop  is  obliged  to  relinquish  the 
revenues  to  which  he  is  entitled ;  if  it  is  delayed  six 
months,  he  may  be  deprived  of  his  episcopal  see  (Cone. 
Trid.,  Sess.  XXIII,  cap.  ii,  De  Reform.).  Titular 
bishops  forfeit  their  right  of  episcopal  dignity  unless 
they  are  consecrated  within  six  months  of  their  ap- 
pointment (Benedict  XIV,  Const.  "Quum  a  nobis",  4 
Aug.,  1747,  §  H«c  sane).  According  to  the  ancient 
'  canons,  both  the  consecrator  and  the  bishop-elect  are 
expected  to  observe  the  day  preceding  the  consecra- 
tion as  a  fast  day. 

The  ceremony  of  consecration  of  a  bishop  is  one  of 
the  most  splendid  and  impressive  known  to  the 
Church.  It  may  be  divided  into  four  parts:  the  pre- 
ludes, the  consecration  proper,  the  presentation  of  the 
insignia,  and  toe  conclusion.  It  takes  place  during 
Mass  celebrated  by  both  the  consecrator  and  the  bish- 
op-elect For  this  purpose  a  separate  altar  is  erected 
for  the  bishop-elect  near  the  altar  at  which  the  conse- 
crator celebrates  Mass,  either  in  a  side  chapel,  or  in  the 
sanctuary,  or  Just  outside  of  it. 

Preludes. — The  consecrator  is  vested  in  full  pontifi- 
cals of  the  colour  of  the  Mass  of  the  day ;  the  assistant 
bishops,  in  amice,  stole,  and  cope  of  the  same  colour, 
and  a  white  linen  or  damask  mitre ;  the  bishop-elect 
in  amice,  alb,  cincture,  white  stole  crossed  on  the 
breast,  and  cope  and  biretta.  The  consecrator  is  seat- 
ed on  a  faldstool  placed  on  the  predella  of  the  altar, 
facing  the  bishop-elect,  who  sits  between  the  assistant 
bishops,  upon  a  seat  placed  on  the  sanctuary  floor. 
The  senior  assistant  bishop  presents  the  elect  to  the 
consecrator,  after  which  the  Apostolic  commission  is 
called  for  and  read.  Then  the  elect,  kneeling  before 
the  consecrator,  takes  an  oath  in  which  he  promises  to 
be  obedient  to  the  Holy  See,  to  promote  its  rights,  hon- 


ours, privileges,  and  authority,  visit  the  City  of  Rome 
at  stated  times,  render  an  account  of  his  whole  pas- 
toral office  to  the  pope,  execute  all  Apostolic  man- 
dates, and  preserve  inviolable  all  the  possessions  of  his 
Church.  Then  follows  the  examination,  in  which  sev- 
enteen questions  concerning  the  canons  of  the  Church 
and  articles  of  faith  are  proposed,  to  which  the  elect 
answers,  "I  will",  and,  I  do  believe",  respectively, 
each  time  rising  slightly  and  uncovering  his  head. 
Mass  is  now  begun  at  the  foot  of  the  consecrator's 
altar  and  continued  down  to  "Oremus.  Aufer  a  nobis" 
inclusively.  The  elect  is  then  led  by  the  assistant 
bishop  to  the  side  altar,  at  which,  having  been  clad  in 
his  pontifical  vestments,  he  continues  the  Mass,  simul- 
taneously with  the  consecrator,  down  to  the  last  verse 
of  the  Gradual,  Tract,  or  Sequence  exclusively,  with- 
out any  change  in  the  liturgy,  except  that  the  collect 
for  the  elect  is  added  to  the  prayer  of  the  day  under 
one  conclusion.  The  elect  is  again  presented  to  the 
consecrator,  who  sets  forth  the  duties  and  powers  of  a 
bishop:  "It  behooves  a  bishop  to  judge,  interpret, 
consecrate,  offer,  baptize  and  confirm.  The  clergy 
and  the  faithful  are  then  invited  to  pray  that  God  may 
bestow  the  abundance  of  His  grace  on  the  elect.  The 
Litany  of  the  Saints  is  now  recited  or  chanted,  while 
the  elect  lies  prostrate  on  the  floor  of  the  sanctuary 
and  all  the  others  kneel. 

Consecration. — The  consecrator,  aided  by  the  assis- 
tant bishops,  takes  the  book  of  the  Gospels  and,  open- 
ing it,  places  it  on  the  neck  and  shoulders  of  the  elect, 
so  that  the  bottom  of  the  page  be  next  to  the  elect's 
head,  and  the  book  is  held  in  this  manner  by  one  of  the 
clergy  until  it  is  to  be  given  to  the  elect  after  the  pres- 
entation of  the  ring.  This  rite  is  found  in  all  the  an- 
cient rituals — Latin,  Greek  and  Syriac — though  in 
early  times  it  seems  not  to  have  been  universal  among 
the  Latins.  Now  follows  the  imposition  of  hands, 
which,  according  to  the  common  opinion,  is  the  es- 
sence of  the  consecration.  Both  the  consecrator  and 
the  assistant  bishops  place  both  hands,  to  express  the 
plenitude  of  the  power  conferred  and  of  the  grace 
asked  for,  on  the  head  of  the  elect,  saying,  "  Receive 
the  Holy  Ghost" — without  restriction  and  with  all 
His  gifts,  as  the  simple  formula  indicates.  Theolo- 
gians do  not  agree  as  to  whether  the  communication  of 
the  gift  of  the  Holy  Ghost  is  directly  implied  in  these 
words,  but  the  prayers  which  follow  seem  to  determine 
the  imposition  of  hands  by  which  the  grace  and  power 
of  the  episcopacy  is  signified  and  conferred.  In  the 
Greek  ritual  the  prayer  which  accompanies  the  impo- 
sition of  hands  is  clearly  the  form.  The  "  Veni,  Crea- 
tor Spirit  us"  is  sung,  during  which  the  consecrator 
first  makes  the  sign  of  the  cross  with  holy  chrism  on 
the  crown  or  tonsure  of  the  new  bishop  and  then 
anoints  the  rest  of  the  crown.  That  this  unction  is  to 
symbolize  the  gifts  of  the  Holy  Ghost  with  which  the 
Church  desires  a  bishop  to  be  filled,  is  evident  from  the 
prayer  which  follows,  "May  constancy  of  faith,  purity 
of  love,  sincerity  of  peace  abound  in  him".  The 
anointing  of  the  hands  of  the  bishop  in  the  form  of  a 
cross,  and  afterwards  of  the  entire  palms,  then  follows. 
This  unction  indicates  the  powers  that  are  given  to 
him.  The  consecrator  then  makes  thrice  the  sign  of 
the  cross  over  the  hands  thus  anointed  and  prays: 
"Whatsoever  thou  shalt  bless,  may  it  be  blessed;  and 
whatsoever  thou  shalt  sanctify  may  it  be  sanctified: 
and  may  the  imposition  of  this  consecrated  hand  ana 
thumb  be  profitable  in  all  things  to  salvation."  The 
hands  of  the  bishop  are  then  joined,  the  right  resting 
on  the  left,  and  placed  in  a  linen  cloth  which  is  sus- 
pended from  his  neck. 

Presentation  of  the  episcopal  insignia. — The  crosier 
is  then  blessed  and  handed  to  the  bishop,  who  receives 
it  between  the  index  and  middle  fingers,  the  hands  re- 
maining joined.  The  consecrator  at  the  same  time 
admonishes  him,  as  the  Ritual  indicates,  that  the  true 
character  of  the  ecclesiastical  shepherd  is  to  temper 


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the  exercise  of  justice  with  meekness,  and  not  to  neg- 
lect strictness  of  discipline  through  love  of  tranquillity. 
The  consecrator  then  blesses  the  ring  and  places  it  on 
the  third  finger  of  the  bishop's  right  hand,  reminding 
the  latter  that  it  is  the  symbol  of  fidelity  which  he  owes 
to  Holy  Church.  The  book  of  the  Gospels  is  taken 
from  the  bishop's  shoulders  and  handed  to  him,  with 
the  command  to  go  and  preach  to  the  people  commit- 
ted to  his  care.  He  then  receives  the  kiss  of  peace 
from  the  consecrator  and  the  assistant  bishops,  and 
the  latter  conduct  him  to  his  altar,  where  the  crown  of 
his  head  is  cleansed  with  crumbs  of  bread,  and  his  hair 
is  adjusted.  Afterwards  the  bishop  washes  his  hands, 
and  both  he  and  the  consecrator,  at  their  respective 
altars,  continue  the  Mass  as  usual,  down  to  the  prayer 
of  the  Offertory  inclusively.  After  the  Offertory  the 
new  bishop  is  led  to  the  consecrator's  altar  where  he 
presents  to  the  latter  two  lighted  torches,  two  loaves 
of  bread,  and  two  small  barrels  of  wine.  This  offering 
is  a  relic  of  ancient  discipline,  according  to  which  the 
faithful  made  their  offerings  on  such  occasions  for  the 
support  of  the  clergy  ana  other  purposes  connected 
with  religion.  From  the  Offertory  to  the  Communion 
the  bishop  stands  at  the  Epistle  side  of  the  consecra- 
tor's altar  and  recites  and  acts  together  with  the  latter 
everything  as  indicated  in  the  Missal.  After  the  con- 
secrator has  consumed  one-half  of  the  Host  which  he 
consecrated  at  Mass,  and  partaken  of  one-half  of  the 
Precious  Blood  together  with  the  particle  of  the  conse- 
crated Host  that  was  dropped  into  the  chalice,  he 
Communicates  the  bishop  by  giving  him,  first,  the 
other  half  of  the  consecrated  Host,  and  then  the  Pre- 
cious Blood  remaining  in  the  chalice.  Both  take  the 
ablutions  from  different  chalices,  after  which  the  new 
bishop  goes  to  the  Gospel  side  of  the  consecrator's 
altar,  and  with  the  consecrator  continues  the  Mass 
down  to  the  blessing  inclusively.  The  consecrator 
then  blesses  the  mitre  and  places  it  on  the  head  of  the 
bishop,  referring  to  its  mystical  signification  as  a  hel- 
met of  protection  and  salvation,  that  the  wearer  of  it 
may  seem  terrible  to  the  opponents  of  truth  and  be 
their  sturdy  adversary.  The  gloves  are  then  blessed 
and  put  on  the  hands  of  the  bishop,  referring  to  the 
action  of  Jacob,  who,  having  his  hands  covered  with 
the  skins  of  kids,  implored  and  received  the  paternal 
blessing.  In  like  manner  the  consecrator  prays  that 
the  wearer  of  the  gloves  may  deserve  to  implore  and 
receive  the  blessings  of  Divine  grace  by  means  of  the 
saving  Host  offered  by  his  hands. 

ConehiKum. — The  new  bishop  is  then  enthroned  on 
the  faldstool  on  thp  predella,  from  which  the  conse- 
crator has  risen,  or,  if  the  ceremony  be  performed  in 
the  cathedral  of  the  new  bishop,  on  the  usual  episcopal 
throne.  The  Te  Deum  is  now  intoned  by  the  conse- 
crator, and  while  the  hymn  is  being  sung  the  new  bish- 
op is  led  by  the  assistant  bishops  through  the  church, 
that  he  may  bless  the  people.  Having  returned  to  the 
altar — or  to  the  throne  in  his  own  cathedral — the  bish- 
op gives  the  final  solemn  blessing  as  usual.  The  con- 
secrator and  assistant  bishops  move  towards  the  Gos- 
pel corner  of  the  altar  and  face  the  Epistle  side;  the 
new  bishop  goes  to  the  Epistle  corner,  and  there,  with 
mitre  and  crosier,  facing  the  consecrator,  makes  a 
genuflexion  and  chants  Ad  multos  annos".  He  pro- 
ceeds to  the  middle  of  the  predella  and  performs  the 
same  ceremony,  chanting  m  a  higher  tone  of  voice. 
Finally,  approaching  the  feet  of  the  consecrator,  he 
again  genuflects,  chanting  in  a  still  higher  tone  of 
voice.  After  this  the  consecrator  and  assistant  bish- 
ops receive  him  to  the  kiss  of  peace.  Accompanied  by 
the  assistant  bishops,  he  returns  to  his  altar,  reciting 
the  Gospel  of  St.  John.  All  then  lay  aside  their  vest- 
ments  and  depart  in  peace. 

llABTfcNB,  Be  antiquit  Ecduia  ritQnu  (Venice,  1753); 
Ahbkboek,  Pattomltheologie  (Ratisbon,  1884),  II;  Bernard, 
Court  it  lituraie  romaine — U  Pontifical  (Paris,  1902),  I;  Ken- 
bick.  Form  of  Consecration  of  a  Bishop  (Baltimore,  1868). 

II.  Consecration  or  a  Fixed  Altar. — At  the  con- 


secration of  a  church  at  least  one  fixed  altar  must  be 
consecrated.  Altars,  permanent  structures  of  stone, 
may  be  consecrated  at  other  times,  but  only  in 
churches  that  have  been  consecrated  or  at  least  sol- 
emnly blessed.  We  have  instances  in  which  a  simple 
priest  has  performed  this  rite.  Walafridus  Strabo,  in 
the  Life  of  St.  Gall  (ch.  vi),  sayB  that  St.  Columban,  at 
that  time  being  a  priest,  having  dedicated  the  church 
of  St.  Aurelia  at  Bregenz  on  the  Lake  of  Constance, 
anointed  the  altar,  deposited  the  relics  of  St.  Aurelia 
under  it,  and  celebrated  Mass  on  it.  But  according 
to  the  present  discipline  of  the  Church,  the  ordinary 
minister  of  its  consecration  is  the  diocesan  bishop. 
Without  the  permission  of  the  ordinary,  a  bishop  of 
another  diocese  cannot  licffly  consecrate  an  altar,  al- 
though without  such  permission  the  consecration 
would  be  valid.  One  and  the  same  bishop  must  per- 
form the  rite  from  the  beginning  to  the  end.  An  altar 
may  be  consecrated  on  any  day  of  the  year,  but  a  Sun- 
day or  feast  day  is  to  be  preferred  (Pontificale 
Romanum).  It  is  difficult  to  determine  when  the 
rite  used  at  present  was  introduced.  To  the  essen- 
tials of  consecration  reference  is  made  as  early  as  the 
sixth  century  by  the  Council  of  Agde  (506):  "Altars 
are  to  be  consecrated  not  only  by  the  chrism,  but  with 
the  sacerdotal  blessing";  and  by  St.  Ctesarius  of  Aries 
(d.  about  642)  in  a  sermon  delivered  at  the  consecra- 
tion of  an  altar:  "We  have  to-day  consecrated  an 
altar,  the  stone  of  which  was  blessed  or  anointed" 
(Migne,  P.  L.,  LXVII,  Serm.  ccxxx). 

The  ceremonies  of  the  exposition  of  the  relics  on  the 
evening  before  the  day  of  consecration,  the  keeping  of 
the  vigil,  the  blessing  of  the  Gregorian  water,  the 
sprinkling  of  the  altar,  and  the  translation  of  the  relics 
to  the  church  are  the  same  as  those  described  at  the 
consecration  of  a  church  (see  IV,  below).  When  the 
relics  have  been  carried  to  the  church,  the  consecrator 
anoints  with  holy  chrism,  at  the  four  corners,  the  sep- 
ulchre of  the  altar  (see  Altar),  in  which  the  relics  are 
to  be  enclosed,  thereby  sanctifying  the  cavity  in  which 
the  venerated  remains  of  the  martyrs  are  to  rest,  and 
then  reverently  places  therein  the  case  containing  the 
relics  and  incenses  them.  Having  anointed  withholy 
chrism  the  nether  side  of  the  smallslab  that  is  to  cover 
the  sepulchre,  he  spreads  blessed  cement  over  the 
ledge  of  the  sepulchre  on  the  inside  and  fits  the  slab 
into  the  cavity,  after  which  he  anoints  the  upper  side 
of  the  slab  and  the  altar-table  near  it.  He  then  in- 
censes the  altar,  first,  on  every  side — right,  left,  front 
and  on  top — whilst  the  chanters  sing  the  antiphon 
"Stetit  angelus";  secondly,  in  the  form  of  a  cross  on 
the  top,  in  the  middle,  and  at  the  four  corners; 
thirdly,  whilst  going  round  the  altar  three  times. 
After  the  third  mcensation,  the  censer  is  given  to  a 
priest,  vested  in  surplice,  who,  till  the  end  of  the  con- 
secration, continues  going  around  the  altar,  incensing 
it  on  all  sides,  save  when  the  bishop  uses  the  censer. 
The  incense  symbolizes  the  sweet  odour  of  prayer 
which  is  to  ascend  from  the  altar  to  heaven,  whilst  the 
fullness  of  the  grace  of  the  Holy  Ghost,  which  is  to 
descend  on  the  altar  and  the  faithful,  is  indicated  by 
the  prayers  recited  after  the  three  unctions  which  fol- 
low. The  consecrator  then  anoints  the  table  of  the 
altar  at  the  middle  and  the  four  corners,  twice  with 
the  oil  of  catechumens,  and  the  third  time  with  holy 
chrism.  After  each  unction  he  goes  round  the  altar 
once,  incensing  it  continuously,  the  first  and  second 
time  passing  by  the  Epistle  side,  and  third  time  by  the 
Gospel  side.  Finally,  as  if  to  indicate  the  complete 
sanctification  of  the  altar,  he  pours  and  spreads  over 
its  table  the  oil  of  catechumens  and  holy  chrism  to- 
gether, rubbing  the  holy  oils  over  it  with  his  right 
hand,  whilst  the  chanters  sing  the  appropriate  anti- 
phon, "Behold  the  smell  of  my  son  is  as  the  smell  of  a 
plentiful  field",  etc.  (Gen.,  xxvii,  27,  28).  When  the 
church  is  consecrated  at  the  same  time,  the  twelve 
crosses  on  the  inner  walls  are  now  anointed  with  holy 


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chrism  and  incensed.  The  consecrator  then  blesses 
the  incense  and  sprinkles  it  with  holy  water.  Then  he 
forms  it  into  five  crosses,  each  consisting  of  five  grains, 
on  the  table  of  the  altar,  in  the  middle  and  at  the  four 
corners.  Over  each  cross  of  incense  he  places  a  cross 
made  of  thin  wax  taper.  The  ends  of  each  cross  are 
lighted,  and  with  them  the  incense  is  burned  and  con- 
sumed. This  ceremony  symbolizes  the  true  sacrifice 
which  is  thereafter  to  be  offered  on  the  altar;  and  it 
indicates  that  our  prayers  must  be  fervent  and  ani- 
mated by  true  and  lively  faith  if  they  are  to  be  accept- 
able to  God  and  efficacious  against  our  spiritual  ene- 
mies. Finallv,  the  bishop  traces  with  holy  chrism  a 
cross  an  the  front  of  the  altar  and  on  the  juncture  of 
the  table  and  the  base  on  which  it  rests  at  the  four 
comers,  as  if  to  join  them  together,  to  indicate  that 
thin  altar  is  to  be  in  future  a  firmly  fixed  and  constant 
source  of  grace  to  all  who  with  faith  approach  it. 
Then  follow  the  blessings  of  the  altar-cloths,  vases, 
and  ornaments  of  the  altar,  the  celebration  of  Mass, 
and  the  publication  of  the  Indulgences,  as  at  the  end  of 
the  consecration  of  a  church. 

Loss  of  Consecration. — An  altar  loses  its  consecra- 
tion: (1)  when  the  table  of  the  altar  is  broken  into 
two  or  more  large  pieces ;  (2)  when  at  the  comer  of  the 
table  that  portion  which  the  consecrator  anointed 
with  holy  oil  is  broken  off;  (3)  when  several  large 
stones  of  the  support  of  the  table  are  removed ;  (4) 
when  one  of  the  columns  which  support  the  table  at 
the  comers  is  removed ;  (5)  if  for  any  reason  whatever 
the  table  is  removed  from  the  support,  or  only  raised 
from  it — e.  g.,  to  renew  the  cement;  (6)  by  the  re- 
moval of  the  relics,  or  by  the  fracture  or  removal,  by 
chance  or  design,  of  the  small  cover,  or  slab,  placed 
over  the  cavity  containing  the  relics.  (See  also  Al- 
tar, History  op  the  Christian.) 

Bona,  Rerum  Liturmcarum  libri  duo  (Turin,  1747-53); 
Martens,  De  anliquit  EccUsia  riiibtu  (Venice,  1763);  Ber- 
nard, Court  de  lituraie  romaine — le  Pontifical  (Paris,  1902),  II; 
Amberoer,  PatUmUiheologie  (Ratisbon,  1884),  II;  Van  deb 
Stappen,  Sacra  LUurqia  (Mechlin,  1002),  III;  Uttini,  Corto  di 
Scietua  Liluraica  (Bologna,  1904);  8.  L.  T.,  The  Altar,  in  Am. 
Bed.  Rev.,  July,  1904;  Schulti,  Coneecranda  (New  York, 
1907). 

III.  Consecration  of  an  Altar-Stone. — Mass 
must  be  celebrated  either  on  an  altar  which  has  been 
consecrated  or  on  a  consecrated  altar-stone,  or  port- 
able altar  (Rubr.  Gen.  Miss.,  XX).  Its  consecration 
is  a  less  solemn  function  than  the  consecration  of  an 
altar.  It  may  take  place  on  any  day  of  the  year,  in 
the  morning,  as,  after  its  consecration,  Mass  must  be 
celebrated  upon  it  the  same  day.  If  several  stones 
are  consecrated,  it  suffices  to  celebrate  Mass  on  one  of 
the  altars  so  consecrated.  The  ceremony  may  take 
place  in  the  church,  sacristy,  or  any  other  suitable 
place. 

The  cavity  for  the  relics  is  made  on  the  top  of  the 
stone,  usually  near  its  front  edge.  It  may  be  in  the 
centre  of  the  stone,  but  never  on  its  front  edge  (Cong. 
Sac.  Rit.,  13  June,  1899).  Relics  of  two  martyrs, 
with  three  grains  of  incense,  are  placed  immediately 
(i.  e.  without  a  reliquary)  in  its  cavity,  which  is  closed 
with  a  small  slab  of  natural  stone  fitting  exactly  upon 
the  opening.  The  Cong.  Sac.  Rit.  (16  Feb.,  1906)  de- 
clared that  for  valid  consecration  it  suffices  to  have 
enclosed  in  the  cavity  the  relics  of  one  martyr.  The 
Pontifical  makes  no  mention  of  the  blessing  of  the  ce- 
ment with  which  the  slab  is  secured,  but  the  Cong. 
Sac.  Rit.  (10  May,  1890)  prescribes  it. 

Ordinarily,  only  a  bishop  may  consecrate  an  altar- 
stone,  but  by  pontifical  privilege  some  abbots  have 
this  faculty  for  altar-stones  used  in  their  own  churches. 
The  Holy  See  frequently  grants  this  privilege  to 
priests  labouring  in  missionary  countries.  The  bish- 
ops of  the  United  States  have  the  faculty  of  delegating 
priests  to  perform  this  function  by  virtue  of  the  "Fac- 
ilitates Extraordinaria?",  C,  VI.  The  relics  are  not 
exposed,  nor  are  Matins  and  Lauds  recited  on  the 


evening  before  the  consecration;  neither  is  the  vigil 
kept.  The  ceremonies  are  similar  to  those  used  at  the 
consecration  of  an  altar.  Hence  the  blessing  of  the 
Gregorian  water,  the  sprinkling  and  incensation,  the 
anointing  with  holy  chrism  and  the  oil  of  catechu- 
mens, the  burning  of  incense  and  the  offering  of  the 
Holy  Sacrifice,  take  place;  and  the  symbolical  mean- 
ings of  these  ceremonies  are  the  same  as  those  given  at 
the  consecration  of  an  altar. 

IV.  Consecration  or  a  Church. — By  a  decree  of 
the  Council  of  Trent  (Sess.  XXII),  Mass  should  not  be 
celebrated  in  any  place  except  a  consecrated  or 
blessed  church.  Hence  it  is  the  wish  of  the  Church 
that  at  least  cathedrals  and  parish  churches  be  sol- 
emnly consecrated,  and  that  smaller  churches  be 
blessed  (Cong.  Sac.  Rit.,  7  Aug.,  1875),  but  any 
church  and  public  or  semi-public  oratory  may  be  con- 
secrated (Cong.  Sac.  Rit.,  5  June,  1899).  Both  by 
consecration  and  by  blessing  a  church  is  dedicated  to 
Divine  worship,  which  forbids  its  use  for  common  or 

Erofane  purposes.  Consecration  is  a'  rite  reserved  to  a 
ishop,  who  by  the  solemn  anointing  with  holy 
chrism,  and  in  the  prescribed  form,  dedicates  a  build- 
ing to  the  service  of  God,  thereby  raising  it  in  per- 
petuum  to  a  higher  order,  removing  it  from  the  malign 
influence  of  Satan,  and  rendering  it  a  place  in  which 
the  prayers  of  the  faithful  are  more  readily  heard  and 
favours  are  more  graciously  granted  by  God  (Pontifi- 
cate Romanum).  The  blessing  of  a  church  is  a  less 
solemn  rite,  which  may  be  performed  by  a  priest  dele- 
gated by  the  diocesan  bishop.  It  consists  in  the 
sprinkling  with  holy  water  ana  the  recital  of  prayers, 
thus  making  it  a  sacred  place,  though  not  necessarily 
in  perpetuum.  Consecration  differs  from  mere  bless- 
ing in  this,  that  it  imprints  an  indelible  mark  (St. 
Thomas,  II— II,  xxxix,  a.  3)  on  the  building,  by 
reason  of  which  it  may  never  be  transferred  to  com- 
mon or  profane  uses. 

The  consecration  of  churches  dates  probably  from 
Apostolic  times  and  is,  in  a  sense,  a  continuation  of 
the  Jewish  rite  instituted  by  Solomon.  Some  authors 
attribute  its  origin  to  Pope  St.  Evaristus  (d.  105),  but 
it  is  more  probable  that  he  merely  promulgated  form- 
ally as  a  law  what  had  been  the  custom  before  his 
time,  or  prescribed  that  a  church  cannot  be  conse- 
crated without  the  celebration  of  the  Holy  Sacrifice. 
That  churches  were  consecrated  before  peace  had 
been  granted  to  the  Church  would  appear  not  only 
from  the  life  of  St.  Cecilia  (Roman  Breviary,  22  No- 
vember), who  prayed  for  a  cessation  from  hostilities 
against  the  Christians  in  order  that  her  home  might  be 
consecrated  as  a  church  by  St.  Urban  I  (222-230),  but 
also  from  the  life  of  St.  Marcellus  (308-309),  who  ap- 
pears to  have  actually  consecrated  a  church  in  the 
home  of  St.  Lucina  (Roman  Breviary,  16  January). 
Before  the  time  of  Constantine  the  consecration  of 
churches  was,  on  account  of  the  persecutions,  neces- 
sarily private,  but  after  the  conversion  of  that  em- 
peror it  became  a  solemn  public  rite,  as  appears  from 
Eusebius  of  Ctesarea  (Hist.  Eccl.,  X):  ''After  these 
things  a  spectacle  earnestly  prayed  for  and  much  de- 
sired by  us  all  appeared,  viz.  the  solemnization  of  the 
festival  of  the  dedication  of  churches  throughout 
every  city,  and  the  consecration  of  newly-built  ora- 
tories." The  passage  clearly  indicates  that  churches 
were  consecrated  before,  and  that  accordingly  the  an- 
niversaries of  the  dedication  might  now  be  publicly 
celebrated. 

It  is  difficult  to  determine  in  what  the  rite  of  conse- 
cration consisted  in  early  times.    Many  sermons 

E reached  on  these  occasions  are  still  extant,  and  we 
nd  occasional  notices  of  the  vigil  kept  before  the  con- 
secration, of  the  translation  of  the  relics,  and  of  the 
tracing  of  the  Greek  and  the  Latin  alphabet  on  the 
pavement  of  the  church.  The  relics  were  not  always 
the  whole  body  of  a  saint  or  even  large  portions  of  it, 
but  sometimes  merely  articles  with  which  the  martyr 


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came  in  contact.  Churches  were  sometimes  conse- 
crated without  depositing  relics.  Some  ancient  forms 
of  consecration  prescribe  that  the  Host  consecrated  by 
the  bishop  be  deposited.  Often  only  the  Greek  al- 
phabet or  the  Latin  was  written  twice;  and  some- 
times to  the  Greek  and  Latin  the  Hebrew  alphabet 
was  added  (Martene,  De  Antiquis  Ecclesia  Ritibus, 
II).  The  rite  does  not  appear  to  have  always  been 
one  and  the  same,  but  the  essential  element  of  the 
ceremony — namely,  the  actual  separation  of  any 
building  from  common  to  a  sacred  use,  which  would 
be  the  first  religious  act  in  the  process  of  initiating  and 
appropriating  it  to  a  Divine  use — was  always  called  its 
consecration.  In  allusion  to  this  fact  the  first  begin- 
ning of  anything  is  often  styled  its  dedication  (Bing- 
ham, Origines  sive  Antiquit.  Eccles.,  VIII,  ix,  §1), 
which  word  the  Roman  Pontifical  uses  in  this  place 
only — "De  Eccles  is  Dedicatione  seu  Consecratione" 
— elsewhere  the  word  eonaecratio  only  is  used.  It  can- 
not be  definitely  decided  when  the  nte  of  consecration 
in  use  at  present  began  to  be  employed.  The  Pontifi- 
cal of  Egbert,  Archbishop  of  York  (733-767),  bears 
a  striking  resemblance  to  it. 

The  ordinary  minister  of  consecration  is  the  dio- 
cesan bishop.  He  may,  however,  delegate  another 
bishop  to  perform  this  function.  A  bishop  of  another 
diocese  cannot  Iicitly  consecrate  a  church  without  the 
permission  of  the  diocesan  bishop,  although  without 
such  permission  the  church  would  be  validly  conse- 
crated. A  priest  cannot  perform  this  rite  unless  he  be 
delegated  in  a  special  manner  by  the  Roman  pontiff 
(Benedict  XIV,  Const.  "Ex  tuis  precibus",  16  No- 
vember, 1748,  §2).  To  consecrate  a  church  Iicitly  it 
is  necessary  to  consecrate  a  fixed  altar  in  the  same 
church,  which  altar  ordinarily  ought  to  be  the  main 
one  (Cong.  Sac  Rit.,  19  Sept.,  1665).  If  this  altar  is 
already  consecrated,  one  of  the  side  altars  may  be  con- 
secrated (Cong.  Sac.  Rit.,  31  Aug.,  1872).  If  all  the 
altars  of  a  church  are  already  consecrated,  it  cannot  be 
Iicitly  consecrated  except  by  special  Apostolic  indult. 
One  and  the  same  bishop  must  consecrate  both  the 
church  and  the  altar  (Cong.  Sac.  Rit.,  3  March,  1866). 
Although  the  consecration  of  the  altar  may  for  some 
reason  be  invalid,  yet  the  church  remains  consecrated 
(Cong.  Sac.  Rit.,  17  June,  1843).  The  essence  of  the 
consecration  of  a  church  consists  in  the  anointing 
of  the  twelve  crosses  on  the  inner  walls  with  the 
form:  " Sanctificetur  et  consecretur  hoc  templum". 
etc.  If  before  this  ceremony  the  consecrator  should 
become  incapacitated  for  finishing  the  function,  the 
whole  rite  must  be  repeated  from  the  beginning  (Cong. 
Sac.  Rit.,  12  April,  1614).  The  church  should  stand 
free  on  all  sides  so  that  the  bishop  may  pass  around  it. 
If  there  be  obstructions  at  only  some  points,  the 
church  may  be  consecrated  (Cong.  Sac.  Rit.,  19  Sep- 
tember, 1665),  but  if  the  obstructions  be  of  such  a  na- 
ture that  the  exterior  walls  cannot  be  reached,  the 
church  may  not  be  consecrated  without  a  special 
Apostolic  indult  (Cong.  Sac.  Rit.,  22  February,  1888). 
On  the  walls  inside  the  church  twelve  crosses  must  be 
painted,  or  (if  they  are  made  of  stone  or  metal)  at- 
tached to  the  walls.  These  crosses  are  not  to  be  of 
wood  or  of  any  fragile  material.  They  must  never  be 
removed  (Cong.  Sac.  Rit.,  18  February,  1696),  and, 
documents  failing,  they  serve  to  prove  that  the  church 
has  been  consecrated.  Under  each  cross  a  bracket 
holding  a  candle  is  affixed. 

The  consecration  may  take  place  on  any  day  of  the 
year,  but  a  Sunday  or  feast  day  is  to  be  preferred 
(Pontificale  Roman  um).  The  consecrator  and 
those  who  ask  for  the  consecration  (Van  der  Stappen, 
III,  quasst.  32,  iii,  says,  "all  the  parishioners,  if  it  be  a 
parish  church";  Bernard,  "  Le  Pontifical ",  II,  p.  7, 
only  the  clergy  attached  to  the  church ;  Marc, "  Institu- 
tiones  Morales",  I,  n.  1221,  nota  2°,  only  the  parish 
priest,  if  he  alone  asked)  are  obliged  to  observe  the  day 
before  the  consecration  as  a  day  of  fasting  and  absti- 


nence. If  the  consecration  takes  place  on  Monday, 
the  fast  is  observed  on  the  preceding  Saturday.  On 
the  evening  preceding  the  day  of  consecration,  the 
consecrating  bishop  places  in  a  reliquary  the  relics  of 
the  martyrs,  which  are  to  be  placed  in  the  altar,  three 
grains  of  incense,  and  an  attestation  written  on  parch- 
ment. The  Cong.  Sac.  Rit.,  16  February,  1906,  de- 
clared that  for  the  valid  consecration  it  suffices  to  nave 
enclosed  the  relics  of  one  martyr.  The  reliquary  is 
then  placed  in  an  urn  or  in  the  tabernacle  of  an  altar 
in  a  nearby  church  or  oratory,  or  in  an  adjacent  room 
or  the  sacristy.  At  least  two  candles  are  kept  burning 
before  these  relics  during  the  night,  and  Matins  and 
Lauds  de  communi  plurimorum  martyrum  or  of  the 
proper  Office  of  the  martyrs  whose  relics  have  teen 
placed  in  the  reliqua- 
ry, are  sung  or  recited. 
At  the  beginning  of 
the  consecration  on 
the  next  day  the  can- 
dles under  the  crosses 
on  the  walls  are 
lighted.  After  this 
the  bishop  and  the 
clergy  go  to  the  place 
in  which  the  relics  of 
the  martyrs'  were  de- 
posited the  evening 
before,  the  church 
meanwhile  being  left 
in  charge  of  a  deacon. 
Whilst  the  bishop  is 
being  vested  the 
Seven  Penitential 
Psalms  are  recited, 
after  which  all  pro- 
ceed to  the  main  en- 
trance of  the  church, 
where,  remaining  out- 
side, the  bishop  blesses 
the  water.  The  bishop 
then  goes  three  times 
round  the  outside  of  the  church,  the  first  time  sprinkling 
the  upper  part  of  the  walls,  the  second  time  the  lower 
part,  and  the  third  time  on  a  level  with  his  face.  After 
each  circuit  the  bishop  strikes  the  door  with  the  base 
of  his  crosier  and  says,  "  Lift  up  your  gates,  ye  princes, 
and  be  ye  lifted  up,  ye  everlasting  doors,  and  the  King 
of  Glory  shall  come  in."  Three  times  the  deacon 
within  the  church  asks,  "Who  is  this  King  of  Glory?" 
Twice  the  bishop  answers,  "The  Lord,  strong  and 
mighty;  the  Lord  mighty  in  battle";  and  the  third 
time  he  says,  "  The  Lord  of  Armies,  He  is  the  King  of 
Glory".  This  triple  sprinkling  and  circuit  of  the 
walls,  according  to  Bl.  Yves  of  Chart  res  (Sermo  de 
Sacramentis  Dedicationis),  symbolizes  the  triple  im- 
mersion at  holy  baptism,  the  consecration  of  the  soul 
as  the  spiritual  temple  of  God,  to  which  the  material 
bears  a  certain  analogy. 

The  bishop  and  his  attendants  now  enter  the 
church,  leaving  the  clergy  and  people  outside,  and  the 
door  is  closed.  The  chanters  sing  the  "  Veni,  Creator 
Spiritus"  and  chant  or  recite  the  Litany  of  the  Saints. 
After  this,  whilst  the  canticle  "Benedictus"  is  being 
chanted,  the  bishop  traces  with  the  point  of  his  cro- 
sier, in  the  ashes  spread  on  the  floor,  first,  the  Greek 
alphabet,  beginning  at  the  left  side  of  the  church  door 
and  proceeding  to  the  Epistle  comer  of  the  church 
near  the  altar,  then  the  Latin  alphabet,  beginning  at 
the  right  side  of  the  church  door  and  proceeding  to  the 
Gospel  corner  of  the  church  near  the  altar.  The  "  Li- 
ber Sacramentorum"  of  St.  Gregory  I  and  the  "Pon- 
tificale" of  Egbert,  Archbishop  of  York,  attest  the  an- 
tiquity of  this  ceremony,  which  symbolizes  the  in- 
struction given  to  the  newly  baptized  in  the  elements 
of  faith  and  piety.  The  crossing  of  the  two  lines 
points  to  the  cross,  that  is  Christ  crucified,  as  the  prin- 


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cipal  dogma  of  the  Christian  religion.  The  Greek  and 
Latin  languages  represent  the  Jews  and  Gentiles  re- 
spectively. The  Greek  alphabet  is  written  first  be- 
cause the  Jews  were  first  called  to  the  Christian  Faith. 
The  bishop  then  blesses  the  Gregorian  water,  a  mix- 
ture of  water,  salt,  ashes,  and  wine,  prescribed  by 
St.  Gregory  I  to  be  used  at  the  consecration  of  a  church 
(P.  L.,  LXXVIII,  152  sqq.).  After  this  he  goes  to  the 
main  door  of  the  church  and  with  the  point  of  the  cro- 
sier traces  a  cross  on  the  upper  part  and  another  on  the 
lower  part  of  the  door  inside.  The  ingredients  of  this 
water  are  to  recall  to  our  mind  the  legal  purifications 
and  the  sacrifices  of  the  Jewish  people,  the  wine  taking 
the  place  of  the  blood.  The  symbolism  of  this  mix- 
ture is  explained  by  authors  in  various  manners.  The 
cross  traced  on  the  door  is  to  be,  as  it  were,  a  guard 
lest  the  work  of  redemption  in  the  church  be  thwarted 
by  the  malignant  influences  from  without.  The  bish- 
op now  traces,  with  the  Gregorian  water,  five  crosses 
on  the  altar  and  then  sprinkles  the  support  and  table 
of  the  altar  seven  times,  passing  round  it  seven  times, 
whilst  the  chanters  sing  or  recite  the  Psalm  "Mise- 
rere". He  then  sprinkles  the  walls  in  the  interior  of 
the  church  three  times,  first  the  lower  part,  then  on  a 
level  with  his  face,  and  lastly,  the  upper  part,  after 
which  he  sprinkles  the  floor  of  the  church  in  the  form 
of  a  cross,  passing  from  the  altar  to  the  door,  and 
from  the  Gospel  to  the  Epistle  side  in  the  middle  of 
the  church.  Having  returned  to  the  middle  of  the 
church,  he  sprinkles  with  one  swing  each  time  the 
floor  before  him,  behind  him,  at  his  left,  and  at  his 
right. 

The  bishop,  clergy,  and  laity  then  go  to  the  place  in 
which  the  relics  repose  and  in  solemn  procession  carry 
them  to  the  church.  Before  entering,  the  relics  are 
borne  round  the  outside  of  the  church,  whilst  the 
clergy  and  people  repeat  "Lord,  have  mercy  on  us". 
Having  returned  to  the  church  door,  the  bishop  gives 
a  suitable  exhortation  to  the  people  and  addresses  the 
founder  of  the  church.  Then  one  of  the  clergy  reads 
the  two  decrees  of  the  Council  of  Trent  from  the  Pon- 
tifical. The  bishop  next  anoints  with  holy  chrism, 
three  times,  the  pillar  on  each  side  of  the  door,  after 
which  the  clergy  and  the  laity  enter  the  church,  and 
the  consecration  of  the  altar  takes  place.  (See  II 
above.)  Finally,  the  twelve  crosses  on  the  interior 
walls  are  anointed  with  holy  chrism  and  incensed  by 
the  bishop;  the  altar-cloths,  vases,  and  ornaments  of 
the  church  and  altar  are  blessed,  and  solemn  or  low 
Mass  is  celebrated  by  the  bishop.  If  he  be  too  fa- 
tigued, he  may  appoint  a  priest  to  celebrate  a  high 
Mass  in  his  stead.  If  more  than  one  altar  has  been 
consecrated,  it  will  suffice  to  celebrate  Mass  on  the 
principal  one  (Cong.  Sac.  Rit.,  22  February,  1888). 
At  the  end  of  the  Mass  an  Indulgence  of  one  year  is 
published,  which  may  be  gained  by  all  who  visit  the 
church  on  the  day  of  consecration.  At  the  same  time 
another  Indulgence  which  may  be  gained  in  the  same 
manner  on  the  anniversary  of  the  consecration  is 
published.  If  the  latter  Indulgence  is  granted  by  a 
cardinal  in  his  titular  church  or  in  his  diocese,  it  may 
be  of  two  hundred  days;  if  by  an  archbishop, 
of  one  hundred  days;  if  by  a  bishop,  of  fifty  days, 
in  their  respective  dioceses.  (S.  C.  Indulg.,  28  Aug., 
1903.) 

The  anniversary  of  the  consecration  is  kept  solemn- 
ly as  a  double  of  the  first  class  with  an  octave  each 
recurring  year,  until  the  church  falls  into  ruin  or  is 
profaned.  In  order  to  avoid  the  inconveniences  likely 
to  arise  from  its  clashing  with  other  solemnities,  the 
bishop  is  empowered  to  appoint,  in  the  act  of  conse- 
cration, another  day  for  the  anniversary,  provided 
such  day  be  not  a  double  feast  of  the  first  or  second 
class  in  the  Universal  Church,  a  privileged  Sunday,  or 
a  local  feast  of  the  first  class  (Cong.  Sac.  Rit.,  4  Feb., 
1896),  or  a  day  in  Advent  or  Lent  (Cong.  Sac.  Rit.,  12 
June,  1660).    Should  the  bishop  fail  to  do  so,  or  defer 


making  such  arrangement,  the  anniversary  must  be 
kept  on  the  recurring  actual  day,  or  recourse  must  be 
had  to  the  Apostolic  See  (Gardellini,  Adnot.  super 
Deer.  dat.  6  Sept.,  1834). 

Besides  the  anniversary  of  the  consecration  of  indi- 
vidual or  parish  churches,  the  anniversary  of  the  con- 
secration of  the  cathedral  of  a  diocese  is  celebrated  as 
a  double  of  the  first  class  with  an  octave  by  the  secular 
clergy  living  within  the  limits  of  the  cathedral  city; 
the  secular  clergy  living  outside  the  cathedral  city  cel- 
ebrate it  as  a  double  of  the  first  class  without  an 
octave,  the  regular  clergy  living  within  the  limits  of 
the  cathedral  city  celebrate  it  as  a  double  of  the  second 
class  without  an  octave ;  the  regular  clergy  outside  the 
cathedral  city  are  not  obliged  to  celebrate  it  in  any 
manner  (Cong.  Sac.  Rit.,  9  July,  1895).  In  some  dio- 
ceses the  simultaneous  celebration  on  a  fixed  day  of 
the  consecration  of  all  the  churches  of  a  diocese,  irre- 
spective of  the  fact  that  some  of  the  churches  are  not 
consecrated,  is  granted  by  special  indult.  In  this  case 
individual  consecrated  churches  are  not  allowed  to 
celebrate  the  anniversary  of  the  consecration  of  their 
respective  churches.  This  day  of  common  celebration 
is  a  double  of  the  first  class  for  all  the  clergy  in  the  dio- 
cese, with  this  distinction,  that  it  is  a  primary  feast 
for  those  attached  to  consecrated  churches  ana  a  sec- 
ondary feast  for  the  others  (Cong.  Sac.  Bit.,  24  March, 
1900). 

Loss  of  Consecration. — From  the  axiom  in  canon  law 
"Coneec ratio  adhseret  parietibus  Ecclesue",  it  follows 
that  a  church  loses  its  consecration  (1)  when  the  walls 
of  the  church  are  totally  or  in  greater  part  simultane- 
ously demolished;  (2)  when  the  inner  walls  are  totally 
or  in  greater  part  simultaneously  destroyed  by  fire; 
(3)  when  an  addition  is  made  to  the  walls  of  the  church 
in  length,  breadth,  or  height,  greater  than  the  original 
walls. 

Bona,  Rerum  Liturgicarum  libri  duo  (Turin,  1747-53); 
Martene,  De  antiquit  Bcdetia  ritibus  (Venice,  1753);  Ber- 
nard, Court  de  lituraie  romainc — U  Pontifical  (Paris.  1902),  II; 
Amberoeh,  PattoraUhcoloaie  (Ratisbon,  1884),  II;  Van  der 
Stappen,  Sacra  Liturgia  (Mechlin,  1902),  III:  Santi,  PtoUc- 
tiones  Juris  Canonici  (Ratiabon,  1886),  III;  Schdlte,  Comt- 
cranda  (New  York,  1907). 

V.  Consecration  of  a  Chalice  and  Paten. — The 
ordinary  minister  of.  the  consecration  of  the  chalice 
and  paten  used  at  Mass  is  a  bishop.  In  missionary 
countries  some  priests,  by  Apostolic  indult,  have  the 
privilege  of  consecrating  these  sacred  vessels.  The 
bishops  of  the  United  States  have  the  faculty  of  dele- 

fating  priests  for  performing  this  rite  by  virtue  of  the 
'acultates  Extraordinarue,  C,  VI.  These  two  altar 
vessels  must  be  consecrated  before  they  can  be  used 
at  the  altar.  They  are  always  consecrated  at  the  same 
time,  because  both  are  indispensable  at  the  celebration 
of  Mass,  the  paten  for  holding  the  Body  of  Christ  and 
the  chalice  for  containing  the  Precious  Blood.  Chal- 
ices which  were  formerly  used  for  the  offerings  of  wine 
made  by  the  faithful,  for  the  ornamentation  of  the 
altar,  and  at  the  administration  of  baptism,  to  give  to 
the  newly  baptized  a  symbolical  beverage  composed 
of  milk  and  honey,  were  not  consecrated.  The  same 
is  true  of  the  patens  used  at  present  at  the  Communion 
of  the  faithful  to  prevent  consecrated  Particles  from 
falling  to  the  floor. 

Chalices  and  patens  may  be  consecrated  on  any  day 
of  the  year  and  at  any  hour,  without  solemnity,  al- 
though in  many  places  this  rite  takes  place  after  Mass 
and  at  the  altar.  First  the  paten  is  consecrated,  prob- 
ably because  it  is  to  hold  the  Sacred  Host,  which  is  con- 
secrated before  the  Precious  Blood,  and  because  the 
species  of  bread  is  always  mentioned  before  the  species 
of  wine.  The  function  begins  with  an  address  to  the 
faithful,  or  at  least  to  the  attendants,  exhorting  them 
to  implore  the  blessing  of  God  on  the  action  the  conse- 
crator  is  about  to  perform.  This  is  followed  by  a 
prayer  that  God  may  render  the  rite  efficacious,  after 


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which  the  consecrator  anoints  the  paten  twice  with 
holy  chrism,  from  rim  to  rim,  in  the  form  of  a  cross, 
and  rubs  the  oils  over  the  whole  upper  side  of  it,  recit- 
ing at  the  same  time  the  consecratory  form.  The 
same  ceremony  with  a  special  address,  prayer,  and 
form,  is  performed  over  tne  chalice,  except  that  the 
consecrator  anoints  the  inside  of  the  chalice  twice  from 
rim  to  rim,  and  rubs  the  oil  all  over  the  inside  of  the 
cup.  The  consecrator  then  recites  a  prayer  in  which 
allusion  is  made  to  the  symbolical  meaning  of  the 
chalice  and  paten,  the  former  of  which,  according  to 
Benedict  XIV  (De  Sacrificio  Missae,  Sect,  i,  n.  31), 
represents  the  tomb  in  which  the  body  of  Christ  was 
laid,  and  the  latter  the  stone  with  which  the  tomb  was 
closed.  Finally,  he  sprinkles  both  vessels  with  holy 
water,  saying  nothing. 

It  is  difficult  to  determine  when  the  Church  began 
to  consecrate  chalices  and  patens.  Some  liturgists  are 
of  opinion  that  the  custom  of  doing  so  goes  back  to  the 
time  of  St.  Sixtus  I  (d.  127),  who,  by  a  decree,  forbade 
any  other  than  those  constituted  in  Sacred  orders  to 
touch  the  sacred  vessels  (Rom.  Breviary,  16  April). 
Even  if  this  decree  is  authentic,  it  would  probably  only 
prove  that  the  prohibition  was  made  out  of  respect  due 
to  the  vessels  which  contained  the  Sacred  Species. 
Others  refer  to  a  passage  of  St.  Ambrose  (d.  397)  in 
which  he  says  that  the  vaaa  EccUm.ce  initiata  may  be 
Bold  for  the  relief  of  the  poor.  Commentators  inter- 
pret initiata  to  mean  not  consecrate,  but  rather  urn,  or 
vessels  which  had  been  used  for  the  sacred  mysteries. 
The  ancient  canons  and  decrees  decide  the  material  of 
which  chalices  and  patens  must  be  made,  but  they  do 
not  say  a  word  of  the  consecration,  although  they  treat 
of  the  consecration  of  churches,  altars,  bishops,  etc.; 
hence  we  may  conclude  that  chalices  and  patens  were 
not  consecrated  by  a  special  form  before  the  thirteenth 
century. 

Loss  of  Consecration. — The  chalice  and  paten  lose 
their  consecration  (1)  when  they  are  regilt;  (2)  when 
they  become  battered  or  broken  to  such  an  extent  that 
it  would  be  unbecoming  to  use  them;  (3)  when  the 
slightest  slit  or  break  appears  in  the  chalice  near  the 
bottom ;  not  so,  however,  if  the  break  be  near  the  up- 
per part,  so  that  without  fear  of  spilling  its  contents 
consecration  can  take  place  in  it;  (4)  when  a  break 
appears  in  the  paten  so  large  that  particles  may  fall 
through  it. 

Bona,  Rerum  LUurgicarum  libri  duo  (Turin,  1747-53); 
Martene,  De  antiauis  BccUeia  ritibut  (Venice,  1753);  Ber- 
nard, Court  de  lUurgie  romaine — le  Pontifical  (Paris,  1902), 
II;  Amberoer,  Pattoralthcotoffie  (Ratisbon,  1884),  II;  Van 
deb  Stappen  Sacra  Liturgia  (Mechlin,  1902),  III;  Scholte, 
Coneecranda  (New  York,  1907);  Uttini,  Cono  di  Scimia  Litur- 
fftecM  Bologna,  1904);  Stella,  liutitutiona  Liturgia*  (Rome, 

A.  J.  ScHULTE. 

Consent  (in  Canon  Law),  the  deliberate  agreement 
required  of  those  concerned  in  legal  transactions  in 
order  to  legalize  such  actions.  Words,  deeds,  writing, 
or  silence  bear  witness  to  the  existence  of  this  consent. 
Completeness  of  consent  is  gauged  not  so  much  by  the 
preliminaries  of  transactions  as  by  their  ratification, 
which  is  the  psychological  development  of  incipient 
consent,  and  gives  consistency  to  legal  transactions. 
The  consent  necessary  to  constitute  contracts  must 
be  internal,  external,  mutual,  and  deliberate.  Some 
authorities  claim  that  contracts  formed  without  any 
intention  on  the  part  of  the  contracting  parties  to 
oblige  themselves  are  valid ;  others  more  rightly  main- 
tain the  contrary,  since  the  very  essence  of  contracts 
embodies  obligation.  Consequently,  whoever  is  un- 
prepared to  admit  this  obligation  is  in  no  position  to 
make  a  contract.  Two  possible  suppositions  here 
present  themselves.  In  the  first  the  promise  and  in- 
tention of  not  assuming  any  obligation  concern  the 
same  object  under  the  same  respect.  Promises  made 
in  thisjway  are  utterly  meaningless.  In  the  second 
supposition  the  promise  and  intention  of  waiving  the 


obligation  refer  to  the  same  object  under  different 
respects.  In  such  cases  it  is  necessary  to  ascertain 
which  of  these  two  contrary  tendencies  of  the  will  is 
dominant.  If  the  intention  of  making  a  contract 
possess  greater  efficacy,  the  obligation  thereunto  cor- 
responding unquestionably  holds  good.  On  the  con- 
trary, if  the  intention  of  accepting  no  obligation 
prevail,  no  contract  can  be  formed.  Finally,  if  one 
intention  is  just  as  efficacious  as  another,  the  forma- 
tion of  a  contract  would  then  involve  quest  for  an 
unattainable  result.  Contracts  made  by  individuals 
having  absolutely  no  intention  of  abiding  by  the  obli- 
gation connected  therewith  are  altogether  invalid, 
and  the  parties  thus  fictitiously  contracting  are  bound 
to  indemnify  those  whose  interests  thereby  suffer. 
The  contract  in  question  must  always  be  capable  of 
begetting  an  obligation.  It  is  not  impossible  to  find 
genuine  consent  which  is  worthless  for  giving  consis- 
tency to  contracts  either  because  it  is  nullified 
beforehand  by  positive  law  or  because  it  is  the  result 
of  error,  fraud,  or  fear  (see  Contract). 

Error  affecting  the  very  nature  of  the  contract,  or 
concerning  the  substance  of  the  object  in  question  or 
a  naturally  substantial  quality  of  the  object,  or  one 
considered  indispensable  by  the  contracting  parties, 
vitiates  consent  and  invalidates  contracts.  Error  re- 
garding an  accidental  quality  of  the  contract,  or  per- 
taining to  the  motive  underlying  the  contract,  or  to 
its  material  object,  is  insufficient  to  vitiate  consent  or 
nullify  contracts.  In  like  manner  fraud,  whether  in- 
troduced by  one  of  the  contracting  parties  or  by  an 
extern,  for  the  sake  of  provoking  consent  in  the  other 
party,  counteracts  consent  as  often  as  such  fraud  cir- 
cumscribes the  nature  of  the  contract,  the  substance 
of  the  object  at  stake,  or  a  quality  naturally  substan- 
tiated in  that  object  or  esteemed  as  substantial  by  the 
one  upon  whom  the  fraud  is  perpetrated.  As  often  as 
accidental  fraud  induces  another,  in  some  measure, 
to  consent,  he  is  at  liberty  to  rescind  the  contract, 
provided  it  is  naturally  dissoluble.  In  general,  grave 
fear  lawfully  superinduced  does  not  militate  against 
consent  in  the  will,  and  therefore  renders  contracts 
neither  invalid  nor  rescindable.  On  the  other  hand, 
while  fear  unlawfully  superinduced  to  extort  consent 
does  not  invalidate  contracts,  it  gives  the  intimidated 
party  the  liberty  of  rescinding  them.  According  to  the 
civil  law  of  the  United  States,  no  contract  is  binding 
without  the  mutual  assent  of  both  parties.  They  must 
assent  at  the  same  time  and  to  the  same  thing.  This 
mutual  assent  consists  of  an  offer  by  one  party  and  its 
acceptance  by  another.  When  the  offer  is  verbal,  and 
the  time  allowed  for  acceptance  is  not  mentioned,  the 
off  er  must  be  immediately  accepted  to  constitute  a  con- 
tract. In  case  the  offer  and  acceptance  are  written  and 
pass  through  the  mail,  the  contract  is  complete  when 
the  acceptance  is  mailed,  provided  the  party  accepting 
has  received  no  notice  of  the  withdrawal  of  the  offer 
before  mailing  his  letter.  As  far  as  the  validity  of 
matrimony  is  concerned,  genuine,  internal,  personal 
consent  of  both  parties,  covering  the  present  and  indi- 
cated by  external  signs,  is  unquestionably  required. 
While  internal  consent  must  be  complemented  by 
some  external  manifestation,  words  are  by  no  means 
necessary.  The  Congregation  of  the  Inquisition  (22 
August,  1860)  decided  that  marriages  are  entirely 
valid  when  the  ceremony  takes  place  in  the  presence 
of  witnesses  and  according  to  the  custom  of  the  coun- 
try in  a  manner  which  indicates  that  the  contracting 
parties  here  and  now  mutually  agree  to  enter  wedlock. 
At  the  same  time,  if  one  or  both  contracting  parties 
have  no  present  intention  of  marrying  in  circumstances 
such  as  those  outlined,  they  can  make  no  marriage 
contract.  The  required  matrimonial  consent  signi- 
fied by  proxy  does  not  militate  against  the  validity  of 
the  marriage  contract.  This  consent  must  include 
the  material  object  of  the  matrimonial  contract,  which 
material  object  is  the  mutual  right  of  one  party  to  the 


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body  of  the  other,  a  right  that  carries  with  it  every 
prerogative  vested  therein  by  the  laws  of  nature.  It 
is  not  necessary,  however,  that  the  intention  of  parties 
to  a  marriage  contract  should  be  explicitly  directed  to 
all  its  conditions  or  circumstances.  On  the  contrary, 
an  intention  implicitly  thereunto  directed  is  entirely 
sufficient  for  ail  practical  intents  and  purposes. 
Hence,  as  often  as  marriageable  parties  intend  to  con- 
tract marriage  in  the  way  in  which  men  and  women 
ordinarily  understand  that  agreement,  or  according 
to  the  way  in  which  it  was  instituted  by  the  Author 
of  this  sacrament,  they  exhibit  consent  sufficient  to 
render  their  marriage  contract  entirely  valid,  provided 
nothing  essential  is  positively  excluded  by  a  counter 
intention  usurping  the  place  of  the  chief,  indispensable 
intention  in  entering  matrimony.  While  marriage 
contracts  are  null  unless  based  on  the  consent  of  those 
concerned,  it  is  usually  very  difficult  to  establish  the 
actual  absence  of  this  consent  so  as  to  satisfy  the  judge 
in  a  matrimonial  court,  once  the  marriage  ceremony 
has  really  taken  place.  (For  the  renewal  of  consent 
in  the  case  of  invalid  marriages,  see  Revalidation, 
and  for  the  consent  requisite  for  espousals,  see  Espou- 
sals.) While  in  canon  law  the  consent  of  parents  is 
not  necessary  to  validate  the  marriages  of  their  chil- 
dren, it  is  usually  required  to  render  such  marriages 
legitimate.  [For  the  civil  law  concerning  the  consent 
bf  parents  in  France  (modified  1907),  Germany,  Aus- 
tria, Switzerland,  Canada,  etc.,  see  Marriage.) 

In  the  United  States  the  common  law  exacts 
no  solemnity  to  validate  matrimonial  consent.  In 
many  of  the  States,  however,  special  statutes  carry- 
ing a  penalty  require  certain  conditions  for  the  legit- 
imacy of  such  consent.  Common  law  regards  mar- 
riage as  a  civil  contract  for  which  consent  alone  is 
essential.  It  demands  no  legal  forms,  nor  religious 
solemnities,  nor  special  mode  of  proof.  According  to 
common  law,  consent  indicated  by  words  covering  the 
present,  whether  consummation  follows  or  not,  or  by 
words  pertaining  to  the  future  together  with  consum- 
mation, constitutes  a  valid  marriage.  In  New  York, 
Illinois,  and  Rhode  Island  words  pertaining  to  the  fu- 
ture, even  with  subsequent  consummation,  no  longer 
render  a  marriage  valid.  Even  without  explicit  proof 
of  words  implying  consent,  cohabitation,  acknowledg- 
ment of  a  marriage  by  the  parties  concerned,  reception 
of  such  parties  as  husband  and  wife  by  relatives,  friends, 
or  society,  are  sufficient  to  establish  a  valid  marriage. 

Canon  law  requires  the  consent  of  cathedral  chap- 
ters to  lend  validity  to  certain  official  acts  of  bishops. 
In  general,  this  consent  is  necessary  in  such  matters 
as  usually  involve  a  serious  obligation  or  the  possi- 
bility of  a  notable  damage,  or  in  matters  which  simul- 
taneously pertain  to  bishops  and  their  chapters. 
Nevertheless,  unwritten  law  can  narrow  the  rights  of 
chapters  and  widen  the  liberty  of  bishops  in  these 
matters  unless  circumstances  conspire  to  stamp  par- 
ticular measures  as  unreasonable.  In  like  manner, 
unwritten  law  may  exact  the  consent  of  chapters 
in  mattere  of  secondary  importance,  a  requirement 
sometimes  enjoined  by  special  statutes.  When  im- 
mediate action  is  necessary,  and  it  is  impossible- to 
convoke  their  chapters,  bishops  may  proceed  validly 
without  the  chapters'  consent.  Inasmuch  as  there 
are  no  cathedral  chapters  in  the  United  States,  dioc- 
esan consultors  constitute  the  advisory  board  of  the 
bishops.  The  Third  Plenary  Council  of  Baltimore 
specifies  several  instances  in  which  the  bishops, 
though  not  obliged  to  abide  by  the  advice  of  their 
consultors,  are  bound  to  seek  such  advice,  else  their 
acts  in  such  cases  are  liable  to  nullification. 

For  consent  in  its  relation  to  sinful  acts,  see  Sin, 
and  for  the  consent  of  the  legislative  authority  in  the 
formation  of  consuetudinary  law,  see  Custom. 

Ojetti,  Synopsis  rrntm  moralium  el  juris  pontificii  fPrato, 
1904);  Instruct™  Pastoralis  Byeslettensis  (Freiburg,  1902).  in- 
dex. 8.  v.  Consensu*:  Heiner,  Grundriss  dts  hath.  EherecM* 
(MOnster.  1905),  index,  s.  v.  Hansen*;  Heruenkotiier-Holl- 


weck,  Lehrbueh  del  knth.  Kirchenrechts  (Freiburg,  1905),  in- 
dex, s.  v.  Consensus;  Peruanedeb  in  Kirchenlex.,  Ill,  956  sqq.. 
and  in  general  all  manuals  and  dictionaries  of  canon,  civil 
(Roman),  and  national  legislations.  For  the  history  of  oon- 
sent  in  all  that  pertains  to  the  marriage  contract,  Ebmein,  L* 
Mariage  en  droit  carumique  (Paris,  1891),  II,  in  index,  s.  v. 
Commitment.  J.  D.  O'NWLL. 

Consenting. — The  name  of  a  fifth-century  Gallo- 
Roman  family,  three  of  whose  representatives  are 
known  in  history: 

(1)  Consentius  of  Narbonne,  clarissimus,  "who 
combined  the  honour  of  a  prefecture  with  philosophy", 
was  a  correspondent  of  Sidonius  Apollinaris,  who 
dedicated  to  nim  a  poem  on  Narbonne.  He  used 
all  metres — iambic,  elegiac,  hendecasyllabic,  and 
the  hexameter — and  wrote  in  Greek  as  well  as  in 
Latin.  His  poems  are  redolent  of  flowers  and  thyme 
(Sidonius,  Carm.,  xxiii,  20,  and  234-240;  Epist., 
Ill,  6;  VIII,  4;  IX,  15).  However,  these  praises 
must  not  be  taken  too  literally,  as  Sidonius  counted 
among  his  friends  thirty  men  who  were  similarly 
gifted.  The  authors  of  the  "Histoire  litteraire  de 
la  France"  make  a  distinction  between  the  Con- 
sentius to  whom  the  poem  was  dedicated  and  Con- 
sentius the  epistolary  author,  maintaining  the  former 
to  have  been  the  father  of  the  latter. — (2)  Con- 
sentius, father  of  the  former,  a  native  of  Narbonne 
and  a  poet,  a  contemporary  of  Valentinian,  and  son- 
in-law  of  Flavius  Valens  Jovinus,  consul  in  367. — 
(3)  Consentius,  a  Gallic  grammarian,  was  the  author 
of  two  treatises,  which  are  perhaps  the  fragments  of  a 
complete  grammar:  one  on  the  noun  ana  the  verb, 
much  used  during  the  Carlovingian  period,  and  the 
other  on  barbarisms  and  metaplasm.  An  edition 
of  these  treatises  has  been  published  by  Keil  in 
"Grammatici  Latini"  (Leipzig),  vol.  V,  p.  336. 

Histoire  litteraire  de  la  France  (Paris,  1735),  II,  249-50,  431- 
33,  653-56;  Tetjffel,  Oeschiehte  der  remischen  Lileratur  (Ledp- 
sig,  1890);  Keil,  Grammatici  Latini  (1885).  V,  338,  404. 

Paul.  Lejat. 

Conservator  (from  Lat.  conservare),  a  judge  dele- 
gated by  the  pope  to  defend  certain  privileged  classes 
of  persons — as  universities,  religious  orders,  chapters, 
the  poor — from  manifest  or  notorious  injury  or  vio- 
lence, without  recourse  to  a  judicial  process.  Con- 
servators were  appointed  as  early  as  the  thirteenth 
century.  Innocent  IV  presupposes  their  existence  in 
the  decree  (c.  15,  de  off.  et  pot.  jud.,  del.  1, 14,  in  VI°) 
from  which  we  first  learn  their  power.  Owing  to 
abuses  and  complaints  the  Council  of  Trent  (Sess. 
XIV,  c.  v,  de  ref.)  limited  their  jurisdiction,  but  new 
controversies,  often  recurring,  caused  Clement  VIII, 
Gregory  XV,  and  Innocent  X  to  define  their  privileges 
more  precisely.  Troubles  continuing  to  arise,  espe- 
cially concerning  the  conservators  of  religious  orders, 
Clement  XIII  (23  April,  1762)  decreed  that  in  mis- 
sionary countries  such  officials  should  no  longer  be 
chosen,  but  that  all  controversies  should  be  referred  to 
the  Holy  See.  From  that  time  forth  conservators  fell 
into  practical  desuetude.  According  to  law,  these 
officials  were  to  be  chosen  from  among  the  prelates  or 
dignitaries  of  cathedral  and  collegiate  churches;  later 
from  the  synodal  judges.  When  a  conservator  had 
been  chosen  by  regulars  he  could  not  be  removed  for 
five  years  without  cause.  He  had  no  jurisdiction  in 
cases  that  required  juridical  examination.  While  he 
took  cognizance  of  all  complaints  against  regulars,  he 
had  no  authority  to  receive  those  of  the  regulars 
against  others  unless  they  were  notorious.  In  the 
latter  case  the  conservator  decided  the  question  sum- 
marily. He  could  punish  with  ecclesiastical  penalties 
even  nigh  church  dignitaries  who  interfered  with  his 
duties.  His  power  was  limited,  however,  to  the  one 
diocese  in  which  he  had  been  elected,  nor  could  the 
same  conservator  have  power  in  several  dioceses. 

Andrb-Waoner,  Diet,  de  droit  can.  (3d  ed.,  Paris,  1901),  I; 
Werni,  Jus  Decretalium  (Rome,  1899),  II;  Bourx.  De  Jure  Re- 
gular. (3d  ed.,  Paris.  1883),  II. 

William  H.  W.  Fanning. 


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Oonsistentes  (Bystanders).   See  Penitence. 

Consistory,  Papal. — I.  Definition. — During  the 
Roman  imperial  epoch  the  term  congistorium  (Lai. 
con-sistere,  to  stand  together)  was  used  to  designate 
the  sacred  council  of  the  emperors.  In  time  it  came 
to  designate  the  senate  of  the  Roman  pontiff,  that  is, 
"  the  assemblage  of  the  Cardinals  in  council  around  the 
Pope"  (Innocent  III  to  the  Bishop  of  Ely  and  the  Arch- 
deacon of  Norwich,  in  1212;  see  Gonzalez,  "  Commen- 
taria  in  text  us  decretalium  Gregorii  IX",  III,  vii,  106). 

II.  Origin  and  Historical  Development. — The 
origin  of  the  papal  consistory  is  closely  connected  with 
the  history  of  the  Roman  presbytery  or  body  of  the 
Roman  clergy.  In  the  old  Roman  preibyterium  there 
were  deacons,  in  charge  of  the  ecclesiastical  temporali- 
ties in  the  various  regions  of  Rome;  priests,  at  the 
head  of  the  principal  churches  of  the  city,  called  tituli; 
and  (at  least  by  the  eighth  century)  the  bishops  of  the 
dioceses  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Rome.  The  cardi- 
nals of  to-day  (divided  likewise  into  the  three  orders 
of  bishops,  priests,  and  deacons)  have  succeeded  the 
members  of  the  ancient  presbytery  not  only  in  the 
offices  attaching  to  these  three  grades,  though  with 
somewhat  different  functions,  but  also,  and  chiefly,  in 
the  capacity  of  assisting  the  pope  in  the  management 
of  ecclesiastical  affairs. 

From  the  earliest  Christian  times  the  popes  were 
wont  to  confer  with  the  Roman  presbytery  on  mat- 
ters affecting  the  interests  of  the  Church.  From  a 
letter  of  Pope  Cornelius  (254-255)  to  St.  Cyprian  we 
learn  that  he  had  summoned  his  presbytery  before 
agreeing  to  the  reconciliation  of  three  schismatics. 
Likewise,  Pope  Liberius  (352-363)  informed  the 
Roman  clergy  about  the  course  of  action  he  had 
deemed  advisable  to  take  during  his  exile.  Pope 
Siricius  (384-398)  condemned  the  neresy  of  Jovinian 
after  having  convoked  his  presbytery.  How  far  the 
more  prominent  members  ol  the  Roman  clergy,  event- 
ually called  cardinals,  were  being  gradually  entrusted 
with  the  management  of  ecclesiastical  affairs  is  shown 
by  the  action  of  Leo  IV  and  John  VIII  in  the  ninth 
century.  The  former  ordered  that  the  Roman  cardi- 
nals should  meet  twice  a  week  in  the  Sacred  Palace  to 
provide  for  the  administration  of  the  churches,  look 
after  the  discipline  of  the  clergy,  and  decide  the  cases 
of  laymen.  The  latter  ordered  them  to  meet  at  least 
twice  a  month  in  order  to  take  cognizance  of  and 
decide  cases  of  clerics  and  laymen  brought  before 
the  pope's  tribunal.  For  many  centuries,  however, 
the  Roman  presbytery  did  not  form  the  senate  of  the 
popes  to  the  exclusion  of  all  other  clerics,  at  least  in 
matters  of  greater  importance.  These  matters  were 
discussed  and  decided  in  the  Roman  councils,  which, 
though  admitting  the  Roman  clergy  to  an  active  part, 
consisted  chiefly  of  bishops  summoned  by  the  pope 
from  the  greater  part  of  Italy,  as  well  as  of  other 
bishops  who  happened  to  be  in  Rome  at  the  time. 
These  councils  were  very  frequent  until  the  beginning 
of  the  twelfth  century.  Thenceforth,  the  popes  held 
them  more  rarely,  finding  it  difficult  to  convoke  them 
as  often  as  the  ever  increasing  volume  of  business  de- 
manded. In  their  stead  the  popes  transacted  the 
affairs  brought  before  their  court  in  the  presence  and 
with  the  assistance  of  the  Roman  cardinals,  who  about 
the  same  time  had  grown  in  dignity  and  importance, 
owing  to  the  fact  that  the  right  of  electing  the  pope 
now  rested  in  them  exclusively.  Thus  the  Sacred 
College  of  Cardinals,  assembled  in  consistory,  became 
the  chief  organ  of  the  supreme  and  universal  govern- 
ment of  the  Church. 

At  first,  matters  of  judicial  as  well  as  of  administra- 
tive character  were  referred  to  the  consistory.  In 
course  of  time,  however,  the  former  were  transferred 
to  the  Tribunal  of  the  Sacred  Rota.  The  "Corpus 
Juris"  contains  many  of  the  decisions  given  by  the 
popes  in  consistory,  as  is  evidenced  by  the  frequent 


formula  de  frotrum  nottrorum  consilio  (with  the  advice 
of  our  brethren).  The  papal  consistory  has  continued 
ever  since  to  act  as  the  supreme  council  of  the  popes, 
though  it  lost  much  of  its  importance  when  in  the 
fifteenth  and  sixteenth  centuries  the  Roman  Congre- 

gations  were  instituted.  The  amount  of  business 
rought  before  the  Holy  See  had  gradually  increased 
to  such  a  vast  extent  that  it  had  to  be  divided  among 
several  particular  committees  of  cardinals.  These 
committees  were  at  first  temporary  but  gradually 
became  permanent,  and  to  each  of  them  a  definite 
kind  of  ecclesiastical  affairs  was  assigned.  These 
permanent  committees  came  to  be  known  as  congre- 
gations. The  first  of  them  was  instituted  by  Paul  III, 
others  by  Pius  IV  and  Pius  V,  but  most  of  them  owe 
their  origin  to  Sixtus  V.  Once  the  Roman  Congrega- 
tions, embracing  in  their  scope  almost  the  whole  range 
of  ecclesiastical  affairs,  were  instituted,  it  was  but 
natural  that  the  papal  consistory  should  lose  in  im- 
portance. However,  it  did  not  go  into  desuetude 
altogether;  it  continued  to  be  held,  but  more  rarely, 
and  only  in  the  form  which  we  proceed  to  describe. 

III.  Present  Practice. — Consistories  are  of  three 
kinds:  secret  or  ordinary,  public  or  extraordinary, 
and  semi-public. — (1)  The  secret  consistory  is  so 
called  because  no  one  save  the  pope  and  the  cardinals 
is  present  at  its  deliberations.  Formerly  it  was  cus- 
tomary for  the  pope,  soon  after  entering  the  hall  of 
consistory,  to  confer  singly  with  the  cardinals  on  such 
personal  matters  as  they  wished  to  bring  before  him, 
and  it  was  only  after  this  audience  was  over  that 
nobles  and  prelates  were  excluded  from  the  hall.  But 
at  the  present  day  this  audience  is  omitted.  The 
consistory  is  frequently  opened  with  an  address,  or 
allocution,  in  which  the  pope  often  reviews  the  condi- 
tion of  the  Church  in  general  or  in  some  particular 
country,  pointing  out  what  deserves  praise  or  needs 
to  be  condemned.  Such  allocutions  are  afterwards 
given  to  the  public  in  order  that  the  world  at  large 
may  know  the  mind  of  the  pope  on  these  matters.  At 
the  end  of  the  allocution  the  creation  of  new  cardinals 
takes  place.  The  pope  announces  the  names  of  those 
whom  he  intends  to  raise  to  the  cardinalate,  and  asks 
the  cardinals  for  their  opinion;  the  cardinals  remove 
their  caps  as  a  sign  of  consent,  and  the  pope  proceeds 
immediately  to  the  formal  appointment.  It  is  also 
in  the  secret  consistory  that  the  cardinals  receive 
from  the  pope  the  cardinal's  ring,  are  appointed  to 
some  titular  church  or  deaconry,  exercise  the  option 
of  passing  from  one  titular  church  to  another,  and  of 
ascending  from  the  order  of  deacons  and  priests  to  the 
order  of  priests  and  bishops  respectively.  It  is  also 
here  that  the  pope  appoints  the  camerlengo  and  the 
Vice-Chancellor  of  the  Holy  Roman  Church,  and  per- 
forms the  ceremony  of  "closing"'  and  "opening"  the 
mouth  of  the  new  cardinals.  To  this  consistory  be- 
long also  the  appointments  of  bishops,  archbishops, 
and  patriarchs,  the  transfers  of  these  dignitaries  from 
one  see  to  another,  the  appointments  of  coadjutors, 
the  creation  and  announcement  of  new  dioceses,  the 
division  and  union  of  dioceses  already  existing.  But 
the  details  are  not  discussed  in  the  consistory  itself. 
All  the  previous  consultations  that  are  required  in  order 
that  the  pope  may  come  to  a  prudent  conclusion  have 
taken  place  in  a  congregation  called  consistorial,  and 
the  pope  in  the  consistory  itself  only  gives  his  decision. 
There  are  some  sees  whose  bishops  are  appointed 
through  a  Brief  outside  the  consistory.  Such  are 
those  in  territories  depending  on  the  Sacred  Congre- 
gation of  Propaganda,  and  others  as  necessity  may 
require.  These  appointments  are  merely  promulgated 
in  the  secret  consistory.  At  the  end  of  the  consistory 
the  advocates  called  consistorial  are  admitted  to  re- 
quest, with  the  usual  formalities,  the  pallium  for  newly 
appointed  archbishops;  their  petition  is  granted  im- 
mediately, but  the  conferring  of  the  pallium  takes 
place  later. 


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(2)  The  public  consistory  is  so  called  because  per- 
sons foreign  to  the  Sacred  College  of  Cardinals,  such  as 
Apostolic  prothonotaries,  the  auditors  of  the  Sacred 
Rota,  and  other  prelates  are  called  to  it.  Laymen 
also,  who  have  made  previous  application,  are  per- 
mitted to  be  present.  Formerly,  in  this  consistory 
the  pope  used  to  give  solemn  reception  to  kings, 
princes,  and  ambassadors;  but  this  is  no  longer  the 
custom.  In  the  public  consistory  the  pope  performs 
the  ceremony  of  delivering  the  red  hat  to  the  newly 
created  cardinals.  Moreover,  the  consistorial  advo- 
cates plead  here  the  causes  of  beatification  and  canon- 
ization. These  pleadings  are  of  two  kinds.  In  the 
first  permission  is  asked  that  the  ordinary  process  of 
beatification  or  canonization  may  be  introduced,  or 
continued,  or  brought  to  completion.  The  second  has 
reference  only  to  causes  of  canonization.  For  in  ac- 
cordance with  the  practice  of  the  Holy  See,  even 
after  it  has  been  conclusively  proved  that  the  mira- 
cles required  for  canonization  have  been  performed 
through  the  intercession  of  one  declared  blessed,  the 
honours  of  a  saint  are  not  decreed  to  him,  unless  the 
question  as  to  whether  canonization  should  take  place 
has  been  treated  in  three  consistories:  secret,  public, 
and  semi-public.  In  the  secret  consistory  the  pope 
asks  the  opinions  of  the  cardinals,  who  express  it 
singly  by  answering  placet  or  rum  placet  (aye  or  no). 
In  the  public  consistory  one  of  the  consistorial  advo- 
cates pleads  the  cause  and  a  prelate  answers  in  the 
pope's  name,  inviting  all  to  pray  in  order  that  the 
pope  may  be  enlightened  on  the  subject.  The  final 
voting  takes  place  in  the  semi-public  consistory. 

(3)  The  semi-public  consistory  is  so  called  because, 
besides  the  cardinals,  bishops  also  take  part  in  it.  To 
this  consistory  the  bishops  residing  within  one  hun- 
dred miles  of  Rome  are  summoned,  while  invitations 
are  sent  to  all  the  other  bishops  of  Italy;  moreover, 
titular  patriarchs  and  archbishops  and  bishops  who 
live  in  Rome,  as  well  as  bishops  who  happen  to  be 
sojourning  there  at  the  time,  are  likewise  present. 
After  all  the  Fathers  have  expressed  their  opinions  on 
the  subject,  the  pope  closes  the  assembly  with  an  ad- 
dress on  the  following  canonization.  With  regard  to 
the  time  for  holding  the  consistories,  the  old  practice 
of  assembling  them  at  fixed  intervals  has  passed  out 
of  use  and  to-day  they  meet,  as  occasion  demands,  at 
the  pope's  wish. 

Hilling,  Procedure  at  the  Roman  Curia  (New  York,  1907); 
Baart,  The  Roman  Court  (New  York,  1895);  Humphrey,  Vrbs 
et  Orbis:or  The  Pope  as  Bishop  and  as  Pontiff  (London.  iS99); 
Smith,  Elements  of  Ecclesiastical  Law  (New  York,  1895),  1,  270; 
Hergenrother-Hollweck.  Ijehrbuch  des  kathoiischen  Kirchen- 
rechts  (Freibunrim  Br.,  1905),  292;  von  Scherer,  Handbuchdes 
kathoiischen  Kirchrnrechts  (Gnu,  1888),  I,  481;  Andre-Wao- 
ner.  Diet,  de  Droit  Canon.  (Peris,  1901),  I,  555;  Wernz,  Jus 
Decretalium  (Rome,  1906),  II,  394;  Cohkluus,  Notilia  Cardi- 
nalarus  (Rome,  1653);  Leoa,  De  Judiciis  Ecclesiasticis  (Rome, 
1898),  II,  253. 

Hector  Papi. 

Constable  (formerly  Tunstall),  Cuthbert,  date 
of  birth  uncertain;  d.  27  March,  1746.  He  was  the 
son  of  Francis  Tunstall  of  Wycliffe  Hall,  Yorkshire, 
England,  and  Cicely,  daughter  of  John  Constable, 
second  Viscount  Dunbar.  When  in  1 7 1 8  he  succeeded, 
on  the  death  of  his  uncle,  the  last  Viscount  Dunbar, 
to  the  estates  of  Burton  Constable,  he  changed  his 
surname  from  Tunstall  to  Constable.  He  was  edu- 
cated at  Douai  and  subsequently  studied  medicine 
at  Montpellier,  where  he  took  the  degree  of  Doctor 
of  Medicine.  He  formed  a  large  collection  of  books 
and  MSS.  at  Burton  Constable,  and  in  other  ways 
was  a  constant  patron  of  Catholic  literature,  assist- 
ing Bishop  Challoner  by  lending  him  documents  for 
the  "Memoirs  of  Missionary  Priests",  and  Dodd,  by 
contributing  to  the  expenses  of  the  "  History  of  the 
Church  of  England".  He  also  maintained  friendly 
relations  with  non-Catholic  scholars;  and  among  the 
Burton  Constable  papers  are  two  volumes  of  his  cor- 
respondence with  Mr.  Nicholson  of  University  Col- 


lege, Oxford,  and  the  well-known  antiquary,  Thomas 
Hearne.  His  correspondence  with  the  former  was 
chiefly  concerned  with  particulars  for  the  biography 
of  Abraham  Woodhead,  for  whom  he  had  a  great 
veneration.  His  only  publication  is  a  life  of  Wood- 
head  prefixed  to  his  edition  of  "  The  Third  Part  of  the 
Brief  Account  of  Church  Government",  written  by 
that  author  (London,  1736).  Gillow  (Bibl.  Diet.  Eng. 
Cath.,  I,  549)  states  that  even  this  was  largely  taken 
from  Nicholson,  but  is  valuable  for  the  complete 
Woodhead  bibliography.  The  other  works  enumer- 
ated by  Gillow  (loc.  cit.)  are  not  by  Constable,  but 
were  MSS.  in  his  collection.  The  collection  itself 
was  sold  by  auction  in  1889,  some  of  the  MSS.  being 
purchased  by  Lord  Henries  and  added  to  his  collec- 
tion at  Everingham.  Constable  was  twice  married, 
first  to  Amy,  daughter  of  Hugh,  third  Lord  Clifford, 
by  whom  he  had  three  children,  William,  Cicely,  and 
Winifred,  and  secondly  to  Elizabeth  Heneage,  by 
whom  he  had  one  son,  Marmaduke,  who  inherited  the 
estate  of  Wycliffe  and  resumed  the  family  name  of 
Tunstall. 

Kirk,  Biographies  (London,  1908) ;  Cath.  Miscellany  (1830), 
p.  134:Gillow,  Bibl.  Diet.  Eng.  Cath.  (London,  1885),  I.  548 
sqq.;  Hamilton,  Chronicle  of  the  Eng.  Augustinian  Canonesse* 
of  St.  Monica's  at  Louvain  (London,  1908),  II. 

Edwin  Burton. 

Constable  (alias  Lacey),  John,  controversialist 
(pen-name  Clerophilus  Alethes),  b.  in  Lincoln- 
shire, 10  November,  1676  or  1678;  d.  28  March,  1743. 
In  1695  he  entered  the  Society  of  Jesus.  For  many 
years  he  served  the  Fitzherbert  family  at  Swinnerton, 
where  he  is  buried.  Constable's  chief  controversial 
opponents  were:  the  Abbe1  Courayer  (1681-1776; 
Diet.  Nat.  Biog.,  XII,  328),  who  championed  Angliean 
orders,  came  over  to  England  in  1728,  was  lionized, 
and  eventually  buried  in  the  cloisters  of  Westminster; 
and  Charles  Dodd  vere  Hugh  Tootell,  who  wrote  with 
a  prejudice  against  Jesuits.  The  chief  writings  of 
Constable  are:  "Remarks  upon  Courayer's  Book  in 
Defence  of  English  Ordinations,  wherein  their  inva- 
lidity is  fully  proved",  an  answer  to  Courayer's  "Dis- 
sertations" of  1723;  "The  Stratagem  Discovered  to 
show  that  Courayer  writes '  Booty ' ,  and  is  only  a  sham 
defender  of  these  ordinations",  "by  "Clerophilus  Ale- 
thes", an  answer  to  Courayer's  "Defense";  "The 
Convocation  Controvertist",  by  "Clerophilus  Ale- 
thes" (8vo,  1729),  against  Rev.  Joseph  Trapp's  "De- 
fence of  the  Church  of  England";  "Doctrine  of 
Antiquity  concerning  the  Eucharist",  by  "Clerophilus 
Alethes  (8vo,  1736);  "Specimen  of  Amendments 
proposed  to  the  Compiler  of  "The  Church  History  of 
England'",  by  "Clerophilus  Alethes"  (12mo,  1741): 
"Advice  to  the  Author  of  'The  Church  History  of 
England' ",  MS.  at  Stonyhurst.  Gillow  enumerates  a 
few  other  writings  by  Constable. 

Outer,  Collectanea  S.  J.,  73;  Foley,  Records  S.  J.,  Ill,  207; 
VII  (i),  159;  Sommervoqel,  BibliolMgue  delaC.de  J„  II,  col. 
1374;  Gillow,  Diet,  of  Eng.  Cath.,  I,  552  «qq.;  Cooper  in  Diet. 
Nat.  Biog.,  XII,  36. 

Patrick  Ryan. 

Constance  (Lat.  Constanlia,  Ger.  Kotutam  or 
Conslam,  Czechic  name  Kostnitz),  formerly  the  seat 
of  a  diocese.  Constance,  a  very  ancient  town  sit- 
uated where  the  River  Rhine  flows  out  of  the  Bodensee 
(between  the  Bodensee  and  the  Untersee)  in  the  south- 
eastern part  of  the  Grand  Duchy  of  Baden,  was  origin- 
ally a  village  of  lake-dwellers  which  under  Roman. rule 
was  fortified  by  Constantius  Chlorus  in  304.  Chris- 
tianity seems  to  have  been  introduced  into  Constance 
and  the  neighbouring  country  by  Roman  legionaries  as 
early  as  the  end  of  the  second  or  the  beginning  of  the 
third  century.  The  episcopal  see  was  first  at  Vin- 
donissa,  the  present  Windiscn  in  the  Canton  of  Aargau 
in  Switzerland.  It  is  not  known  when  this  see  was 
erected.  The  first  bishop  of  whom  history  has  pre- 
served any  record  is  Bubulcus  who  was  present  at  the 
Burgumlian  Synod  of  Epaon  in  517.   (Mansi,  AmpL 


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Coll.  Cone,  VIII,  566.)  He  was  succeeded  by  Gram- 
matius,  who  attended  a  Fran  lush  synod  at  Clermont  in 
535  (ibid.,  VIII,  863),  one  at  Orleans  in  541  (ibid.,  IX, 
120),  and  a  third  at  Orleans  in  549  (ibid.,  IX,  136). 
After  this  time  history  makes  no  further  mention  of 
the  Diocese  of  Vindonissa.  Since,  however,  the  neigh- 
bouring city  of  Constance  is  for  the  first  time  men- 
tioned as  an  episcopal  see  about  this  time,  it  becomes 
almost  a  certainty  that  from  Vindonissa  the  see  was 
transferred  to  Constance.  The  episcopal  catalogues 
of  Constance  designate  Maxim  us  as  the  first  and 
Rudolph  as  the  second  bishop,  but  nothing  further  is 
known  about  them.  Walafrid  Strabo,  in  his  "Vita 
S.  Galli",  speaks  of  a  certain  Gaudentius  as  Bishop  of 
Constance,  after  whose  death  (c.  613)  the  bishopric 

was  offered  to   

St.  Gall  who, 
however,  re- 
fused the  dig- 
nity and  recom- 
mended his  dis- 
ciple John  in  his 
stead.  The  ser- 
mon which  St. 
Gall  preached  at 
John's  consecra- 
tion is  still  ex- 
tant (H.  Cani- 
sius,  "Antique 
Lectiones",  ed- 
ited by  Basnage, 
"  Thesaurus 

monum.  eccl.  et  hist.",  Antwerp,  1725,  I,  785). 
Nothing  is  known  of  Marcian,  Boso,  Gangolf, 
Fidelis,  and  Rudolph,  who  are  generally  desig- 
nated as  successors  of  John. 

The  limits  of  the  Diocese  of  Constance  were 
fixed  during  the  seventh  century.  The  river  I  Her 
separated  it  from  the  Diocese  of  Augsburg. 
From  the  influx  of  tin-  I  Her  into  the  Danube  the 
boundary  turned  towards  the  north-west,  past 
Gmund,  across  the  Neckar,  north  of  Marbach, 
thence  south-westerly  till  it  reached  the  Rhine 
south  of  Breisarh  !  Altbrrisach).  It  followed 
the  Rhine  upward  to  the  influx  of  the  Aar,  then 
up  this  river  to  the  St.  Gotthanl,  whence  it  turned 
north-easterly  across  Canton  St.  Gall  to  the  source 
of  the  Iller.  The  dioceses  surrounding  it  were 
Augsburg,  Speyer,  Strasburg,  Basle,  Lausanne,  Chur, 
and  (since  742)  Wurzburg.  There  was  not  a  diocese  in 
Germany  which  surpassed  Constance  either  in  area  or 
population.  It  belonged  to  the  province  of  Besancon 
until  it  became  a  suffragan  of  Mainz  in  747.  With  tew 
changes  it  retained  the  above-mentioned  dimensions 
till  the  time  of  the  Reformation.  In  theyear  1435  the 
diocese  had  17,060  priests,  1760  parishes,  and  350 
monasteries  and  convents.  During  the  eighth  and 
ninth  centuries  the  bishops  of  Constance  repeatedly 
infringed  upon  the  rights  of  the  Abbots  of  Reichenau 
and  St.  Gall  and  sometimes  combined  the  abbatial  with 
the  episcopal  dignity.  Bishop  Sidonius  (746-760) 
was  instrumental  in  the  unjust  deposition  and  impris- 
onment of  St.  Othmar,  the  Abbot  of  St.  Gall,  in  758  or 
759  (Hefele,  ConcUiengeschichte,  III,  596).  Most 
bishops  of  the  tenth  century  were  great  and  holy  men. 
Solomon  III  (890-A19)  had  previously  (885)  been  im- 
perial chancellor  and  was  equally  beloved  as  Abbot  of 
Reichenau  and  St.  Gall  and  as  Bishop  of  Constance. 
St.  Conrad  (934-975)  was  a  great  friend  of  the  poor, 
made  three  pilgrimages  to  the  Holy  Land,  built  three 
new  churches  and  renovated  many  old  ones.  He  was 
canonised  in  1 123  and  became  patron  of  the  diocese. 
St  Gebhard  II  (979-995)  founded  the  Abbey  of  Peters- 
hausen  in  983,  began  to  be  honoured  as  a  saint  soon 
after  his  death,  and  became  patron  of  the  city  of  Con- 
stance. During  the  conflict  between  Pope  Gregory 
VII  and  Emperor  Henry  IV,  concerning  the  right  of 


investiture,  the  episcopal  See  of  Constance  was  occu- 
pied by  Otto  I  (1071-1086),  who  sided  with  the  em- 
peror and  was  excommunicatod  because  he  took  part 
m  the  deposition  of  Gregory  VII  at  the  Synod  of 
Worms  (1076).  His  successor  Gebhard  III  (1084- 
1110)  was  an  intrepid  defender  of  the  papal  rights 
against  Henry  V,  became  Vicar  Apostolic  for  Germany 
under  Urban  II  (Mansi,  Ampl.  Coll.  Cone,  XX,  666 
and  715),  consecrated  the  new  cathedral  at  Constance 
in  1089,  held  a  synod  in  1094,  at  which  wholesome 
ecclesiastical  reforms  were  decreed,  and  with  the  con- 
sent of  the  pope  freed  Henry  V  from  the  ban  in  1095. 
During  the  papal  conflicts  with  the  Emperors  Freder- 
ick I  and  Frederick  II  the  bishops  sided  with  the  em- 
perors until  Bishop  Henry  I,  von  Thann  (1233-1248) 
returned  to  papal  allegiance  in  1246.  Bishop 
Rudolph  von  Mont  fort  (1322-1334)  supported 
Pope  John  XXII  in  his  struggle  against  Louis  the 
Bavarian  until  1332,  when  he  joined  the  party  of 
the  emperor.  His  successor  Nicholas,  von  Kreux- 
lingen  (1334-1344),  sided  with  the  popes.  While 

the  Council  of 
Constance  (q. 
v.)  was  in  ses- 
sion  (1414- 
1418)  the  epis- 
copal Seeof  Con- 
stance was  oc- 
cupied by  Otto 
III,  von  Hoch- 
berg  (1411- 
1434).  From 
the  thirteenth 
century  the 
bishops  of  Con- 
8 1  a  n  c  e  were 
princes  of  the 
German  Em- 
pire. Their  ter- 
ritory, as  tem- 
poral rulers,  ex- 
tended over 
twenty  -  two 
German  (about 
482  English) 
square  miles, 
with  a  popula- 
tion of  about 
50,000,  and  lasted  until  it  was  divided  between  Baden 
and  Switzerland  in  1802. 

The  decline  of  the  diocese  begins  with  the  Protestant 
Reformation.  The  Swiss  Cantons  Zurich,  Bern,  St. 
Gall,  Schaffhausen,  and  Thurgau  were  first  to  adopt 
the  new  doctrine  (Zwinglianism).  They  were  followed 
in  1526  by  the  city  of  Constance  and  in  1534  by  the 
Duchy  of  Wurtemberg.  Baden  became  Protestant 
in  1556,  but  here  the  Catholic  religion  was  restored  in 
1571.  The  old  Faith  was  also  slowly  restored  in  the 
city  of  Constance  from  1548  when  that  city  came  un- 
der Austrian  rule.  From  1526  the  bishops  of  Con- 
stance resided  at  Meersburg.  Despite  the  great  losses 
sustained  during  the  Reformation,  the  diocese  in  1750 
still  numbered  3774  secular  priests,  2764  monks,  3147 
nuns,  and  a  Catholic  population  of  891,948.  In  1814 
the  portion  of  the  diocese  situated  on  Swiss  territory 
was  detached  and  apportioned  to  the  Swiss  dioceses  of 
Chur,  Basle,  and  St.  Gall.  After  the  death  of  Bishop 
Karl  Theodor  von  Dalberg  in  1817,  the  portion  of  the 
diocese  lying  in  Wurtemberg  came  under  the  jurisdic- 
tion of  thevicar-generalof  Eflwangen-Rottenburg,  and 
all  the  Bavarian  territory  was  attached  to  the  Diocese 
of  Augsburg.  In  1821  Pope  Pius  VII  dissolved  the 
Diocese  of  Constance  and  joined  its  remaining  terri- 
tory to  the  newly  erected  Archdiocese  of  Freiburg. 
The  most  important  rulers  of  the  diocese  since  the 
Reformation  were:  Cardinal  Marcus  Sitticus  von 
Hohenems  (Altemps),  1561-1589;  Cardinal  Andrew 


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CONSTANCY 


of  Austria  (1689-1600),  Jacob  Fugger  (1604-1626),  Kari 
Theodor  von  Dalberg  (1800-1817)  and  his  Vicar-Gen- 
eral Heinrich  Ignaz  von  Wessenberg.  The  last  two  es- 
poused the  doctrine  of  Febronius.  Dalberg  joined  the 
Freemasons  and  the  Illuminati,  of  whose  real  tenden- 
cies he  was  ignorant,  and  Wessenberg  was  heart  and  soul 
for  the  anti-ecclesiastical  reforms  of  Emperor  Joseph  II. 

The  city  of  Constance  received  municipal  rights  in 
780,  became  a  free  imperial  city  in  1192  and  was  one  of 
the  largest  and  most  nourishing  cities  of  Germany  dur- 
ing the  Middle  Ages.  Its  population  is  said  to  have 
exceeded  40,000.  Here  the  famous  Peace  of  Con- 
stance, a  treaty  between  Barbarossa  and  the  Lombard 
cities  was  declared  in  1183  and  an  imperial  diet  was 
convened  by  Maximilian  I  in  1507.  Commercially  it 
was  highly  important  on  account  of  its  manufacture 
of  choice  linen  the  famous  tela  di  Costama  which 
was  known  throughout  Europe.  Its  ecclesiastical 
renown  it  owes  to  the  fact  that  it  was  the  seat  of 
perhaps  the  largest  diocese  in  Germany  and  that  from 
1414-18  the  Sixteenth  (Ecumenical  Council  was  cele- 
brated there.  For  joining  the  Smalkaldic  League 
and  refusing  to  accept  the  Interim  of  Augsburg  in 
1548,  it  was  deprived  of  its  privileges  as  a  free  and 
imperial  city  and  given  to  Austria  by  Emperor  Charles 
V.  It  was  unsuccessfully  besieged  by  the  Swedes  in 
1633,  pillaged  by  the  French  (1740-45),  and  finally 
joined  to  Baden  m  1805.  Its  population  in  1900  con- 
sisted of  15,917  Catholics,  711  Old  Catholics,  and  565 
Jews. 

Merck,  Chronik  dee  BitOntmt  Korutanz  (Constance.  1627); 
Nkdoaht,  Bpucopaitu  Cotutantimns  (to  1306),  (St.  Blasien, 
1803  and  Freiburg,  1862);  Idksj,  Codex  DipUmatxau  (St.  Blasien, 
1791-5):  Ladewiq,  Regeata  Epticoporum  Conttantiensium  (in 
German)  von  Bubulcus  bit  Thomas  Berlower,  517-1496  (Inns- 
bruck, 1886-90);  Lddwio,  Die  Konetamer  QeschichUschreibung 
bit  mm  18.  Jahrh.  (Strasburg,  1894).  For  the  city  of  Con- 
stance: Eiselun,  Qetchichte  und  BucKrtHtmng  der  Sladt  Kon- 
tttmz  (Constance,  1851);  Beterli,  Komlam  im  SO-jahrigen 
Krieg  (1900);  Idem,  Orundeigenthumroerh/Htnute  und  Burger- 
rteht  im  miUeUdterlichen  Kotutant  (1900-02). 

Michael  Ott. 

Constance,  Council  of,  a  (partly)  oecumenical 
council  held  at  Constance,  now  in  the  Grand  Duchy  of 
Baden,  from  5  Nov.,  1414,  to  22  April,  1418.  Its 
forty-five  general  sessions  were  devoted  to  three  chief 
purposes:  (I)  The  Extinction  of  the  So-Called  Western 
Schism;  (II)  The  Reformation  of  Ecclesiastical  Gov- 
ernment and  Life;  (III)  The  Repression  of  Heresy. 
The  article  will  also  take  up:  (IV)  Attendance  at 
the  Council;  General  Considerations. 

I.  The  Extinction  of  the  So-Called  Western 
Schism. — In  its  attempt  to  restore  to  the  Church  her 
immemorial  unity  of  headship  the  Council  of  Pisa  (q.  v.) 
in  1409  had  only  added  to  the  confusion  and  scandal 
that  afflicted  all  Christendom  since  1378  (see  Schism, 
Western).  There  were  now  three  popes,  the  two 
deposed  by  the  council  (Gregory  XII  and  Benedict 
XIII)  and  its  own  creation,  Alexander  V;  the  latter 
soon  died  (3  May,  1410)  and  was  succeeded  by  Cardi- 
nal Baldassare  Cossa  as  John  XXIII.  Obedient  to  a 
decree  of  the  Council  of  Pisa  that  ordered  a  general 
council  every  three  years,  this  pope  convoked  such  an 
assembly  at  Rome  for  April,  1412,  but  with  so  little 
success  that  it  was  prorogued  and  again  convoked  for 
the  beginning  of  1413;  its  only  important  decree  was 
a  condemnation  of  the  writings  of  Wyclif.  In  the 
meantime  the  treachery  and  violence  of  Ladislaus  of 
Naples  made  John  XXIII  quite  dependent  politically 
on  the  new  Emperor-elect  Sigismund  whose  anxiety 
for  a  general  council  on  German  territory  was  finally 
satisfied  by  the  pope,  then  an  exile  from  Rome.  He 
convoked  it  from  Lodi,  9  December,  1413,  for  1  No- 
vember, 1414,  at  Constance,  a  free  city  of  the  empire, 
on  Lake  Constance.  It  was  solemnly  opened  5  Novem- 
ber in  the  cathedral  of  Constance,  where  all  the  public 
sessions  were  held.  The  first  public  session  took  place 
16  November  under  the  presidency  of  John  XXIII, 
and  for  a  while  it  considered  itself  a  continuation  of 


the  Council  of  Pisa,  and  John  XXIII  the  sole  legiti- 
mate pope.  It  was  soon  evident,  however,  that  many 
members  of  the  new  assembly  (comparatively  few 
bishops,  many  doctors  of  theology  ana  of  canon  and 
civil  law,  procurators  of  bishops,  deputies  of  univer- 
sities, cathedral  chapters,  provosts,  etc.,  agents  and 
representatives  of  princes,  etc.)  favoured  strongly 
the  voluntary  abdication  of  all  three  popes.  This 
was  also  the  idea  of  Emperor  Sigismund  (q.  v.) 
present  since  Christmas  Eve,  1414,  and  destined  to 
exercise  a  profound  and  continuous  influence  on  the 
course  of  the  council  in  his  character  of  imperial 
protector  of  the  Church.  The  French  deputies  es- 
pecially urged  this  solution  of  the  intolerable  crisis, 
under  the  leadership  of  Pierre  d'Ailly  (Cardinal  and 
Bishop  of  Cambrai),  Guillaume  Filfastre  (Cardinal 
and  Bishop  of  San  Marco),  and  Jean  Charlier  de 
Gerson,  chancellor  of  the  University  of  Paris,  rep- 
resentative of  the  French  king,  and  known  with 
d'Ailly,  as  "the  soul  of  the  council".  The  Italian 
bishops  who  had  accompanied  John  XXIII  in  large 
numbers  and  stood  for  his  legitimacy  were  soon 
rendered  helpless  by  new  methods  of  discussion  and 
voting.  Early  in  January,  1415,  envoys  of  Benedict 
XIII  appeared,  but  only  to  propose  a  personal 
meeting  at  Nice  of  their  pope  and  the  emperor. 
Towards  the  end  of  the  month  Gregory  XII  (Angelo 
Corrario)  offered,  through  his  representatives,  to  re- 
sign, on  condition  that  the  other  popes  did  the  same. 
The  execution  of  this  project,  henceforth  the  main 
object  of  the  council,  was  long  delayed  for  reasons 
that  will  appear  below.  Pressure  was  at  once  brought 
to  bear  on  John  XXIII  by  Emperor  Sigismund  and  by 
the  non-Italian  members.  His  resistance  was  finally 
broken  by  the  resolution  of  the  members  to  vote  by 
"nations  and  not  by  persons.  The  legality  of  this 
measure,  an  imitation  of  the  "nations"  of  the  univer- 
sities, was  more  than  questionable,  but  during  Febru- 
ary, 1415,  it  was  carried  through  and  thenceforth  ac- 
cepted in  practice,  though  never  authorized  by  any 
formal  decree  of  the  council  (Finke,  Forschungen, 
31-33)  and  opposed  by  d'Ailly  and  Fillastre,  who 
wanted,  indeed,  a  considerable  enlargement  of  the 
voting  body,  by  the  inclusion  of  professors  (doctors) 
of  theology,  parish  priests,  etc.,  but  not  the  abandon- 
ment of  the  traditional  individual  vote;  the  former 
was  willing  to  compromise  on  a  vote  according  to 
ecclesiastical  provinces.  The  vote  by  nations  was  in 
great  measure  the  work  of  the  English,  German,  and 
French  members,  but  the  Italians  did  not  long  resist, 
and  on  this  basis  the  council's  work  was  organized  and 
executed  as  follows:  By  each  of  the  four  nations  repre- 
sented at  the  council,  l.  e.  Germans  (with  whom  were 
counted  the  few  Poles,  Hungarians,  Danes,  and  Scan- 
dinavians), English,  French,  and  Italians,  several  dep- 
uties, ecclesiastical  and  lay,  were  appointed  to  repre- 
sent the  entire  membership  of  the  nation  present  at 
Constance.  These  national  deputies  met  separately 
under  a  president  of  their  own  choice,  but  changed 
from  month  to  month.  Their  decisions  were  reached 
by  a  majority  vote,  and  were  then  communicated  to 
the  General  Congregation  of  all  four  nations  in  which 
the  vote  of  a  majority  (three)  was  decisive.  There 
seems  also  to  have  been  (Finke,  Forschungen,  36-37) 
an  important  general  committee  appointed  by  the 
nations  to  prepare  the  subjects  of  discussion  for  the 
individual  nations,  and  to  act  generally  as  intermedi- 
ary. At  the  seventh  session  (2  May,  1415)  the  right 
to  vote  apart  was  withdrawn  from  the  cardinals; 
henceforth  they  could  only  vote  like  other  individual 
deputies  in  the  meetings  of  their  respective  nations. 
The  Roman  Church,  therefore,  was  not  represented  as 
such,  while  the  small  English  nation  (20  deputies,  3 
bishops)  was  equal  in  influence  to  the  entire  Italian 
representation,  as  individuals  about  one-half  the 
council.  The  decisions  of  the  general  congregations 
were  presented  at  the  public  sessions  of  the  council 


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OONSTANOI 


and  there  promulgated,  unanimously,  as  conciliar 
decrees. 

While  these  measures  were  being  taken  John  XXIII 
grew  daily  more  suspicious  of  the  council.  Neverthe- 
less, and  partly  in  consequence  of  a  fierce  anonymous 
attack,  from  an  Italian  source,  on  his  life  and  charac- 
ter, he  promised  under  oath  (2  March,  1415)  to  resign. 
On  20  March,  however,  he  secretly  fled  from  Constance 
and  took  refuge  at  Schaffhausen  on  territory  of  his 
friend  Frederick,  Duke  of  Austria-Tyrol.  Tnis  step 
filled  the  council  with  consternation,  for  it  threatened 
both  its  existence  and  its  authority.  Emperor  Sigis- 
mund,  however,  held  together  the  wavering  assembly. 
Then  followed  the  public  sessions  (third  to  fifth)  of  26 
and  30  March  and  5  April  out  of  which  came  the  fa- 
mous decrees  "Articles  of  Constance",  long  a  chief 
argument  of  Gallicanism  (q.  v.).  As  finally  adopted 
in  the  fifth  session  they  were  five  in  number  ana  de- 
clared that  the  council,  legitimately  called  in  the  Holy 
Spirit,  is  a  general  council,  represents  the  whole 
Church  Militant,  has  its  authority  directly  from  God: 
and  that  in  all  that  pertains  to  faith,  the  extinction  of 
the  schism  and  reformation  in  head  and  members, 
every  Christian,  even  the  pope,  is  bound  to  obey  it; 
that  in  case  of  refusal  to  obey  the  council  all  recalci- 
trant Christians  (even  the  pope)  are  subject  to  ecclesi- 
astical punishment  and  in  case  of  necessity  to  other 
(civil)  sanctions;  that  without  the  consent  of  the 
council  Pope  John  cannot  call  away  from  Constance 
the  Roman  Curia  and  its  officials,  whose  absence 
might  compel  the  closing  of  the  council  or  hinder  its 
work;  that  all  censures  inflicted  since  his  departure  by 
the  pope  on  members  and  supporters  of  the  council 
are  void,  and  that  Pope  John  and  the  members  of  the 
council  have  hitherto  enjoyed  full  liberty.  In  the 
meantime  (29  March,  1415)  the  English,  German,  and 
French  nations  had  agreed  to  four  articles,  in  the  first 
two  of  which  was  expressed  the  complete  supremacy 
of  the  council  over  tne  pope;  these  two  were  incor- 
porated in  the  aforesaid  articles  of  the  fifth  session. 
It  has  been  maintained  that  these  decrees  were 
meant  only  for  the  extraordinary  situation  which  then 
faced  the  council;  they  express,  nevertheless,  the 
well-known  persuasion  of  the  majority  of  the  peculiar 
ecclesiastical  representation  at  Constance  that  the 
council,  independently  of  the  pope,  was  the  final  de- 
pository of  supreme  ecclesiastical  authority;  indeed, 
by  virtue  of  these  decrees  they  proceeded  at  once  to 

{'udge  and  depose  John  XXIII,  hitherto  for  them  the 
egitimate  pope.  It  is  to  be  noted  that  of  the  twelve 
cardinals  present  at  Constance  only  seven  or  eight  as- 
sisted at  the  fifth  session,  and  they  solely  to  avoid 
scandal  (among  the  absent  was  d'Ailly).  Nor  would 
any  cardinal  announce  these  decrees;  that  office  fell 
to  a  bishop,  Andrew  of  Posen.  The  emperor  was 
present  at  their  promulgation,  also  200  members, 
mostly  doctors,  etc.  These  decrees,  it  must  be.  re- 
membered, though  adopted  at  Basle  and  often  quoted 
by  the  disciples  of  Gallicanism  and  other  opponents  of 
papal  supremacy,  were  formulated  and  accepted  at 
Constance  amid  quite  unusual  circumstances,  in  much 
haste,  and  in  quasi  despair  at  the  threatened  failure  of 
the  long-desired  general  council;  they  ran  counter  to 
the  immemorial  praxis  of  the  Church,  and  substituted 
for  its  Divine  constitution  the  will  of  the  multitude  or 
at  best  a  kind  of  theological  parliamentarism.  They 
were  never  approved  by  the  Apostolic  See  (Funk, 
Kirchengeschichtliche  Studien,  Paderborn,  1897,  I, 
489-98)  and  were  almost  at  once  implicitly  rejected  by 
Martin  V  (Mansi,  Coll.  Cone, XXVIII, 200).  The  rest 
of  March,  and  the  months  of  April  and  May  were  con- 
sumed in  a  tragic  conflict  of  the  council  with  John 
XXIII.  He  did  not  withdraw  his  resignation,  but 
posited  conditions  that  the  council  refused ;  he  called 
away  froin  Constance  several  cardinals  and  members 
of  the  Curia,  who  were  soon,  however,  obliged  to  re- 
turn; put  forth  a  plea  of  lack  of  liberty;  complained 
IV— 19 


to  the  King  of  France  concerning  the  method  of  vot- 
ing, as  well  as  his  treatment  by  the  council  and  the 
emperor ;  and  finally  fled  from  Schaffhausen  to  Lauen- 
burg,  giving  the  council  reason  to  fear  either  his  final 
escape  from  imperial  reach  or  the  withdrawal  of  the 
Italian  representatives.  The  pope  soon  fled  again„this 
time  to  Freiburg  in  the  Breisgau,  and  thence  to  Brei- 
sach  on  the  Rhine,  but  was  soon  compelled  to  return 
to  Freiburg,  whence  eventually  (17  May)  he  was 
brought  by  deputies  of  the  council  to  the  vicinity  of 
Constance,  and  there  held  prisoner,  while  the  council 
proceeded  to  his  trial.  He  had  exhausted  all  means 
of  resistance,  and  was  morally  vanquished.  Unwill- 
ing to  undergo  the  ordeal  of  the  impending  trial  he  re- 
nounced all  right  of  defence  and  threw  himself  on  the 
mercy  of  the  council.  He  was  deposed  in  the  twelfth 
session  (29  May,  1415),  not  for  heresy  but  for  notorious 
simony,  abetting  of  schism,  and  scandalous  life,  hav- 
ing already  been  suspended  by  the  council  in  the  tenth 
session  (14  May).  Two  days  later  he  ratified  under 
oath  the  action  of  the  council  and  was  condemned  to 
indefinite  imprisonment  in  the  custody  of  the  em- 
peror. He  was  held  successively  in  the  castles  of 
Gottlieben,  Heidelberg,  and  Mannheim,  but  was 
eventually  released,  for  a  heavy  ransom,  with  the  help 
of  Martin  V,  and  in  1419  died  at  Florence  as  Cardinal- 
Bishop  of  Tusculum.  (For  a  fuller  treatment  of  the 
charges  against  him,  see  John  XXIII.)  The  prom- 
ised resignation  of  Gregory  XII  (q.  v.)  was  now  in 
order,  and  was  accomplished  with  the  dignity  to  be 
expected  from  the  pope  usually  considered  by  Catho- 
lic historians  the  legitimate  occupant  of  the  See  of 
Peter,  though  at  this  time  his  obedience  had  practi- 
cally vanished,  being  confined  to  Rimini  and  a  few 
German  dioceses.  Through  his  protector  and  pleni- 
potentiary, Carlo  Malatesta,  Lord  of  Rimini,  he  pos- 
ited as  conditions  that  the  council  should  be  recon- 
voked  by  himself,  and  that  in  the  session  which 
accepted  his  resignation  neither  Bal  class  are  Cossa  nor 
any  representative  of  him  should  preside.  The  coun- 
cil agreed  to  these  conditions.  The  fourteenth  session 
(4  July,  1415)  had,  therefore,  for  its  president  the  Em- 
peror Sigismund,  whereby  it  appeared,  as  the  support- 
ers of  Gregory  wished  it  to  appear,  that  hitherto  the 
council  was  an  assembly  convoked  by  the  civil  au- 
thority. The  famous  Dominican  Cardinal  John  of- 
Ragusa  (Johannes  Dominici),  friend  and  adviser  of 
Gregory  XII,  and  since  19  Dec.,  1414,  the  pope's  repre- 
sentative at  Constance,  convoked  anew  the  council  in 
the  pope's  name  and  authorized  its  future  acts.  The 
reunion  of  both  obediences  (Gregory  XII  and  John 
XXIII)  was  then  proclaimed,  whereupon  the  Cardinal- 
Bishop  of  Ostia  ( Viviers)  assumed  the  presidency,  and 
Malatesta  pronounced,  in  the  name  of  Gregory,  the 
latter's  abdication  of  all  right  whatsoever  to  the  papacy. 
Gregory  confirmed  these  acts  in  the  seventeenth  ses- 
sion (14  July)  and  was  himself  confirmed  as  Cardinal- 
Bishop  of  Porto,  Dean  of  the  Sacred  College  and  per- 
petual Legate  of  Ancona,  in  which  position  he  died 
(18  Oct.,  1417)  at  Recanati,  in  his  ninetieth  year  in 
the  odour  of  sanctity.  From  the  fourteenth  session, 
in  which  he  convoked  the  council,  it  is  considered  by 
many  with  Phillips  (Kirchenrecht,  I,  256)  a  legiti- 
mate general  council. 

There  remained  now  to  obtain  the  resignation  of 
Benedict  XIII  (Pedro  de  Luna).  For  this  purpose, 
and  because  he  insisted  on  personal  dealings  with  him- 
self, Emperor  Sigismund  and  deputies  of  the  council 
went  to  Perpignan,  then  Spanish  territory,  to  confer 
with  him,  but  the  stubborn  old  man,  despite  his  pre- 
tended willingness  to  resign,  was  not  to  be  moved 
(Sept.-Oct.,  1415)  from  the  claims  he  had  so  persist- 
ently and  amid  so  great  vicissitudes  defended.  Soon, 
however,  he  was  abandoned  by  the  Kings  of  Aragon, 
Castile,  and  Navarre,  hitherto  his  chief  supporters. 
By  the  Treaty  of  Narbonne  (13  Dec,  1415),  they 
bound  themselves  to  co-operate  with  the  Council  of 


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290 


CONSTANCE 


Constance  for  the  deposition  of  Benedict  and  the  elec- 
■  ton  of  a  new  pope.  St.  Vincent  Ferrer  (q.  v.)  hither- 
to the  main  support  of  Benedict,  and  his  confessor, 
now  gave  him  up  as  a  perjurer;  the  council  confirmed 
(4  Feb.,  1416)  the  articles  of  Narbonne,  the  immediate 
execution  of  which  was  retarded,  among  other  causes, 
by  the  flight  of  Benedict  (13  Nov.,  1415)  from  the 
fortress  ofPerpignan  to  the  inaccessible  rock  of  Pefiis- 
cola  on  the  sea-coast  near  Valencia,  where  he  died  in 
1423,  maintaining  to  the  end  his  good  right  (see  Luna, 
Pedro  de). 

Various  causes,  as  just  said,  held  back  the  appear- 
ance of  the  Spanish  deputies  at  the  council.  Finally 
they  arrived  at  Constance  for  the  twenty-first  session 
(15  Oct.,  1416)  and  were  thenceforth  counted  as  the 
fifth  nation  (Fromme,  Die  spanische  Nation  und  das 
Konzil  von  Konstanz,  Munster,  1896).  The  next 
eight  months  were  largely  taken  up  with  complicated 
canonical  procedure  destined  to  compel  the  abdication 
or  justify  the  deposition  of  Benedict  XIII,  who  in  the 
meantime  had  excommunicated  solemnly  his  former 
royal  adherents  and  with  a  courage  worthy  of  a  better 
cause  maintained  that  Holy  Church,  the  Ark  of  Noe, 
was  now  on  the  wave-worn  peak  of  Pefiiscola,  in  the 
little  group  of  a  few  thousand  souls  who  yet  clung  to 
his  shadowy  authority,  and  not  at  Constance.  He  was 
finally  deposed  in  the  thirty-seventh  session  (26  July, 
1417)  as  guilty  of  perjury,  a  schismatic,  and  a  heretic: 
his  private  life  and  priestly  character,  unlike  those  of 
John  XXIII,  were  never  assailed.  The  Western 
Schism  was  thus  at  an  end,  after  nearly  forty  years  of 
disastrous  life;  one  pope  (Gregory  XII)  had  volun- 
tarily abdicated;  another  (John  XXIII)  had  been  sus- 
pended and  then  deposed,  but  had  submitted  in  canon- 
ical form;  the  third  claimant  (Benedict  XIII)  was  cut 
off  from  the  body  of  the  Church,  "a  pope  without  a 
Church,  a  shepherd  without  a  flock"  (Hergenrather- 
Kirsch).  It  had  come  about  that,  whichever  of  the 
three  claimants  of  the  papacy  was  the  legitimate  suc- 
cessor of  Peter,  there  reigned  throughout  the  Church 
a  universal  uncertainty  and  an  intolerable  confusion, 
so  that  saints  and  scholars  and  upright  souls  were  to 
be  found  in  all  three  obediences.  On  the  principle 
that  a  doubtful  pope  is  no  pope,  the  Apostolic  See  ap- 
peared really  vacant,  and  under  the  circumstances 
could  not  possibly  be  otherwise  filled  than  by  the 
action  of  a  general  council. 

The  canonical  irregularities  of  the  council  seem  less 
blameworthy  when  to  this  practical  vacancy  of  the 
papal  chair  we  add  the  universal  disgust  and  weariness 
at  the  continuance  of  the  so-called  schism,  despite  all 
imaginable  efforts  to  restore  to  the  Church  its  unity  of 
headship,  the  justified  fear  of  new  complications,  the 
imminent  peril  of  Catholic  doctrine  and  discipline 
amid  the  temporary  wreckage  of  the  traditional  au- 
thority of  the  Apostolic  See,  and  the  rapid  growth  of 
false  teachings  equally  ruinous  to  Church  and  State. 

Election  of  Martin  V. — Under  the  circumstances 
the  usual  form  of  papal  election  by  the  cardinals  alone 
(see  Conclave)  was  impossible,  if  only  for  the  strongly 
inimical  feeling  of  the  majority  of  the  council,  which 
held  them  responsible  not  only  for  the  horrors  of  the 
schism,  but  also  for  many  of  the  administrative  abuses 
of  the  Roman  Curia  (see  below),  the  immediate  cor- 
rection of  which  seemed  to  not  a  few  of  no  less  impor- 
tance, to  say  the  least,  than  the  election  of  a  pope. 
This  object  was  not  obscured  by  minor  dissensions, 
e.  g.  concerning  the  rightful  rank  of  the  Spanish 
nation,  the  number  of  votes  of  the  Aragonese  and 
Castilians,  respectively,  the  right  of  the  English  to 
constitute  a  nation,  etc.  The  French,  Spanish,  and 
Italian  nations  desired  an  immediate  papal  election: 
a  Church  without  a  head  was  a  monstrosity,  said 
d'Ailly.  Under  Bishop  Robert  of  Salisbury  the  Eng- 
lish held  stoutly  for  the  reforms  that  seemed  im- 
perative in  the  administration  of  the  papacy  and  the 
Curia;  Emperor  Sigismund  was  foremost  among  the 


Germans  for  the  same  cause,  and  was  ready  to  take 
violent  measures  in  its  interest.  But  Robert  of  Salis- 
bury died,  and  curiously  enough,  it  was  by  another 
English  bishop,  Henry  of  Winchester,  then  on  his 
way  to  Palestine,  and  a  near  relative  of  the  King  of 
England,  that  the  antagonistic  measures  of  papal  elec- 
'  tion  and  curial  reform  were  reconciled  in  favour  of  the 
priority  of  the  former,  but  with  satisfactory  assur- 
ance, among  other  points,  that  the  new  pope  would  at 
once  undertake  a  serious  reform  of  all  abuses;  that 
those  reforms  would  be  at  once  proclaimed  by  the 
councjl  on  which  all  the  nations  agreed;  and  that  the 
manner  of  the  imminent  papal  election  should  be  left 
to  a  special  commission.  Among  the  five  reform  de- 
crees passed  at  once  by  the  council  in  its  thirty-ninth 
session  (9  Oct.,  1417)  was  the  famous  "Frequens" 
which  provided  for  a  general  council  every  ten  years; 
the  next  two,  however,  were  to  be  convoked  by  the 
pope  after  five  and  seven  years  respectively,  the  first 
of  them  at  Pa  via. 

In  the  fortieth  session  finally  (30  Oct.)  was  dis- 
cussed the  manner  of  the  new  papal  election.  The 
council  decreed  that  for  this  occasion  to  the  twenty- 
three  cardinals  should  be  added  thirty  deputies  of  the 
council  (six  from  each  nation)  making  a  body  of  fifty- 
three  electors.  Another  decree  of  this  session  pro- 
vided for  the  immediate  and  serious  attention  of  the' 
new  pope  to  eighteen  points  concerning  reformatio' 
in  capite  et  Curia  Romano.  The  forty-first  session 
(8  Nov.)  provided  for  the  details  of  the  election  and 
for  this  purpose  had  the  Bull  of  Clement  VI  (6  Dec.,. 
1351)  read.  That  afternoon  the  electors  assembled 
in  conclave  and  after  three  days  chose  for  the  pope- 
the  Roman  Cardinal  Odo  Colonna,  who  took  the  name 
of  Martin  V  (q.  v.).  He  was  only  a  subdeacon,  and  so 
was  successively  made  deacon,  priest,  and  bishop 
(Fromme,  "Die  Wahl  Martins  V.",  in  "Rom.  Quartal- 
schrif  t ' ',  1896) .  His  coronation  took  place  21  Novem- 
ber, 1417.  At  its  forty-fifth  session  he  solemnly 
closed  the  council  (22  April,  1418),  whereupon,  declin- 
ing invitations  to  Avignon  or  to  some  German  city,  he' 
returned  to  Italy,  and  after  a  short  stay  in  Florence 
entered  Rome,  28  Sept.,  1420,  and  took  up  his  resi- 
dence in  the  Vatican,  thereby  restoring  to  the  See  of 
Peter  its  ancient  rights  and  prestige  in  Christendom.. 

II.  Reformation  of  Ecclesiastical  Govern- 
ment and  Life. — The  long  absence  of  the  popes: 
from  Rome  in  the  fourteenth  century,  entailing: 
the  economical  and  political  ruin  of  the  ancient 
Patrimony  of  Peter;  the  many  grave  abuses  directly 
or  indirectly  connected  with  the  administration 
of  French  popes  at  Avignon;  the  general  civil  dis- 
orders of  the  time  (Hundred  Years  War,  Condottieri,. 
etc.),  and  other  causes,  had  created,  long  before: 
the  Council  of  Constance,  an  earnest  demand  for  a. 
reformation  of  ecclesiastical  conditions.  The  writ- 
ings of  theologians  and  canonists  and  the  utterances: 
of  several  popular  saints  (St.  Bridget  of  Sweden.  St. 
Catherine  of  Siena)  are  alone  enough  to  show  now 
well  justified  was  this  universal  demand  (Rooquain). 
In  the  minds  of  many  members  of  the  council  this  re- 
formation, as  already  stated,  was  of  equal  importance 
with  the  closing  of  the  schism ;  and  to  some,  especially 
to  the  Germans,  it  seemed  to  overshadow  even  the 
need  of  a  head  for  the  Church.  It  was  precisely  the 
pope  and  the  cardinals,  they  argued,  whose  adminis- 
tration most  needed  reform,  and  now,  when  both  were 
weakest  and  for  the  first  time  in  their  history  had  felt 
the  mastery  of  the  theologians  and  canonists,  seemed 
to  this  party  the  psychological  moment  to  write  these 
reforms  into  the  common  ecclesiastical  law,  whence 
they  could  not  easily  be  expunged.  Since  July,  1415, 
there  had  been  a  reform  commission  of  thirty-five 
members;  a  new  one  of  twenty-five  members  had  been 
appointed  after  the  entry  of  the  Spanish  nation  in 
October,  1416.  During  its  long  career  many  memo- 
rials were  presented  to  the  council  concerning  every 


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imaginable  abuse.  In  its  general  congregations  and 
sessions  bitter  reproaches  were  often  uttered  on  the 
same  themes.  The  academic  equality  of  many  of  the 
members,  the  prostrate  condition  of  ecclesiastical 
headship,  the  peculiar  freedom  of  discussion  in  the 
"  nation"  meetings,  and  other  causes  made  this  coun- 
cil a  unique  forum  for  the  discussion  of  all  points  and 
methods  of  reformation.  More  would  certainly  have 
been  accomplished  had  the  learned  men  and  the  zeal- 
ous preachers  been  able  to  reach  some  degree  of  unani- 
mity as  to  the  importance  and  order  of  the  reforms 
called  for,  and  had  there  been  more  general  anxiety  for 
personal  reformation  and  less  passion  in  denouncing 
the  past  abuses  of  papal  and  curial  administration. 
The  Germans  (Avisamenta  nationis  germanicae)  and 
the  English  were  ardent  for  a  reformation  of  the  Ro- 
man Curia,  so  that  a  new,  holy,  and  just  pope  would 
find  his  way  made  straight  before  him.  The  former 
asserted  that  for  150  years  the  popes  had  ceased  to 
govern  with  that  justice  which  for  twelve  centuries  had 
characterized  them.  The  cardinals,  they  said,  had  loved 
riches  too  much,  and  ecclesiastical  synods  had  been 
neglected.  These  were  the  true  causes,  according  to 
them,  of  the  corruption  of  the  clergy,  the  decay 
of  good  studies,  the  ruin  of  churches  andabbeys.  Re- 
forms had  been  promised  at  Pisa,  but  what  had  be- 
come of  these  promises?  As  a  matter  of  fact,  how- 
ever, the  reforms  most  loudly  called  for  meant  the 
restoration  to  the  bishops  of  their  ancient  freedom  in 
the  collation  of  benefices,  also  a  notable  diminution  in 
the  various  dues  and  assessments  payable  to  Rome 
from  the  ecclesiastical  properties  and  revenues  of  the 
various  nations,  which  for  several  reasons  had  been 
growing*  in  number  and  size  during  the  previous 
century,  and  were  not  always  unjustified  or  inequi- 
table. We  have  already  seen  that  it  was  much  against 
their  will  that  the  Germans  agreed  to  a  papal  election 
before  receiving  full  satisfaction  in  the  matter  of  the 
aforesaid  reforms.  The  day  after  his  coronation 
Martin  V  appointed  a  (third)  reform  commission, 
but  its  members  showed  no  more  unanimity  than  their 
predecessors  in  the  same  office.  The  new  pope  de- 
clared that  he  was  ready  to  accept  any  propositions 
that  were  unanimously  agreed  on.  Eventually,  after 
much  discussion  and  various  suggestions  seven  points 
were  agreed  to  in  the  forty-third  session  (21  March, 
1418).  All  exemptions  granted  during  the  synod 
were  withdrawn,  and  in  the  future  should  be  granted 
with  difficulty;  unions  and  incorporations  of  bene- 
fices were  likewise  to  be  diminished:  the  pope  agreed 
to  renounce  the  revenues  of  vacant  benefices;  alt  sim- 
ony was  forbidden,  likewise  the  custom  of  dispens- 
ing beneficed  persons  from  the  obligation  of  taking 
orders;  the  papal  right  to  impose  tithes  on  clergy  and 
churches  was  sensibly  restricted;  ecclesiastics  must 
henceforth  wear  the  dress  of  their  order  (Mansi,  Cone, 
XXVII,  1114-77).  Other  reforms  were  left  to  the 
initiative  of  each  nation  which  provided  for  them  by 
special  concordats,  a  term  said  to  have  been  here  used 
for  the  first  time.  The  German  Concordat  (including 
Poland,  Hungary,  and  Scandinavia)  and  that  with 
France,  Spain,  and  Italy,  ran  for  five  years;  the  Eng- 
lish Concordat  was  indefinite  (for  the  details  see 
Mansi,  op.  cit.,  XXVII,  1189  sqq.,  and  Httbler,  Die 
Konstanzer  Reform  und  die  Konkordate  von  1418, 
Leipzig,  1867).  The  number  of  cardinals  was  fixed  at 
twenty-four,  and  they  were  to  be  taken  proportion; 
ately  from  the  great  nations.  Stricter  regulation  was 
also  agreed  on  fc  r  papal  reservations,  annates,  com- 
mendams.  Indulgences,  etc.  Nevertheless,  in  a  papal 
consistory  (10  March,  1418),  Martin  V  rejected  any 
right  of  appeal  from  the  Apostolic  See  to  a  future 
council,  and  asserted  the  supreme  authority  of  the 
Roman  pontiff  as  Vicar  of  Jesus  Christ  on  earth  in  all 
questions  of  Catholic  Faith  (Nulli  fas  est  a  supremo 
judice;  videlicet  Apostolica  sede  sen  Rom.  Pontif.  Jesu 
Christi  vicario  in  tenia  appellare  aut  illius  judicium  in 


causis  fidei,  quae  tamquam  majores  ad  ipsum  et  sedem 
Apostolicam  deferendae  sunt,  declinare,  Mansi,  Cone, 
XXVIII,  200).  Von  Funk  has  shown  (op.  cit.,  489 
sqq.),  that  the  oft-maintained  confirmation,  of  the  de- 
crees of  Constance  by  Martin  V,  in  the  last  session  of 
the  council  (omnia  et  singula  determinata  et  decreta  in 
materiis  fidei  per  praeeens  concilium  conciliariter  et 
non  aliter  nec  alio  modo)  must  be  understood  only  of  a 
specific  case  (Falkenberg,  see  below),  and  not  of  any 
notable  part  of,  much  less  of  all,  the  decrees  of  Con- 
stance. It  is  true  that  in  the  Bull  "Inter  Cunctas", 
22  Feb.,  1418,  apropos  of  the  Wycliffites  and  Hussites, 
he  calls  for  a  formal  approval  of  the  decrees  of  Con- 
stance in  favorem  fidei  et  salulem  animarum,  but 
these  words  are  easily  understood  of  the  council's 
action  against  the  aforesaid  heresies  and  its  efforts  to 
restore  to  the  Church  a  certain  head.  In  particular 
the  famous  five  articles  of  the  fifth  session,  establishing 
the  supremacy  of  the  council,  never  received  papal  con- 
firmation (Hergenrother-Kirsch,  II,  862,  and  Baudril- 
lart,  in  Diet,  de  theol.  cath.,  II,  1219-23).  For  a  refu- 
tation of  the  Gallican  claim  that  these  decrees  possess 
a  dogmatic  character,  see  Gallicanism.  Neverthe- 
less, the  Council  of  Constance  is  usually  reckoned  the 
Sixteenth  General  Council;  some,  as  stated  above,  ac- 
knowledge it  as  such  after  the  fourteenth  session  (re- 
convocation  by  Gregory  XII) ;  others  again  (Salem- 
bier)  after  the  thirty-fifth  session  (adherence  of  the 
Spanish  nation);  Hefele  only  in  the  final  sessions 
(forty-second  to  forty-fifth)  under  Martin  V.  No 
papal  approbation  of  it  was  ever  meant  to  confirm  its 
anti-papal  acts;  thus  Eugene  IV  (22  July,  1446)  ap- 
proved the  council,  with  due  reserve  of  the  rights,  dig- 
nity, and  supremacy  of  the  Apostolic  See  (absque 
tamen  praejudicio  juris  dignitatis  et  praeeminentiaB 
Sedis  Apostolicae).  See  Bouix,  "De  papa,  ubi  et  de 
concilio  cecumenico"  (Paris,  1869),  and  Salembier 
(below),  313-23. 

III.  The  Repression  of  Heresy. — At  various 
times  the  council  dealt  with  current  heresies,  among 
them  those  of  John  Wyclif  and  John  Hus.  Condemna- 
tion of  Forty-five  Wychffite  Propositions. — In  the  eighth 
session  it  was  question  of  Wyclif,  whose  writings  had 
already  been  condemned  at  the  Council  of  Rome  (1412- 
13)  under  John  XXIII.  In  this  session  forty-five 
propositions  of  Wyclif,  already  condemned  by  the  uni- 
versities of  Paris  and  Prague,  were  censured  as  hereti- 
cal, and  in  a  later  session  another  long  list  of  260 
errors.  All  his  writings  were  ordered  to  be  burned 
and  his  body  was  condemned  to  be  dug  up  and  cast 
out  of  consecrated  ground  (this  was  not  done  until 
1428  under  Bishop  Robert  Fleming  of  Lincoln).  In 
1418  Martin  V,  by  the  aforesaid  Bull"  Inter  Cunctas", 
approved  the  action  of  the  council  (Mansi,  op.  cit., 
XXVII,  1210  sq.;  see  Wycliffites). 

Condemnation  and  Execution  of  John  Hus. — Since 
1408  John  Hus,  an  eloquent  preacher  of  Prague,  had 
openly  taught  the  Wychffite  heresies.  By  his  ardent 
zeal  for  ecclesiastical  reforms  on  the  basis  of  Wyclif 's 
teachings,  his  patriotic  insistence  on  the  purity  of  Bo- 
hemian faith  and  his  assertion  of  Bohemian  nation- 
alism, he  had  gone  rapidly  to  the  front  as  a  leader  of 
his  nation,  then  deeply  embittered  against  the  Ger- 
mans dominant  in  the  political  and  academic  life  of 
Bohemia.  Since  1412  he  had  been  banished  from 
Prague,  but  was  only  the  more  dangerous,  by  his  fiery 
discourse  and  his  writings,  among  the  highly  excited 
Bohemians,  who  mostly  saw  in  him  the  flower  of  their 
national  genius,  and  were  otherwise  embittered 
against  a  clergy  which  then  offered  too  many  elements 
of  weakness  to  the  attacks  of  such  reformers  as  John 
Hus  and  his  friend  and  admirer  Jerome  (Hierony- 
mus)  of  Prague.  The  errors  of  Hus  concerned  chiefly 
the  nature  of  the  Church  (only  the  predestined),  the 

Eapal  headship,  the  rule  of  faith  (Scripture  and  the 
iw  of  Christ),  Communion  under  both  kinds  (q.  v. 
also  Hussites),  auricular  confession  (unnecessary). 


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civil  authority  (dependent  among  Christians  on  state 
of  grace).  More  than  once  (e.  g.  1411)  Hus  had  ap- 
pealed to  a  general  council,  and  when  at  the  opening 
of  the  Council  of  Constance  Emperor  Sigismund  and 
King  Wenceslaus  of  Bohemia  urged  him  to  present 
himself,  he  was  not  unwilling:  it  was  made  up,  he 
knew,  of  ardent  reformers,  and  he  could  hope  by  his 
eloquence  to  convert  them  to  his  own  intense  faith  in 
the  ideas  of  Wyclif.  He  left  Prague,  11  October,  1414, 
in  the  company  of  three  Bohemian  nobles  and  assured 
of  a  safe-conduct  (salvus  conductus)  from  Emperor 
Sigismund.  They  entered  Constance  3  November, 
where  Hus  took  up  his  residence  in  a  private  house, 
and  where  (5  November)  the  safe-conduct  was  deliv- 
ered to  him.  The  day  after  his  arrival  he  appeared 
before  John  XXIII,  who  treated  him  courteously,  re- 
moved the  censures  of  excommunication  and  inter- 
dict, but  forbade  him  to  say  Mass  or  to  preach,  also  to 
appear  at  public  ecclesiastical  functions  (his  thor- 
oughly heretical  and  even  revolutionary  doctrines 
were  long  notorious  and,  as  said  above,  had  already 
been  condemned  at  Rome).  He  appeared  again  before 
the  pope  and  the  cardinals,  28  November,  declared 
himself  innocent  of  a  single  error,  and  said  he  was 
ready  to  retract  and  do  penance  if  convicted  of  any. 
He  had  continued,  however,  to  violate  the  papal  pro- 
hibition, said  Mass  daily  and  preached  to  the  people 
present.  Consequently  he  was  the  same  day  arrested , 
by  order  of  the  Bishop  of  Constance,  and  a  little  later 
(6  December)  placed  in  the  Dominican  convent.  On 
complaining  of  the  unsanitary  condition  of  his  place  of 
confinement  he  was  transferred  to  the  castle  of  Gott- 
lieben,  and  later  to  the  Franciscan  convent  at  Con- 
stance (June,  1415).  His  examination  went  on  dur- 
ing April  and  May,  and  was  conducted  by  d'Ailly  and 
FiTlastre;  in  the  meantime  he  carried  on  an  extensive 
correspondence,  wrote  various  treatises,  and  replied  to 
the  charges  of  his  opponents.  His  Bohemian  friends 
protested  against  the  arrest  of  Hus,  and  exhibited  the 
emperor's  safe-conduct  (but  only  after  the  arrest). 
Sigismund  was  at  first  wroth  over  the  arrest,  but  later 
(1  Jan.,  1415)  declared  that  he  would  not  prevent  the 
council  from  dealing  according  to  law  with  persons 
accused  of  heresy.  The  aforesaid  condemnation  (4 
May)  of  the  forty-five  propositions  of  Wyclif  fore- 
shadowed the  fate  of  Hus,  despite  the  protests  of  Bo- 
hemians and  Poles  against  his  severe  incarceration, 
the  slanders  against  Bohemian  faith,  the  delay  of  jus- 
tice, secrecy  of  the  proceedings,  and  the  violation  of 
the  imperial  safe-conduct  (Raynaldus,  ad  an.  1414, 
no.  10).  The  public  trial  took  place  on  5,  7,  and  8 
June,  1415;  extracts  from  his  works  were  read,  wit- 
nesses were  heard.  He  denied  some  of  the  teachings 
attributed  to  him,  defended  others,  notably  opinions 
of  Wyclif,  declared  that  no  Bohemian  was  a  heretic, 
etc.  He  refused  all  formulas  of  submission,  again  de- 
clared himself  conscious  of  no  error,  nor,  as  he  said, 
had  any  been  proved  against  him  from  the  Scrip- 
tures. He  declared  that  he  would  not  condemn  the 
truth,  nor  perjure  himself.  His  books  were  burned  by 
order  of  the  council  (24  June).  New  efforts  to  obtain 
a  retractation  proved  fruitless.  He  was  brought  for 
final  sentence  before  the  fifteenth  session  (6  July, 
1415),  at  which  the  emperor  assisted,  and  on  which 
occasion  thirty  propositions,  taken  mostly  from  the 
work  of  Hus  "On  the  Church"  (De  Ecclesia),  were 
read  publicly.  He  refused  to  retract  anything  and  so 
was  condemned  as  a  heretic,  deposed,  and  degraded, 
and  handed  over  to  the  secular  arm,  which  m  turn 
condemned  him  to  perish  at  the  stake,  at  that  time  the 
usual  legal  punishment  of  convicted  heretics.  He  suf- 
fered that  cruel  death  with  self-possession  and  courage 
and  when  about  to  expire  cried  out,  it  is  said:  "Christ, 
Son  of  the  living  God,  have  mercy  on  us  I "  His  ashes 
were  thrown  into  the  Rhine.  Owing  largely  to  the  dram- 
atic circumstances  of  his  death,  he  became  at  once  the 
hero  of  Bohemian  patriotism  and  the  martyr-saint  of 


multitudes  in  Bohemia  and  elsewhere  who  shared  his 
demagogic  and  revolutionary  principles.  They  were 
surely  incompatible  with  either  the  ecclesiastical 'or 
the  civil  order  of  the  time,  and  would  at  any  period 
have  bred  both  religious  and  civil  anarchy,  had  they 
been  put  into  practice.  As  to  the  safe-conduct  of  the 
emperor,  we  must  distinguish,  says  Dr.  von  Funk 
(Kirchengeschichte,  3d  ed.,  Freiburg,  1902,  p.  495, 
and  the  more  recent  literature  there  quoted;  also 
"Der  Katholik",  1898,  LXXVIII,  186-90,  and  K. 
Mailer,  non-Catholic,  in  the  "Hist.  Vierteljahrschrift", 
1898,  41-86)  between  the  arrest  of  Hus  at  Constance 
and  his  execution.  The  former  act  was  always  ac- 
counted in  Bohemia  a  violation  of  the  safe-conduct 
and  a  breach  of  faith  on  the  emperor's  part;  on  the 
other  hand  they  knew  well,  and  so  did  Hus,  that  the 
safe-conduct  was  only  a  guarantee  against  illegal  vio- 
lence and  could  not  protect  him  from  the  sentence  of  his 
legitimate  judges.  (On  the  death  penalty  for  heresy, 
see  Ficker,  "  Die  gesetzliche  Einf (inning  der  Todestrafe 
fur  Haresie"  in  "Mittheil.  d.  Inst.  f.  csst.  Geschichts- 
forschung",  1888, 177  sqq.,  and  Havet,  "L'Wresie  et 
le  bras  s?culierau  moyen  age  jusqu'au  XIII®  siecle", 
Paris,  1881 ;  see  also  Gosselin,  "  Temporal  Power  of  the 
Pope  in  the  Middle  Ages  ",  1 , 85-89) .  In  the  medieval 
German  codes  known  as  the  Sachsenspiegel  (about 
1225)  and  the  Schwabenspiegel  (about  1275),  heresy  is 
already  punishable  with  the  stake.  It  is  not  true  that 
the  council  declared  that  no  faith  should  be  kept  with 
a  heretic  (see  Pallavicino,  "  Hist.  Cone.  Trid.",  XII,  15, 
8;  H6fler  in  " Hist,  polit.  Blatter",  IV,  421,  and  Hefele, 
"Conciliengesch.",VlI,  227,  also  Baudrillart,  op.  cit., 
II,  1217).  In  the  following  year  Jerome  (Hieronymus) 
of  Prague,  the  friend  of  Hus,  suffered  the  same  fate  at 
Constance.  He  had  come  voluntarily  to  the  council  in 
April,  1415,  but  soon  fled  the  city;  afterwards,  mind- 
ful of  the  fate  of  Hus,  he  obtained  from  the  council  a 
safe-conduct  to  return  for  his  defence.  He  did  not  ap- 
pear, however,  and  was  soon  seized  in  Bavaria  and 
brought  in  chains  to  Constance.  In  September,  1415, 
he  abjured  the  forty-five  propositions  of  Wyclif  and 
the  thirty  of  Hus,  but  did  not  regain  his  freedom,  as 
his  sincerity  was  suspected,  and  new  charges  were 
made  against  him.  Finally,  he  was  brought  before 
the  council,  23  May,  1416,  one  year  after  his  arrest. 
This  time  he  solemnly  withdrew  his  abjuration  as  a 
sinful  act  and  compelled  by  fear,  and  proclaimed  Hus 
a  holy  and  upright  man.  He  was  forthwith  con- 
demned as  a  heretic  in  the  twenty-first  session  (30 
May,  1416)  and  perished  at  the  stake  with  no  less 
courage  than  Hus.  The  humanist  Poggio  was  an 
eyewitness  of  his  death,  and  his  letter  to  Leonardo  of 
Arezzo,  describing  the  scene,  may  be  seen  in  Hefele, 
"Conciliengesch.'*,  VII,  280  sqq.  The  death  of  both 
Hus  and  Jerome  of  Prague  affected  strongly  other 
humanists  of  the  time;  ./Eneas  Sylvius  (later  phis  II) 
said  that  they  went  to  their  deaths  as  men  invited  to  a 
banquet.  The  immediate  consequences  were  grave 
enough,  i.  e.  the  long  Utraquist  wars.  For  an  equit- 
able criticism  of  the  defects  in  the  trials  of  both  Hus 
and  Jerome  see  Baudrillart  in  "Diet,  de  theol.  cath.", 
II,  1216-17.    (See  also  Hussites.) 

Jean  Petit  (Johannes  Parvus)  and  Johann  von  Fatk- 
enberg. — The  question  of  the  licity  of  tyrannicide  oc- 
cupied the  attention  of  the  council.  The  Franciscan 
Jean  Petit  (Parvus)  had  publicly  defended  (in  nine 
theses)  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  for  his  share  in  the 
murder  of  Louis  d'Orleans  (23  Nov.,  1407),  on  the 
ground  that  any  subject  might  kill  or  cause  to  be 
killed  a  tyrannical  ruler  (Kervyn  de  Lettenhove,  Jean 
sans  peur  et  l'apologie  du  tyrannicide,  Brussels, 
1861).  After  several  years  of  discussion  this  thesis 
was  condemned  at  Pans  in  1414  by  the  bishop,  the  in- 
quisitor, and  the  university.  The  Duke  of  Burgundy 
appealed  to  the  Roman  See.  At  Constance  the  mat- 
ter was  discussed  in  the  fifteenth  session  (6  July, 
1415);  many  French  doctors  were  eager  for  the  for- 


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mal  condemnation  of  Petit  and  his  theses,  but  his 
Franciscan  brethren  defended  him  in  a  common  me- 
morial; the  council  finally  was  content  with  con- 
demning in  a  general  way  the  proposition  that,  regard- 
leas  of  his  oath  and  without  awaiting  a  judicial  sen- 
tence, any  vassal  or  subject  might  licitly  kill,  or  cause 
to  be  killed,  a  tyrant.  Quite  similar  was  the  case  of 
Johann  von  Falkenberg,  a  German  Dominican,  who 
had  maintained  in  a  violent  work  against  the  King  of 
Poland  that  it  was  allowed  to  kill  him  and  all  other 
Poles  (Mansi,  Cone,  XXVII,  765).  Many  demanded 
with  much  earnestness  the  condemnation  of  Falken- 
berg, but  no  definite  sentence  was  pronounced,  des- 
pite the  ardent  discussions  (see  Tyrannicide),  not 
even  in  the  forty-fifth  (last)  session  when  the  Poles 
urged  it  on  Martin  V;  he  declared  that  in  matters  of 
faith  he  would  approve  only  what  had  been  decided 
by  the  holy  general  council  amciliariter,  i.  e.  by  the 
whole  council  and  not  by  one  or  more  nations.  As 
noted  above,  these  words  of  the  pope  refer  only  to  the 
particular  (Falkenberg)  matter  before  him  and  not  to 
all  the  decrees  of  the  council,  even  in  matters  of  faith. 

IV.  Attendance  at  the  Council;  General 
Considerations. — Owing  to  its  long  duration  the  at- 
tendance at  the  council  varied  much.  The  highest 
figures  reached  were:  29  cardinals,  3  patriarchs,  33 
archbishpps,  160  bishops,  100  abbots,  60  provosts,  300 
doctors  (mostly  of  theology).  It  was  calculated  that 
some  6000  monks  and  friars  were  present  and  in  all 
about  18,000  ecclesiastics.  The  visitors  are  variously 
reckoned  from  60,000  to  100,000  or  more.  Many  Eu- 
ropean sovereigns  and  princes  were  present,  invited 
by  the  emperor,  among  them  (besides  Emperor  Sigis- 
mund  and  his  suite)  the  Electors  Ludwig  von  der 
Pfalz  and  Rudolph  of  Saxony,  the  Dukes  of  Bavaria, 
Austria,  Saxony,  Schleswig,  Mecklenburg,  Lorraine, 
and  Teck,  the  Margrave  of  Brandenburg,  also  the  am- 
bassadors of  the  Kings  of  France,  England,  Scotland, 
Denmark,  Poland,  Naples,  and  the  Spanish  kingdoms. 
Towards  the  end  the  Greek  emperor,  Michael  Pateolo- 
gus,  was  also  present  (19  Feb.,  1418,  with  19  Greek 
bishops).  In  some  respects  the  council  resembled  more 
a  modern  Catholic  congress  than  a  traditional  eccles- 
iastical synod.  The  numerous  princes  and  nobles  by 
their  tournaments  and  splendid  amusements ;  the  mer- 
chants by  their  rich  and  curious  wares ;  the  travellers  by 
their  number  and  importance;  the  fringe  of  fakirs  and 
mountebanks  found  at  all  popular  gatherings,  made 
Constance  for  the  time  the  cynosure  of  all  Europe  and 
even  of  the  Greek  world.  There  is,  of  course,  no  rea- 
son to  wonder  that  in  so  motley  a  throng,  suddenly 

fathered  from  all  quarters,  moral  disorders  and  loose 
ving  should  have  manifested  themselves.  Quite 
apart  from  the  reliability  or  animus  of  some  gossipy 
chroniclers,  the  council  was  directly  responsible  only 
for  its  own  acts  and  not  for  the  life  of  the  city  of  Con- 
stance. It  must  also  be  remembered  that  in  one  way 
or  another  unforeseen  events  and  situations  pro- 
tracted the  council  beyond  all  ordinary  prevision. 
Among  these  were:  the  flight  of  John  XXIII;  the 
lengthy  process  of  Benedict  XIII;  the  general 
jealousy  and  dislike  of  the  cardinals,  and  in  turn, 
the  natural  efforts  of  the  latter  to  save  the  eccle- 
siastical constitution  from  thorough  ruin  at  the  un- 
happiest  moment  for  the  papal  authority,  hitherto  its 
comer-stone ;  the  passionate  longing  for  a  public  can- 
onical purification  of  Catholicism  from  its  acknowl- 
edged abuses  and  excrescences  (in  the  head  and  in  the 
Roman  Curia).  We  need  not  wonder  that  at  the  end 
of  his  remarkable  diary  of  the  council,  Cardinal  Guil- 
laume  Fillastre  wrote  as  follows  (Finke  ed.,  For- 
schungen  und  Quellen,  p.  242):  "Hoc  Constantiense 
concilium  .  .  .  omnibus  quae  precesserunt  generalibus 
conciliis  fuit  in  congregando  ditficilius,  in  progressu 
singulari us,  mirabilius  et  periculosius.  et  tempore  diu- 
turnius",  i.  e.  no  previous  council  was  gotten  together 
with  so  much  difficulty,  or  ran  a  career  so  unique, 


marvellous  and  perilous,  or  lasted  so  long.  From 
an  ecclesiastical  point  of  view,  the  Council  of  Con- 
stance may  truly  be  said  to  close  the  medieval  and 
to  open  tne  modern  period.  It  was  an  anti-climax 
for  tne  all-dominant  medieval  papacy,  while  in  Sigis- 
mund  (Emperor-elect,  King  of  Hungary,  heir  of  Bo- 
hemia, etc.)  for  the  last  time  appears  a  pale  image  of 
the  ideal  office  of  the  medieval  empire.  The  language 
of  its  orators  and  its  "Acta"  exhibits  a  certain  dawn 
of  Humanism  (Finke)  while  there  for  the  first  time 
modern  nationalism,  quite  different  from  its  medieval 
prototype,  comes  to  the  front,  dominates  the  entire 
situation,  menaces  even  the  immemorial  unity  of  the 
Church,  and  begins  its  long  career  of  discordant  rela- 
tions with  the  central  administration  of  Catholicism 
(see  Gallicanism;  Hontheim,  Johann).  Not  a  few 
elements  of  the  later  ecclesiastical  revolution  under 
Luther  (q.  v.)  are  already  visibly  present  at  Constance. 
The  German  nation  in  particular  remained  grievously 
discontented  with  the  local  results  of  the  second  of 
the  great  reform  councils  (Pisa,  Constance,  Basle), 
and  throughout  the  fifteenth  century  sought  variously, 
but  with  little  success,  to  realize  the  demands  put 
forth  at  the  Council  of  Constance.  [See  Eugene 
IV;  Martin  V;  Sigismund,  Emperor;  F.  Rocquain, 
"La  cour  de  Rome  et  1'esprit  de  reforme  avantLuther" 
(Paris,  1900),  also  Pastor  (see  below),  and  Janssen, 
"  Hist,  of  the  German  People  ",  etc.  Pope  ;  Primacy  ; 
Reformation;  Church;  Trent,  Council  op;  Vat- 
ican, Councils  of  the.] 

Acts  of  the  Council. — The  chief  collection  of  the  Acta  of  the 
council  and  pertinent  documents  ia  that  of  von  der  Hardt,  in 
six  folio  volumes.  Magnum  acumenicum  Constantiense  concilium 

i Frankfort  and  Leipzig.  1692-1700),  whence  they  passed  into 
Iardocin  (VIII)  and  Uual  (XXVII-XXVIII).  All  former 
editions,  however,  of  these  Acts  and  documents  are  in  many 
ways  imperfect  and  uncritically  edited,  and  must  give  way  to 
the  (partly  finished)  edition  of  Heinrich  Finks,  Acta  Concilii 
Constanliensis  I.  (Munster,  1896),  from  1410  to  1414;  Acta 
Aragonensia  (1907);  cf.  Zur  Kritik  der  Akien,  etc.,  in  his 
Forichungen  und  Quellen  (below),  52-68;  also  Noel  Valoib,  in 
preface  to  Vol.  Ill  of  La  France  el  le  grand  schisme  <f  Occident 
(Paris,  1901).  Many  important  documents  are  in  Raynaldcb, 
Ann.  Bed.,  ad  arm.  1414-18:  see 'also  for  important  correspon- 
dence and  other  documents  Martbne  and  Do  rand,  TKetaurut 
nam*  anted..  II,  and  Dolunqer,  Beiirage  tur  Getch.  dee 
XV-XVl.  Jahrhunderts  (Munich,  1863),  II.  Cf.  Deutsche  Reichs- 
tagsakten,  IV-XI,from  1400  to  1438  (Mtinich  and  Gotha,  1878- 
1000),  a  very  important  collection  of  civil  and  ecclesiastical 
interest;  also  the  writings  of  Pierre  d'Ailly  and  Gerson. 

Modern  Hietoriet  of  the  Council. — Lenpant  (Calvinist),  Hist, 
du  Concile  de  Constance  (2nd  ed.,  Amsterdam,  1727);  Korxo 
(Josephinist),  Gesch.  der  grossen  alia.  Kirchenversammlung  tu 
Coetniti  (Prague  and  Vienna,  1782);  Wessenberq  (Febronian), 
Die  groeeen  Kirchenversammlungen  dee  XV.  und  X  VI.  Jahrhun- 
derte  (Constance,  1840);  Creighton  (non-Catholic),  A  History 
of  the  Papacy  during  the  Period  of  the  Reformation,  I:  The  Cheat 
Schism  and  the  Council  of  Constance  (London,  1882).  Excellent 
Catholic  accounts:  Tosti,  Storia  del  Concilio  di  Costanxa 
(Naples,  1883);  Hefele,  Conciliengesch.,  VII,  26,  66  sqq.; 
Pabtor,  History  of  the  Popes,  Vol.  I,  bk.  II;  Salkmbikr,  Le 
grand  schisms  d'  Occident  (Paris,  1902),  291-416,  has  good  liter- 
ature of  the  subject;  Maruor,  Das  Konxil  tu  Constanz  (ibid., 
1898) :  Bliemetzrieder,  Das  Gencralkonzu  tu  Constant  (1904). 

Diaries  and  Chronicles. — The  most  important  of  the  contem- 
porary accounts  of  the  council  is  the  Diary  of  Guillaoiie  Fil- 
lastre. Cardinal,  of  Ban  Marco,  and  a  leading  spirit  during  the 
entire  council.  Dr.  Finke  says  (p.  77)  that  it  is  throughout 
trustworthy  and  exact  (it  has  been  edited  by  htm  from  Vatican 
MSS.  4173  and  4175,  in  Forsehungen  und  Quellen  (below).  163- 
242).  Among  the  chroniclers  of  the  council  are  Theodoricub 
(Dieterich)  de  Vrie,  an  OsnabrQck  Augustinian,  De  consola- 
tions Ecdesia,  seu  Hist.  Cone.  Cow*.,  in  the  first  volume  of 
von  der  Hardt;  Theodoriccs  (Dietebich)  von  Niem  a  well- 
informed  but  partial  and  vindictive  writer,  De  schismatc  libri  111 
ed.  Erler  (Leipzig,  1890),  Id.,  Nemus  unionis  (Basle  1566).  and 
Id.,  Historia  de  vita  Johannis  XX III,  in  the  second  volume  of 
von  der  Hardt;  Ulrich  von  Richenthal,  Chronik  dee  Kon- 
stamer  KomUs,  ed.  M.  R.  Bock,  in  Bibl.  d.  litierar.  Vereins  in 
Stuttgart  (Tubingen,  1882).  Vol.  CLVIH. 

Lives  of  Prominent  Participants. — Aschbach,  Oeschichte 
Kaiser  Sigismunds  (Hamburg,  1838-45);  Jeep,  Gerson,  Widilf 
und  Hues  (Gottingen,  1857);  Loberth,  J.  Hues  una  Widff 
(Prague,  1884);  Schwab,  Johannes  Gerson  (Wureburg,  1858) ; 
Ma  (won.  Jean  Gerson  (Lyons,  1894);  Salkmbikr.  Petrtis  it 
AUiaco  (Lille,  1886)  ;Tschackert,  Petervon  Ailli  (Gotha.  1877); 
Faoes,  Hist,  de  Saint  Vincent  Fcrrier  (2nd  ed.,  Louvain,  1901). 

Special  Dissertations. — Kneer,  Die  Enlstehung  der  konrUiaren 
Theorie  (Rome,  1893);  Bess,  Studien  t.  Gesch.  des  Konetamer 
Koncils  (1891),  I:  Denifle,  Lts  deUauis  des  universiles  Jran- 
caises  au  Concile  de  Constance  in  Revue  des  BMiothtques  (Paris, 
1892);   also  bis  Desolation  des  eglises,  des  monasteres  et  des 


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Mpttaux  de  France  durant  la  guerre  de  cent  ana  (Paris,  1889); 
Finke,  Forschungen  und  Quellen  tur  Qeschiehte  dee  Kontlamer 
Komils  (Paderbom,  1889);  Idem,  Bilder  vom  Kontlamer  Konzil 
in  the  Almanach  of  the  Bad.  Hist.  Commission  for  1903:  Kep- 
pler.  Die  Politik  dee  Kardinalskollegiums  inKonstam  (Munster, 
1899);  F.  MOlleh,  Der  Kampf  um  die  AutorMt  auf  dem  KomU 
zu  Konstam  (Berlin,  1860);  8iebekino,  Die  Organisation  u. 
Geschatttordnung  des  Costnitzer  KomUs  (Leiprig,  1875),  and 
Stdhh,  Die  Organisation  u.  Ocschaftsordnung  des  Pisaner  u. 
Konst.  KomUs  (Schwerin,  1891);  Trdttuann,  Das  Konklave 
aufdem  KomU  zu  Constam  (Freiburg,  1899). 

Encyclopedia  Articles. — KOpper  in  Kirchenlex.  VII,  978- 
1006:  Voigt-Be88  in  Hadck,  RealencyU.  XI,  30-34;  Zeller  in 
Kirchliches  HanaTexikon  (Munich,  1908),  II,  470  sqq.,  Bau- 
drillakt  in  Diet,  de  thiol,  cath.  (Paris,  1908),  II,  1200-24. 

Thomas  J.  Shahan. 

Constantia,  a  titular  see  of  Arabia  and  suffragan 
of  Bostra.  It  figures  in  Hierocles'  "Synecdemus" 
about  533,  in  the  "Notitise  episeopatuum"  of  Anas- 
tasius  I,  Patriarch  of  Antioch,  in  the  sixth  century, 
and  in  Georgius  Cyprius'  "Descriptio  orb  is  Romani" 
in  the  beginning  of  the  seventh  century.  Two  bish- 
ops only  are  known:  Chilon,  present  at  Constanti- 
nople in  381  (Mansi,  Coll.  Con.,  Ill,  569;  Lequien,  II, 
865,  says  wrongly  at  Nicaea  in  325),  and  Solemus  at 
Chalcedon  in  451  (Mansi,  VII,  168).  Eubel  mentions 
(1, 211)  three  Latin  bishops  of  Constantia  in  Phoenicia 
during  the  fourteenth  century;  this  city  is  otherwise 
unknown  and  may  be  our  Arabian  see.  Waddington 
(Inscriptions  grecques  et  latines  .  .  .  Syrie,  575)  has 
identified  with  much  likelihood  Constantia  with  Brak, 
north  of  Ledja,  in  Trachonitis.  Brak  had  a  special 
era,  and  inscriptions  prove  that  it  had  been  embel- 
lished by  Constantine,  whence  it  took  its  name  Con- 
stantia (also  Constantine,  or  Constantiana).  The 
ruins  are  rather  important.  There  have  recently  set- 
tled on  this  site  some  Circassian  immigrants.  Con- 
stantia in  Arabia  is  not  to  be  confounded  with 
Constantia,  a  suffragan  see  of  Amida  in  Mesopotamia; 
Constantia,  or  Telia,  a  renowned  Jacobite  bishopric 
whose  ruins  are  at  Viran-Shehir,  half-way  between 
Mardin  and  Edessa;  nor  with  Constantia,  orSalamis, 
metropolis  of  Cyprus. 

Revue  biblique  (1898),  VII,  96-100,  283-285. 

S.  Vailhe. 

Constantine,  Pope,  consecrated  25  March,  708;  d. 
9  April,  715;a  Syrian,  the  son  of  John,  and  "a  remark- 
ably affable  man".  The  first  half  of  his  reign  was 
marked  by  a  cruel  famine  in  Rome,  the  second  by  an 
extraordinary  abundance.  For  some  time  he  had 
trouble  with  Felix,  Archbishop  of  Ravenna,  whom  he 
had  himself  consecrated.  Relying  on  the  secular 
power,  the  new  bishop  refused  to  offer  the  pope  due 
obedience.  It  was  only  after  he  had  tasted  of  dire 
misfortune  that  Felix  submitted.  Constantine  re- 
ceived as  pilgrims  two  Anglo-Saxon  kings,  Coenred 
of  Mercia  and  Offa  of  the  East  Saxons.  They  both 
received  the  tonsure  in  Rome  and  embraced  the 
monastic  life.  (Bede,  Hist,  eccl.,  V,  xix,  xx.)  St. 
Egwin,  Bishop  of  Worcester,  went  to  Rome  along 
with  them  and  obtained  from  the  pope  various  privi- 
leges for  his  monastery  of  Evesham.  ("Chron. 
Abbat.  de  Evesham",  in  R.  S.;  "St.  Egwin  and  his 
Abbey  of  Evesham",  London,  1904.)  The  extant 
documents  regarding  this  monastery  which  bear  this 
pope's  name  are  all  spurious.  (They  are  to  be  found 
in  Haddan  and  Stubbs,  "Councils  ,  III,  281.)  But 
his  privilege  for  the  monasteries  of  Bermondsey  and 
Woking  (ibid.,  276)  may  be  genuine. 

In  692  the  Emperor  Justinian  II  had  caused  to 
assemble  the  so-called  Quinisext  or  Trullan  Council. 
At  this  assembly,  which  was  attended  only  by  Greek 
bishops.  102  canons  were  passed,  many  of  which 
established  customs  opposea  to  those  of  Rome.  By 
canon  xiii  the  celibacy  of  the  Greek  secular  clergy 
became  a  thing  of  the  past;  and  by  canon  xxxvi  a 
further  step  was  taken  in  the  direction  of  rendering 
the  Patriarch  of  Constantinople  quite  independent 
of  the  Holy  See.   Justinian  made  every  effort  to 


secure  the  adhesion  of  the  popes  to  these  decrees. 
But  one  after  another  they  all  refused.  At  length  he 
sent  an  order  to  Constantine  to  repair  to  Constanti- 
nople. Leaving  behind  him,  according  to  the  custom 
at  the  time,  the  archpriest,  the  archdeacon,  and  the 
Primicerius,  or  chief  of  the  notaries,  to  govern  the 
Church  in  his  absence,  he  set  sail  for  the  East  (709) 
with  a  number  of  bishops  and  clergy.  Wherever  his 
vessel  touched,  he  was,  by  Justinian's  orders,  received 
with  as  much  honour  as  the  emperor  himself.  He 
entered  Constantinople  in  triumph,  and  at  Justinian's 
request  crossed  over  to  Nicomedia,  where  he  was  then 
residing.  Strange  to  say,  this  cruel  prince  received 
the  pope  with  the  greatest  honour,  prostrating  him- 
sejf  before  him  and  kissing  his  feet.  After  receiving 
Holy  -Communion  at  the  hands  of  the  pope,  he 
renewed  all  the  privileges  of  the  Roman  Church. 
Exactly  what  passed  between  them  on  the  subject  of 
the  Quinisext  Council  is  not  known.  It  would 
appear,  however,  that  Constantine  approved  those 
canons  which  were  not  opposed  to  the  true  Faith  or 
to  sound  morals,  and  that  with  this  qualified  approval 
of  his  council  the  emperor  was  content. 

Soon  after  Constantine 's  return  to  Rome  (Oct., 
711),  Justinian  II  was  dethroned  by  Philippicus 
Bardanes.  The  new  emperor  strove  to  revive 
Monothelism.  and  sent  a  letter  to  the  pope  which  the 
latter  caused  to  be  examined  in  a  synod  and  con- 
demned. Further,  as  the  emperor  burnt  the  Acts 
of  the  Sixth  General  Council,  restored  to  the  diptychs 
the  names  which  that  council  had  caused  to  be 
erased,  re-erected  their  images,  and  removed  the 
representation  of  the  council  which  was  hanging  in 
front  of  the  palace,  the  pope  and  the  people  of  Rome 
placed  in  the  portico  ot  St.  Peter's  a  series  of  repre- 
sentations of  the  six  general  councils,  and  refused  to 
place  the  new  emperor's  name  on  their  charters  or 
their  money.  They  also  declined  to  place  his  statue, 
according  to  custom,  in  the  official  chapel  of  St. 
Csesarius  on  the  Palatine,  the  site  of  which  has  just 
been  discovered  (1907),  or  to  pray  for  him  in  the 
Canon  of  the  Mass.  To  punish  the  Romans  for  these 
daring  measures,  a  new  duke  was  sent  to  Rome,  and 
they  would  no  doubt  have  had  much  to  suffer  but  for 
the  opportune  deposition  of  Philippicus  by  the  or- 
thodox Anastasius  (Whitsun  Eve,  713).  The  new 
emperor  made  haste  to  dispatch  to  Rome,  through 
the  Exarch  Scholasticus,  a  letter  in  which  he  pro- 
fessed his  orthodoxy  and  his  adhesion  to  the  Sixth 
General  Council,  which  had  condemned  Monothelism. 
Constantine  also  received  a  letter  from  John,  the 
Patriarch  of  Constantinople,  acknowledging  that  the 
"apostolical  pre-eminence  of  the  Pope  is  to  the  whole 
Church,  what  the  head  is  to  the  body",  and  that 
"according  to  the  canons  he  is  the  head  of  the 
Christian  priesthood".  John  assured  the  jwpe  that, 
while  co-operating  with  the  Emperor  Philippicus,  he 
had  always  been  orthodox  at  heart,  and  that  the 
decree,  drawn  up  at  the  council  in  which  the  heretical 
emperor  had  hoped  to  re-establish  Monothelism 
(712),  was  really  orthodox  in  sense,  although  not 
apparently  so  in  words.  (See  John's  letter  in  the 
epilogue  of  the  Deacon  Agatho,  in  Mansi,  "Coll. 
Cone",  XII,  192.) 

Among  other  distinguished  men  who  came  to  Rome 
in  the  days  of  Constantine  was  Benedict,  Archbishop 
of  Milan.  He  came  not  only  to  pray  at  the  shrines 
of  the  Apostles,  for  he  was  a  man  of  such  remarkable 
holiness  that  he  was  distinguished  for  it  in  all  Italy 
(Paul  the  Deacon,  Hist.,  VT,  xxix),  but  also  to  discuss 
with  the  pope  as  to  whose  immediate  jurisdiction 
belonged  the  Church  of  Pavia.  At  one  time,  cer- 
tainly in  the  fifth  century,  the  bishops  of  Pavia  were 
subject  to  the  bishops  of  Milan  and  were  consecrated 
by  them.  For  some  reason,  perhaps  because  the 
Lombards  made  Pavia  their  capital,  its  bishops  had 
ceased  to  be  dependent  on  those  of  Milan,  and  had 


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become  directly  subject  to  the  popes.  Accordingly, 
when  it  had  been  proved  to  Benedict  that  for  some 
long  time  at  least  they  had  been  consecrated  at  Rome, 
he  definitely  surrendered  his  claim  to  jurisdiction 
over  them.  The  visit  of  a  pope  to  a  city  at  any  dis- 
tance from  Rome  being  so  comparatively  rare,  the 
people  of  several  places  at  which  Constantine  touched 
in  his  journey  to  and  from  Constantinople  were  only 
too  pleased  to  be  able  to  avail  themselves  of  the  oppor- 
tunity of  getting  him  to  consecrate  a  bishop  for  them. 
It  is  on  record  that  he  consecrated  twelve  in  this  way, 
and,  at  the  customary  times  and  places,  no  less  than 
sixty-four. 

Lot.  vontiftaUu,  ed.  Duchesne,  I,  389;  Mann,  Livee  of  the 
Popes  (London,  St.  Louis,  1902),  I,  pt.  II,  127  sag. 

Horace  k.  Mann. 

Constantino  (Cirta),  Diocese  of  (Constanttn- 
iana),  comprises  the  present  arrondissement  of  Con- 
stantine in  Algeria.  It  was  separated  from  the  Dio- 
cese of  Algiers  25  July,  1866.   A  pontifical  Brief, 


the  BOOB  or  the  Martyrs 


dated  1867,  authorized  its  bishop  to  adopt  the  title 
of  Bishop  of  Constantine  and  Hippo. 

The  city  of  Cirta,  w  hich  took  in  the  fourth  century 
the  name  of  its  resteer,  Constantine,  and  in  which 
this  emperor  built  two  churches,  was  an  episcopal  see 
from  the  second  century  up  to  the  time  of  the  Mussul- 
man invasion.  The  Bishops  Agapius  and  Secundums, 
the  soldier  iEmilianus,  and  the  virgins  Tertulla  ana 
Antonia  were  martyred  there  under  Valerian  (253- 
60).  A  Latin  inscription  cut  in  the  rocks  at  the 
entrance  to  the  Rummel  Pass  (Corpus  Inscriptionum 
Latinarum:  Africa,  7924)  mentions  Sts.  Marian  and 
James  as  martyrs  either  at  Cirta  or  Lambesa  during 
the  same  persecution.  Within  the  territory  now  com- 
prising the  Diocese  of  Constantine  there  were,  in 
the  fifth  century,  195  dioceses,  whose  titles  and  epis- 
copal lists  have  been  published  by  Mgr.  Toulotte, 
among  them  the  Diocese  of  Hippo,  governed  by  St. 
Augustine  in  the  fifth  century.  On  30  August,  1842, 
Mgr.  Dupuch,  Bishop  of  Algiers,  brought  the  right 
arm  of  St.  Augustine  from  Pavia  to  Hippo,  and  the 
anniversary  of  the  translation  of  this  precious  relic 
is  celebrated  annually.  A  new  basilica  erected  on 
the  hill  of  Hippo,  purchased  by  Mgr.  Lavigerie  in 
1880,  was  consecrated  11  March,  1900.  Prior  to  the 
enforcement  of  the  law  of  1901,  there  were  in  the 
diocese  Laxarists,  the  Little  Brothers  of  Mary,  and  the 
White  Fathers ;  at  present  only  the  latter  remain.  In 
1900  the  diocese  contained  2  foundling  asylums,  22 
infant  asylums,  2  boys'  orphanages,  4  girls'  orphan- 
ages, 3  industrial  schools,  2  houses  of  shelter,  13  hos- 
pitals and  hospices,  7  dispensaries,  and  15  houses  of 
religious  who  care  for  the  sick.  At  the  close  of  1905 
(end  of  the  period  under  the  Concordat)  the  diocese 
had  a  population  of  137,041 ;  5  pastorates,  67  succur- 


sal  parishes  (mission  churches),  and  17  curacies  re- 
munerated by  the  State. 

Toulotte,  Gtogr.  de  I'Afrioue  ehrtt.  (Algeria,  1804);  Gseia, 
Observations  lur  Vinscrip.  <Ut  martyr*  de  Constantine  (Algiers, 
1897);  de  Phats,  L'eglise  afrieatne  (Tours,  1894);  Cheva- 
lier, Topo-bM.,  a.  v. 

Geoboes  Goyatj. 

Constantine,  Donation  or.  See  Donation  of 
Constantine. 

Constantine  Africanus,  a  medieval  medical  writer 
and  teacher;  born  c.  1015:  died  e.  1087.  His  name, 
Africanus,  comes  from  the  place  of  his  nativity, 
Carthage  in  Africa.  Early  in  life  he  devoted  himself 
to  the  study  of  medicine,  and  as  was  the  custom  of 
the  times  made  distant  journeys,  some  of  which 
brought  him  into  the  Far  East.  He  became  familiar 
with  the  Oriental  languages  and  studied  Arabian  lit- 
erature very  deeply.  His  studies  in  Arabian  medi- 
cine taught  him  many  things  unknown  to  his  Western 
contemporaries.  On  his  return  to  Carthage  this  led 
to  great  jealousy  on  the  part  of  his  professional 
brethren  and  to  so  much  unpleasantness,  for  he  is 
even  said  to  have  been  accused  of  practising  magic, 
that,  he  gladly  accepted  the  position  of  secretary  to 
Duke  Robert  of  Salerno.  Before  this  he  was,  for  a 
short  time  at  least,  secretary  of  the  Emperor  Con- 
stantine Monomachus  in  Reggio,  a  small  town  near 
Byzantium.  While  in  Salerno  Constantine  became 
a  professor  of  medicine  and  attracted  widespread  at- 
tention. He  remained  but  a  few  years  in  this  posi- 
tion, however,  and  gave  up  his  honours  ana  his 
worldly  goods  to  become  a  Benedictine  in  the  mon- 
astery of  Monte  Cassino.  He  was  received  with 
open  arms  by  the  Abbot  Desiderius,  one  of  the  most 
learned  men  of  the  time,  who  afterwards  became 
Pope  Victor  III.  Nearly  twenty  years  of  Constan- 
tine's  life  were  spent  at  Monte  Cassino.   He  occu- 

Eiedtfaimself  with  the  writing  of  books,  being  stimu- 
ited  thereto  by  Desiderius  who  was  his  most  intimate 
friend.  His  best-known  work  is  the  so-called  "Liber 
Pantegni",  which  is  really  a  translation  of  the 
"Khitaab  el  Maleki"  of  Ali  Ben  el-Abbas.  This 
book  he  dedicated  to  Desiderius.  He  also  wrote 
some  original  works,  but  it  has  been  found  so  diffi- 
cult to  separate  what  is  undoubtedly  genuine  from 
what  came  to  be  attributed  to  him  in  time,  that 
there  is  no  certainty  as  to  his  original  contributions 
to  medicine.  With  Constantine  begins  the  second 
epoch  of  the  Salernitan  School  of  Medicine,  espe- 
cially notable  for  its  translation  of  all  the  great 
writers  on  medicine,  Greek  as  well  as  Arabian,  and 
for  original  work  of  a  high  order.  Many  of  the  dis- 
tinguished professors  of  the  twelfth  century  at  Sa- 
lerno were  proud  to  proclaim  Constantine  as  their 
master.  Of  the  many  editions  of  his  works  the  chief 
is  that  of  Basle  (in  fol.,  1536). 

Steinschneider,  Const.  Afr,  und  seine  arabisehen  QueUen 
in  VirehowArchh,  XXXVII;  Paoel  in  Puschmann,  Oeeah. 
d.  Med..  I;  Deutsche*  Archie  f.  Oeseh.  d.  Med..  1879. 

James  J.  Walsh. 

Constantine  the  Great. — His  coins  give  his  name 
as  M.,  or  more  frequently  as  C,  Flavius  Valerius  Con- 
stantinus.  He  was  born  at  Naissus,  now  Nisch  in 
Servia,  the  son  of  a  Roman  officer,  Constantius,  who 
later  became  Roman  Emperor,  and  St.  Helena,  a 
woman  of  humble  extraction  but  remarkable  charac- 
ter and  unusual  ability.  The  date  of  his  birth  is  not 
certain,  being  given  as  early  as  275  (Schiller)  and 
as  late  as  288  (Otto  Seeck).  After  his  father's 
elevation  to  the  dignity  of  Csesar  we  find  him  at  the 
court  of  Diocletian  and  later  (305)  righting  under 
Galerius  on  the  Danube.  When,  on  the  resignation  of 
Diocletian  and  Maximian  (305),  his  father  Con- 
stantius was  made  Augustus,  the  new  Emperor  of  the 
West  asked  Galerius,  the  Eastern  Emperor,  to  let  Con- 
stantine, whom  he  had  not  seen  for  a  long  time,  return 


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to  his  father's  court.  This  was  reluctantly  granted. 
Constantino  Joined  his  father,  under  whom  he  had  just 
time  to  distinguish  himself  in  Britain  before  death 
carried  off  Constantius  (25  July,  306).  Constantine 
was  immediately  proclaimed  Caesar  by  his  troops,  and 
hia  title  was  acknowledged  by  Galerius  somewhat  hesi- 
tatingly. This  event  was  the  first  break  in  Diocle- 
tian's scheme  of  a  four-headed  empire  (tetrarchy)  and 
was  soon  followed  by  the  proclamation  m  Rome  of 
Maxentius,  the  son  of  Maximian,  a  tyrant  and  profli- 
gate, as  Caesar,  October,  306. 

During  the  wars  between  Maxentius  and  the  Em- 
perors Severus  and  Galerius,  Constantine  remained 
inactive  in  his  provinces.  The  attempt  which  the  old 
Emperors  Diocletian  and  Maximian  made,  at  Car- 
men turn  in  307,  to  restore  order  in  the  empire^  having 
failed,  the  promotion  of  Licinius  to  the  position  of 
Augustus,  the  assumption  of  the  imperial  title  by 
Maximums  Daia,  and  Maxentius'  claim  to  be  sole  em- 
peror (April,  308),  led  to  the  proclamation  of  Constan- 
tine as  Augustus.  Constantine,  having  the  most  effi- 
cient army,  was  acknowledged  as  such-  by  Galerius, 
who  was  fighting  against  Maximinus  in  the  East,  as 
well  as  by  Licinius. 

So  far  Constantine,  who  was  at  this  time  defending 
his  own  frontier  against  the  Germans,  had  taken  no 
part  in  the  quarrels  of  the  other  claimants  to  the 
throne.  But  when,  in  311,  Galerius,  the  eldest  Au- 
gustus and  the  most  violent  persecutor  of  the  Chris- 
tians, had  died  a  miserable  death,  after  cancelling  his 
edicts  against  the  Christians,  and  when  Maxentius, 
after  throwing  down  Const  an  tine's  statues,  proclaimed 
him  a  tyrant,  the  latter  saw  that  war  was  inevitable. 
Though  his  army  was  far  inferior  to  that  of  Maxentius, 
numbering  according  to  various  statements  from 
25,000  to  100,000  men,  while  Maxentius  disposed  of 
fully  190,000,  he  did  not  hesitate  to  march  rapidly 
into  Italy  (spring  of  312).  After  storming  Susa  and 
almost  annihilating  a  powerful  army  near  Turifc,  he 
continued  his  march  southward.  At  Verona  he  met  a 
hostile  army  under  the  prefect  of  Maxentius'  guard, 
Ruricius,  who  shut  himself  up  in  the  fortress.  While 
besieging  the  city  Constantine,  with  a  detachment  of 
his  army,  boldly  assailed  a  fresh  force  of  the  enemy 
coming  to  the  relief  of  the  besieged  fortress  and  com- 
pletely defeated  it.  The  surrender  of  Verona  was  the 
consequence.  In  spite  of  the  overwhelming  numbers 
of  his  enemy  (Seeck  reckons  Maxentius'  army  at  100,- 
000  against  20,000  in  Constantine's  army)  the  em- 
peror confidently  marched  forward  to  Rome.  A 
vision  had  assured  him  that  he  should  conquer  in  the 
sign  of  the  Christ,  and  his  warriors  carried  Christ's 
monogram  on  their  shields,  though  the  majority  of 
them  were  pagans.  The  opposing  forces  met  near  the 
bridge  over  the  Tiber  called  the  Milvian  Bridge,  and 
here  Maxentius*  troops  suffered  a  complete  defeat,  the 
tyrant  himself  losing  his  life  in  the  Tiber  (28  October, 

312)  .  Of  his  gratitude  to  the  God  of  the  Christians  the 
victor  immediately  gave  convincing  proof;  the  Chris- 
tian worship  was  henceforth  tolerated  throughout  the 
empire  (Edict  of  Milan,  early  in  313).  His  enemies 
he  treated  with  the  greatest  magnanimity;  no  bloody 
executions  followed  the  victory  of  the  Milvian  Bridge. 
Constantine  stayed  in  Rome  but  a  short  time  after  his 
victory.  Proceeding  to  Milan  (end  of  312,  or  begin- 
ning of  313)  he  met  nis  colleague  the  Augustus  Licin- 
ius, married  his  sister  to  him,  secured  his  protection 
for  the  Christians  in  the  East,  and  promised  him  sup- 
port against  Maximinus  Daia.  The  last,  a  bigoted 
pagan  and  a  cruel  tyrant,  who  persecuted  the  Chris- 
tians even  after  Galerius'  death,  was  now  defeated  by 
Licinius,  whose  soldiers,  by  his  orders,  had  invoked 
the  God  of  the  Christians  on  the  battle-field  (30  April, 

313)  .  Maximinus,  in  his  turn,  implored  the  God  of  the 
Christians,  but  died  of  a  painful  disease  in  the  follow- 
ing autumn. 

Of  all  Diocletian's  tetrarchs  Licinius  was  now  the 


only  survivor.  His  treachery  soon  compelled  Con- 
stantine to  make  war  on  him.  Pushing  forward  with 
his  wonted  impetuosity,  the  emperor  struck  him  a  de- 
cisive blow  at  Cibate  (8  October,  314).  But  Licinius 
was  able  to  recover  himself,  and  the  battle  fought  be- 
tween the  two  rivals  at  Castra  Jarba  (November,  314) 
left  the  two  armies  in  such  a  position  that  both  parties 
thought  it  best  to  make  peace.  For  ten  years  the 
peace  lasted,  but  when,  about  322,  Licinius,  not  con- 
tent with  openly  professing  paganism,  began  to  perse- 
cute the  Christians,  while  at  the  same  time  he  treated 
with  contempt  Constantine's  undoubted  rights  and 
privileges,  the  outbreak  of  war  was  certain,  and  Con- 
stantine gathered  an  army  of  125,000  infantry  and 
10,000  cavalry,  besides  a  fleet  of  200  vessels  to  gain 
control  of  the  Bosporus.  Licinius,  on  the  other 
hand,  by  leaving  the  eastern  boundaries  of  the  empire 
undefended  succeeded  in  collecting  an  even  more 
numerous  army, 
made  up  of  150,- 
000  infantry  and 
15,000  cavalry, 
while  his  fleet  con- 
sisted of  no  fewer 
than  350  ships. 
The  opposing 
armies  met  at 
Adrianople,3  July, 
324,  ana  Constan- 
tine's well  discip- 
lined troops  de- 
feated and  put  to 
flight  the  less  dis- 
ciplined forces  of 
Licinius.  Licinius 
strengthened  the 
garrison  of  Byzan- 
tium so  that  an  at- 
tack seemed  likely 
to  result  in  failure, 
and  the  only  hope 
of  taking  the  for- 
tress lay  m  a  block- 
ade and  famine. 
This  required  the 
assistance  of  Constantine's  fleet,  but  his  opponent's 
ships  barred  the  way.  A  sea  fight  at  the  entrance  to  the 
Dardanelles  was  indecisive,  and  Constantine's  detach- 
ment retired  to  Elains,  where  it  joined  the  bulk  of  hia 
fleet.  When  the  fleet  of  the  Licinian  admiral  Abantus 
pursued  on  the  following  day,  it  was  overtaken  by  a 
violent  storm  which  destroyed  130  ships  and  5000 
men.  Constantine  crossed  the  Bosporus,  leaving  a 
sufficient  corps  to  maintain  the  blockade  of  Byzan- 
tium, and  overtook  his  opponent's  main  body  at 
Chrysopolis,  near  Chalcedon.  Again  he  inflicted  on 
him  a  crushing  defeat,  killing  25,000  men  and  scatter- 
ing the  greater  part  of  the  remainder.  Licinius  with 
30,000  men  escaped  to  Nicomedia.  But  he  now  saw 
that  further  resistance  was  useless.  He  surrendered 
at  discretion,  and  his  noble-hearted  conqueror  spared 
his  life.  But  when,  in  the  following  year  (325),  Licin- 
ius renewed  his  treacherous  practices  he  was  con- 
demned to  death  by  the  Roman  Senate  and  executed. 

Henceforth,  Constantine  was  sole  master  of  the 
Roman  Empire.  Shortly  after  the  defeat  of  Licinius, 
Constantine  determined  to  make  Constantinople  the 
future  capital  ot  the  empire,  and  with  his  usual  energy 
he  took  every  measure  to  enlarge,  strengthen,  and 
beautify  it.  For  the  next  ten  years  of  his  reign  he  de- 
voted himself  to  promoting  the  moral,  political,  and 
economical  welfare  of  his  possessions  and  made  dis- 
positions for  the  future  government  of  the  empire. 
While  he  placed  his  nephews,  Dalmatius  and  Hanni- 
balianus  in  charge  of  lesser  provinces,  he  designated 
his  sons  Constantius,  Constantine,  and  Cons  tang  as  the 
future  rulers  of  the  empire.   Not  long  before  his  end, 


Ehpkbor  Constant™*,  Rous 


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the  hostile  movement  of  the  Persian  king,  Shapur, 
again  summoned  him  into  the  field.  When  he  was 
about  to  march  against  the  enemy  he  was  seized  with 
an  illness  01  which  he  died  in  May,  337,  after  receiving 
baptism. 

Charles  O.  Herbermann. 

Historical  Appreciation. — Cons  tan  tine  can  right- 
fully claim  the  title  of  Great,  for  he  turned  the  history 
of  the  world  into  a  new  course  and  made  Christianity, 
which  until  then  had  suffered  bloody  persecution,  the 
religion  of  the  State.  It  is  true  that  the  deeper  reasons 
for  this  change  are  to  be  found  in  the  religious  move- 
ment of  the  time,  but  these  reasons  were  hardly  im- 
perative, as  the  Christians  formed  only  a  small  portion 
of  the  population,  being  a  fifth  part  in  the  West  and 
the  half  of  the  population  in  a  large  section  of  the 
East.  Constantme's  decision  depended  less  on  general 
conditions  than  on  a  personal  act;  his  personality, 
therefore,  deserves  careful  consideration. 

Long  before  this,  belief  in  the  old  polytheism  had 
been  shaken;  in  more  stolid  natures,  as  Diocletian,  it 
showed  its  strength  only  in  the  form  of  superstition, 
magic,  and  divination.  The  world  was  fully  ripe  for 
monotheism  or  its  modified  form,  henotheism,  but 
this  monotheism  offered  itself  in  varied  guises,  under 
the  forms  of  various  Oriental  religions:  in  the  worship 
of  the  sun,  in  the  veneration  of  Mithras,  in  Judaism, 
and  in  Christianity.  Whoever  wished  to  avoid  mak- 
ing a  violent  break  with  the  past  and  his  surroundings 
sought  out  some  Oriental  form  of  worship  which  did 
not  demand  from  him  too  severe  a  sacrifice:  in  such 
cases  Christianity  naturally  came  last.  Probably 
many  of  the  more  noble-minded  recognized  the  truth 
contained  in  Judaism  and  Christianity,  but  believed 
that  they  could  appropriate  it  without  being  obliged 
on  that  account  to  renounce  the  beauty  of  other  wor- 
ships. Such  a  man  was  the  Emperor  Alexander 
Severus;  another  thus  minded  was  Aurelian,  whose 
opinions  were  confirmed  by  Christians  like  Paul  of 
Samosata.  Not  only  Gnostics  and  other  heretics,  but 
Christians  who  considered  themselves  faithful,  held  in 
a  measure  to  the  worship  of  the  sun.  Leo  the  Great 
in  his  day  says  that  it  was  the  custom  of  many  Chris- 
tians to  stand  on  the  steps  of  the  church  of  St.  Peter 
and  pay  homage  to  the  sun  by  obeisance  and  prayers 
(cf.  Euseb.  Alexand.  in  Mai,  "Nov.  Patr.  Bibl.", 
II,  523;  Augustine,  "Enarratio  in  Ps.  x";  Leo  I, 
Semi,  xxvi;  Grupp,  "  Kulturgeschichte  der  romi- 
schen  Kaiserzeit",  II,  130,  317,  348).  When  such 
conditions  prevailed  it  is  easy  to  understand  that 
many  of  the  emperors  yielded  to  the  delusion  that 
they  could  unite  all  their  subjects  in  the  adoration  of 
the  one  sun-god  who  combined  in  himself  the  Father- 
God  of  the  Christians  and  the  much-worshipped 
Mithras;  thus  the  empire  could  be  founded  anew  on 
unity  of  religion.  Even  Constantine,  as  will  be 
shown  farther  on,  for  a  time  cherished  this  mistaken 
belief.  It  looks  almost  as  though  the  last  persecu- 
tions of  the  Christians  were  directed  more  against  all 
irreconcilables  and  extremists  than  against  the  great 
body  of  Christians.  The  policy  of  the  emperors  was 
not  a  consistent  one;  Diocletian  was  at  first  friendly 
towards  Christianity;  even  its  grimmest  foe,  Julian, 
wavered.  Caesar  Constantius,  Constantine's  father, 
protected  the  Christians  during  a  most  cruel  per- 
secution. 

Constantine  grew  up  under  the  influence  of  his 
father's  ideas.  He  was  the  son  of  Constantius 
Chlorus  by  his  first,  informal  marriage,  called  concur- 
binatua,  with  Helena,  a  woman  of  inferior  birth.  For 
a  short  time  Constantine  had  been  compelled  to  stay 
at  the  court  of  Galerius,  and  had  evidently  not  re- 
ceived a  good  impression  from  his  surroundings  there. 
When  Diocletian  retired,  Constantius  advanced  from 
the  position  of  Caesar  to  that  of  Augustus,  and  the 
army,  against  the  wishes  of  the  other  emperors,  raised 


the  young  Constantine  to  the  vacant  position.  Right 
here  was  seen  at  once  how  unsuccessful  would  be  the 
artificial  system  of  division  of  the  empire  and  succes- 
sion to  the  throne  by  which  Diocletian  sought  to  frus- 
trate the  overweening  power  of  the  Praetorian  Guard. 
Diocletian's  personality  is  full  of  contradictions;  he 
was  just  as  crude  in  his  religious  feelings  as  he  was 
shrewd  and  far-seeing  in  state  affairs;  a  man  of  auto- 
cratic nature,  but  one  who,  under  certain  circum-  . 
stances,  voluntarily  set  bounds  to  himself.  He  began 
a  reconstruction  of  the  empire,  which  Constantine 
completed.  The  existence  of  the  empire  was  threat- 
ened by  many  serious  evils,  the  lack  of  national  and 
religious  unity,  its  financial  and  military  weakness. 
Consequently  the  system  of  taxation  had  to  be  ac- 
commodated to  the  revived  economic  barter  system. 
The  taxes  bore  most  heavily  on  the  peasants,  the  peas- 
ant communities,  and  the  landed  proprietors;  in- 
creasingly heavy  compulsory  service  was  also  laid  on 
those  engaged  m  industrial  pursuits,  and  they  were 
therefore  combined  into  state  guilds.  The  army  was 
strengthened,  the  troops  on  the  frontier  being  increased 
to  360,000  men.  In  addition,  the  tribes  living  on  the 
frontiers  were  taken  into  the  pay  of  the  State  as  allies, 
many  cities  were  fortified,  and  new  fortresses  and  gar- 
risons were  established,  bringing  soldiers  and  civilians 
more  into  contact,  contrary  to  the  old  Roman  axiom. 
When  a  frontier  was  endangered  the  household  troops 
took  the  field.  This  body  of  soldiers,  known  as  pala- 
tini, comitatenses,  which  had  taken  the  place  of  the 
Praetorian  Guard,  numbered  not  quite  200,000  men 
(sometimes  given  as  194,600).  A  good  postal  service 
maintained  constant  communication  between  the  dif- 
ferent parts  of  the  empire.  The  civil  and  military 
administration  were,  perhaps,  somewhat  more  sharply 
divided  than  before,  Dut  an  equally  increased  impor- 
tance was  laid  on  the  military  capacity  of  all  state  offi- 
cials. Service  at  court  was  termed  militia,  "  military 
service".  Overall,  like  to  a  god,  was  enthroned  the 
emperor,  and  the  imperial  dignity  was  surrounded  by 
a  halo,  asacredness,  a  ceremonial,  which  was  borrowed 
from  the  Oriental  theocracies.  The  East  from  the 
earliest  times  had  been  a  favourable  soil  for  theo- 
cratic government;  each  ruler  was  believed  by  his 
people  to  be  in  direct  communication  with  the  god- 
head, and  the  law  of  the  State  was  regarded  as  re- 
vealed law.  In  the  same  manner  the  emperors  al- 
lowed themselves  to  be  venerated  as  holy  oracles  and 
deities,  and  everything  connected  with  them  was 
called  sacred.  Instead  of  imperial,  the  word  tacred 
had  now  always  to  be  used.  A  large  court-retinue, 
elaborate  court-ceremonials,  and  an  ostentatious 
court-costume  made  access  to  the  emperor  more  diffi- 
cult. Whoever  wished  to  approach  the  head  of  the 
State  must  first  pass  through  many  ante-rooms  and 
prostrate  himself  before  the  emperor  as  before  a  divin- 
ity. As  the  old  Roman  population  had  no  liking  for 
such  ceremonial,  the  emperors  showed  a  constantly 
increasing  preference  for  the  East,  where  monotheism 
held  almost  undisputed  sway,  and  where,  besides, 
economic  conditions  were  better.  Rome  was  no 
longer  able  to  control  the  whole  of  the  great  empire 
with  its  peculiar  civilizations.  _ 

In  all  directions  new  and  vigorous  national  forces 
began  to  show  themselves.  Only  two  policies  were 
possible:  either  to  give  way  to  the  various  national 
movements,  or  to  take  a  firm  stand  on  the  founda- 
tion of  antiquity,  to  revive  old  Roman  principles, 
the  ancient  military  severity,  and  the  patriotism 
of  Old  Rome.  Several  emperors  had  tried  to  follow 
this  latter  course,  but  in  vain.  It  was  just  as  impos- 
sible to  bring  men  back  to  the  old  simplicity  as  to 
make  them  return  to  the  old  pagan  beliefs  and  to  the 
national  form  of  worship.  Consequently,  the  empire 
had  to  identify  itself  with  the  progressive  movement, 
employ  as  far  as  possible  the  existing  resources  of 
national  life,  exercise  tolerance,  make  concessions  to 


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the  new  religious  tendencies,  and  receive  the 
Germanic  tribes  into  the  empire.  This  conviction 
constantly  spread,  especially  as  Constantine's  father 
had  obtained  good  results  therefrom.  In  Gaul,  Brit- 
ain, and  Spain,  where  Constantius  Chlorus  ruled, 
peace  and  contentment  prevailed,  and  the  prosperity 
of  the  provinces  visibly  increased,  while  in  the  East 
prosperity  was  undermined  by  the  existing  confusion 
and  instability.    But  it  was  especially  in  the  western 

Sart  of  the  empire  that  the  veneration  of  Mithras  pre- 
ominated.  Would  it  not  be  possible  to  gather  all 
the  different  nationalities  around  his  altars?  Could 
not  Sol  Dens  Invictus,  to  whom  even  Constantine  dedi- 
cated his  coins  for  a  long  time,  or  Sol  Mithras  Dens  In- 
victus, venerated  by  Diocletian  and  Galerius,  become 
the  supreme  god  of  the  empire?  Constantine  may 
have  pondered  over  this.  Nor  had  he  absolutely 
rejected  the  thought  even  after  a  miraculous  event 
had  strongly  influenced  him  in  favour  of  the  God  of 
the  Christians. 

In  deciding  for  Christianity  he  was  no  doubt  also 
influenced  by  reasons  of  conscience — reasons  resulting 
from  the  impression  made  on  every  unprejudiced  per- 
son both  by  the  Christians  and  by  the  moral  force  of 
Christianity,  and  from  the  practical  knowledge  which 
the  emperors  had  of  the  Christian  military  officers  and 
state  officials.  These  reasons  are,  however,  not  men- 
tioned in  history,  which  gives  the  chief  prominence  to 
a  miraculous  event.  Before  Constantine  advanced 
against  his  rival  Maxentius,  according  to  ancient  cus- 
tom he  summoned  the  haruspices,  who  prophesied  dis- 
aster; so  reports  a  pagan  panegyrist.  But  when  the 
gods  would  not  aid  him,  continues  this  writer,  one 
particular  god  urged  him  on,  for  Constantine  had 
close  relations  with  the  divinity  itself.  Under  what 
form  this  connexion  with  the  deity  manifested  itself 
is  told  by  Lactantius  (De  mort.  persec.,  ch.  xliv)  and 
Eusebius  (Vita  Const.,  I,  xxvi-xxxi).  He  saw,  accord- 
ing to  the  one  in  a  dream,  according  to  the  other  in  a 
vision,  a  heavenly  manifestation,  a  brilliant  light  in 
which  he  believed  he  descried  the  cross  or  the  mono- 
gram of  Christ.  Strengthened  by  this  apparition,  he 
advanced  courageously  to  battle,  defeated  his  rival, 
and  won  the  supreme  power.  It  was  the  result  that 
gave  to  this  vision  its  full  importance,  for  when  the 
emperor  afterwards  reflected  on  the  event  it  was  clear 
to  him  that  the  cross  bore  the  inscription:  hoc  vinces 
(in  this  sign  wilt  thou  conquer).  A  monogram  com- 
bining the  first  letters,  X  and  P,  of  the  name  of  Christ 
(XVI2T02),  a  form  that  cannot  be  proved  to  have 
been  used  by  Christians  before,  was  made  one  of  the 
tokens  of  the  standard  and  placed  upon  the  Labarum 
(a.  v.).  In  addition,  this  ensign  was  placed  in  the  hand 
of  a  statue  of  the  emperor  at  Rome,  the  pedestal  of 
which  bore  the  inscription:  "By  the  aid  of  this  salutary 
token  of  strength  I  have  freed  my  city  from  the  yoke  of 
tyranny  and  restored  to  the  Roman  Senate  and  People 
tne  ancient  splendour  and  glory. "  Directly  after  nis 
victory  Constantine  granted  tolerance  to  the  Christians 
and  next  year  (313)  took  a  further  step  in  their  favour. 
In  313  Licinius  and  he  issued  at  Milan  the  famous 
joint  edict  of  tolerance.  This  declared  that  the  two 
emperors  had  deliberated  as  to  what  would  be  advan- 
tageous for  the  security  and  welfare  of  the  empire  and 
had,  above  all,  taken  into  consideration  the  service 
which  man  owed  to  the  "  deity' '.  Therefore  they  had 
decided  to  grant  Christians  and  all  others  freedom  in 
the  exercise  of  religion.  Everyone  might  follow  that 
religion  which  he  considered  the  best.  They  hoped 
that  "the  deity  enthroned  in  heaven"  would  grant 
favour  and  protection  to  the  emperors  and  their  sub- 
jects. This  was  in  itself  quite  enough  to  throw  the 
pagans  into  the  greatest  astonishment.  When  the 
wording  of  the  edict  is  carefully  examined  there  is 
clear  evidence  of  an  effort  to  express  the  new  thought 
in  a  manner  too  unmistakable  to  leave  any  doubt. 
The  edict  contains  more  than  the  belief,  to  which 


Galerius  at  the  end  had  given  voice,  that  the  persecu- 
tions were  useless,  and  it  granted  tne  Christians  free- 
dom of  worship,  while  at  the  same  time  it  endeavoured 
not  to  affront  the  pagans.  Without  doubt  the  term 
deity  was  deliberately  chosen,  for  it  does  not  exclude  a 
heathen  interpretation.  The  cautious  expression 
probably  originated  in  the  imperial  chancery,  where 

{>agan  conceptions  and  pagan  forms  of  expression  still 
as  ted  for  a  long  time.  Nevertheless  the  change  from 
the  bloody  persecution  of  Christianity  .to  the  tolera- 
tion of  it,  a  step  which  implied  its  recognition,  may 
have  startled  many  heathens  and  may  have  excited  in 
them  the  same  astonishment  that  a  German  would  feel 
if  an  emperor  who  was  a  Social  Democrat  were  to 
seize  the  reins  of  government.  The  foundations  of  the 
State  would  seem  to  such  a  one  to  rock.  The  Chris- 
tians also  may  have  been  taken  aback.  Before  this, 
it  is  true,  it  had  occurred  to  Melito  of  Sardes  (Euse- 


Arch  of  Constantine,  Rome 

bius,  Hist.  Eccl.,  IV,  xxxiii)  that  the  emperor  might 
some  day  become  a  Christian,  but  Tertullian  had 
thought  otherwise,  and  had  written  (Apol.,  xxi)  the 
memorable  sentence:  "Sed  et  C&sares  credidissent 
super  Chris  to,  si  aut  Cseaares  non  essent  steculo  neces- 
sarii,  aut  si  et  Christiani  potuissent  esse  Creeares" 
(But  the  Cassars  also  would  nave  believed  in  Christ,  if 
either  the  Caesars  had  not  been  necessary  to  the  world 
orif  Christians  too  could  have  been  Caesars).  The  same 
opinion  was  held  by  St.  Justin  (I,  xii;  II,  xv).  That 
the  empire  should  become  Christian  seemed  to  Justin 
and  many  others  an  impossibility,  and  they  were  just 
as  little  in  the  wrong  as  the  optimists  were  in  the  right. 
At  all  events,  a  happy  day  now  dawned  for  the  Chris- 
tians. They  must  nave  felt  as  did  the  persecuted  in 
the  time  of  the  French  Revolution  when  Robespierre 
finally  fell  and  the  Reign  of  Terror  was  over.  The 
feeling  of  emancipation  from  danger  is  touchingly  ex- 
pressed in  the  treatise  ascribed  to  Lactantius  (De 
mortibus  persecut.,  in  P.  L.,  VII,  52),  concerning  the 
ways  in  which  death  overtook  the  persecutors.  It 
says:  "We  should  now  give  thanks  to  the  Lord,  Who 
has  gathered  together  the  flock  that  was  devastated 
by  ravening  wolves,  Who  has  exterminated  the  wild 
beasts  which  drove  it  from  the  pasture.  Where  is 
now  the  swarming  multitude  of  our  enemies,  where 
the  hangmen  of  Diocletian  and  Maximian?  God  has 
swept  them  from  the  earth ;  let  us  therefore  celebrate 
His  triumph  with  joy;  let  us  observe  the  victory  of 
the  Lord  with  songs  of  praise,  and  honour  Him  with 
prayer  day  and  night,  so  that  the  peace  which  we  have 
received  again  after  ten  years  of  misery  may  be  pre- 
served to  us."  The  imprisoned  Christians  were  re- 
leased from  the  prisons  and  mines,  and  were  received 
by  their  brethren  in  the  Faith  with  acclamations  of 
joy;  the  churches  were  again  filled,  and  those  who 
had  fallen  away  sought  forgiveness. 


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For  a  time  it  seemed  as  if  merely  tolerance  and 
equality  were  to  prevail.  Constantine  showed  equal 
favour  to  both  religious.  As  pontifex  maxim  us  he 
watched  over  the  heathen  worship  and  protected  its 
rights.  The  one  thing  he  did  was  to  suppress  divina- 
tion and  magic;  this  the  heathen  emperors  had  also  at 
times  sought  to  do.  Thus,  in  320,  the  emperor  for- 
bade the  diviners  or  haruspices  to  enter  a  private 
house  under  pain  of  death.  Whoever  by  entreaty  or 
promise  of  payment  persuaded  a  haruspex  to  break 
this  law,  that  man's  property  should  be  confiscated 
and  he  himself  should  be  burned  to  death.  Informers 
were  to  be  rewarded.  Whoever  desired  to  practise 
heathen  usages  must  do  so  openly.  He  must  go  to 
the  public  altars  and  sacred  places,  and  there  observe 
traditional  forms  of  worship.  "We  do  not  forbid", 
said  the  emperor,  "the  observance  of  the  old  usages 
in  the  light  of  day."  And  in  an  ordinance  of  the  same 
year,  intended  for  the  Roman  city  prefects,  Constan- 
tine directed  that  if  lightning  struck  an  imperial  pal- 
ace, or  a  public  building,  the  haruspices  were  to  seek 
out  according  to  ancient  custom  what  the  sign  might 
signify,  and  their  interpretation  was  to  be  written 
down  and  reported  to  the  emperor.  It  was  also  per- 
mitted to  private  individuals  to  make  use  of  this  old 
custom,  but  in  following  this  observance  they  must 
abstain  from  the  forbidden  mcrificia  domestica.  A 

general  prohibition  of  the  family  sacrifice  cannot  be 
educed  from  this,  although  in  341  Constantine 's  son 
Constantius  refers  to  such  an  interdict  by  his  father 
(Cod.  Theod.,  XVI,  x,  2).  A  prohibition  of  this  kind 
would  have  had  the  most  severe  and  far-reaching 
results,  for  most  sacrifices  were  private  ones.  And 
how  could  it  have  been  carried  out  while  public 
sacrifices  were  still  customary?  In  the  dedication  of 
Constantinople  in  330  a  ceremonial  half  pagan,  half 
Christian  was  used.  The  chariot  of  the  sun-god  was 
set  in  the  market-place,  and  over  its  head  was  placed 
the  Cross  of  Christ,  while  the  Kyrie  Eleison  was 
sung.  Shortly  before  his  death  Constantine  con- 
firmed the  privileges  of  the  priests  of  the  ancient  gods. 
Many  other  actions  of  his  have  also  {he  appearance  of 
half-measures,  as  if  he  himself  had  wavered  and  had 
always  held  in  reality  to  some  form  of  syncretistic 
religion.  Thus  he  commanded  the  heathen  troops  to 
make  use  of  a  prayer  in  which  any  monotheist  could 
join,  and  which  ran  thus:  "We  acknowledge  thee 
alone  as  god  and  king,  we  call  upon  thee  as  our  helper. 
From  thee  have  we  received  the  victory,  by  thee  have 
we  overcome  the  foe.  To  thee  we  owe  that  good 
which  we  have  received  up  to  now,  from  thee  do  we 
hope  for  it  in  the  future.  To  thee  we  offer  our  en- 
treaties and  implore  thee  that  thou  wilt  preserve  to  us 
our  emperor  Constantine  and  his  god-fearingsons  for 
many  years  uninjured  and  victorious."  The  em- 
peror went  at  least  one  step  further  when  he  with- 
drew his  statue  from  the  pagan  temples,  forbade  the 
repair  of  temples  that  had  fallen  into  decay,  and  sup- 
pressed offensive  forms  of  worship.  But  these  meas- 
ures did  not  go  beyond  the  syncretistic  tendency 
which  Constantine  had  shown  for  a  long  time.  Yet 
he  must  have  perceived  more  and  more  clearly  that 
syncretism  was  impossible. 

In  the  same  way  religious  freedom  and  tolerance 
could  not  continue  as  a  form  of  equality;  the  age  was 
not  ready  for  such  a  conception.  It  is  true  that 
Christian  writers  defended  religious  liberty;  thus  Ter- 
tullian  said  that  religion  forbids  religious  compulsion 
(Non  est  religionis  cogere  religionem  quae  sponte  sus- 
cipi  debet  non  vi. — "Ad  Scapulam",  near  the  close); 
and  Lactantius,  moreover,  declared:  "In  order  to  de- 
fend religion  man  must  be  willing  to  die,  but  not  to 
loll."  Origen  also  took  up  the  cause  of  freedom. 
Most  probably  oppression  and  persecution  had  made 
men  realize  that  to  have  one's  way  of  thinking,  one's 
conception  of  the  world  and  of  life,  dictated  to  him 
was  a  mischief- working  compulsion.   In  contrast  to  the 


smotnenng  violence  of  the  ancient  State,  and  to  the 
power  and  custom  of  public  opinion,  the  Christiana 
were  the  defenders  of  freedom,  but  not  of  individual 
subjective  freedom,  nor  of  freedom  of  conscience  as 
understood  to-day.  And  even  if  the  Church  had  rec- 
ognized this  form  of  freedom,  the  State  could  not 
have  remained  tolerant.  Without  realizing  the  full 
import  of  his  actions,  Constantine  granted  the  Church 
one  privilege  after  another.  As  early  as  313  the 
Church  obtained  immunity  for  its  ecclesiastics,  in- 
cluding freedom  from  taxation  and  compulsory  serv- 
ice, and  from  obligatory  state  offices — such  for  ex- 
ample as  the  curial  dignity,  which  was  a  heavy  bur- 
den. The  Church  further  obtained  the  right  to  in- 
herit property,  and  Constantine  moreover  placed  Sun- 
day under  the  protection  of  the  State.  It  is  true  that 
the  believers  in  Mithras  also  observed  Sunday  as  well 
as  Christmas.  Consequently  Constantine  speaks  not 
of  the  day  of  the  Lord,  but  of  the  everlasting  day  of 
the  sun.  According  to  Eusebius,  the  heathen  also 
were  obliged  on  this  day  to  (go  out  into  the  open  coun- 
try and  together  raise  their  hands  and  repeat  the 
prayer  already  mentioned,  a  prayer  without  any 
marked  Christian  character  (Vita  Const.,  IV,  xx). 
The  emperor  granted  many  privileges  to  the  Church 
for  the  reason  that  it  took  care  of  the  poor  and  was 
active  in  benevolence.  Perhaps  he  showed  his  Chris- 
tian tendencies  most  pronouncedly  in  removing  the 
legal  disabilities  which,  since  the  time  of  Augustus, 
had  rested  on  celibacy,  leaving  in  existence  only  the 
leges  decimarias,  and  in  recognizing  an  extensive  ec- 
clesiastical jurisdiction.  But  it  should  not  be  for- 
gotten that  the  Jewish  communities  had  also  their  own 
jurisdiction,  exemptions,  and  immunities,  even  if  in  a 
more  limited  degree.  A  law  of  318  denied  the  com- 
petence of  civil  courts  if  in  a  suit  an  appeal  was  made 
to  the  court  of  a  Christian  bishop.  Even  after  a  suit 
had  begun  before  the  civil  court,  it  would  still  be  per- 
missible for  one  of  the  parties  to  transfer  it  to  the 
bishop's  court.  If  both  parties  had  been  granted  a 
legal  hearing,  the  decision  of  the  bishop  was  to  be  bind- 
ing. A  law  of  333  commanded  the  state  officials  to 
enforce  the  decisions  of  the  bishops ;  a  bishop's  testi- 
mony should  be  considered  sufficient  by  all  judges, 
and  no  witness  was  to  be  summoned  after  a  bishop 
had  testified.  These  concessions  were  so  far-reaching 
that  the  Church  itself  felt  the  great  increase  of  its 
jurisdiction  as  a  constraint.  Later  emperors  limited 
this  jurisdiction  to  cases  of  voluntary  submission  by 
both  parties  to  the  episcopal  court. 

Constantine  did  much  for  children,  slaves,  and 
women,  those  weaker  members  of  society  whom  the 
old  Roman  law  had  treated  harshly.  But  in  this  he 
only  continued  what  earlier  emperors,  under  the  in- 
fluence of  Stoicism,  had  begun  before  him,  and  he  left 
to  his  successors  the  actual  work  of  their  emancipa- 
tion. Thus  some  emperors  who  reigned  before  Con- 
stantine had  forbidden  the  exposure  of  children, 
although  without  success,  as  exposed  children  or 
foundlings  were  readily  adopted,  because  they  could 
be  used  for  many  purposes.  The  Christians  especially 
exerted  themselves  to  get  possession  of  such  found- 
lings, and  consequently  Constantine  issued  no  direct 
prohibition  of  exposure,  although  the  Christians 
regarded  exposure  as  equal  to  murder;  he  com- 
manded, instead,  that  foundlings  should  belong  to  the 
finder,  and  did  not  permit  theparente  to  claim  the 
children  they  had  exposed.  Those  who  took  such 
children  obtained  a  property  right  in  them  and  could 
make  quite  an  extensive  use  of  this;  they  were  al- 
lowed to  sell  and  enslave  foundlings,  until  Justinian 
prohibited  such  enslaving  under  any  guise.  Even  in 
the  time  of  St.  Chrysostom  parents  mutilated  their 
children  for  the  sake  of  gain.  When  suffering  from 
famine  or  debt,  many  parents  could  only  obtain  re- 
lief by  selling  their  children  if  they  did  not  wish  to  sell 
themselves.    All  later  laws  against  such  practices 


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availed  as  little  as  those  against  emasculation  and 
pandering.  St.  Ambrose  vividly  depicts  the  sad  spec- 
tacle of  children  being  sold  by  their  fathers,  under 
pressure  of  creditors,  or  by  the  creditors  themselves. 
All  the  many  forms  of  institutions  for  feeding  and 
supporting  children  and  the  poor  were  of  little  avail. 
Constantine  himself  established  asylums  for  found- 
lings ;  yet  he  recognized  the  right  of  parents  to  sell  their 
children,  and  only  excepted  older  children.  He  ruled 
that  children  who  had  been  sold  could  be  bought  back, 
in  contradistinction  to  children  who  had  been  ex- 
posed; but  this  ruling  was  of  no  avail  if  the  children 
were  taken  into  a  foreign  country.  Valentinian,  there- 
fore, prohibited  the  traffic  in  human  beings  with  for- 
eign lands.  The  laws  forbidding  such  practices  con- 
tinually multiplied,  but  the  greater  part  of  the  burden 
of  saving  the  children  fell  on  the  Church. 

Constantine  was  the  first  to  prohibit  the  abduction 
of  girls.  The  abductor  and  those  who  aided  him  by 
influencing  the  girl  were  threatened  with  severe  pun- 
ishment. In  harmony  with  the  views  of  the  Church, 
Constantine  rendered  divorce  more  difficult;  he  made 
no  changes  where  the  divorce  was  agreed  to  by  both 
parties,  but  imposed  severe  conditions  when  the  de- 
mand for  separation  came  from  one  side  only.  A 
man  could  put  away  his  wife  for  adultery,  poisoning, 
and  pandering,  and  retain  her  dowry;  but  if  he  dis- 
carded her  for  any  other  cause,  he  was  to  return  the 
dowry  and  was  forbidden  to  many  again.  If,  never- 
theless, he  remarried,  the  discarded  wife  had  the  right 
to  enter  his  house  and  take  everything  which  the  new 
wife  had  brought  him.  Constantine  increased  the 
severity  of  the  earlier  law  forbidding  the  concubinage 
of  a  free  woman  with  a  slave,  and  the  Church  did  not 
regard  this  measure  with  disfavour.  On  the  other 
hand,  his  retention  of  the  distinctions  of  rank  in  the 
marriage  law  was  clearty  contrary  to  the  views  of  the 
Church.  The  Church  rejected  all  class  distinctions  in 
marriage,  and  regarded  informal  marriages  (the  so- 
called  concubinatus)  as  true  marriages,  in  so  far  as  they 
were  lasting  and  monogamous.  Constantine,  how- 
ever, increased  the  difficulties  of  the  concubinatus,  and 
forbade  senators  and  the  higher  officials  in  the  State 
and  in  the  pagan  priesthoods  to  contract  ,  such  unions 
with  women  of  lower  rank  (Jeminat  kumiles),  thus  mak- 
ing it  impossible  for  them  to  marry  women  belonging 
to  the  lower  classes,  although  his  own  mother  was  of 
inferior  rank.  But  in  other  respects  the  emperor 
showed  his  mother,  Helena,  the  greatest  deference. 
Other  concubinatus  besides  those  mentioned  were 
placed  at  a  disadvantage  in  regard  to  property,  and 
the  rights  of  inheritance  of  the  children  and  the  con- 
cubines were  restricted.  Constantine,  however,  en- 
couraged the  emancipation  of  slaves  and  enacted  that 
manumission  in  the  church  should  have  the  same 
force  as  the  public  manumission  before  State  officials 
and  by  will  (321).  Neither  the  Christian  nor  the 
heathen  emperors  permitted  slaves  to  seek  their 
freedom  without  authorization  of  law;  the  Christian 
rulers  sought  to  ameliorate  slavery  by  limiting  the 
power  of  corporal  punishment;  the  master  was  al- 
lowed only  to  use  a  rod  or  to  send  a  slave  to  prison, 
and  the  owner  was.  not  liable  to  punishment  even  if 
the  slave  died  under  these  circumstances.  But  if 
death  resulted  from  the  use  of  clubs,  stones,  weapons, 
or  instruments  of  torture,  the  person  who  caused  the 
death  was  to  be  treated  as  a  murderer.  As  will  be 
seen  below,  Constantine  was  himself  obliged  to  observe 
this  law  when  he  sought  to  get  rid  of  Licinianus.  A 
criminal  was  no  longer  to  be  Dranded  in  the  face,  but 
only  on  the  feet,  as  the  human  face  was  fashioned  in 
the  likeness  of  God. 

When  these  laws  are  compared  with  the  ordinances 
of  those  earlier  emperors  who  were  of  humane  dispo- 
sition, they  do  not  go  far  beyond  the  older  regulations. 
In  everything  not  referring  to  religion  Constantine 
followed  in  the  footsteps  of  Diocletian.    In  spite  of  all 


unfortunate  experiences,  he  adhered  to  the  artificial 
division  of  the  empire,  tried  for  a  long  time  to  avoid  a 
breach  with  Licinms,  and  divided  the  empire  among 
his  sons.    On  the  other  hand,  the  imperial  power  was 
increased  by  receiving  a  religious  consecration.  The 
Church  tolerated  the  cult  of  the  emperor  under  many 
forms.    It  was  permitted  to  speak  of  the  divinity  of 
the  emperor,  of  the  sacred  palace,  the  sacred  chamber, 
and  of  the  altar  of  the  emperor,  without  being  con- 
sidered on  this  account  an  idolater.    From  this  point 
of  view  Constantine's  religious  change  was  relatively 
trifling;  it  consisted  of  little  more  than  the  renuncia- 
tion of  a  formality.    For  what  his  predecessors  had 
aimed  to  attain  by  the  use  of  all  their  authority,  and 
at  the  cost  of  incessant  bloodshed,  was  in  truth  only 
the  recognition  of  their  own  divinity;  Constantine 
gained  this  end,  though  he  renounced  the  offering  of 
sacrifices  to  himself.    Some  bishops,  blinded  by  the 
splendour  of  the  court,  even  went  so  far  as  to  laud  the 
emperor  as  an  angel  of  God,  as  a  sacred  being,  and  to 
prophesy  that  he  would,  like  the  Son  of  God,  reign  in 
heaven.    It  has  consequently  been  asserted  that  Con- 
stantine favoured  Christianity  merely  from  political 
motives,  and  he  has  been  regarded  as  an  enlightened 
despot  who  made  use  of  religion  only  to  advance  his 
policy.    He  certainly  cannot  be  acquitted  of  grasping 
ambition.    Where  tne  policy  of  the  State  required,  he 
could  be  cruel.    Even  after  his  conversion  he  caused 
the  execution  of  his  brother-in-law  Licinius,  and  of 
the  latter's  son,  as  well  as  of  Crispus  his  own  son  by 
his  first  marriage,  and  of  his  wife  Fausta.   He  quar- 
relled with  his  colleague  Licinius  about  their  religious 
policy,  and  in  323  defeated  him  in  a  bloody  battle; 
Licinius  surrendered  on  the  promise  of  personal  safety; 
notwithstanding  this,  half  a  year  later  he  was  stran- 
gled by  order  of  Constantine.    During  the  joint  reign 
Licinianus,  the  son  of  Licinius,  and  Crispus,  the  son 
of  Constantine,  had  been  the  two  Caesars.    Both  were 
gradually  set  aside;  Crispus  was  executed  on  the 
charge  of  immorality  made  against  him  by  Constan- 
tine's second  wife,  Fausta.   The  charge  was  false,  as 
Constantine  learned  from  his  mother,  Helena,  after 
the  deed  was  done.    In  punishment  Fausta  was  suffo- 
cated in  a  superheated  bath.    The  young  Licinianus 
was  flogged  to  death.    Because  Licinianus  was  not 
the  son  of  his  sister,  but  of  a  slave-woman,  Constan- 
tine treated  him  as  a  slave.    In  this  way  Constantine 
evaded  his  own  law  regarding  the  mutilation  of  slaves. 
After  reading  these  cruelties  it  is  hard  to  believe  that 
the  same  emperor  could  at  times  have  mild  and  tender 
impulses;  but  human  nature  is  full  of  contradictions. 

Constantine  was  liberal  to  prodigality,  was  generous 
in  almsgiving,  and  adorned:  the  Christian  churches 
magnificently.  He  paid  more  attention  to  literature 
and  art  than  we  might  expect  from  an  emperor  of  this 
period,  although  this  was  partly  due  to  vanity,  as  is 
proved  by  his  appreciation  of  the  dedication  of  literary 
workB  to  him.  It  is  likely  that  he  practised  the  fine 
arts  himself,  and  he  frequently  preached  to  those 
around  him.  No  doubt  he  was  endowed  with  a 
strong  religious  sense,  was  sincerely  pious,  and  de- 
lighted to  be  represented  in  an  attitude  of  prayer, 
with  his  eyes  raised  to  heaven.  In  his  palace  he  had 
a  chapel  to  which  he  was  fond  of  retiring,  and  where 
he  read  the  Bible  and  prayed.  "  Every  day",  Euse- 
bius  tells  us,  "at  a  fixed  hour  he  shut  himself  up  in  the 
most  secluded  part  of  the  palace,  as  if  to  assist  at  the 
Sacred  Mysteries,  and  there  commune  with  God  alone, 
ardently  beseeching  Him,  on  bended  knees,  for  his 
necessities  ".  As  a  catechumen  he  was  not  permitted 
to  assist  at  the  sacred  Eucharistic  mysteries.  He  re- 
mained a  catechumen  to  the  end  of  his  life,  but  not 
because  he  lacked  conviction  nor  because,  owing  to 
his  passionate  disposition,  he  desired  to  lead  a  pagan 
life.  He  obeyed  as  strictly  as  possible  the  precepts  of 
Christianity,  observing  especially  the  virtue  of  chas- 
tity, which  his  parents  had  impressed  upon  him ;  he 


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VICTORY  OF  CONSTANTINE  THE  GREAT  OVER  MAXENTIUS  AT  THE  MILVIAN  BRIDGE 

DETAIL  OF  THE  FRESCO  DESIGNED  BY  RAPHAEL,  EXECUTED  BY  GIULIO  ROMANO 
SALA  DI  COSTANTINO,  VATICAN 


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respected  celibacy,  freed  it  from  legal  disadvantages, 
sought  to  elevate  morality,  and  punished  with  great 
severity  the  offences  against  morals  which  the  pa 
worship  had  encouraged.  He  brought  up  his  chile 
as  Christians.  Thus  his  life  became  more  and  more 
Christian,  and  thus  gradually  turned  away  from  the 
feeble  syncretism  which  at  times  he  seemed  to  favour. 
The  God  of  the  Christians  was  indeed  a  jealous  God 
who  tolerated  no  other  gods  beside  him  The  Church 
could  never  acknowledge  that  she  stood  on  the  same 
plane  with  other  religious  bodies;  she  conquered  for 
herself  one  domain  after  another. 

Cons  tan  tine  himself  preferred  the  company  of 
Christian  bishops  to  that  of  pagan  priests.  The  em- 
peror frequently  invited  the  bishops  to  court,  gave 
them  the  use  of  the  imperial  postal  service,  invited 
them  to  his  table,  called  them  his  brothers,  and  when 
they  had  suffered  for  the 'Faith,  kissed  their  scars. 
While  he  chose  bishops  for  his  counsellors,  they,  on 
the  other  hand,  often  requested  his  intervention — 
e.  g.  shortly  after  313,  in  the  Donatist  dispute.  For 
many  years  he  worried  himself  with  the  Arian  trouble, 
and  in  this,  it  may  be  said,  he  went  beyond  the  limits 
of  the  allowable,  for  example,  when  he  dictated  whom 
Athanasius  should  admit  to  the  Church  and  whom  he 
was  to  exclude.  Still  he  avoided  any  direct  interfer- 
ence with  dogma,  and  only  sought  to  carry  out  what 
the  proper  authorities — the  synods — decided.  When 
he  appeared  at  an  oecumenical  council,  it  was  not  so 
much  to  influence  the  deliberation  and  the  decision  as 
to  show  his  strong  interest  and  to  impress  the  heathen. 
He  banished  bishops  only  to  avoid  strife  and  discord, 
that  is,  for  reasons  of  state.  He  opposed  Athanasius 
because  he  was  led  to  believe  that  Athanasius  desired 
to  detain  the  corn-ships  which  were  intended  for  Con- 
stantinople; Constantine 's  alarm  can  be  understood 
when  we  bear  in  mind  how  powerful  the  patriarchs 
eventually  became.  When  at  last  he  felt  the  ap- 
proach of  death  he  received  baptism,  declaring  to  the 
bishops  who  had  assembled  around  him  that,  after 
the  example  of  Christ,  he  had  desired  to  receive  the 
saving  seal  in  the  Jordan,  but  that  God  had  ordained 
otherwise,  and  he  would  no  longer  delay  baptism. 
Laying  aside  the  purple,  the  emperor,  in  the  white 
robe  of  a  neophyte,  peacefully  and  almost  joyfully 
awaited  the  end. 

Of  Constan tine's  sons  the  eldest,  Constantine  II, 
showed  decided  leanings  to  heathenism,  and  his  coins 
bear  many  pagan  emblems;  the  second  and  favourite 
son,  Constantius,  was  a  more  pronounced  Christian, 
but  it  was  Arian  Christianity  to  which  he  adhered. 
Constantius  was  an  unwavering  opponent  of  paganism  ; 
he  closed  all  the  temples  and  forbade  sacrifices  under 
pain  of  death.  His  maxim  was:  "Cosset  superstitio; 
sacrificiorum  aboleatur  insania"  (Let  superstition 
cease;  let  the  folly  of  sacrifices  be  abolished).  Their 
successors  had  recourse  to  religious  persecution  against 
heretics  and  pagans.  Their  laws  (Cod.  Theod.,  XVI, 
v)  had  an  unfavourable  influence  on  the  Middle  Ages 
and  were  the  basis  of  the  much-abused  Inquisition.  (See 
Persecutions;  Constantinople ;  Rohan  Empire.) 

Bcrckhakdt,  Die  Zeit  Con.  d.  Or.  (1st  ed.,  Basle,  1853:  2nd 
ed.,  Leipzig,  1880);  Keim,  Der  UebertriU  Con.  d.  (Jr.  turn  Chris- 
tentum  (Zurich,  1862);  Flasch,  Con.  d.  Or.  alt  enter  chrisUicher 
Kaiser  (Wflrsburg,  1891);  Sedffebt,  Constantine  Gesetie  und 
dot  Chrittentum  (Wurzburg,  1891):  Funk  in  Tubing,  theol. 
Quartalsehrift  (1896);  Gobbes  in  Zeitsehrift  far  wissenechafU. 
TheoL  (1887-88);  Sbecs,  ibid.  (1890);  Schuitze  Geechichte  d. 
Vntergangee  dee  oriech.-rdm.  Heidentume  (1887-92),  II;  Seecx, 
Oeschuhte  dee  Vnleraanaee  der  arUiken  Welt  (1897-1901),  II; 
Soutau,  Dae  ForUeben  dee  Heidentume  in  der  aUehrisUichen 
Kirehs  (1906);    Qbupf,  Kulturgeschichte  der  rom.  Kaieerzeil 

i 1902-04),  II;  Madden,  Christian  Emblems  on  the  Coins  of 
lonslantine  1,  the  Great  (London,  1877-78) ;  Boissier,  La  Con- 
tertian  de  Constant  in  in  Revue  dee  Deux  Mondes  (1886), 
LXXVI,  61-72;  de  Brogue  (Catholio),  L'Eglise  et  I'empire 
romain au  IV  siecle  (1856;  1867),  I. II;  Firth  (non-Catholic), 
Constantine  the  Great  in  Heroes  of  the  Natione  Series  (New  York, 
1906);  Burt,  History  of  the  Later  Roman  Empire  (London, 
1889).  I;  Fiklat,  A  History  of  Greece  from  ite  Conquest  by  the 
Romans,  ed.  Tozer  (Oxford,  1877).         GeoRO  Grupp. 


Constantinople  (Gr.  KunrrarrWroXit,  city  of  Con- 
stantine), capital,  formerly  of  the  Byzantine,  now 
of  the  Ottoman,  Empire. 

The  Modern  City. — It  occupies  one  of  the  most 
beautiful  and  advantageous  sites  in  the  world,  uniting 
as  it  does  Europe  with  Asia  and  putting  in  communi- 
cation the  Black  Sea  and  all  Southern  Russia  with  the 
greater  part  of  Europe  and  Asia,  and  even  with  distant 
America.  It  is  surrounded  by  water  on  all  sides  ex- 
cept the  west,  which  is  protected  by  walls.  Its  sea 
front  is  about  eight  miles  in  length.  The  air  is  generally 
pure,  and  the  climate  very  temperate.  Constanti- 
nople forms  a  special  district  (sanitary  cordon)  divided 
into  three  principal  sections,  two  in  Europe  and  one 
in  Asia.  The  two  European  sections  are  Stamboul 
(ancient  Byzantium),  whose  suburbs  border  the  Sea  of 
Marmora;  Galata  and  Pera,  more  or  less  European- 
ized  quarters,  with  many  villages  rising  in  rows  along 
the  green  hills  that  look  down  on  the  Golden  Horn  and 
the  Bosporus.  The  Asiatic  section  is  Scutari  (Turk. 
Uskudar;  Chrysopolis)  and  Kadi-Keui  (Chalcedon), 
with  their  extensive  suburbs  on  the  Asiatic  shore  of  the 
Bosporus,  the  pleasant  coasts  of  the  Gulf  of  Nice- 
media,  and  the  Isles  of  the  Princes.  The  city  is  di- 
vided into  ten  quarters  or  circles,  each  with  its  own 
municipality.  The  population  is  estimated  (1908)  at 
1,200,000  inhabitants,  four-fifths  of  whom  are  in  Eu- 
rope. There  are  about  600,000  Turks  or  other  Mussul- 
mans; the  remainder  include,  in  order  of  numerical 
importance,  Greeks,  Armenians,  Jews,  and  foreigners 
of  various  nationalities. 

The  Bosporus  separates  Europe  from  Asia;  it  is 
about  eighteen  miles  long  and  varies  in  width  from 
about  half  a  mile  to  a  mile  and  a  half.  The  Golden 
Horn  separates  Stamboul  from  Galata  and  Pera,  ex- 
tends inland  for  about  four  and  one-half  miles,  and 
ends  abruptly  at  the  Valley  of  the  Sweet  Waters  be- 
yond Eyoub.  Two  wooden  bridges  unite  Galata  with 
t  Stamboul,  which  latter  section  is  mostly  inhabited  by 
'Turks,  and  still  preserves  its  ancient  ramparts  with 
their  towers  and  gates.  The  chief  monuments  of  the 
city  are:  St.  Sophia,  the  magnificent  church  built  in 
the  first  half  of  the  sixth  century  by  the  Emperor 
Justinian,  now  a  mosque;  about  2000  other  mosques 
(e.  g.  the  Suleimanieh,  the  Ahmedieh,  the  Bayazidieh, 
Mohammed's  mosque,  etc.) ;  many  ancient  churches : 
beautiful  fountains;  imposing  "turbeV'  or  tombs  of 
sultans  and  other  great  personages;  the  Seraskierat  or 
war  office,  with  its  enormous  tower;  the  Tcharshi,  or 
bazaar  (more  than  10,000  merchants);  Yedi-Kouleh  or 
the  Seven  Towers  Castle,  where  ambassadors  and 
other  men  of  note  were  often  imprisoned;  the  palace 
of  the  public  debt;  the  large  postoffice;  the  old  se- 
raglio of  the  sultans.  The  imperial  museum  has  a 
remarkable  collection  of  sarcophagi  and  another  of 
cuneiform  texts.  In  the  Galata  section  the  Genoese 
Tower  (over  150  feet)  attracts  attention,  as  in  Pera 
the  residences  of  the  ambassadors.  Beyond,  on  the 
European  shore  of  the  Bosporus  are  the  large  palaces 
of  Dolma-Baghtche'  and  Tcheragan,  also  the  Yildiz 
Kiosk,  the  residence  of  the  reigning  sultan.  On  the 
Asiatic  shore  are  the  palace  of  Beylerbey,  many  beau- 
tiful mosques,  and  the  great  Mussulman  cemetery  at 
Scutari,  the  Selimieh  barracks  (largest  in  the  world), 
the  magnificent  new  school  of  medicine,  quite  close  to 
which  is  the  little  port  of  Haldar-Pasha,  whence  starts 
the  railway  line  to  Bagdad. 

Early  History  op  Byzantium. — Constantinople 
was  founded  c.  658  b.  c.  by  a  Greek  colony  from  Me- 
gara;  the  site  was  then  occupied  by  the  Thracian  vil- 
lage of  Lygos.  The  chief  of  the  Megarian  expedition 
was  Byzas,  after  whom  the  city  was  naturally  called 
Byzantion  (Lat.  Byzantium).  Despite  its  perfect 
situation,  the  colony  did  not  prosper  at  first;  it  suf- 
fered much  during  the  Medic  wars,  chiefly  from  the 
satraps  of  Darius  and  Xerxes.  Later  on,  its  control 
was  disputed  by  Lacedemonians  and  Athenians;  for 


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two  years  (341-339  b.  c.)  it  held  out  against  Philip  of 
Macedon.  It  succeeded  in  maintaining  its  independ- 
ence even  against  victorious  Rome,  was  granted  the 
title  and  rights  of  an  allied  city,  and  its  ambassadors 
were  accorded  at  Rome  the  same  honours  as  those 

fiven  to  allied  kings;  it  enjoyed,  moreover,  all  transit 
uties  on  the  Bosporus.  Cicero  defended  it  in  the 
Roman  Senate,  and  put  Jin  end  to  the  exactions  of 
Piso.  Later  on,  the  Roman  emperors  entrusted  the 
government  of  the  city  to  praetors,  at  once  civil  and 
military  magistrates,  who  maintained,  however,  the 
earlier  democratic  forms  of  government.  For  a  while 
Vespasian  placed  it  under  the  Governor  of  Mcesia. 
The  city  continued  prosperous  to  the  reign  of  Septi- 
mius  Severus,  when  it  sided  with  his  rival,  Pescennius 
Niger.  After  a  siege  of  three  years  (193-196)  Severus 
razed  to  the  ground  its  walls  and  public  monuments, 
and  made  it  subject  to  Perinthus  or  Heraclea  in  Thrace. 
But  he  soon  forgave  this  resistance,  restored  its  former 
privileges,  built  there  the  baths  of  Zeuxippus,  and 
began  the  hippodrome.  It  was  devastated  again  by 
the  soldiers  of  GaUienus  in  262,  but  was  rebuilt  almost 
at  once.  In  the  long  war  between  Constantine  and 
Licinius  (314-323)  it  embraced  the  fortunes  of  the 
latter,  but,  after  his  defeat  at  Chrysopolis  (Scutari), 
submitted  to  the  victor. 

The  Christian  City. — It  has  quite  lately  been  es- 
tablished that  Byzantium  received  its  new  name  of 
Constantinople  as  early  as  the  end  of  324  (Centenaire 
de  la  societe  nationale  des  antiquaires  de  France, 
Paris,  1904,  p.  281  sqq.).  Nevertheless,  the  solemn 
inauguration  of  the  new  city  did  not  occur  until  11 
May,  330;  only  after  this  date  did  the  Court  and 
Government  settle  permanently  in  the  new  capital. 
It  was  soon  filled  with  sumptuous  edifices  like  those  of 
Rome;  like  the  latter  it  was  situated  on  seven  hills 
and  divided  into  fourteen  regions;  in  the  matter  of 
privileges  also  it  was  similar  to  Rome.  Among  the 
new  public  buildings  were  a  senate  house,  forums,  a 
capitol,  circuses,  porticoes,  many  churches  (particu- 
larly that  of  the  Holy  Apostles  destined  to  be  the 
burial-place  of  the  emperors).  The  most  beautiful 
statues  of  antiquity  were  gathered  from  various  parts 
of  the  empire  to  adorn  its  public  places.  In  general 
the  other  cities  of  the  Roman  world  were  stripped  to 
embellish  the  "New  Rome",  destined  henceforth  to 
surpass  them  all  in  greatness  and  magnificence. 
Traces  of  Christianity  do  not  appear  here  before  the 
end  of  the  second  or  the  beginning  of  the  third  century. 
In  212  Tertullian  commemorates  the  joy  of  the  Chris- 
tians at  the  defeat  of  Pescennius  Niger  ("  Ad  Scapu- 
lam",  iii:  "Csecilius  Capella  in  illo  exitu  Byzantino: 
Christian!  gaudete").  About  190,  an  Antitrinitarian 
heretic,  Theodotus  the  Currier,  a  native  of  Byzantium, 
was  expelled  from  the  Roman  Church  ("Phuosophou- 
mena",  VIII,  xxxv:  St.  Epiphanius,  "Adv.  Hser.," 
liv).  A  probably  reliable  tradition  makes  the  Byzan- 
tine Church  a  suffragan  of  Heraclea  in  Thrace  at  the 
beginning  of  the  third  century.  In  the  fifth  century 
we  meet  with  a  spurious  document  attributed  to  a 
certain  Dorotheus,  Bishop  of  Tyre  at  the  end  of  the 
third  century,  according  to  which  the  Church  of  By- 
zantium was  founded  by  the  Apostle  St.  Andrew,  its 
first  bishop  being  his  disciple  Stachys  (cf.  Rom.,  xvi, 
9).  The  intention  of  the  forger  is  plain:  in  this  way 
the  Church  of  Rome  is  made  inferior  to  that  of  Con- 
stantinople, St.  Andrew  having  been  chosen  an 
Apostle  by  Jesus  before  his  brother  St.  Peter,  the 
founder  of  the  Roman  Church. 

The  first  historically  known  Bishop  of  Byzantium 
is  St.  Metrophanes  (306-314),  though  the  see  had  per- 
haps been  occupied  during  the  third  century.  It  was 
at  first  subject  to  the  metropolitan  authority  of  Her- 
aclea, and  remained  so,  at  least  canonically,  until  381, 
when  the  Second  CEcumenical  Council  (can.  iii)  gave 
the  Bishop  of  Constantinople  the  first  place  after  the 
Bishop  of  Rome.    (For  the  exact  meaning  of  this 


canon  see  Hefele,  Hist,  des  Counciles,  tr.,  Leclercq, 
Paris,  1908,  II,  24-27.)  Fuller  details  are  given  in 
Fischer,  "DepatriarcharumConstantinopolitanorum" 
catalogis  (Leipzig,  1894);  Schermann,  "Propheten- 
und  Apostellegenden  nebst  Jungerkatalogen  des  Doro- 
theus und  verwandter  Texte"  (Leipzig,  1907); 
Vailhe,  "Origines  de  l'Eglise  de  Constantinople"  in 
"Echos  d 'Orient"  (Paris,  1907),  287-295. 

Constantine  had  chosen  this  city  as  the  new  capital 
of  the  Roman  Empire,  but  owing  to  his  wars  ana  the 
needs  of  the  State,  he  rarely  resided  there.  His  suc- 
cessors were  even  more  frequently  absent.  Constan- 
tius,  Julian,  Jovian,  and  Valens  are  found  more 
habitually  on  the  Danube  or  the  Euphrates  than  on 
the  Bosporus;  they  reside  more  regularly  in  Antioch 
than  in  New  Rome.  It  was  only  under  Theodosius 
the  Great  (379-95)  that  Constantinople  assumed 
definitive  rank  as  capital  of  the  Eastern  Roman 
Empire.  However,  its  ambitious  prelates  did  not 
wait  so  long  to  forecast  the  future  greatness  of  the 
new  city.  In  339  Eusebius,  and  in  360  Eudoxius, 
quitted  the  great  Sees  of  Nicomedia  and  Antioch  for 
what  was  yet,  canonically,  a  simple  bishopric.  Both 
the  city  and  its  inhabitants  suffered  much  during  the 
Arian  controversies;  the  Arian  heretics  held  posses- 
sion of  the  Church  for  forty  years.  Honourable  men- 
tion is  due  to  two  of  its  bishops:  St.  Alexander,  whose 
resistance  and  prayers  were  crowned  by  the  sudden 
death  of  Arius  in  Constantinople;  and  St.  Paul  the 
Confessor,  a  martyr  for  the  Faith.  We  must  add  the 
eighty  martyrs  put  to  death  simultaneously  by  Em- 
peror Valens.  St.  Gregory  of  Nazianzus  restored 
religious  peace  in  this  Church  early  in  the  reign  of  the 
aforesaid  Theodosius.  From  the  council  of  381  may 
be  said  to  date  the  ecclesiastical  fortunes  of  Constan- 
tinople. Its  bishop  began  thenceforth  to  claim  and 
to  exercise  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction  over  the  six 
provinces  of  Thrace,  hitherto  subject  to  Heraclea, 
and  soon  over  the  twenty-two  provinces  of  Asia 
Minor  and  Pontus,  originally  subject  to  Ephesus 
and  Csesarea.  These  rights  of  supremacy,  though 
usurped,  were  acknowledged  by  the  twenty-eighth 
canon  of  the  Council  of  Chalcedon  (451),  from  which 
time  the  bishops  of  Constantinople  ruled  over  about 
420  dioceses.  In  431  began  an  almost  continuous 
conflict  with  the  Roman  Church,  that  was  crowned 
with  success  in  733,  when  an  Iconoclast  emperor 
withdrew  from  the  jurisdiction  of  Rome  all  ecclesias- 
tical Illyricum,  i.  e.  more  than  a  hundred  dioceses. 
About  the  end  of  the  ninth  century,  when  Photius 
broke  with  the  Roman  Church,  his  own  patriarchate 
included  624  dioceses  (51  metropolitan  sees,  51  ex- 
empt archbishoprics,  and  522  suffragan  bishoprics). 
At  that  time  the  Roman  Church  certainly  did  not 
govern  so  great  a  number  of  sees.  At  this  period, 
moreover,  by  its  missionaries  and  its  political  influ- 
ence, Constantinople  attracted  to  Christianity  the 
Slav  nations,  Serbs,  Russians,  Moravians,  and  Bul- 
garia, and  obtained  in  these  northern  lands  a  strong 
support  against  the  Roman  and  Frankish  West. 

This  ecclesiastical  prosperity  coincided  with  the 
political  and  municipal  grandeur  of  the  city.  At  the 
death  of  Theodosius  the  Great  (395),  when  the  Roman 
Empire  was  divided  into  two  parts,  Constantinople 
remained  the  centre  and  capital  of  the  Eastern  Em- 
pire. The  Western  Empire  was  destined  soon  to  fall 
before  the  onslaughts  of  the  barbarians.  While  its 
provinces  were  held  by  uncouth  German  tribes,  Con- 
stantinople alone  remained  to  represent  Christian 
civilization  and  the  greatness  of  the  Roman  name. 
Simultaneously  the  city  was  enlarged  and  embellished, 
particularly  under  Theodosius  II,  Justinian,  Hera- 
clius,  and  Basil  the  Macedonian.  In  413  it  reached 
its  actual  (1908)  size  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Golden 
Horn,  under  the  city  prefect,  Anthemius.  In  625 
Heraclius  added  the  famous  quarter  of  Blachernse 
with  its  venerated  church  of  the  Blessed  Virgin,  whose 


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image  was  considered  as  the  palladium  of  the  city. 
Hie  circumference  of  the  walls  was  then  (and  still  is) 
eleven  or  twelve  miles.  They  were  often  rebuilt, 
especially  under  Tiberius  III  (c.  700),  Anas  teams  II 
(714),  Leo  III  (740),  Nicephorus  I  (803).  Theophilua 
(831),  Michael  VHI  (1262),  Andronious  II  (1316), 
John  VII  (between  1431-1444).  To  protect  the 
territory  of  Thrace  from  the  invarons  of  the  barba- 
rians, Anastasius  I,  in  the  early  part  of  the  sixth 
century,  built  a  great  wall  about  fifty  miles  in  length 
and  about  twenty  feet  in  breadth  fronf  Silistria  to  the 
Lake  of  Derkoi.  The  ramparts  of  Constantinople  had 
many  gates:  the  principal  one  was  the  Golden  Gate, 
the  terminus  of  the  Triumphal  Way.  On  the  Sea  of 
Marmora  numerous  havens  gave  shelter  to  boats  and 
barques;  the  present  unique  port  of  the  Golden  Horn 
had  not  yet  been  created.  The  strongly  fortified 
Great  Palace  was  a  real  town.  Other  splendid  pal- 
aces adorned  the  city  (Boucoleon,  Chalks,  Blachenue); 
many  graced  the  European  and  Asiatic  suburbs. 
Hundreds  of  churches  and  monasteries,  thousands  of 
clerics,  of  monks,  and  nuns,  attested  an  intensely 
religious  life.  The  church  of  St.  Sophia  alone,  the 
glory  of  Justinian's  reign,  owned  365  estates.  How 
vast  these  domains  were  may  be  judged  from  a  law 
of  Heraciius  (627)  that  established  625  clerics  as  the 
number  necessary  for  the  service  of  St.  Sophia.  The 
little  church  of  Blachernre  had  75  endowed  clerics. 
The  names  of  at  least  463  churches  are  known,  64  of 
which  were  dedicated  to  the  Blessed  Virgin.  As  early 
as  536,  68  superiors  of  local  monasteries  were  present 
at  a  council  in  the  city. 

So  many  rich  churches  and  monasteries,  imperial 
or  private  palaces,  not  to  speak  of  the  luxury  of 
the  court  and  the  great  imperial  dignitaries,  natu- 
rally excited  the  covetouaness  of  barbarian  peoples. 
Constantinople  had,  therefore,  to  sustain  numberless 
sieges;  it  was  attacked  in  378  by  the  Goths,  by  the 
Avars  and  Persians  during  the  reign  of  Heraciius 
(610-41),  by  the  Arabs  during  the  reign  of  Constan- 
ts ne  Pogonatus  (668-85),  and  again  by  the  Arabs  under 
Moslemeh  in  717;  many  times  also  by  Bulgarians, 
Patzinaks,  Russians,  and  Khazars.  But  the  city  al- 
ways defied  its  besiegers,  thanks  to  the  solidity  of  its 
walls,  often  to  the  valour  of  its  soldiers,  but  chiefly  to 
the  gold  that  it  distributed  in  profusion.  More  griev- 
ous, perhaps,  were  the  domestic  conflicts  that  broke 
oat  in  almost  every  new  reign;  the  quarrels  between 
the  Blue  and  Green  factions  that  clamoured  for  im- 
perial favour  in  the  races  of  the  hippodrome;  the  con- 
flagrations and  earthquakes  that  sometimes  levelled 
the  city  with  the  ground,  e.  g.  the  conflagration  that 
broke  out  during  the  Nika  revolt  (532),  on  which  oc- 
casion Justinian  nearly  lost  his  throne,  more  than 
80,000  persons  were  killed,  and  fire  destroyed  the 
greater  part  of  the  city. 

Heresy  and  Schism. — When  Photius  (d.  891)  be- 
gan the  schism  consummated  by  Michael  Caerularius 
in  1054,  the  Byzantine  Church  had,  since  the  death 
of  Emperor  Constantine  in  337,  been  formally  out  of 
communion  with  the  Roman  Church  during  248  years 
(55  years  on  account  of  Arianism,  1 1  on  account  of  the 
condemnation  of  St.  John  Chrysostom,  35  on  account 
of  Zeno's  Henoticon,  41  on  account  of  Monothelism, 
90  on  account  of  Iconoclasm,  16  on  account  of  the 
adulterous  marriage  of  Constantine  VI).  On  the 
whole,  therefore,  Constantinople  had  been  out  of  com- 
munion with  the  Apostolic  See  one  out  of  every  two 
years.  During  this  period  nineteen  patriarchs  of 
Constantinople  were  open  heretics,  some  of  them  quite 
famous,  e.  g.  Eusebius  of  Nicomedia,  Eudoxius,  Mace- 
donius,  Nestorius,  Acacius,  Sergius,  Pyrrhus.  On  the 
other  hand  must  be  mentioned  several  orthodox 
bishops,  e.  g.  St.  Gregory  of  Nazianzus,  St.  John 
Chrysoetom,  St.  Flavian,  St.  Germanus,  St.  Tarasius, 
St.  Methodius,  and  St.  Ignatius,  the  opponent  of 
Photius,  whose  virtues  and  literary  fame  compensate 


for  the  scandalous  heterodoxy  of  their  confreres.  Nor 
can  we  omit  illustrious  monks  and  hymnographers  like 
St  Romanus  (Melodus),  the  greatest  liturgical  poet 
of  the  Byzantine  Church,  St.  Maximus  Confessor,  St 
Theodore,  the  noble  abbot  of  the  famous  monastery 
of  Studium  (Stoudion),  and  many  others  who  suffered 
martyrdom  during  the  reigns  of  Iconoclast  emperors. 

Many  councils  were  held  in  Constantinople,  some- 
times against  heresies,  sometimes  in  favour  of  them. 
Chief  among  these  councils  are:  the  oecumenical 
councils  of  381,  553,  681,  and  869;  the  Trullan  Coun- 
cil (692),  very  important  for  the  history  of  canonical 
legislation;  the  councils  of  712  and  878  which  ratified, 
respectively,  Monothelism  and  the  revolt  of  Photius 
against  Rome.  The  schism  of  Photius  was  not  at 
once  followed  by  its  worst  consequences.  The  learned 
but  ambitious  patriarch  was  yet  living  when  union 
with  the  Roman  Church  was  re-established  by  Em- 
peror Leo  the  Wise  in  886;  he  obliged  Photius  to  quit 
the  patriarchal  throne.  From  that  time  to  the  patri- 
archate of  Michael  Caerularius  (1043-1049),  in  spite 
of  the  Filioque  question,  relations  with  the  papacy 
were  generally  cordial.  There  were  indeed,  at  the 
beginning  of  the  tenth  century,  some  difficulties 
caused  by  the  emperor's  fourth  marriage,  but  in  this 
conflict  both  the  opposing  patriarchs  attempted  to 
obtain  from  the  Roman  Church  justification  of  their 
conduct.  It  was  only  under  Michael  Caerularius  that 
the  schismatic  condition  was  finally  confirmed,  almost 
without  any  apparent  motive  and  only  through  the 
bad  will  of  this  patriarch.  After  long  and  sharp  dis- 
putes between  the  two  Churches,  the  pope's  legates, 
with  the  approbation  of  the  imperial  court,  deposited, 
15  July,  1054,  on  the  altar  of  St.  Sophia  the  Bull  of 
excommunication  against  the  patriarch.  This  act 
resulted  in  a  popular  revolution.  Five  days  later 
Michael  Ceerularius  replied  by  excommunicating  the 
pope  and  the  "azymite"  Latins.  The  weak-minded 
and  lewd  emperor,  Constantine  Monomachus,  dared 
not  resist  the  all-powerful  patriarch.  It  must  be 
noted,  however,  that,  unhappily,  the  idea  of  schism 
had  long  been  familiar  to  the  minds  and  hearts  of  the 
Greeks.  The  first  period  of  the  schism  was  coeval, 
especially  at  Constantinople,  with  a  remarkable  liter- 
ary revival,  inaugurated  as  early  as  the  tenth  century 
by  the  Macedonian  dynasty  and  carried  to  its  perfec- 
tion under  the  Comneni  and  the  PaUeologL  This 
revival,  unfortunately,  did  not  affect  favourably  the 
morality  of  the  population,  being  chiefly  an  uncon- 
scious return  to  models  of  antiquity,  indeed  a  kind  of 
neo-paganism.  We  owe  to  it,  however,  beautiful 
works  in  literature,  architecture,  and  painting. 

Imperial  Succession;  Crusades;  Latin  Empire 
o»  Constantinople. — After  the  division  of  the 
Roman  Empire  in  395,  Constantinople  beheld  the 
passage  of  many  great  dynasties:  that  of  Theodosius, 
prolonged  by  adoption  until  602;  that  of  Heraciius, 
from  610  to  711,  with  intrusion  of  several  usurpers; 
that  of  Leo  the  Isaurian,  from  717  to  802:  the  Amo- 
rium  dynasty  from  820  to  867 ;  that  of  Basil  the  Mace- 
donian from  867  to  1057;  finally  from  1081  to  the 
Frankish  conquest  in  1204,  that  of  the  Comneni  and 
the  Angel  i.  Succession,  of  course,  was  not  always 
regular;  even  in  the  legitimate  dynasties  murder  and 
cruelty,  it  is  well  known,  often  marked  the  accession 
of  an  emperor.  Sometimes  the  streets  of  the  capital 
were  on  the  same  day  decked  with  flowers  and 
drenched  with  blood.  Nevertheless,  till  the  middle 
of  the  eleventh  century,  the  empire  held  its  own  in 
Asia  Minor  against  the  Arabs.  The  latter  were  now 
gradually  supplanted  by  their  coreligionists,  the 
Turks,  who,  towards  the  end  of  that  century,  occu- 
pied most  of  the  Asiatic  peninsula  and  set  up  then- 
capital  at  Nicaea,  not  far  from  Constantinople.  Then 
began  the  Crusades,  that  great  overflow  of  the  West 
towards  the  East,  started  by  the  pious  wish  of  all 
Christian  Europe  to  deliver  the  Holy  Sepulchre.  Con- 


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CONSTANTINOPLE 


stantinople  saw  the  crusaders  for  the  first  time  in 
1096.  The  contact  between  the  two  civilizations  was 
not  cordial ;  the  Greeks  gave  generally  to  the  crusad- 
ers an  unkindly  reception.  They  looked  on  them  as 
enemies  no  less  than  the  Turks,  except  that  the  cru- 
saders, marching  in  the  name  of  Christ  and  backed  by 
all  the  strength  of  the  West,  appeared  much  more 
dangerous  than  the  Mussulman  Turks.  On  the  other 
hand  the  Franks  were  only  too  ready  to  treat  the 
Greeks  as  mere  unbelievers,  and,  but  for  the  opposi- 
tion of  the  popes,  would  have  begun  the  Crusades  with 
the  capture  of  Constantinople. 

These  sad  quarrels  and  the  fratricidal  conflicts  of 
Christian  nations  lasted  nearly  a  century,  until  in 
1182  Emperor  Andronicus  Comnenus,  a  ferocious 
tyrant,  ordered  a  general  massacre  of  the  Latins  in 
his  capital.  In  1190  the  Greek  patriarch,  Dositheus, 
solemnly  promised  indulgences  to  any  Greek  who 
would  murder  a  Latin.  These  facts,  together  with 
the  selfish  views  of  the  Venetians  and  the  domestic 
divisions  of  the  Greeks,  were  enough  to  provoke  a  con- 
flict. The  Greek  Emperor  Alexius  III  had  de- 
throned his  brother  and  stripped  his  nephew  of  all 
rights  (1195);  the  latter  sought  a  shelter  in  the  West 
(1201),  and,  together  with  his  brother-in-law,  Em- 

Ssror  Philip  of  Swabia,  with  Venice,  and  Boniface  of 
ontferrat  (chief  of  the  projected  crusade),  he  turned 
aside  the  Fourth  Crusade  and  directed  the  knights, 
first  to  the  siege  of  Zara  in  Dalmatia,  and  afterwards 
to  Constantinople.  In  spite  of  the  formal  veto  of  In- 
nocent III,  the  crusaders  laid  siege  to  the  city,  which 
soon  surrendered  (17  July,  1203).   Emperor  Alexius 

III  took  flight.  His  brother,  Isaac  Angelus,  was 
taken  from  prison  and  crowned  emperor,  with  his  son 
Alexius  IV.  The  crusaders  had  hoped  that  the  new 
emperors  would  keep  their  promises  and  reunite  the 
two  Churches;  confident  of  this  they  wrote  to  Inno- 
cent III  (August,  1203)  to  justify  their  behaviour. 
But  the  imperial  promise  was  not  kept;  indeed,  it 
could  not  be  executed.    In  November,  1205,  Alexius 

IV  broke  off  all  relations  with  the  crusaders.  There- 
upon the  hostility  between  the  Greeks  and  the  Latins 
was  in  almost  daily  evidence;  brawls  and  conflagra- 
tions were  continually  taking  place.  Alexius  IV  and 
his  father  were  dethroned  ana  put  to  death  (Febru- 
ary, 1204)  by  a  usurper  who  took  the  name  of  Alexius 

V  Murtzuphlos.  The  latter  made  haste  to  put  his  capi- 
tal in  a  state  of  defence,  whereupon  the  crusaders 
began  a  second  siege.  After  several  onslaughts  the  city 
was  taken  (12  and  13  April,  1204)  amid  scenes  of  great 
cruelty;  the  slaughter  was  followed  by  an  unbridled 
plunder  of  the  countless  treasures  heaped  up  during 
so  many  centuries  by  the  Byzantine  emperors.  The 
holy  relics  especially  excited  the  covetousness  of  the 
Latin  clerics;  Villenardouin  asserts  that  there  were 
but  few  cities  in  the  West  that  received  no  sacred 
booty  from  this  pillage.  The  official  booty  alone,  ac- 
cording to  the  same  historian,  amounted  to  about 
eleven  millions  of  dollars  whose  purchasing  power 
was  then  of  course  much  greater  than  at  this  day. 
The  following  9  May,  Baldwin,  Count  of  Flanders,  be- 
came emperor;  Boniface  of  Montferrat  obtained  Thes- 
salonica  and  Macedonia;  the  knights,  various  feudal 
fees;  Venice,  the  islands  and  those  regions  of  the  em- 
pire that  assured  her  maritime  supremacy.  This 
new  Latin  Empire,  organized  according  to  feudal  law, 
never  took  deep  root.  It  was  unable  to  hold  its  own 
against  the  Greeks  (who  had  immediately  created  two 
empires  in  Asia,  at  Nicsea  and  at  Trebizond,  a  despot- 
ate  in  Epirus  and  other  small  States)  nor  against  the 
Bulgarians,  Comans,  and  Serbs.  After  a  much-dis- 
turbed existence  it  disappeared  in  1261,  and  Con- 
stantinople became  again  the  centre  of  Greek  power 
with  Michael  Palreologus  as  emperor. 

Latin  Patriarchate. — Together  with  the  Latin 
Empire  a  Latin  patriarchate  had  been  established  in 
1204  at  Constantinople,  on  which  occasion  the  Greek 


patriarch  took  refuge  at  Nicsea.  Notwithstanding 
the  missions  of  Cardinal  Benedict  a  Sancta  Susanna 
(1205-1207)  and  Pelagius  of  Albano  (1213),  negotia- 
tions, and  even  persecutions,  the  Latins  failed  to  in- 
duce all  their  Greek  subjects  to  acknowledge  the  au- 
thority of  the  pope.  In  its  best  days  the  Latin  patri- 
archate never  numbered  more  than  twenty-two  arch- 
bishoprics and  fifty-nine  suffragan  bishoprics,  situ- 
ated in  Europe,  in  the  islands,  and  even  in  Asia  Minor. 
However,  the  Latin  Patriarchate  of  Constantinople 
outlived  the  Latin  Empire,  after  the  fall  of  which  the 
Latin  patriarchs  resided  in  Greece  or  in  Italy.  From 
1302  the  Holy  See  reserved  to  itself  the  appointment 
to  this  office  and  united  with  the  patriarchate  first 
the  Archbishopric  of  Candia,  later  the  Bishopric  of 
Negro pont;  this  was  still  the  situation  as  late  as  1463. 
A  consistorial  decree  of  1497  reserved  this  high  title 
to  cardinals;  the  rule,  however,  was  subject  to  many 
exceptions.  In  modern  times  a  contrary  practice  has 
prevailed;  the  Latin  titular  Patriarch  of  Constanti- 
nople ceases  to  bear  this  title  only  on  entrance  to  the 
Sacred  College.  Of  course,  after  the  fall  of  the  Latin 
or  Frank  ish  Empire  in  1261,  the  Latin  patriarch 
could  not  deal  directly  with  the  Catholics  of  Constan- 
tinople; they  were  committed  to  the  care  of  patri- 
archal vicars,  simple  priests  chosen  usually  among  the 
superiors  of  religious  orders  resident  in  the  city,  Ob- 
servantine  or  Conventual  Franciscans,  and  Domini- 
cans. This  lasted  until  1651,  when  the  Latin  patri- 
arch was  allowed  by  the  sultan  to  have  in  Constanti- 
nople a  patriarchal  suffragan  bishop,  who  was  free  to 
administer  the  diocese  in  the  name  of  the  patriarch. 
Finally,  in  1772,  the  Holy  See  suppressed  the  office  of 
patriarchal  suffragan  and  appointed  patriarchal  vicars 
Apostolic,  which  system  is  yet  in  existence. 

Restoration  of  Greek  Empire;  Efforts  at 
Reunion  of  the  Churches. — Having  anticipated  a 
little  we  may  here  take  up  the  thread  of  our  narra- 
tive. By  the  recovery  of  Constantinople  in  1261, 
Michael  Pakeologus  had  drawn  on  himself  the  enmity 
of  some  Western  princes,  especially  of  Charles  of 
Anjou,  brother  of  St.  Louis  and  heir  to  the  rights  of 
the  aforesaid  Latin  emperors  of  Constantinople.  To 
forestall  the  crusade  with  which  he  was  threatened 
the  Greek  emperor  opened  negotiations  with  the  pope 
and  accepted  the  union  of  the  Churches.  It  was  pro- 
claimed at  the  (Ecumenical  Council  of  Lyons  in  1274, 
and  was  confirmed  at  Constantinople  by  several  par- 
ticular councils  held  under  the  Greek  patriarch,  John 
Beccus,  a  sincere  Catholic.  It  was  not,  however,  ac- 
cepted by  the  Greek  people  who  remained  always 
inimical  to  the  West,  and,  on  the  emperor's  death  in 
1282,  it  was  rejected  at  a  council  held  in  the  Blachernse 
church.  Thenceforth  the  rulers  of  Constantinople 
had  to  reckon  with  the  ambitious  claims  of  Charles  of 
Valois,  brother  of  Philip  the  Fair,  and  of  other  Latin 
pretenders  to  the  imperial  crown.  The  city  itself 
was  rent  by  the  theological  disputes  of  Barlaamites 
and  Palamists  arising  from  Hesy  chasm  (q.  v.),  also 
by  the  domestic  dissensions  of  the  imperial  family 
during  the  reigns  of  the  two  Andronici,  John  Palteo- 
logus,  and  John  Cantacuzene.  With  the  aid  of  Turk- 
ish mercenaries  John  Cantacuzene  (the  hope  of  the 
Palamists)  withstood  the  legitimate  emperor  and 
conquered  the  city. 

The  Byzantine  Empire  was  now  in  face  of  its  last 
and  greatest  peril.  The  smaller  Greek  Empire  of 
Trebizond  controlled  since  1204  a  part  of  its  Asiatic 
provinces.  The  Fourth  Crusade  had  caused  almost 
all  the  islands  and  a  great  part  of  its  possessions  in 
Europe  to  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  Venetians,  Genoese, 
Pisans,  and  local  dynasts.  It  feared  most,  however, 
the  new  empire  of  the  Osmanlis  that  was  rapidly  over- 
flowing all  Asia  Minor.  The  Osmanlis  were  originally 
a  small  Turkish  tribe  of  Khorassan;  in  the  thirteenth 
century  they  had  settled  near  DoryUeum  (Eski- 
Shehir),  whence  they  gradually  annexed  all  the  sul- 


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tana  tee  and  principalities  of  the  Seljuk  Turks  and 
others.  As  early  as  1326  Brusa  in  Bithynia  had 
become  the  centre  of  their  power.  A  Genoese  fleet 
soon  conveyed  theii  army  into  Europe,  where  they 
took  Gallipoli  in  1397.  Thenceforth,  while  the  popes 
were  especially  anxious  to  save  the  Greek  East  and 
Constantinople,  the  Byzantines,  excited  by  their 
priests  and  monks,  appeared  daily  more  hostile  to  the 
West  and  exhausted  their  opportunities  in  useless 
theological  disputes.  The  memorable  defeat  of  the 
Serbs  and  Bulgarians  at  Kossovo  in  1389,  and  that 
of  the  crusaders  at  Nicopolis  in  1396,  seemed  to  indi- 
cate the  hopelessness  of  the  Byzantine  cause,  when 
the  Mongol  invasion  of  Timur-Leng  (Tamerlane)  and 
the  defeat  of  Sultan  Bayazid  at  Angora  in  1402  com- 
bined to  assure  another  half-century  of  existence  to 
the  doomed  empire. 

Scarcely  had  Manuel  II  heard  of  the  Turkish  dis- 
aster when  he  pulled  down  the  mosque  in  his  capital 
and  abandoned  his  negotiations  at  Rome,  where  he 
had  initiated  proposals  of  peace,  but  only  for  political 
reasons.  However,  the  Turkish  power  had  not  been 
destroyed  on  the  plain  of  Angora.  From  June  to 
September,  1422,  Sultan  MuradH  laid  siege  to  Con- 
stantinople, which  he  nearly  captured.  Though 
finally  repulsed,  the  Turks  tightened  daily  their  con- 
trol over  all  approaches  to  the  city,  which  only  a  new 
crusade  could  have  relieved.  At  the  Council  of 
Florence,  therefore  (1439),  the  Greeks  again  declared 
themselves  Catholics.  This  formal  reunion,  however, 
imposed  by  the  emperor  and  again  rejected  by  the 
Greek  nation,  could  not  in  the  beginning  be  pro- 
claimed even  at  Constantinople,  in  spite  of  the  election 
of  a  patriarch  favourable  to  Rome,  and  of  Western 
promises  to  help  the  Greeks  with  men  and  money. 
Mark  of  Ephesus  and  after  him  Gennadius  Scholarius 
were  omnipotent  with  clergy  and  people,  and  infused 
into  them  fresh  hatred  of  the  Latins.  Nevertheless, 
the  promised  crusade  took  place  under  the  direction 
of  Cardinal  Giuliano  Cesarmi.  Janos  Hunyady  and 
Iskender-Beg  (Scanderbeg)  performed  miracles  of 
valour,  but  in  vain.  The  crusaders  were  completely 
defeated  at  Varna  in  1444,  and  nothing  was  left 
to  Constantinople  but  to  perish  honourably.  The 
reunion  with  Rome,  as  accepted  at  Florence,  was  at 
last  proclaimed  officially  in  St.  Sophia  by  Cardinal 
Isidore,  Metropolitan  of  Kiev  (12  Dec.,  1452).  It 
was  thus  fated  that  Emperor  Constantine  Dragases, 
the  last  heir  of  the  great  Constantine,  was  to  die  in 
the  Catholic  Faith. 

Fall  of  Constantinople  ;  Capital  of  Ottoman 
Empire. — When  the  tragic  hour  struck,  the  emperor 
had  only  about  7000  men,  including  all  foreign  suc- 
cour. Since  March,  1453,  the  Turks,  to  the  number 
of  200,000,  had  invested  the  city;  the  preceding  year 
they  had  built  on  the  Bosporus  the  redoubtable 
fortress  of  Rumeli-Hissar.  Their  fleet  also  held  the 
entrance  to  the  Dardanelles,  but  was  prevented  from 
entering  the  Golden  Horn  by  a  strong  iron  chain  that 
barred  its  mouth.  But  Mohammed  n  caused  seventy 
of  his  ships  to  slide  on  greased  planks  behind  Galata; 
in  this  way  they  entered  the  Golden  Horn  (22  April). 
He  then  cast  across  it  a  bridge  of  boats  broad  enough 
to  allow  the  passage  of  five  soldiers  abreast,  while  his 
troops,  constantly  renewed,  kept  up  without  ceasing 
their  attacks  by  land.  Eventually  the  defenders  were 
exhausted  by  the  toils  of  a  continuous  and  hopeless 
conflict,  while  their  ranks  grew  steadily  thinner 
through  death  or  wounds.  Tne  population  gave  no 
help  and  was  content  to  taunt  the  Latins,  while  wait- 
ing for  the  miracle  of  Heaven  that  was  to  save  them. 
Finally,  29  May,  1453,  about  4  o'clock  in  the  morning, 
a  furious  assault  of  the  Turks  broke  down  the  walls 
and  gates  of  the  city,  and  the  besiegers  burst  in  from 
every  side.  Emperor  Constantine  fell  like  a  hero  at 
the  gate  of  St.  Roman  us.  St.  Sophia  was  imme- 
diately transformed  into  a  mosque,  and  during  three 


days  the  unhappy  city  was  abandoned  to  unspeakable 
excesses  of  cruelty  and  debauchery.  The  next  year, 
at  the  demand  of  the  sultan  himself,  Gennadius 
Scholarius,  Rome's  haughty  adversary,  was  ap- 
pointed Patriarch  of  Constantinople,  and  soon  the 
Greek  Church  was  re-established,  almost  in  its  former 
position. 

Thus  was  granted  the  sacrilegious  prayer  of  so 
many  Greeks,  blinded  by  unreasoning  hate,  that 
henceforth,  not  the  tiara,  But  the  turban  should  rule 
in  the  city  of  Constantine.  Even  the  name  of  the 
city  was  changed.  The  Turks  call  it  officially  (in 
Arabic)  Der-es-Saadet,  Door  of  Happiness,  or  (chiefly 
on  coins)  Konstantinieh.  Their  usual  name  for  it  is 
Stamboul,  or  rather  Istamboul.  a  corruption  of  the 
Gieek  expression  tit  tV  r6)ur  (pronounced  stimboli), 
perhaps  under  the  influence  of  a  form,  Islamboul, 
which  could  pass  for  "the  city  of  Islam".  Most  of 
the  churches,  like  St.  Sophia,  were  gradually  con- 
verted into  mosques.  This  was  the  fate  of  SS.  Sergius 
and  Bacchus,  a  beautiful  monument  built  by  Justin- 
ian, commonly  called  "the  little  St.  Sophia'';  of  the 
church  of  the  monastery  of  Khora,  whose  splendid 
mosaics  and  pictures,  mostly  of  the  fourteenth 
century,  are  among  the  principal  curiosities  of  the 
city;  of  the  churches  of  the  celebrated  Pantocrator 
and  Studium  monasteries,  etc.  Other  churches  were 
demolished  and  replaced  by  various  buildings;  thus 
the  church  of  the  Holy  Apostles  gave  way  to  tne  great 
mosque  built  by  the  conquering  Sultan  Mohammed 
II.  The  imperial  tombs  in  this  church  were  violated; 
some  of  their  gigantic  red  porphyry  sarcophagi  were 
taken  to  the  church  of  St.  Irene.  The  latter  is  the 
only  church  taken  from  the  Greeks  that  has  not  been 
changed  into  a  mosque  or  demolished;  it  became,  and 
is  yet  an  arsenal,  or  rather  a  museum  of  ancient 
weapons. 

The  sultans  in  turn  endowed  their  new  capital  with 
many  beautiful  monuments.  Mohammed  II  built  the 
castle  of  Yedi-Kouleh,  the  Tchinili-Kiosk  (now  a 
museum),  the  mosques  of  Cheik  Bokhari,  of  the 
Janizaries,  of  Kassim-Pasha,  of  Eyoub,  where  every 
sultan  at  his  accession  is  obliged  to  be  girt  with  the 
sword  of  Othman,  etc.  Bayazid  II  built  the  Bayazid- 
ieh  (145S).  Soliman  the  Magnificent  built  the  Sulei- 
manieh,  the  most  beautiful  Turkish  monument  in 
Constantinople.  His  architect  Sinan  constructed 
fifty  other  mosques  in  the  empire.  Ahmed  I  built 
(1610)  the  Ahmedieh  on  the  foundations  of  the 
imperial  Great  Palace,  a  pretty  fountain  near  St. 
Sophia,  etc.  The  buildings  of  the  old  seraglio  at 
Seraglio  Point  are  also  of  Turkish  origin;  nothing 
is  left  of  the  Byzantine  imperial  palaces  that  once 
stood  there.  The  Blachenue  palace  has  also  disap- 
peared; its  church  was  accidentally  burned  in  the 
seventeenth  century.  Not  far  distant  are  the  impor- 
tant ruins  of  the  palace  of  the  Porphyrogemtus. 
When  the  Turks  took  Constantinople,  the  hippo- 
drome was  already  in  ruinous  decay.  There  remain 
yet  three  precious  monuments  of  ancient  imperial 
splendour:  the  Egyptian  obelisk  brought  thither  by 
Theodosius  the  Great,  the  Serpentine  Column  brought 
from  Delphi  by  Constantine,  and  the  Byzantine  monu- 
ment known  as  the  Walled-up  Column.  Near  them 
has  been  constructed,  on  the  plans  and  at  the  expense 
of  the  German  Emperor,  William  II,  a  fountain  in 
Byzantine  style.  The  Turks  have  also  respected 
some  other  relics  of  antiquity,  especially  the  columns 
of  Constantine,  Marcian,  Theodosius,  and  Arcadius, 
the  aqueduct  of  Valens,  and  many  of  the  great  sub- 
terraneous cisterns. 

The  Turkish  City. — This  is  not  the  place  to 
narrate  the  later  history  of  the  city,  so  often  the 
scene  of  sanguinary  events,  revolts  of  the  Janizaries, 
palace-revolutions,  etc.  In  1826  Mahmud  II  sup- 
pressed the  redoubtable  praetorians,  but  the  tragic 
domestic  revolutions  go  on  as  before.   In  1807  a 


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British  fleet  threatened  the  city,  which  was  courage- 
ously defended  by  Sultan  Selim  III  and  the  French 
ambassador,  General  Sebastiani.  In  1854  Anglo- 
French  armies  encamped  at  Constantinople  before 
and  after  the  Crimean  expedition'  against  Russia. 
In  1878  the  Russians  advanced  to  San  Stefano,  a 
little  village  in  the  European  suburbs,  and  dictated 
there  the  treaty  of  that  name.  In  1821  the  Greek 
patriarch,  Gregory  V,  with  many  bishops  and  laymen, 
was  hanged  on  tne  occasion  of  the  outbreak  of  the 
Greek  War  for  Independence.  In  1895-1896  the 
capital,  as  well  as  the  provinces,  saw  many  Armenians 
massacred  by  the  Kurds,  with  the  complicity,  or 
rather  by  order  of  the  Government.  Even  the 
dreadful  physical  catastrophes  of  former  times  have 
been  renewed;  great  conflagrations  in  1864  and  1870 
destroyed  entire  quarters  at  Stamboul  and  Pera. 
In  the  latter  place  many  thousands  of  lives  were  lost 
(most  of  the  nouses  are  built  of  timber).  In  1894  an 
earthquake  laid  low  a  great  part  of  the  Bazaar  and 
killed  several  thousand  persons.  The  city  is  now 
undergoing  a  slow  process  of  cleansing;  it  is  lit  by 
gas,  and  there  are  some  tramways  in  its  streets,  most 
of  which  are  still  very  narrow  and  dirty,  and  are  at 
all  times  obstructed  by  vagrant  dogs.  A  cable  rail- 
way joins  Galata  to  Pera. 

National  and  Religious  Statistics. — The  popu- 
lation, we  have  already  said,  is  (1908)  at  least  1,000,- 
000,  perhaps  1,200,000;  Turkish  statistics  are  very 
uncertain.  The  Turks  seem  to  form  about  three- 
fifths  of  this  population.  There  are  more  than  2000 
mosques,  near  which  are  generally  found  elementary 
schools  for  boys  and  even  for  girls;  often  also  me- 
dressehs  or  Mussulman  theological  schools.  The 
tekkis  are  Mussulman  monasteries  for  dervishes  of 
various  orders.  Superior  instruction  is  given  at  the 
Lyceum  of  Galata  Seraglio.  It  has  about  1200  pupils 
(mostly  Mussulmans),  and  instruction  is  given  in  both 
Turkish  and  French.  Efforts  are  being  made  to 
transform  this  college  into  a  university.  There  are 
also  about  20  secondary  schools,  a  university  of  law,  a 
school  of  medicine,  military  schools,  and  other  pro- 
fessional and  special  schools.  The  libraries  annexed 
to  the  great  mosques  contain  precious  Eastern  manu- 
scripts. There  are  many  Turkish  hospitals,  several 
of  which  are  in  charge  of  Catholic  Sisters  of  Charity, 
an  asylum  for  the  poor,  a  Pasteur  institute,  and  other 
charitable  foundations.  The  Persian  Mussulmans, 
generally  Shiites,  have  their  own  religious  organiza- 
tion, with  a  hospital  at  Stamboul,  conducted  by  Sis- 
ters of  Charity.  The  Jewish  population  increases 
rapidly,  and  is  of  two  kinds:  the  Spanish  Jews  who 
came  to  Turkey  in  the  sixteenth  century  when  ex- 
pelled from  Spain,  and  still  speak  a  bad  Spanish; 
others,  who  came  and  still  come  from  Russia,  Ru- 
mania, Austria,  Germany,  etc.  The  latter  often  ob- 
tain good  situations;  not  so  the  former,  whose  social 
status  is  low  and  unhappy.  There  is  also  among  the 
Jews  of  the  city  a  diversity  of  rites,  synagogues, 
schools,  and  works  of  beneficence.  The  Christians 
seem  to  number  over  300,000.  If  we  except  an  insig- 
nificant body  of  Jacobites  and  their  bishop,  the  rest 
may  be  divided  as  Monophysites,  Protestants,  Ortho- 
dox Greeks,  and  Catholics.  The  Monophysites  are 
Armenians,  who  call  themselves  Gregorians,  after 
their  apostle,  St.  Gregory  Illuminator.  They  number 
about  100,000,  with  a  patriarch  resident  at  Koum- 
Kapou  (Stamboul),  many  churches,  53  elementary 
schools,  2  colleges,  a  large  charitable  establishment  at 
Yecli-Kouleh,  etc. 

Protestantism  is  represented  by  English,  American, 
German,  and  other  foreign  colonies,  also  by  about  one 
thousand  Armenian  converts.  Its  chief  institutions, 
apart  from  several  churches,  are  the  Bible  house  at 
Stamboul  with  its  bran'.'ies  (homes  for  sailors  and 
foreign  girls),  Robert  College  a  .  Rumeli-Hissar  on 
the  Bosporus  (a  large  American  school  founded  in 


1863,  with  about  600  pupils),  and  a  high  school  for 
girls  at  Scutari.  There  are  also  some  elementary 
Protestant  schools  and  a  special  mission  for  the  Jews, 
finally  an  English  and  a  German  hospital.  The 
Schismatic  Greeks  who  call  themselves  Orthodox, 
number  about  150,000,  some  thousands  of  whom  are 
Hellenes,  i.  e.  subjects  of  the  Kingdom  of  Greece. 
The  oecumenical  patriarch,  who  resides  in  the  Fanar 
(Greek  quarter,  along  the  Golden  Horn),  is  the  bishop 
of  the  diocese  (there  are  metropolites  at  Kadi-Keui 
and  at  Makri-Keui,  the  latter  with  the  title  of  Derki). 
He  is  aided  in  the  administration  of  his  office  by  the 
Great  Protosyncellus.  There  are  40  parishes,  12  of 
which  are  first  class.  11  second  class,  and  17  third 
class.  The  principal  churches  prefer  instead  of  a 
simple  priest,  a  titular  bishop  or  chorepiscopus:  they 
are  five  in  number.  Recent  statistics  show  72  schools, 
64  of  which  give  elementary  and  middle,  and  8  supe- 
rior teaching.  Among  the  higher  schools  are  included 
the  so-called  Great  National  School  in  the  Fanar 
(said  to  date  from  the  Middle  Ages),  the  commercial 
and  theological  schools  at  Halki,  etc.  The  theologi- 
cal school  is  a  seminary  for  future  bishops  of  the 
Greek  Church.  These  Greek  schools  have  398  teach- 
ers and  13,217  pupils;  the  elementary  schools  have 
10,665  pupils,  and  the  superior  schools  2562.  We 
may  add  that  many  Greek  boys  and  girls,  also  Armen- 
ians, are  taught  in  foreign  schools,  chieny  in  those  of 
the  French  religious  congregations  and  at  Robert 
College.  The  Greeks  have  a  large  charitable  estab- 
lishment at  Balekli  and  an  orphanage.  Quite  impor- 
tant also  are  their  various  associations  (syoBogi),  the 
principal  one  being  the  important  learned  body  known 
as  the  Literary  Greek  Society,  with  a  rich  library. 
The  libraries  of  the  Metochion,  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre, 
and  the  theological  school  at  Halki  are  also  remarkable 
for  their  manuscripts.  For  the  general  organization 
of  the  Greek  Schismatics,  see  Greek  Church.  The 
Russians  have  at  Constantinople  3  monasteries,  a 
school,  a  hospital,  and  an  archaeological  institute, 
with  a  rich  library.  The  Serbs  and  Rumanians  have 
also  their  national  establishments.  There  are  in  the 
capital  about  15,000  Bulgarians.  They  are  consid- 
ered schismatics  by  the  Greek  Church,  from  which 
they  have  completely  separated.  Their  exarch,  who 
has  jurisdiction  over  all  native  Bulgarians  and  those 
of  European  Turkey,  resides  at  Chichli  (pronounced 
shishli),  where  there  are  also  a  seminary,  a  school,  and 
a  hospital  for  Bulgarians.  His  cathedral  is  at  Balata, 
Stamboul. 

Catholic  Life  and  Statistics. — The  Catholics  in- 
clude those  of  the  Roman  or  Latin  Rite,  and  others  of 
Eastern  rites  often  called  Uniats.  Among  the  latter, 
the  Catholic  Armenians  deserve  most  attention;  they 
number  about  5000.  Their  patriarch  resides  at  Pera, 
and  to  their  special  organization  belong:  6  elementary 
and  3  middle  schools,  also  a  large  charitable  establish- 
ment for  orphans  and  for  poor  or  sick  people.  They 
have  four  congregations  conducted  as  follows:  The 
Mechitarists  of  Vienna  have  2  residences,  19  monks; 
the  Mechitarists  of  Venice,  1  residence,  8  monks;  the 
Antonines,  1  residence,  8  monks;  Sisters  of  the  Im- 
maculate Conception,  3  residences,  about  100  nuns. 
The  Melchites  or  Arabic-speaking  Syrians  of  Byzantine 
Rite  have  a  church  with  3  priests,  one  of  whom  acts  as 
vicar  of  his  patriarch  for  all  affairs  of  the  "nation" 
that  come  before  the  Sublime  Porte.  The  Catholic 
patriarchs  of  the  Chaldeans  and  the  Syrians  are  simi- 
larly represented  by  vicars  to  whom  are  subject  the 
few  faithful  of  then-  rites  present  in  the  city.  The 
Catholic  Greeks,  few  in  number  as  yet,  are  subject  to 
the  Apostolic  delegate;  they  have  two  parishes,  at 
Koura-Kapou  (Stamboul)  and  Kadi-Keui,  conducted 
by  the  Assumptionists,  and  a  mission  at  Pera,  eon- 
ducted  by  the  Fathers  of  the  Holy  Trinity.  The 
former  have  also  missions  for  the  Greeks  at  Otesarea 
in  Cappadocia  and  at  Peramos  in  the  Peninsula  of 


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Cyzfcus;  the  latter  at  Malgara  and  Daoudili  in  Thrace. 
The  Catholic  Bulgarians  have  at  Galata  their  arch- 
bishop and  one  priest.  The  Catholic  Georgians  are 
few  and  are  subject  to  the  Apostolic  delegate;  most 
of  them  belong  to  the  Latin  or  the  Armenian  Rite. 

The  Catholics  of  the  Latin  Rite,  as  already  stated, 
are  ruled  by  an  Apostolic  vicar.  Though  a  titular  arch- 
bishop he  enjoys  ordinary  jurisdiction  and  since  1868 
is  Apostolic  delegate  for  the  Catholics  of  Eastern 
Rites.  He  resides  at  Pancaldi  and  has  there  his  pro- 
cathedral.  His  authority  is  not  acknowledged  by  the 
Sublime  Porte  and  he  is  obliged  to  use  the  French 
embassy  in  his  relations  with  the  Turkish  Govern- 
ment. The  limits  of  his  vicariate  are:  in  Europe  the 
Vicariate  of  Sofia,  the  Archdioceses  of  Uscub  and 
Durazzo,  and  the  Apostolic  Delegation  of  Athens ;  in 
Asia,  the  Diocese  of  Tiraspol,  the  Apostolic  Delega- 
tions of  Mesopotamia  and  Aleppo,  and  the  Archbish- 
opric of  Smyrna.  The  Latin  Catholics  subject  to  him 
must  number  (1908)  between  30,000  and  35,000, 
about  22,000  of  whom  are  at  Constantinople.  Other 
principal  centres  are,  in  Europe:  Salonica,  Gallipoli. 
Cavaua,  Monastir,  Rodosto,  Dede-Aghatch,  and 
Adrianople,  with  about  6000  souls:  in  Asia:  Brusa, 
Ismid,  Adampol,  Zongoul-Dagh,  Dardanelles,  Eski- 
Shehir,  Angora,  Trebizond,  Samsoun,  and  Erzeroum 
with  about  3000  souls.  Most  Latin  Catholics  are  of 
foreign  nationalities  and  come  from  Greece,  Italy, 
France,  Austria,  etc. 

Almost  all  the  religious  works  of  the  Apostolic  vi- 
cariate are  conducted  by  religious  orders  or  congrega- 
tions. The  secular  clergy  counts  only  about  ten 
members;  they  possess  the  two  parishes  of  Pancaldi 
(pro-cathedral)  and  the  Dardanelles.  There  are  four- 
teen parishes  (five  principal)  in  Constantinople  and 
its  suburbs.  Outside  the  capital,  the  vicariate  com- 
prises 7  other  parishes  and  23  missionary  stations. 
There  are  several  seminaries,  but  none  for  the  vicari- 
ate itself:  a'Greek  preparatory  seminary  at  Koum- 
Kapou  (Stamboul),  a  Bulgarian  preparatory  semin- 
ary at  Kara-Aghatch  (Adrianople),  a  Greek-Bulga- 
rian  theological  seminary  at  Kadi-Keui,  conducted 
by  the  Assumptionists,  with  respectively  30,  35,  and 
10  pupils;  the  Eastern  Seminary,  preparatory  and 
theological,  founded  at  Pera  in  1889  by  French  Capu- 
chins for  Latin  and  Eastern  Rite  pupils  of  every  East- 
era  diocese,  with  46  to  50  pupils;  the  preparatory 
Seraphic  Seminary  conducted  since  1894  at  San  Stef- 
ano  by  Austrian  Capuchins,  30  pupils;  a  Bulgarian 
preparatory  and  theological  seminary  at  Zeitenlik 
(Salonica),  conducted  by  the  Lazarists,  58  pupils. 
Eighty  elementary  or  middle  schools  are  conducted 
by  the  aforesaid  religious  congregations.  There  are 
74  primary  and  boarding  schools,  for  boys  or  girls, 
with  11,400  pupils  (7030  girls  and  4370  boys),  6  (prop- 
erly so  called)  colleges  for  boys  with  1410  pupils  and  a 
commercial  institute.  Moreover,  600  male  and  fe- 
male orphans  are  trained  in  6  orphanages.  A  profes- 
sional school  has  just  been  founded.  More  than  half 
of  these  schools  are  situated  in  Constantinople  or  its 
suburbs.  Many  of  the  pupils  are  not  Catholics,  and 
many  are  Mussulmans  or  Jews.  There  is  at  Feri- 
Keui  a  large  and  beautiful  cemetery. 

Catholic  Orders  and  Congregations. — Orders 
of  Men. — Augustinians  of  the  Assumption,  13  resi- 
dences, 51  priests  (including  6  of  Greek  and  6  of  Slav 
Rite),  and  28  students  or  lay  brothers,  3  seminaries, 
6  parishes,  7  schools.  French  Capuchins,  2  residences, 
59  monks  (25  students  and  10  lay  brothers).  1  semi- 
nary, 1  scholasticate,  and  the  church  of  St.  Louis, 
parish  of  the  French  embassy.  Austrian  Capuchins, 
1  residence,  with  1  parish,  1  Reminary  and  1  novitiate, 
10  monks.  Italian  Capuchins,  3  residences,  8  priests, 
and  4  lay  brothers.  Conventuals,  6  residences,  5 
parishes,  21  priests,  and  10  lay  brothers.  Franciscans, 
4  residences,  2  parishes,  with  10  priests  and  6  lay 
brothers.    Dominicans,  3  residences,  1  parish,  9 


priests,  and  3  lay  brothers.  Georgian  Benedictines  of 
the  Immaculate  Conception,  3  residences,  2  parishes 
1  school,  with  13  religious  (2  priests  of  Georgian  Rite). 
Jesuits,  6  residences,  42  religious,  about  20  priests,  9 
schools.  Austrian  Lazarists,  1  residence,  1  college, 
12  religious.  French  Lazarists,  7  residences,  71  re- 
ligious (56  priests),  2  colleges,  1  seminary,  several 
schools,  1  parish.  Greek  Fathers  of  the  Holy  Trinity 
of  Pera,  3  residences,  6  priests,  3  schools.  Polish 
Resurrectionists,  3  residences,  about  30  religious  (12 
priests,  several  of  the  Slav  Rite),  1  college.  Brothers 
of  the  Christian  Schools,  150  brothers,  10  residences, 
1  college,  1  commercial  and  10  elementary  schools. 
Brothers  of  Ploermel,  10  brothers,  aiding  the  Assump- 
tionists in  their  schools.  Marist  Brothers,  8  resi- 
dences, 4  schools,  46  brothers,  aid  other  religious' 
in  4  more  schools.  Italian  Sales ians  of  Dom  Bosco, 
1  technical  school. 

_  Orders  of  Women. — Carmelites,  6  nuns.  Dominican 
Sisters  of  Mondovf,  2  schools,  14  nuns.  Sisters  of 
Charity,  17  establishments,  210  nuns;  they  conduct 
among  others  three  Turkish  hospitals,  the  Persian, 
French,  Italian,  and  Austrian  hospitals,  2  asylums, 
7  orphanages,  13  schools.  Franciscan  Sisters  of 
Calais,  1  residence,  10  sisters  for  care  of  sick  people 
at  home.  Franciscan  Sisters  of  Gemona  (Italy),  4 
residences,  30  sisters,  5  schools.  Sisters  of  the  Im- 
maculate Conception  of  Ivrea  (Italy),  3  residences, 
35  sisters,  1  hospital,  2  schools.  Sisters  of  the  Im- 
maculate Conception  of  Lourdes,  1  residence,  14 
sisters,  for  the  adoration  of  the  Most  Blessed  Sacra- 
ment and  care  of  sick  people.  Oblates  of  the  Assump- 
tion, 8  residences,  94  sisters,  7  schools,  1  hospital,  1 
novitiate  for  native  girls.  Oblates  of  the  Assumption 
of  Nlmes,  15  sisters,  3  schools.  Little  Sisters  of  the 
Poor,  1  asylum,  16  sisters.  Sisters  of  St.  Joseph  of 
the  Apparition,  2  residences,  30  sisters,  2  schools. 
Sisters  of  St.  Joseph  of  Lyons,  3  residences,  39  sisters, 
3  schools,  1  hospital.  Sisters  of  Our  Lady  of  Sion, 
120  sisters,  2  residences,  2  boarding,  and  2  elementary 
schools.  Georgian  Servants  of  Our  Lady,  2  resi- 
dences, 2  schools,  15  sisters.  Bulgarian  Eucharistine 
Sisters,  5  residences  with  schools,  30  sisters.  Resur- 
rectionist Sisters,  5  sisters,  1  school.  Missionary  Sis- 
ters of  the  Most  Holy  Heart  of  Mary,  8  sisters,  1 
hospital.  Most  of  these  residences  have  dispensaries, 
with  a  physician,  where  remedies  are  supplied 
gratuitously  to  the  poor.  To  the  works  of  these 
congregations  must  be  added  pious  works  conducted 
by  lay  persons:  St.  Vincent  de  Paul  Conferences  (6  at 
Constantinople) ;  the  Sympnia,  an  association  which 
conducts  a  school  for  Catholic  Hellenes,  with  90 
pupils,  various  associations  and  brotherhoods,  etc. 

The  Christian  City. — Cousin,  Histoire  de  Comtantinople 
depuis  Justinien  juaqu'a  la  fin  de  I' empire  (8  vols.,  Paris,  1671- 
1674);  Hutton,  Constantinople  (London,  1900);  Babth,  Con- 
stantinople (Pans,  1903);  Do  Canoe,  Constantinopolit  chris- 
tiana  in  De  Byzantines  histories  scriptoribus  (Paris,  1687), 
XXII;  Banduju,  Impsrium  orientate  stve  antiquitates  Constan- 
tinopolitana  (2  vol.  fol.,  Venice,  1729);  Mordtmann,  Bsguisse 
topographique  de  Constantinople  (Lille,  1892);  ton  Hammer, 
Constantinopolis  und  der  Bosporos  (Budapest,  1822);  Byxan- 
tios,  Constantinople  (Greek,  Athens,  1851);  Constant! oa, 
Constaniiniade  ou  description  de  Constantinople  ancienne  et 
moderne  (Constantinople,  1846);  Rl cuter,  QueUen  der  byzan- 
tinischen  Kunsigeschichte  (Vienna,  1897);  G  ED  EON,  Constanti- 
nople in  Bouttrab  (Greek).  Dictionary  of  History  and  Geo- 
graphy (Constantinople,  1881),  III,  929-1121:  Riant,  Exuvite 
same  Constantinopotitanai  (Geneva,  1877);  Boutt,  Souvenirs 
chrtliens  de  Constantinople  (Paris,  1896);  Cupehus,  Tractalus 
prcetiminaris  de  patriarchis  Constantinopolitanis  in  Acta  SS., 
ed.  Palme,  August,  I,  vi-ix,  1-272;  Leouien,  Orient  Chris- 
tianas (Paris,  1740),  I,  1-350,  III,  793-836;  Gedeon,  TJaTjuap. 
Xt*ot  irtVaxcc  (Constantinople,  1887). 

Sieges  or  Constantinople.— Gerland.  Oeschichte  dee 
lateinischen  Kaiserreiches  von  Konstantinopel  (Hamburg,  1904); 
Krause,  Die  Erdberungen  von  Konstantinopel  im  IS.  und  IB. 
Jahrhundert  (Halle,  1850);  Pears,  The  Fall  of  Constantinople, 
being  the  Story  of  the  Fourth  Crusade  (London,  1885);  Idem, 
The  Destruction  of  the  Greek  Empire  and  the  Story  of  the  Capture 
of  Constantinople  by  the  Turks  (London,  1903);  Stakatiai>e8, 
History  of  the  Capture  of  Byzantium  by  the  Franks  and  of  Their 
Domination  (Greek,  Athens,  1885);  Kallioas,  Essays  on 
Byzantine  History  from  the  Former  to  the  Latter  Capture  of  Con- 


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CONSTANTINOPLE 


ttantinople  (Greek,  Athena,  1894);  Vlasto,  Let  denim  jourt 
it  Constantinople  en  1US3  (Paha,  1883);  Poojoulat,  Hittoire 
dt  la  conquete  et  de  V  occupation  de  Conttantinople  par  let  Latin* 
(Tours,  1855);  D'Out&khann,  Constantinopoli*  Bclgica  live  de 
rebut  octtit  a  Balduino  et  Henrico,  imperaioribue  Conttantino- 
poUt  (Touroai.  1643):  Mobdtmann,  Belaperung  und  Eroberung 
KonetantinopeU  durch  die  Turken  im  JoJire  UtS  (Stuttgart, 
1868);  Vast,  he  tieqe  el  la  pritt  de  Conttantinople  taprit  dee 
document!  nouveaux  m  Revue  hittorique,  XIII,  1-40. 

Hodbbn  Religious  Statistics. — Vailhe,  Conttantinople 
in  Did.  de  thiol,  rath..  Ill,  1307-1510;  Cmurr,  La  Turquie 
a"  A  tie  (Paris,  1894).  IV,  589-705;  Mieeionet  cathclica  (Rome, 
1907),  pp.  137-140;  Piolet,  Let  mittimt  catholiquet  francaitet 
au  XIX'  ritcle,  I,  39-142,  149-184;  Bklxn,  Hittoire  dt  la 
LatiniU  de  Conttantinople  (Paris,  1904);  Hilaibb  db  Baban- 
TOM,  La  France  eatholique  en  Orient  (Paris,  1902):  Almanack  a 
Vutage  dee  famillet  catholiquet  de  Conttantinople  (1901-1906). 

For  extensive  bibliographies  see:  Chevalier,  Topo-bM. 
(Montbeliard,  1904),  I,  780-787:  Kkumbacheb,  Ottchiehle  der 
btzantiniachen  Litteratur  (Munich,  1897),  1088-1144;  Vailhb 
tn  Diet,  de  thiol,  cath.,  111,1515-1519. 

S.  Vailhe. 

Constantinople,  Councils  of. — A.  General 
Councils.— Four  general  councils  of  the  Church  were 
held  in  this  city. 

I.  The  First  Council  of  Constantinople  (Second 
General  Council)  was  called  in  May,  381,  by  Emperor 
Theodosius,  to  provide  for  a  Catholic  succession  in  the 
patriarchal  See  of  Constantinople,  to  confirm  the  Ni- 
cene  Faith,  to  reconcile  the  Semi-Arians  with  the 
Church,  and  to  put  an  end  to  the  Macedonian  heresy. 
Originally  it  was  only  a  council  of  the  Orient;  the  ar- 
guments of  Baronius  (ad  an.  381,  nos.  19,  20)  to  prove 
that  it  was  called  by  Pope  Damasus  are  invalid  (He- 
fele-Leclercq,  Hist,  des  Conciles,  Paris,  1908,  II,  4). 
It  was  attended  by  160  Catholic  and  36  heretical 
(Semi-Arian,  Macedonian)  bishops,  and  was  presided 
over  by  Meletius  of  Antioch;  after  his  death,  by  the 
successive  Patriarchs  of  Constantinople,  St.  Gregory 
Nazianzen  and  Nectarius.  Its  first  measure  was  to 
confirm  St.  Gregory  Nazianzen  as  Bishop  of  Constanti- 
nople. The  Acts  of  the  council  have  almost  entirely 
disappeared,  and  its  proceedings  are  known  chiefly 
through  the  accounts  of  the  ecclesiastical  historians 
Socrates,  Sozomen,  and  Theodoret.  There  is  good 
reason  to  believe  that  it  drew  up  a  formal  treatise 
(tomos)  on  the  Catholic  doctrine  of  the  Trinity,  also 
against  Apollinarianism;  this  important  document  has 
been  lost,  with  the  exception  of  the  first  canon  of  the 
council  and  its  famous  creed  (Nicjeno-Constantino- 
politanum).  The  latter  is  traditionally  held  to  be  an 
enlargement  of  the  Nicene  Creed,  with  emphasis  on 
the  Divinity  of  the  Holy  Spirit.  It  seems,  however, 
to  be  of  earlier  origin,  and  was  probably  composed 
(369-73)  by  St.  Cyril  of  Jerusalem  as  an  expression  of 
the  faith  of  that  Church  (Bois),  though  its  adoption  by 
this  council  gave  it  special  authority',  both  as  a  baptis- 
mal creed  and  as  a  theological  formula.  Recently 
Hamack  (Realencyklop&die  fur  prot.  Theol.  und 
Kirche,  3rd  ed.,  XI,  12-28)  has  maintained,  on  ap- 

garently  inconclusive  grounds,  that  not  till  after  the 
ouncu  of  Chalcedon  (451)  was  this  creed  (a  Jerusa- 
lem formula  with  Nicene  additions)  attributed  to  the 
Fathers  of  this  council.  At  Chalcedon,  indeed,  it  was 
twice  recited  and  appears  twice  in  the  Acts  of  that 
council:  it  was  also  read  and  accepted  at  the  Sixth 
General  Council,,  held  at  Constantinople  in  680  (see 
below).  The  very  ancient  Latin  version  of  its  text 
(Mansi,  Coll.  Cone,  III,  567)  is  by  Dionysius  Exiguus. 

The  Greeks  recognize  seven  canons,  but  the  oldest 
Latin  versions  have  only  four;  the  other  three  are 
very  probably  (Hefele)  later  additions.  The  first 
canon  is  an  important  dogmatic  condemnation  of  all 
shades  of  Arianism,  also  of  Maeedonianism  and  Apol- 
linarianism. The  second  canon  renews  the  Nicene 
legislation  imposing  upon  the  bishops  the  observance 
of  diocesan  and  patriarchal  limits.  The  fourth  canon 
declares  invalid  the  consecration  of  Maximus,  the 
Cynic  philosopher  and  rival  of  St.  Gregory  of  Nazian- 
zus,  as  Bishop  of  Constantinople.  The  famous  third 
canon  declares  that  because  Constantinople  is  New 


Rome  the  bishop  of  that  city  should  have  a  pre-emi- 
nence of  honour  after  the  Bishop  of  Old  Rome.  Bar- 
onius wrongly  maintained  the  non-authenticity  of 
this  canon,  while  some  medieval  Greeks  maintained 
(an  equally  erroneous  thesis)  that  it  declared  the 
bishop  of  the  royal  city  in  all  things  the  equal  of  the 
pope.  _  The  purely  human  reason  of  Rome's  ancient 
authority,  suggested  by  this  canon,  was  never  ad- 
mitted by  the  Apostolic  See,  which  always  based  its 
claim  to  supremacy  on  the  succession  of  St.  Peter. 
Nor  did  Rome  easily  acknowledge  this  unjustifiable 
reordering  of  rank  among  the  ancient  patriarchates  of 
the  East.  It  was  rejected  by  the  papal  legates  at 
Chalcedon.  St.  Leo  the  Great  (Ep.  cvi  in  P.  L.,  LIV, 
1003,  1005)  declared  that  this  canon  had  never  been 
submitted  to  the  Apostolic  See  and  that  it  was  a  viola- 
tion of  the  Nicene  order.  At  the  Eighth  General 
Council  in  869  the  Roman  legates  (Mansi,  XVI,  174) 
acknowledged  Constantinople  as  second  in  patriarchal 
rank.  In  1215,  at  the  Fourth  Lateran  Council  (op. 
cit.,  XXII,  991),  this  was  formally  admitted  for  the 
new  Latin  patriarch,  and  in  1439,  at  the  Council  of 
Florence,  for  the  Greek  patriarch  (Hefele-Leclercq, 
Hist,  des  Conciles,  II,  25-27).  The  Roman  correctors* 
of  Gratian  (1582),  at  dist.  xxii,  c.  3,  insert  the  words: 
"canon  hie  ex  iis  est  quos  apostolica  Romana  sedes  a 
principio  et  longo  post  tempore  non  recipit." 

At  the  close  of  the  council  Emperor  Theodosius  is- 
sued an  imperial  decree  (30  July)  declaring  that  the 
churches  should  be  restored  to  those  bishops  who  con- 
fessed the  equal  Divinity  of  the  Father,  the  Son,  and 
the  Holy  Spirit,  and  who  held  communion  with  Nec- 
tarius of  Constantinople  and  other  important  Oriental 
prelates  whom  he  named.  The  oecumenical  character 
of  this  council  seems  to  date,  among  the  Greeks,  from 
the  Council  of  Chalcedon  (451).  According  to  Pho- 
tius  (Mansi,  III,  596)  Pope  Damasus  approved  it,  but 
if  any  part  of  the  council  were  approved  by  this  pope 
it  could  have  been  only  the  aforesaid  creed.  In  the 
latter  half  of  the  fifth  century  the  successors  of  Leo 
the  Great  are  silent  as  to  this  council.  Its  mention  in 
the  so-called  "  Decretum  Gelasii",  towards  the  end  of 
the  fifth  century,  is  not  orginal  but  a  later  insertion  in 
that  text  (Hefele).  Gregory  the  Great,  following  the 
example  of  Vigilius  and  Pelagius  II,  recognized  it  as 
one  of  the  four  general  councils.but  only  in  its  dog- 
matic utterances  (P.  G.,  LXXVII,  468,  893).  (See 
Semi- Arianism;  Macedonians;  Gregory  of  Naxi- 
anzus,  Saint;  Leo  I,  Saint,  Pope;  Theodosius 
the  Great. 

Hefele,  ConcUienauch.  (Freiburg,  1876),  II.  1-33;  Ens.  tr. 
(Edinburgh,  1876),  vol.  II:  and  Lbclebcq's  Fr.  tr.  (Paris, 
1908),  IlT  1-18.  Noo-Catholic:  Burn,  Introduction  to  the 
Creedt  and  The  Te  Drum  (London,  1899);  Host,  Two  Ditterta- 
tione,  etc  (London,  1876):  II,  The  Conetantmopolitan  Creed 
and  Other  Creedt  at  the  Fourth  Century  (London,  1876) ;  B bight. 
Canont  of  the  First  Four  General  CounciU  (Oxford,  1892): 
Bethdnb,  The  Homooutiot  in  the  Conetantinopolilan  Creed 
(London,  1905). 

II.  The  Second  Council  of  Constantinople 
(Fifth  General  Council)  was  held  at  Constantinople 
(5  May-2  June,  553),  having  been  called  by  Emperor 
Justinian.  It  was  attended  mostly  by  Oriental  bish- 
ops ;  only  six  Western  (African)  bishops  were  present. 
The  president  was  Eutychius,  Patriarch  of  Constanti- 
nople. This  assembly  was  in  reality  only  the  last 
phase  of  the  long  and  violent  conflict  inaugurated  by 
the  edict  of  Justinian  in  543  against  Origemsm  (P.  G., 
LXXXVT,  945-90).  The  emperor  was  persuaded 
that  Nestorianism  continued  to  draw  its  strength  from 
the  writings  of  Theodore  of  Mopeuestia  (d.  428),  Theo- 
doret of  Cyrus  (d.  457),  and  Ibas  of  Edessa  (d.  457), 
also  from  the  personal  esteem  in  which  the  first  two 
of  these  ecclesiastical  writers  were  yet  held  by  many. 
The  events  which  led  to  this  council  will  be  narrated 
more  fully  in  the  articles  Viomus,  Pope  and  in  Three 
Chapters;  only  a  brief  account  will  be  given  here. 

From  25  Jan.,  547,  Pope  Vigilius  was  forcibly  de- 


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00N8TANTIM0PLK 


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oovsTAirraropLi 


tained  in  the  royal  city;  he  had  originally  refused  to 
participate  in  the  condemnation  of  the  Three  Chapters 
(L  e.  brief  statements  of  anathema  upon  Theodore  of 
Mopsuestia  and  his  writings,  upon  Theodore t  of  Cyrus 
ana  his  writings  against  St.  Cyril  of  Alexandria  and 
the  Council  of  Epnesus,  and  upon  the  letter  written 
by  I  baa  of  Edessa  to  Maris,  Bishop  of  Hardaschir  in 
Persia).  Later  (by  his  "  Judicatum",  11  April,  548) 
Vigilius  had  condemned  the  Three  Chapters  (the  doc- 
trine in  question  being  really  censurable),  but  he  ex- 
pressly maintained  the  authority  of  the  Council  of 
Chalcedon  (451)  wherein  Theodoret  and  Ibas — but 
after  the  condemnation  of  Nestorius — had  been  re- 
stored to  their  places;  in  the  West  much  discontent 
was  called  forth  by  this  step  which  seemed  a  weaken- 
ing before  the  civil  power  in  purely  ecclesiastical 
matters  and  an  injustice  to  men  long  dead  and  judged 
by  God;  it  was  all  the  more  objectionable  as  the 
Western  mind  had  no  accurate  knowledge  of  the  theo- 
logical situation  among  the  Greeks  of  that  day.  In 
consequence  of  this  Vigilius  had  persuaded  Justinian 
to  return  the  aforesaid  papal  document  and  to  pro- 
claim a  truce  on  all  sides  until  a  general  council  could 
be  called  to  decide  these  controversies.  Both  the 
emperor  and  the  Greek  bishops  violated  this  promise 
of  neutrality;  the  former,  in  particular,  publishing 
(551)  his  famous  edict,  'O/JcXayla  rfjt  vUrrtut,  "con- 
demning anew  the  Three  Chapters,  and  refusing  to 
withdraw  the  same.  , 

For  his  dignified  protest  Vigilius  thereupon  suffered 
various  personal  indignities  at  the  hands  of  the  civil 
authority  and  nearly  lost  his  life;  he  retired  finally 
to  Chalcedon,  in  the  very  church  of  St.  Euphemia 
where  the  great  council  had  been  held,  whence  he 
informed  the  Christian  world  of  the  state  of  affairs. 
Soon  the  Oriental  bishops  sought  reconciliation  with 
him,  induced  him  to  return  to  the  city,  and  withdrew 
all  that  had  hitherto  been  done  against  the  Three 
Chapters;  the  new  patriarch,  Eutychius,  successor 
to  Hennas,  whose  weakness  and  subserviency  were 
the  immediate  cause  of  all  this  violence  and  confusion, 
presented  (6  Jan.,  553)  his  profession  of  faith  to 
Vigilius  and.  in  union  with  other  Oriental  bishops, 
urged  the  calling  of  a  general  council  under  the  presi- 
dency of  the  pope.  Vigilius  was  willing,  but  proposed 
that  it  should  be  held  either  in  Italy  or  in  Sicily,  in 
order  to  secure  the  attendance  of  Western  bishops. 
To  this  Justinian  would  not  agree,  but  proposed, 
instead,  a  kind  of  commission  made  up  of  delegates 
from  each  of  the  great  patriarchates;  Vigilius  sug- 
gested that  an  equal  number  be  chosen  from  the  East 
and  the  West;  but  this  was  not  acceptable  to  the 
emperor,  who  thereupon  opened  the  council  by  bis 
own  authority  on  the  date  and  in  the  manner  men- 
tioned above.  Vigilius  refused  to  participate,  not 
only  on  account  of  the  ovemhelming  proportion  of 
Oriental  bishops,  but  also  from  fear  of  violence;  more- 
over, none  of  his  predecessors  had  ever  taken  part 
personally  in  an  Oriental  council.  To  this  decision 
he  was  faithful,  though  he  expressed  his  willingness 
to  give  an  independent  judgment  on  the  matters  at 
issue.  Eight  sessions  were Tield,  the  result  of  which 
was  the  final  condemnation  of  the  Three  Chapters  by 
the  165  bishops  present  at  the  last  session  (2  June, 
553),  in  fourteen  anathematisms  similar  to  the  thir- 
teen previously  issued  by  Justinian. 

In  the  meantime  Vigilius  had  sent  to  the  emperor 
(14  May)  a  document  known  as  the  first  "Constitu- 
tum"  (Mansi,  IX,  61-106),  signed  by  himself  and 
sixteen,  mostly  Western,  bishops,  in  which  sixty 
heretical  propositions  of  Theodore  of  Mopsuestia  were 
condemned,  and,  in  five  anathematisms,  his  Christo- 
logical  teachings  repudiated;  it  was  forbidden,  how- 
ever, to  condemn  his  person,  or  to  proceed  further  in 
condemnation  of  the  writings  or  the  person  of  Theo- 
doret, or  of  the  letter  of  Ibas.  It  seemed  indeed, 
under  the  circumstances,  no  easy  task  to  denounce 


fittingly  the  certain  errors  of  the  great  Antiochene 
theologian  and  his  followers  and  yet  uphold  the  repu- 
tation and  authority  of  the  Council  of  Chalcedon, 
which  had  been  content  with  obtaining  the  essentials 
of  submission  from  all  sympathizers  with  Nestorius, 
but  for  that  very  reason  had  never  been  forgiven  by 
the  Monophysite  opponents  of  Nestorius  and  his 
heresy,  who  were  now  in  league  with  the  numerous 
enemies  of  Origen,  and  until  the  death  (548)  of  Theo- 
dora had  enjoyed  the  support  of  that  influential 
empress. 

The  decisions  of  the  council  were  executed  with  a 
violence  in  keeping  with  its  conduct,  though  the 
ardently  hoped-for  reconciliation  of  the  Monophysites 
did  not  follow.  Vigilius,  together  with  other  oppo- 
nents of  the  imperiaTwill,  as  registered  by  the  subser- 
vient court-prelates,  seems  to  have  been  banished 
(Hefele,  II,  905),  together  with  the  faithful  bishops 
and  ecclesiastics  of  his  suite,  either  to  Upper  Egypt 
or  to  an  island  in  the  Propontis.  Already  in  the 
seventh  session  of  the  council  Justinian  caused  the 
name  of  VigUius  to  be  stricken  from  the  diptychs, 
without  prejudice,  however,  it  was  said,  to  com- 
munion with  the  Apostolic  See.  Soon  the  Roman 
clergy  and  people,  now  freed  by  N  arses  from  the 
Gotmc  yoke,  requested  the  emperor  to  permit  the 
return  of  the  pope,  which  Justinian  agreed  to  on 
condition  that  Vigilius  would  recognize  the  late  coun- 
cil. This  Vigilius  finally  agreed  to  do,  and  in  two 
documents  (a  letter  to  Eutychius  of  Constantinople, 
8  Dec.,  553,  and  a  second  "Constitutum"  of  23  Feb., 
554,  probably  addressed  to  the  Western  episcopate) 
condemned,  at  last,  the  Three  Chapters  (Mansi,  IX, 
414-20,  457-S8;  cf.  Hefele,  II,  905-11),  indepen- 
dently, however,  and  without  mention  of  the  council. 
His  opposition  had  never  been  based  on  doctrinal 
grounds  but  on  the  decency  and  opportuneness  of  the 
measures  proposed,  the  wrongful  imperial  violence, 
and  a  delicate  fear  of  injury  to  the  authority  of  the 
Council  of  Chalcedon,  especially  in  the  West.  Here, 
indeed,  despite  the  additional  recognition  of  it  by 
Pelagius  I  (555-60),  the  Fifth  General  Council  only 
gradually  acquired  in  public  opinion  an  oecumenical 
character.  In  Northern  Italy  the  ecclesiastical  prov- 
inces of  Milan  and  Aquileia  broke  off  communion  with 
the  Apostolic  See;  the  former  yielding  only  towards 
the  end  of  the  sixth  century,  whereas  the  latter 
(Aquileia-Grado)  protracted  its  resistance  to  about 
700  (Hefele,  op.  cit.,  II,  911-27).  (For  an  equitable 
appreciation  of  the  conduct  of  Vigilius  see,  besides  the 
article  Viqilius,  the  judgment  of  Bois,  in  Diet,  de 
theol.  cath.,  II,  1238-39.)  The  pope  was  always 
correct  as  to  the  doctrine  involved,  and  yielded,  for 
the  sake  of  peace,  only  when  he  was  satisfied  that  there 
was  no  fear  for  the  authority  of  Chalcedon,  which  he 
at  first,  with  the  entire  West,  deemed  in  peril  from 
the  machinations  of  the  Monophysites. 

The  original  Greek  Acts  or  the  council  are  lost, 
but  there  is  extant  a  very  old  Latin  version,  probably 
contemporary  and  made  for  the  use  of  VigUius,  cer- 
tainly quoted  by  his  successor  Pelagius  I.  The  Baluze 
edition  is  reprinted  in  Mansi,  "Coll.  Cone",  IX,  163 
sqq.  In  the  next  General  Council  of  Constantinople 
(680)  it  was  found  that  the  original  Acts  of  the  Fifth 
Council  had  been  tampered  with  (Hefele,  op.  cit.,  II, 
855-58)  in  favour  of  Monothelism;  nor  is  it  certain 
that  in  their  present  shape  we  have  them  in  their 
original  completeness  (ibid.,  pp.  859-60).  This  has 
a  bearing  on  the  much  disputed  question  concerning 
the  condemnation  of  Ongenism  at  this  council. 
Hefele,  moved  by  the  antiquity  and  persistency  of 
the  reports  of  Origen's  condemnation,  maintains  (p. 
861)  with  Cardinal  Noris,  that  in  it  Origen  was  con- 
demned, but  only  en  passani,  and  that  his  name  in  the 
eleventh  anathema  is  not  an  interpolation. 

The  chief  source*  are  the  writings  of  the  contemporary  West- 
ern (African)  Facundds  or  Hsbmuni,  Pro  defent.  trium  copit.; 


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CONSTANTINOPLE 


310 


CONSTANTINOPLE 


Liber  contra  Mutianum:  and  Epist.  fidei  cath. — all  in  P.  L., 
527  ggq.;  and  tl 
us,  Ernst,  a 
 o.q.   See  Punki  , 

(Munich,  1864);  Vihcknzi,  In  8.  Greg.  Nyss.  et  Origen.  acripta 


LXVII,  637  sqq.;  an  d  the  Carthaginian  deacon  Iulgentius 
Epitt.  ad  Pelagium  et  Analol.  in  P.  L.,  LXVII, 
See  Pun KEa,  Papst  Vigilius  und  der  Dreikapitelstreit 


Ferrandus, 
921  sqi 


et  doctr.  nova  recensio,  cum.  append,  ds  actis  Vacum.  concilii 


579;  Lbveqiji,  Etude  sur  le  pape  Vigils  (Amiens,  1887); 
Knbcht,  Die  Religvmspolitik  Kaiser  Sustmians  I.  (Wiirsburg, 
1898);  Diekamp,  Die  origmittuehen  Streitigkeiten  im  VI.  Jahr- 
hundert  (Munster,  1899).  . 

III.  The  Third  Council  ok  Constantinople 
(Sixth  General  Council)  was  summoned  in  678  by  Em- 
peror Constantine  Pogonatus,  with  a  view  of  restoring 
between  East  and  West  the  religious  harmony  that 
had  been  troubled  by  the  Monothelistic  controversies, 
and  particularly  by  the  violence  of  his  predecessor 
Constans  II,  whose  imperial  edict,  known  as  the  "Ty- 
pus"  (648-49)  was  a  practical  suppression  of  the  or- 
thodox truth.  Owing  to  the  desire  of  Pope  Agatho  to 
obtain  the  adhesion  of  his  Western  brethren,  the  papal 
legates  did  not  arrive  at  Constantinople  until  late  in 
680.  The  council,  attended  in  the  beginning  by  100 
bishops,  later  by  174,  was  opened  7  Nov.,  680,  in  a 
domed  hall  (trullus)  of  the  imperial  palace  and  was 
presided  over  by  the  (three)  papal  legates  who  brought 
to  the  council  a  long  dogmatic  letter  of  Pope  Agatho 
and  another  of  similar  import  from  a  Roman  synod 
held  in  the  spring  of  680.  They  were  read  in  the  sec- 
ond session.  Both  letters,  the  pope's  in  particular, 
insist  on  the  faith  of  the  Apostolic  See  as  the  living  and 
stainless  tradition  of  the  Apostles  of  Christ,  assured  by 
the  promises  of  Christ,  witnessed  by  all  the  popes  in 
their  capacity  of  successors  to  the  Petrine  privilege  of 
confirming  the  brethren,  and  therefore  finally  authori- 
tative for  the  Universal  Church. 

The  greater  part  of  the  eighteen  sessions  was  de- 
voted to  an  examination  of  the  Scriptural  and  patris- 
tic passages  bearing  on  the  question  of  one  or  two 
wills,  one  or  two  operations,  in  Christ.  George,  Patri- 
arch of  Constantinople,  soon  yielded  to  the  evidence 
of  the  orthodox  teaching  concerning  the  two  wills  and 
two  operations  in  Christ,  but  Macarius  of  Antioch, 
"almost  the  only  certain  representative  of  Monothel- 
ism  since  the  nme  propositions  of  Cyrus  of  Alexan- 
dria" (Chapman),  resisted  to  the  end,  and  was  finally 
anathematized  and  deposed  for  "not  consenting  to  the 
tenor  of  the  orthodox  letters  sent  by  Agatho  the  most 
holy  pope  of  Rome",  i.  e.,  that  in  each  of  the  two  na- 
tures (human  and  Divine)  of  Christ  there  is  a  perfect 
operation  and  a  perfect  will,  against  which  the  Mono- 
thelites had  taught  that  there  was  but  one  operation 
and  one  will  (pla  Mpyaa  0mr$purf)  quite  in  conso- 
nance with  the  Monophysite  confusion  of  the  two  na- 
tures in  Christ.  In  the  thirteenth  session  (28  March, 
681)  after  anathematizing  the  chief  Monothelite  here- 
tics mentioned  in  the  aforesaid  letter  of  Pope  Agatho, 
i.  e.  Sergius  of  Constantinople,  Cyrus  of  Alexandria, 
Pyrrhus,  Paul,  and  Peter  of  Constantinople,  and  Theo- 
dore of  Pharan,  the  council  added:  "And  in  addition 
to  these  we  decide  that  Honorius  also,  who  was  Pope 
of  Elder  Rome,  be  with  them  cast  out  of  the  Holy 
Church  of  God,  and  be  anathematized  with  them,  be- 
cause we  have  found  by  his  letter  to  Sergius  that  he 
followed  his  opinion  in  all  things  and  confirmed  his 
wicked  dogmas."  A  similar  condemnation  of  Pope 
Honorius  occurs  in  the  dogmatic  decree  of  the  final 
session  (16  Sept.,  681),  which  was  signed  by  the  legates 
and  the  emperor.  Reference  is  here  made  to  the  fa- 
mous letter  of  Honorius  to  Sergius  of  Constantinople 
about  634,  around  which  has  arisen  (especially  before 
and  during  the  Vatican  Council)  so  large  a  controver- 
sial literature.  It  had  been  invoked  three  times  in 
previous  sessions  of  the  council  in  question  by  the 
stubborn  Monothelite  Macarius  of  Antioch,  and  had 
been  publicly  read  in  the  twelfth  session  together  with 
the  letter  of  Sergius  to  which  it  replied.  On  that  oc- 
casion a  second  letter  of  Honorius  to  Sergius  was  .also 


read,  of  which  only  a  fragment  has  survived,  (For 
the  question  of  this  pope's  orthodoxy,  see  Honorius 
I;  Infallibility;  Monothelites.) 

There  has  been  in  the  past,  owing  to  Gallicanism 
and  the  opponents  of  papal  infallibility,  much  con- 
troversy concerning  the  proper  sense  of  this  council's 
condemnation  of  Pope  Honorius,  the  theory  (Baro- 
nius,  Damberger)  of  a  falsification  of  the  Acts  being 
now  quite  abandoned  (Hefele,  IH,  299-313).  >  Some 
have  maintained,  with  Pennacchi,  that  he  was  indeed 
condemned  as  a  heretic,  but  that  the  Oriental  bishops 
of  the  council  misunderstood  the  thoroughly  orthodox 
(and  dogmatic)  letter  of  Honorius;  others,  with  He- 
fele, that  the  council  condemned  the  heretically 
sounding  expressions  of  the  pope  (though  his  doctrine 
was  really  orthodox);  others  finally,  with  Chapman 
(see  below),  that  he  was  condemned  "because  he  did 
not,  as  he  should  have  done,  declare  authoritatively 
the  Petrine  tradition  of  the  Roman  Church.  To  that 
tradition  he  had  made  no  appeal  but  had  merely  ap- 
proved and  enlarged  upon  the  half-hearted  compro- 
mise of  Sergius.  .  .  .  Neither  the  pope  nor  the  coun- 
cil consider  that  Honorius  had  compromised  the  purity 
of  the  Roman  tradition,  for  he  had  never  claimed  to 
represent  it.  Therefore,  just  as  to-day  we  judge  the 
letters  of  Pope  Honorius  by  the  Vatican  definition  and 
deny  them  to  be  ex  calhedrd,  because  they  do  not  de- 
fine any  doctrine  and  impose  it  upon  the  whole  Church, 
so  the  Christians  of  the  seventh  century  judged  the 
same  letters  by  the  custom  of  their  day,  and  saw  that 
they  did  not  claim  what  papal  letters  were  wont  to 
claim,  viz.,  to  speak  with  the  mouth  of  Peter  in  the 
name  of  Roman  tradition"  (Chapman). 

The  letter  of  the  council  to  Pope  Leo,  asking,  after 
the  traditional  manner,  for  confirmation  of  its  Acts, 
while  including  again  the  name  of  Honorius  among  the 
condemned  Monothelites,  lays  a  remarkable  stress  on 
the  magisterial  office  of  the  Roman  Church,  as,  in  gen- 
eral, the  documents  of  the  Sixth  General  Council  fa- 
vour strongly  the  inerrancy  of  the  See  of  Peter.  "  The 
Council",  says  Dom  Chapman,  "accepts  the  letter  in 
which  the  Pope  defined  the  faith.  It  deposes  those 
who  refused  to  accept  it.  It  asks  [the  pope]  to  con- 
firm its  decisions.  The  Bishops  and  Emperor  declare 
that  they  have  seen  the  letter  to  contain  the  doctrine 
of  the  Fathers.  Agatho  speaks  with  the  voice  of  Pe- 
ter himself;  from  Rome  the  law  had  gone  forth  as  out 
of  Sion;  Peter  had  kept  the  faith  unaltered."  Pope 
Agatho  died  during  the  council  and  was  succeeded  by 
Leo  II,  who  confirmed  (683)  the  decrees  against  Mono- 
thelism,  and  expressed  himself  even  more  harshly  than 
the  council  towards  the  memory  of  Honorius  (Hefele, 
Chapman),  though  he  laid  stress  chiefly  on  the  neglect 
of  that  pope  to  set  forth  the  traditional  teaching  of  the 
Apostolic  See,  whose  spotless  faith  he  treasonably 
tried  to  overthrow  (or,  as  the  Greek  may  be  trans- 
lated, permitted  to  be  overthrown). 

The  Acta  of  the  Council  are  in  the  eleventh  volume  of  Maksi, 
Cott.  Cone.  The  most  complete  presentation  of  its  history  is  in 
Hefele,  Conciliengeschichle  (2nd  ed.,  Freiburg.  1877),  III, 
249-313.  see  also  the  English  tr.  (Edinburgh,  1876 — ).  and  lor 
the  later  bibliography  the  French  tr.  of  Leclercq  (Paris 
1907);  Schneemak,  Studien  fiber  die  Honoriusfrage  (Frei- 
burg, 1864);  Pennacchi,  De  Honorii  I  Rom.  Pontif.  cau&A  in 
Cone.  VI  (Rome,  1870);  Hero  en  roth  er-Kihsch,  Kirchen- 
gesch.  (4th  ed.,  Freiburg,  1904),  I,  633-38:  Marshall,  Hon- 
orius and  Liberius  in  Am.  Cath  Quarterly  Rev.  (Philadelphia, 
1894),  XIX,  82-92;  Bottalla.  Pope  Honorius  before  the  tribu- 
nal of  Reason  and  History  (London,  1864);  Dolunoeb  (Old 
Catholic),  Fables  respecting  the  Popes  in  the  Middle  Ages,  Ameri- 
can ed.  of  the  Papstfabeln  (New  York,  1872),  223-48;  Chap- 
man, The  Condemnation  of  Pope  Honorius  in  Dublin  Review  for 
1907,  and  reprinted  by  the  London  Cath.  Troth  Socirrr, 
1907;  Grisab  in  Kirchenlex.,  VI,  230  eqq.  For  the  extensive 
Honorius  literature,  see  Chevalier,  BMnbl.,  s.v. 

IV.  The  Fourth  Council  of  Constantinople 
(Eighth  General  Council)  was  opened,  5  Oct.,  869,  in 
the  Cathedral  of  Saint  Sophia,  under  the  presidency  of 
the  legates  of  Adrian  II.  During  the  preceding  de- 
cade grave  irregularities  had  occurred  at  Constanti- 
nople, among  them  the  deposition  of  the  Patriarch 


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Ignatius  and  the  intrusion  of  Photius,  whose  violent 
measures  against  the  Roman  Church  culminated  in 
the  attempted  deposition  (867)  of  Nicholas  I.  The 
accession  m  that  year  of  a  new  emperor,  Basil  the 
Macedonian,  changed  the  situation,  political  and  ec- 
clesiastical. Photius  was  interned  in  a  monastery; 
Ignatius  was  recalled,  and  friendly  relations  were  re- 
sumed with  the  Apostolic  See.  Both  Ignatius  and 
Basil  sent  representatives  to  Rome  asking  for  a  gen- 
eral council.  After  holding  a  Roman  synod  (June, 
869)  in  which  Photius  was  again  condemned,  the  pope 
sent  to  Constantinople  three  legates  to  preside  in  his 
name  over  the  council.  Besides  the  Patriarch  of  Con- 
stantinople there  were  present  the  representatives  of 
the  Patriarchs  of  Antioch  and  Jerusalem  and,  towards 
the  end,  also  the  representatives  of  the  Patriarch  of 
Alexandria.  The  attendance  of  Ignatian  bishops  was 
small  enough  in  the  beginning;  indeed  there  were 
never  more  than  102  bishops  present 

The  legates  were  asked  to  exhibit  their  commission, 
which  they  did;  then  they  presented  to  the  members 
of  the  council  the  famous  formula  (libellut)  of  Pope 
Hormisdas  (514-23),  binding  its  signatories  "to  fol- 
low in  everything  the  Apostolic  See  of  Rome  and  teach 
all  its  laws  ...  in  which  communion  is  the  whole,  real, 
and  perfect  solidity  of  the  Christian  religion".  The 
Fathers  of  the  council  were  required  to  sign  this  docu- 
ment, which  had  originally  been  drawn  up  to  close  the 
Acacian  schism.  The  earlier  sessions  were  occupied 
with  the  reading  of  important  documents,  tfo;  recon- 
ciliation of  Ignatian  bishops  who  had  fallen  away  to 
Photius,  the  exclusion  of  some  Photian  prelates,  and 
the  refutation  of  the  false  statements  of  two  former 
envoys  of  Photius  to  Rome.  In  the  fifth  session  Pho- 
tius himself  unwillingly  appeared,  but  when  ques- 
tioned observed  a  deep  silence  or  answered  only  in  a 
few  brief  words,  pretending  blasphemously  to  imitate 
the  attitude  and  speech  of  Christ  before  Caiphas  and 
Pilate.  Through  his  representatives  he  was  given  an- 
other hearing  in  the  next  session ;  they  appealed  to  the 
canons  as  above  the  pope.  In  the  seventh  session  he 
appeared  again,  this  time  with  his  consecrator  George 
Asbestas.  They  appealed,  as  before,  to  the  ancient 
canons,  refused  to  recognize  the  presence  or  authority 
of  the  Roman  legates,  and  rejected  the  authority  of 
the  Roman  Church,  though  they  offered  to  render  an 
account  to  the  emperor.  As  Fhotius  would  not  re- 
nounce his  usurped  claim  and  recognize  the  rightful 
patriarch  Ignatius,  the  former  Roman  excommunica- 
tions of  him  were  renewed  by  the  council,  and  he  was 
banished  to  a  monastery  on  the  Bosporus,  whence  he 
did  not  cease  to  denounce  the  council  as  a  triumph  of 
lying  and  impiety,  and  by  a  very  active  correspond- 
ence kept  up  the  courage  of  his  followers,  until  in  877 
the  death  of  Ignatius  opened  the  way  for  his  return  to 
power.  Iconoclasm,  in  its  last  remnants,  and  the  in- 
terference of  the  civil  authority  in  ecclesiastical  affairs 
were  denounced  by  the  council.  The  tenth  and  last 
session  was  held  in  the  presence  of  the  emperor,  his 
son  Constant!  ne,  the  Bulgarian  king,  Michael,  and 
the  ambassadors  of  Emperor  Louis  II. 

The  twenty-seven  canons  of  this  council  deal  partly 
with  the  situation  created  by  Photius  and  partly  with 
general  points  of  discipline  or  abuses.  The  decrees  of 
Nicholas  I  and  Adrian  II  against  Photius  and  in 
favour  of  Ignatius  were  read  and  confirmed,  the  Pho- 
tian clerics  deposed,  and  those  ordained  by  Photius 
reduced  to  lay  communion.  The  council  issued  an 
Encyclical  to  all  the  faithful,  and  wrote  to  the  pope 
requesting  his  confirmation  of  its  Acts.  The  papal 
legates  signed  its  decrees,  but  with  reservation  of  the 
papal  action.  Here,  for  the  first  time,  Rome  recog- 
nized the  ancient  claim  of  Constantinople  to  the  sec- 
ond place  among  the  five  great  patriarchates.  Greek 
pride,  however,  was  offended  by  the  compulsory 
signature  of  the  aforesaid  Roman  formulary  of  recon- 
ciliation, and  in  a  subsequent  conference  of  Greek 


ecclesiastical  and  civil  authorities  the  newly-converted 
Bulgarians  were  declared  subject  to  the  Patriarchate 
of  Constantinople  and  not  to  Rome.  Though  restored 
by  the  Apostolic  See,  Ignatius  proved  ungrateful,  and 
in  this  important  matter  sided  with  the  other  Eastern 
patriarchs  in  consummating,  for  political  reasons,  a 
notable  injustice;-  the  territory  henceforth  known  as 
Bulgaria  was  in  reality  part,  of  the  ancient  IUyria  that 
had  always  belonged  to  the  Roman  patriarchate  until 
the  Iconoclast  Leo  III  (718-41)  violently  withdrew  it 
and  made  it  subject  to  Constantinople.  Ignatius  very 
soon  consecrated  an  archbishop  for  the  Bulgarians  and 
sent  thither  many  Greek  missionaries,  whereupon  the 
Latin  bishops  and  priests  were  obliged  to  retire.  On 
their  way  home  the  papal  legates  were  plundered  and 
imprisoned;  they  had,  however,  given  to  the  care  of 
Anastasius,  Librarian  of  the  Roman  Church  (present 
as  a  member  of  the  Frankish  embassy)  most  of  the 
submission-signatures  of  the  Greek  bishops.  We  owe 
to  him  the  Latin  version  of  these  documents  and  a 
copy  of  the  Greek  Acts  of  the  council  which  he  also 
translated  and  to  which  is  due  most  of  our  document- 
ary knowledge  of  the  proceedings.  It  was  in  vain 
that  Adrian  II  and  his  successor  threatened  Ignatius 
with  severe  penalties  if  he  did  not  withdraw  from 
Bulgaria  his  Greek  bishops  and  priests.  The  Roman 
Church  never  regained  the  vast  regions  she  then  lost. 
(See  Photius;  Ignatius  of  Constantinople ;  Nich- 
olas I.) 

Hero  en  bother,  Photius  (Ratisbon,  1867-69),  I,  873  sqq., 
505  sqq.,  and  vol.  II;  Idem,  Monumenta  Graca  ad  Phoiium 
ejutgue  historiam  pertxnentia  (Ratisbon,  1809);  Tosm.  Storia 
aeW  origin*  deUo  tdema  greco  (Florence,  1856);  Hefele,  Con- 
cUienanch.  (2nd  ed.,  Freiburg,  1877),  IV,  436  sqq.;  Milman 
(Protestant),  History  oj  Latin  Christianity,  Bk.  V,  oh.  iv ;  Nob- 
den  (Protestant),  Papsttum  und  Byzanx  (Berlin,  1903);  For- 
tescce,  The  Orthodox  Batten  Church  (London,  1907),  156-61. 

B.  Particular  Councils  of  Constantinople. — I. 
In  the  summer  of  382  a  council  of  the  Oriental  bishops, 
convoked  by  Theodosius,  met  in  the  imperial  city. 
We  still  have  its  important  profession  of  faith,  often 
wrongly  attributed  to  the  Second  General  Council 
(i.  e.  at  Constantinople  in  the  preceding  year),  ex- 
hibiting the  doctrinal  agreement  of  all  the  Christian 
churches:  also  two  canons  (v  and  vi)  wrongly  put 
among  the  canons  of  the  Second  General  Council 
[Hefele-Leclercq,  Hist  des  Conciles,  Paris,  1907,  II 
(i),  63-56].  In  the  summer  of  the  next  year  (383) 
Theodosius  convoked  another  council,  with  the  hope 
of  uniting  all  factions  and  parties  among  the  Christians 
on  the  basis  of  a  general  acceptance  of  the  teachings 
of  the  Ante-Nicene  Fathers.  He  met  with  a  qualified 
success  (Socrates,  V,  10;  Hefele-Leclercq.  op.  cit, 
63-65);  among  the  most  stubborn  of  those  who 
resisted  was  Eunomius  (see  Eunomianism). 

II.  The  council,  held  in  692;  under  Justinian  II  is 
generally  known  as  the  Council  in  Trullo,  because  it 
was  held  in  the  same  domed  hall  where  the  Sixth 
General  Council  had  met  (see  above).  Both  the  Fifth 
and  the  Sixth  General  Councils  had  omitted  to  draw 
up  disciplinary  canons,  and  as  this  council  was  in- 
tended to  complete  both  in  this  respect,  it  also  took 
the  name  of  Quinisext  (Concilium  Quinisextum,  Zfoo- 
Jo»  TtretKTi)),  i.  e.  Fifth-Sixth.  It  was  attended  by 
215  bishops,  all  Orientals.  Basil  of  Gortyna  in  Illyria, 
however,  belonged  to  the  Roman  patriarchate  and 
called  himself  papal  legate,  though  no  evidence  is 
extant  of  his  right  to  use  a  title  that  in  the  East  served 
to  clothe  the  decrees  with  Roman  authority.  In  fact, 
the  West  never  recognized  the  102  disciplinary  canons 
of  this  council,  in  large  measure  reaffirmations  of 
earlier  canons.  Most  of  the  new  canons  exhibit  an 
inimical  attitude  towards  Churches  not  in  disciplinary 
accord  with  Constantinople,  especially  the  Western 
Churches.  Their  customs  are  anathematized  and 
"every  little  detail  of  difference  is  remembered  to  be 
condemned"  (Fortescue).  Canon  iii  of  Constanti- 
nople (381)  and  canon  xxviii  of  Chalcedon  (451)  are 


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renewed,  the  heresy  of  Honorius  is  again  condemned 
(can.  i),  and  marriage  with  a  heretic  is  invalid  because 
Rome  says  it  is  merely  unlawful;  Rome  had  recog- 
nized fifty  of  the  Apostolic  Canons;  therefore  the  other 
thirty-five  obtain  recognition  from  this  council,  and 
as  inspired  teaching  (see  Canons,  Apostolic). 

In  the  matter  of  celibacy  the  Greek  prelates  are  not 
content  to  let  the  Roman  Church  follow  its  own  dis- 
cipline, but  insist  on  making  a  rule  (for  the  whole 
Church)  that  all  clerics  except  bishops  may  continue 
in  wedlock,  while  they  excommunicate  anyone  who 
tries  to  separate  a  priest  or  deacon  from  his  wife,  and 
any  cleric  who  leaves  his  wife  because  he  is  ordained 
(can.  iii,  vi,.xii,  xiii,  xlviii).  The  Orthodox  Greek 
Church  holds  this  council  an  oecumenical  one,  and 
adds  its  canons  to  the  decrees  of  the  Fifth  and  Sixth 
Councils.  In  the  West  St.  Bede  calls  it  (De  sexta 
mundi  setate)  a  reprobate  synod,  and  Paul  the  Deacon 
(Hist.  Long.,  VI,  p.  11)  an  erratic  one.  Dr.  Fortescue 
rightly  says  (op.  cit.  below,  p.  96)  that  intolerance 
of  all  other  customs  with  the  wish  to  make  the  whole 
Christian  world  conform  to  its  own  local  practices  has 
always  been  and  still  is  a  characteristic  note  of  the 
Byzantine  Church.  For  the  attitude  of  the  popes, 
substantially  identical,  in  face  of  the  various  attempts 
to  obtain  their  approval  of  these  canons,  see  Hefele, 
"Conciliengesch.'r(III,  345-48). 

III.  In  754  the  Iconoclast  Emperor  Constantine  V 
called  in  the  imperial  city  a  council  of  338  bishops. 
Through  cowardice  and  servility  they  approved  the 
heretical  attitude  of  the  emperor  ana  his  father  Leo 
III,  also  the  arguments  of  the  Iconoclast  party  and 
their  measures  against  the  defenders  of  the  sacred 
images.  They  anathematized  St.  Germ  anus  of  Con- 
stantinople and  St.  John  Damascene,  and  denounced 
the  orthodox  as  idolaters,  etc. ;  at  the  same  time  they 
resented  the  spoliation  of  the  churches  under  pretext 
of  destroying  images  (see  Iconoclash). 

IV.  For  the  three  Photian  synods  of  861  (deposition 
of  Ignatius),  £67  (attempted  deposition  of  Nicholas 
I),  and  879  (recognition  of  Photius  as  lawful  patri- 
arch), recognized  by  the  Greeks  as  Eighth  General 
Council  in  opposition  to  the  council  of  869-70,  which 
they  continue  to  abominate,  see  Ph otitis. 

V.  In  1639  and  1672  councils  were  held  by  the 
Orthodox  Greeks  at  Constantinople  condemnatory  of 
the  Calvinistic  confession  of  Cyril  Lucaris  and  his 
followers.  [See  Semnoz,  "  Lee  dernieres  annees  du 
patr.  CyrilleLucar"  in  "Echos  d'Orient"  (1903),  VI, 
97-117,  and  Fortescue,  "Orthodox  Eastern  Church" 
(London,  1907),  267]. 

Thomas  J.  Shahan 
Constantinople,  Creed  of.    See  Nicene  Creed. 

Constantinople,  The  Rite  op  (or  Byzantine 
Rite),  the  Liturgies,  Divine  Office,  forms  for  the  ad- 
ministration of  sacraments  and  for  various  blessings, 
sacramentals,  and  exorcisms,  of  the  Church  of  Con- 
stantinople, which  is  now,  after  the  Roman  Rite,  by 
far  the  most  widely  spread  in  the  world.  With  one 
insignificant  exception — the  Liturgy  of  St.  James  is 
used  once  a  year  at  Jerusalem  and  Zakynthos  (Zacyn- 
thus) — it  is  followed  exclusively  by  all  Orthodox 
Churches,  by  the  Melkites  (Melchites)  in  Syria  and 
Egypt,  the  Uniats  in  the  Balkans  and  the  Italo-Greeks 
in  Calabria,  Apulia,  Sicily,  and  Corsica.  So  that  more 
than  a  hundred  millions  of  Christians  perform  their 
devotions  according  to  the  Rite  of  Constantinople. 

I.  Histort. — This  is  not  one  of  the  original  parent- 
rites.  It  is  derived  from  that  of  Antioch.  Even  apart 
from  the  external  evidence  a  comparison  of  the  two 
liturgies  will  show  that  Constantinople  follows  Anti- 
och in  the  disposition  of  the  parts.  There  are  two 
original  Eastern  types  of  liturgy:  that  of  Alexandria, 
in  which  the  great  Intercession  comes  before  the  Con- 
secration, and  that  of  Antioch,  in  which  it  follows  after 
the  Epiklesis.   The  Byzantine  use  in  both  its  Litur- 


gies (of  St.  Basil  and  St.  John  Chrysostom)  follows  ex- 
actly the  order  of  Antioch.  A  number  of  other  par- 
allels make  the  fact  of  this  derivation  clear  from  inter- 
nal evidence,  as  it  is  from  external  witness.  The  tra- 
dition of  the  Church  of  Constantinople  ascribes  the 
oldest  of  its  two  Liturgies  to  St.  Basil  the  Great  (d. 
379),  Metropolitan  of  Csesarea  in  Cappadocia.  This 
tradition  is  confirmed  by  contemporary  evidence.  It 
is  certain  that  St.  Basil  made  a  reformation  of  the 
Liturgy  of  his  Church,  and  that  the  Byzantine  service 
calledafter  him  represents  his  reformed  Liturgy  in  its 
chief  parts,  although  it  has  undergone  further  modifi- 
cation since  his  time.  St.  Basil  himself  speaks  on  sev- 
eral occasions  of  the  changes  he  made  in  tne  services  of 
Caesarea.  He  writes  to  the  clergy  of  Neo-Ceesarea  in 
Pontus  to  complain  of  opposition  against  himself  on 
account  of  the  new  way  of  singing  psalms  introduced 
by  his  authority  (Ep.  Basilii,  cvii,  Patr.  Gr.,  XXXII, 
763).  St.  Gregory  of  Nazianzos  (Nazianzen,  d.  390) 
says  that  Basil  had  reformed  the  order  of  prayers 
(«*Xflr  8«£rof«»— Orat.  xx,  P.  G.,  XXXV,  761). 
Gregory  of  Nyssa  (died  c  395)  compares  his  brother 
Basil  with  Samuel  because  he  "carefully  arranged  the 
form  of  the  Service"  (,'Iepovpyla,  In  laudem  fr.  Bas., 
P.  G.,  XLVI,  808).  Proklos  (Proclus)  of  Constanti- 
nople (d.  446)  writes:  "When  the  great  Basil  .  .  . 
saw  the  carelessness  and  degeneracy  of  men  who  feared 
the  length  of  the  Liturgy — not  as  if  he  thought  it  too 
long — he  shortened  its  form,  so  as  to  remove  the  weari- 
ness of  the  clergy  and  assistants"  (De  traditione  di- 
vinas  Missse,  P.  (J.,  XLV,  849).  The  first  question 
that  presents  itself  is:  What  rite  was  it  that  Basil 
modified  and  shortened?  Certainly  it  was  that  used 
at  Csesarea  before  his  time.  And  this  was  a  local  form 
of  the  great  Antiochene  use,  doubtless  with  many 
local  variations  and  additions.  That  the  original  rite 
that  stands  at  the  head  of  this  line  of  development  is 
that  of  Antioch  is  proved  from  the  disposition  of  the 
present  Liturgy  of  St.  Basil,  to  which  we  have  already 
referred;  from  the  fact  that,  before  the  rise  of  the  Pa- 
triarchate of  Constantinople,  Antioch  was  the  head  of 
the  Churches  of  Asia  Minor  as  well  as  of  Syria  (and  in- 
variably in  the  East  the  patriarchal  see  gives  the 
norm  in  liturgical  matters,  followed  and  then  gradu- 
ally modified  by  its  suffragan  Churches) ;  and  lastly 
by  the  absence  of  any  other  source.  At  the  head  of 
all  Eastern  rites  stand  the  uses  of  Antioch  and  Alex- 
andria. Lesser  and  later  Churches  do  not  invent  an 
entirely  new  service  for  themselves,  but  form  their 
practice  on  the  model  of  one  of  these  two.  Syria, 
Palestine,  and  Asia  Minor  in  liturgical  matters  derive 
from  Antioch,  just  as  Egypt,  Abyssinia,  and  Nubia  do 
from  Alexandria.  The  two  Antiochene  liturgies  now 
extant  are  (1)  that  of  the  Eighth  Book  of  the  Apos- 
tolic Constitutions  and  (2),  parallel  to  it  in  every  way, 
the  Greek  Liturgy  of  St.  James  (see  Antiochene  Lit- 
urgy). These  are  the  starting-points  of  the  develop- 
ment we  can  follow.  But  it  is  not  to  be  supposed  that 
St.  Basil  had  before  him  either  of  these  services,  as 
they  now  stand,  when  he  made  the  changes  in  ques- 
tion. In  the  first  place,  his  source  is  rather  the  Lit- 
urgy of  St.  James  than  that  of  the  Apostolic  Constitu- 
tions. There  are  parallels  to  both  in  the  Basilian 
Rite;  but  the  likeness  is  much  greater  to  that  of  St. 
James.  From  the  beginning  of  the  Eucharistic 
prayer  (Vert  dignum  et  justum  est,  our  Preface)  to  the 
dismissal,  Basil's  order  is  almost  exactly  that  of 
James.  But  the  now  extant  Liturgy  of  St.  James 
(in  Brightman,  "Liturgies  Eastern  and  Western "v 
31-68)  has  itself  been  considerably  modified  in  later 
years.  Its  earlier  part  especially  (the  Liturgy  of  the 
Catechumens  and  the  Offertory)  is  certainly  later  than 
the  time  of  St.  Basil.  In  any  case,  then,  we  roust  go 
back  to  the  original  Antiochene  Rite  as  the  source. 
But  neither  was  this  the  immediate  origin  of  the  re- 
form. It  must  be  remembered  that  all  living  rites  are 
subject  to  gradual  modification  through  use.  The 


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outline  and  frame  remain ;  into  this  frame  new  prayers 
are  fitted.  As  a  general  rule  liturgies  keep  the  disposi- 
tion of  their  parts,  but  tend  to  change  the  text  of  the 
prayers.  St  Basil  took  as  the  basis  of  his  reform  the 
use  of  Cfesarea  in  the  fourth  century.  There  is  reason 
to  believe  that  that  use,  while  retaining  the  essential 
order  of  the  original  Antiochene  service,  had  already 
considerably  modified  various  parts,  especially  the 
actual  prayers.  We  have  seen,  for  instance,  that 
Basil  shortened  the  Liturgy.  But  the  service  that 
bears  his  name  is  not  at  aU  shorter  than  the  present 
one  of  St.  James.  We  may,  then,  suppose  that  by  his 
timeathe  Liturgy  of  Caeearea  had  been  considerably 
lengthened  by  additional  prayers  (this  is  the  common 
development  of  Liturgies).  When  we  say,  then,  that 
the  rite  of  Constantinople  that  bears  his  name  is  the 
Liturgy  of  St.  James  as  modified  by  St.  Basil,  it  must 
be  understood  that  Basil  is  rather  the  chief  turning- 
point  in  its  development  than  the  only  author  of  the 
change.  It  had  already  passed  through  a  period  of 
development  before  his  time,  and  it  has  developed  fur- 
ther since.  Nevertheless,  St.  Basil  and  his  reform  of 
the  rite  of  his  own  city  are  the  starting-point  of  the 
special  use  of  Constantinople. 

A  comparison  of  the  present  Liturgy  of  St.  Basil 
with  earlier  allusions  shows  that  in  its  chief  parts  it  is 
really  the  service  composed  by  him.  Peter  the  Dea- 
con, who  was  sent  by  the  Scythian  monks  to  Pope 
Hormisdas  to  defend,  a  famous  formula  they  had 
drawn  up  ("One  of  the  Trinity  was  crucified")  about 
the  year  512,  writes:  "The  blessed  Basil,  Bishop  of 
Ceesarea,  says  in  the  prayer  of  the  holy  altar  which  is 
used  by  nearly  the  whole  East:  Give,  oh  Lord, 
strength  and  protection ;  make  the  bad  good,  we  pray, 
keep  the  good  in  their  virtue;  for  Thou  canst  do  all 
things,  and  no  one  can  withstand  Thee ;  Thou  dost  save 
whom  Thou  wilt  and  no  one  can  hinder  Thy  will" 
(Petri  diac.  Ep.  ad  Fulgent,  vii,  25,  in  P.  L.,  LXV, 
449).  This  is  a  compilation  of  three  texts  in  the  Ba- 
silian Liturgy:  Keep  the  good  in  their  virtue;  make 
the  bad  good  by  thy  mercy  (Brightman,  op.  cit.,  pp.  333- 
334) ;  the  words:  Give,  O  Lord,  ttrengui  and  ■protection 
come  several  times  at  the  beginning  of  prayers ;  and 
the  last  words  are  an  acclamation  made  by  the  choir 
or  people  at  the  end  of  several  (Renaudot,  I,  p. 
xxxvii).  The  Life  of  St.  Basil  ascribed  to  Ampni- 
ktchios  (P.  G.,  XXIX,  301,  302)  quotes  as  composed 
by  him  the  beginning  of  the  Introduction-prayer  and 
that  of  the  Elevation  exactly  as  they  are  in  the  existing 
Liturgy  (Brightman,  319,  341).  The  Second  Council 
of  Nicfea  (787)  says:  "As  all  priests  of  the  holy  Lit- 
urgy know,  Basil  says  in  the  prayer  of  the  Divine  Ana- 
phora: We  approach  with  confidence  to  the  holy 
altar  .  .  .  ".  The  prayer  is  the  one  that  follows  the 
Anamnesis  in  St.  Basil's  Liturgy  (Brightman,  p.  329. 
Cf.  Hardouin,  IV,  p.  371). 

From  these  and  similar  indications  we  conclude  that 
the  Liturgy  of  St.  Basil  in  its  oldest  extant  form  is 
substantially  authentic,  namely,  from  the  beginning 
of  the  Anaphora  to  the  Communion.  The  Mass  of  the 
Catechumens  and  the  Offertory  prayers  have  devel- 
oped since  his  death.  St.  Gregory  Nazianzen,  in  de- 
scribing the  saint's  famous  encounter  with  Valeria  at 
Ceesarea,  in  372,  describes  the  Offertory  as  a  simpler 
rite,  accompanied  with  psalms  sung  by  the  people  but 
without  an  audible  Offertory  prayer  (Greg.  Naz.,Or., 
rliii,  52,  P.  G.,  XXXVL  561).  This  oldest  form  of 
the  Basilian  Liturgy  is  contained  in  a  manuscript  of 
the  Barberini  Library  of  about  the  year  800  (MS.,  Ill, 
55,  reprinted  in  Brightman,  309-344).  The  Liturgy 
of  St  Basil  now  used  in  the  Orthodox  and  Melkite  (or 
Melchite)  Churches  (Euchologion,  Venice,  1898,  pp. 
75-97;  Brightman,  400-411)  is  printed  after  that  of 
St  Chrysostom  and  differs  from  it  only  in  the  prayers 
said  by  the  priest,  chiefly  in  the  Anaphora;  it  has  re- 
ceived further  unimportant  modifications.  It  is 
probable  that  even  before  the  time  of  St  John  Chrysos- 


tom the  Liturgy  of  Basil  was  used  at  Constantinople. 
We  have  seen  that  Peter  the  Deacon  mentions  that  it 
was  "used  by  nearly  the  whole  East".  It  would 
seem  that  the  importance  of  the  See  of  Ceesarea  (even 
beyond  its  own  exarchy),  the  fame  of  St.  Basil,  and 
the  practical  convenience  of  this  short  Liturgy  led  to 
its  adoption  by  many  Churches  in  Asia  and  Syria. 
The  "East"  in  Peter  the  Deacon's  remark  would 
probably  mean  the  Roman  Prefecture  of  the  East 
(Prcefectura  Orientis)  that  included  Thrace.  More- 
over, when  St  Gregory  of  Nazianzos  came  to  Constan- 
tinople to  administer  that  diocese  (381)  he  found  in 
use  there  a  Liturgy  that  was  practically  the  same  as  the 
one  he  had  known  at  home  in  Cappadocia.  His  Sixth 
Oration  (P.  G-,  XXXV,  721  sq.)  was  held  in  Cappa- 
docia, his  Thirty-eighth  (P.  G.,  XXXVI,  311)  at  Con- 
stantinople. In  both  he  refers  to  and  quotes  the  Eu- 
charistic  prayer  that  his  hearers  know.  A  comparison 
of  the  two  texts  shows  that  the  prayer  is  the  same. 
This  proves  that,  at  any  rate  in  its  most  important 
element,  the  liturgy  used  at  the  capital  was  that  of 
Cappadocia — the  one  that  St.  Basil  used  as  a  basis  of 
his  reform.  It  would  therefore  be  most  natural  that 
the  reform  too  should  in  time  be  adopted  at  Constanti- 
nople. But  it  would  seem  that  before  Chrysostom 
this  Basilian  Rite  (according  to  the  universal  rule)  had 
received  further  development  and  additions  at  Con- 
stantinople. It  has  been  suggested  that  the  oldest 
form  of  the  Nestorian  Liturgy  is  the  original  Byzan- 
tine Rite,  the  one  that  St  Chrysostom  found  in  use 
when  he  became  patriarch  (Probst  "Lit  des  IV. 
Jahrhts.",  413). 

Hie  next  epoch  in  the  history  of  the  Byzantine  Rite 
is  the  reform  of  St.  John  Chrysostom  (d.  407).  He 
not  only  further  modified  the  Rite  of  Basil,  but  left 
both  his  own  reformed  Liturgy  and  the  un reformed 
Basilian  one  itself,  as  the  exclusive  uses  of  Constanti- 
nople. St  John  became  Patriarch  of  Constantinople 
in  397;  he  reigned  there  till  403,  was  then  banished, 
but  came  back  in  the  same  year;  was  banished  again 
in  404,  and  died  in  exile  in  407.  The  tradition  of  his 
Church  says  that  during  the  time  of  his  patriarchate 
he  composed  from  the  Basilian  Liturgy  a  shorter  form 
that  is  the  one  still  in  common  use  throughout  the 
Orthodox  Church.  The  same  text  of  ProkTos  (Proc- 
lus)  quoted  above  continues:  "Not  long  afterwards 
our  father,  John  Chrysostom,  zealous  for  the  salvation 
of  his  flock  aa  a  shepherd  should  be,  considering  the 
carelessness  of  human  nature,  thoroughly  rooted  up 
every  diabolical  objection.  He  therefore  left  out  a 
great  part  and  shortened  all  the  forms  lest  anyone . . . 
stay  away  from  this  Apostolic  and  Divine  Institution  ", 
etc.  He  would,  then,  have  treated  St.  Basil's  rite 
exactly  as  Basil  treated  the  older  rite  of  Ceesarea. 
There  is  no  reason  to  doubt  this  tradition  in  the  main 
issue.  A  comparison  of  the  Liturgy  of  Chrysostom 
with  that  of  Basil  will  show  that  it  follows  the  same 
order  and  is  shortened  considerably  in  the  text  of  the 
prayers;  a  further  comparison  of  its  text  with  the 
numerous  allusions  to  the  rite  of  the  Holy  Eucharist 
in  Chrysostom 's  homilies  will  show  that  the  oldest 
form  we  have  of  the  Liturgy  agrees  substantially  with 
the  one  he  describes  (Brightman,  530-534).  But  it  is 
also  certain  that  the  modern  Liturgy  of  St  Chrysos- 
tom has  received  considerable  modifications  and  addi- 
tions since  his  time.  In  order  to  reconstruct  the  rite 
used  by  him  we  must  take  away  from  the  present 
Liturgy  all  the  Preparation  of  the  Offerings  (Ilpxnco- 
/uJi)),  the  ritual  of  the  Little  and  Great  Entrances,  and 
the  Creed.  The  service  began  with  the  bishop's  greet- 
ing, "Peace  to  all",  and  the  answer,  "And  with  thy 
spirit. "  The  lessons  followed  from  the  Prophets  and 
Apostles,  and  the  deacon  read  the  Gospel.  After  the 
Gospel  the  bishop  or  a  priest  preached  a  homily,  and 
the  prayer  over  the  catechumens  was  said.  Origi- 
nally it  had  been  followed  by  a  prayer  over  penitents, 
but  Nektarios  (381-397)  had  abolished  the  discipline 


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of  public  penance,  so  in  St.  Chiysostom's  Liturgy  this 
prayer  is  left  out.  Then  came  a  prayer  for  the  faith- 
ful (baptized)  and  the  dismissal  of  the  catechumens. 
St.  Chrysostom  mentions  a  new  ritual  for  the  Offer- 
tory: the  choir  accompanied  the  bishop  and  formed  a 
solemn  procession  to  bring  the  bread  and  wine  from 
the  protnesis  to  the  altar  (Horn,  xxxvi,  in  I  Cor.,  vi, 
P.  G.,  LXI,  313).  Nevertheless  the  present  cere- 
monies and  the  Cherubic  Chant  that  accompany  the 
Great  Entrance  are  a  later  development  (Brightman, 
op.  cit.,  530).  The  Kiss  of  Peace  apparently  preceded 
the  Offertory  in  Chiysostom's  time  (Brightman,  op. 
cit.,  522,  Probst,  op.  cit,  208).  The  Eucharistic 
prayer  began,  as  everywhere,  with  the  dialogue:  "Loft 
up  your  hearts  "  etc.  This  prayer,  which  is  clearly  an 
abbreviated  form  of  that  in  the  Basilian  Rite,  is  cer- 
tainly authentically  of  St.  Chrysostom.  It  is  appar- 
ently chiefly  in  reference  to  it  that  Proklos  says  that 
he  has  shortened  the  older  rite.  The  Sanctus  was 
sung  by  the  people  as  now.  The  ceremonies  per- 
formed by  the  deacon  at  the  words  of  Institution  are 
a  later  addition.  Probst  thinks  that  the  original 
Epiklesis  of  St.  Chrysostom  ended  at  the  words  "Send 
thy  Holy  Spirit  down  on  us  and  on  these  gifts  spread 
before  us"  (Brightman,  op.  cit.,  386),  and  that  the 
continuation  (especially  the  disconnected  interrup- 
tion: God  be  merciful  to  me  a  tinner,  now  inserted  into 
the  Epiklesis;  Maltzew,  "Die  ;Liturgien"  etc.,  Berlin, 
1894,  p.  88)  are  a  later  addition  (op.  cit.,  414).  The 
Intercession  followed  at  once,  beginning  with  a  mem- 
ory of  the  saints.  The  prayer  for  the  dead  came 
before  that  for  the  living  (ibid.,  216-415).  The  Eu- 
charistic prayer  ended  with  a  doxology  to  which  the 
people  ans  rered,  Amen ;  and  then  the  bishop  greeted 
them  with  the  text,  "The  mercy  of  our  great  God  and 
Saviour  Jesm  Christ  be  with  all  of  you"  (Tit.,  ii,  13), 
to  which  they  answered:  "And  with  thy  spirit",  as- 
usual.  The  Lord's  Prayer  followed,  introduced  by  a 
short  litany  spoken  by  tne  deacon  and  followed  by  the 
well-known  doxology:  "For  thine  is  the  kingdom" 
etc.  This  ending  was  added  to  the  Our  Father  in  the 
Codex  of  the  New  Testament  used  by  St.  Chrysostom 
(cf.  Horn,  xix  in  P.  G.,  LVII,  282).  Another  greeting 
(Peace  to  all)  with  its  answer  introduced  the  manual 
acts,  first  an  Elevation  with  the  words  "  Holy  things 
for  the  holy"  etc.,  the  Breaking  of  Bread  and  the 
Communion  under  both  kinds.  In  Chiysostom's  time 
it  seems  that  people  received  either  kmd  separately, 
drinking  from  the  chalice.  A  short  prayer  of  thanks- 
giving ended  the  Liturgy.  That  is  the  rite  as  we  see 
it  in  tne  saint's  homilies  (cf.  Probst.,  op.  cit.,  156-202, 
202-226).  It  is  true  that  most  of  these  homilies  were 
preached  at  Antioch  (387-397)  before  he  went  to  Con- 
stantinople. It  would  seem,  then,  that  the  Liturgy  of 
St.  Chrysostom  was  in  great  part  that  of  his  time  at 
Antioch,  and  that  he  introduced  it  at  the  capital  when 
he  became  patriarch.  We  have  seen  from  Peter  the 
Deacon  that  St.  Basil's  Rite  was  used  by  "nearly  the 
whole  East''.  There  is,  then,  no  difficulty  in  suppos- 
ing that  it  had  penetrated  to  Antioch  and  was  already 
abridged  there  into  the  "Liturgy  of  Chrysostom"  be- 
fore that  saint  brought  this  abridged  form  to  Constan- 
tinople. 

It  was  this  Chrysostom  Liturgy  that  gradually  be- 
came the  common  Eucharistic  service  of  Constanti- 
nople, and  that  spread  throughout  the  Orthodox 
world,  as  the  city  that  had  adopted  it  became  more 
and  more  the  acknowledged  head  of  Eastern  Christen- 
dom. It  did  not  completely  displace  the  older  rite  of 
St.  Basil,  but  reduced  its  use  to  a  very  few  days  in  the 
year  on  which  it  is  still  said  (see  below,  under  II). 
Meanwhile  the  Liturgy  of  St.  Chrysostom  itself  under- 
went further  modification.  The  oldest  form  of  it  now 
extant  is  in  the  same  manuscript  of  the  Barberini 
Library  that  contains  St.  Basil's  Liturgy.  In  this  the 
elaborate  rite  of  the  Proskomide  has  not  yet  been 
added,  but  it  has  already  received  additions  since  the 


time  of  the  saint  whose  name  it  bears.  The  Trisagjon 
(Holy  God,  Holy  Stnmg  One,  Holy  Immortal  One, 
have  mercy  on  us)  at  this  Little  Entrance  is  Kid  to 
have  been  revealed  to  Proklos  of  Constantinople  (434- 
47,  St.  John  Dam.,  De  Fide  Orth.,  Ill,  10);  this  proba- 
bly gives  the  date  of  its  insertion  into  the  Latin  jy. 
The  Cherubikon  that  accompanies  the  Great  Entrance 
was  apparently  added  by  Justin  II  (565-78,  Bright- 
man,  op.  cit.,  532),  and  the  Creed  that  follows,  just 
before  the  beginning  of  the  Anaphora,  u  elso  rscri.ied 
to  him  (Joannis  Biclarensis  Chronicon,  P.  L.,  LXXII, 
863).  Since  the  Barberini  Euchologion  (ninth  cent.) 
the  Preparation  of  the  Offerings  (rpoot'iuHj)  ate  the 
credence-table  (called  prothesis)  gradually  developed 
into  the  elaborate  rite  that  now  accompanies  it. 
Brightman  (op.  cit.,  539-552)  gives  a  series  of  docu- 
ments from  which  the  evolution  of  this  rite  may  be 
traced  from  the  ninth  to  the  sixteenth  century. 

These  are  the  two  Liturgies  ef  Constant)  lople,  the 
older  one  of  St.  Basil,  now  said  on  oily  a  I  w  days, 
and  the  later  shortened  one  of  St.  Chrysostom  that  is 
in  common  use.  There  remains  the  thud,  the  Liturgy 
of  the  Pre8anctified  (rdw  rporrrtariidrvr).  This  service, 
that  in  the  Latin  Church  now  occurs  only  on  Good 
Friday,  was  at  one  time  used  on  the  aliturgical  days  of 
Lent  everywhere  (see  Aliturgical,  Days  and  Du- 
chesne, Ongines,  222,  238).  This  is  still  the  practice 
of  the  Eastern  Churches.  The  Paschal  Chronicle  (see 
Chronicon  Paschale)  of  the  year  645  (P.  1.,  XCII) 
mentions  the  Presanctified  Liturgy,  and  the  fifty- 
second  canon  of  the  Second  TruUan  Council  (692) 
orders:  "On  all  days  of  the  fast  of  forty  days,  except 
Saturdays  and  Sundays  and  the  day  of  the  Holy 
Annunciation,  the  Liturgy  of  the  Preranctified  shall 
be  celebrated."  The  essence  of  this  Liturgy  is  simply 
that  the  Blessed  Sacrament  that  has  been  consecrated 
on  the  preceding  Sunday,  and  is  reserved  in  the  taber- 
nacle (ipro&pior)  under  both  kinds,  is  taken  out  and 
distributed  as  Communion.  It  is  now  always  cele- 
brated at  the  end  of  Vespers  (i<rrefnp&s),  which  form 
its  first  part.  The  lessons  are  read  as  usual,  and  the 
litanies  sung;  the  catechumens  are  d:  missed,  and 
then,  the  whole  Anaphora  being  naturally  omitted, 
Communion  is  given;  the  blessing  and  dismiss.. I  fol- 
low. A  great  part  of  the  rite  is  simply  taken  frc  .  Hie 
corresponding  parts  of  St.  ChryBostom's  Liturgy.  The 
present  form,  then,  is  a  comparatively  lctu  om,  that 
supposes  the  normal  Liturgies  of  Conatai  tinople.  It 
has  been  attributed  to  various  persons — St.  James,  St. 
Peter,  St.  Basil,  St.  Germane*  I  of  Constantinople 
(715-30),  and  so  on  (Brightman,  op.  cit.,  p.  xuiii). 
But  in  the  service  books  it  is  now  officially  ascribed  to 
St.  Gregory  Dialogos  (Pope  Gregory  I).  It  is  impos- 
sible to  say  how  this  certainly  mistaken  ascription 
began.  The  Greek  legend  is  that,  when  he  was 
apocrisiarius  at  Constantinople  (578),  seeing  that  the 
Greeks  had  no  fixed  rite  for  this  Communion-service, 
he  composed  this  one  for  them. 

The  origin  of  the  Divine  Office  and  of  the  rites  for 
sacraments  and  sacramentals  in  the  Byzantine  Church 
is  more  difficult  to  trace.  Here  too  we  have  now  the 
result  of  a  long  and  gradual  development;  and  the 
starting-point  of  that  development  is  certain!,  the  use 
of  Antioch.  But  there  are  no  names  that  stand  out  us 
clearly  as  do  those  of  St.  Basil  and  St  Chrysostcn  in 
the  history  of  the  Liturgy.  We  may  perhaps  fin  "  tLo 
trace  of  a  similar  action  on  their  part  in  the  opto  of  the 
Office.  The  new  way  of  singing  psalms  introduced  by 
St.  Basil  (Ep.  cvii,  see  above)  would  in  the  first  place 
affect  the  canonical  Hours.  It  was  the  mann-  of 
singing  psalms  antiphonally,  that  is  alternately  St 
two  choirs,  to  which  we  are  accustomed,  that  hall  al- 
ready been  introduced  at  Antioch  in  the  time  oT  the 
Patriarch  Leontios  (Leontius,  344-67;  Theodoret,  EL 
E.,  II,  xxiv).  We  find  one  or  two  other  allusions  to 
reforms  in  various  rites  among  the  works  of  St.  Chrys- 
ostom; thus  he  desires  people  to  accompany  funerals 


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by  singing  psalms  (Horn,  iv,  in  Ep.  ad  Hebr.,  P.  G., 
LXIII,  43)  etc. 

With  regard  to  the  Divine  Office  especially,  it  has 
the  sr  je  general  principles  in  East  and  West  from  a 
very  early  age  (see  Breviary).  Essentially  it  con- 
sists in  psalm-singing.  Its  first  and  most  important 
part  is  the  Night-watch  (rarrvxk,  our  Nocturia) ;  at 
dawn  the  tp$pot  (Lauds)  was  sung;  during  the  day 
the  people  met  again  at  the  third,  sixth,  and  ninth 
hours,  and  at  sunset  for  the  iavtpivtn  (Vespers).  Be- 
sides the  psalms  these  Offices  contained  lessons  from 
the  Bible  and  collects.  A  peculiarity  of  the  Antioch- 
ene  use  was  the  "Gloria  in  excelsis"  sung  at  the 
Orthros  (Ps.-Athan.,  De  Virg.,  xx,  P.  G.,  XXVIII, 
276);  the  evening  hymn,  iXopAr,  still  sung  in  the 
Byzantine  Rite  at  the  Hesperinos  and  attributed  to 
A  henogenes  (in  the  second  cent.),  is  quoted  by  St. 
Basil  (De  Spir.  Sancto,  lxxiii,  P.  G.,  XXXII,  205). 
Egeria  of  Aquitaine,  the  pilgrim  to  Jerusalem,  gives  a 
vivid  description  of  the  Office  as  sung  there  according 
to  Antioch  in  the  fourth  century  ["S.  Silviae  (sic) 
peregrin.",  ed.  Gamurrini,  Rome,  1887].  To  this  series 
of  Hours  two  were  added  in  the  fourth  centurv.  John 
Cassian  (Instit.,  Ill,  iv)  describes  the  addition  of 
Prime  by  tlie  monks  of  Palestine,  and  St.  Basil  refers 
(loc  cit.)  to  Complin  {ivUtiTmi)  as  the  monks' 
evening  prayer.  Prime  and  Complin,  then,  were 
originally  private  prayers  said  by  monks  in  addition  to 
thv.  'Pictal  Hours.  The  Antiochene  manner  of  keeping 
this  Office  w:a  famous  all  over  the  East.  Flavian  of 
Antioch  in  387  softened  the  heart  of  Theodosius  (after 
the  outrage  to  the  statues)  by  making  his  clerks  sing 
tt  him  "the  suppliant  chants  of  Antioch"  (Sozom., 
H.  E.,  VII,  xxiii).  And  St.  John  Chrysostom,  as  soon 
as  he  comes  to  Constantinople,  introduces  the  methods 
of  Antioch  in  keeping  the  canonical  Hours  (16,  VIII, 
8).  Eventually  the  Eastern  Office  admits  short  ser- 
vices (fieo&apai)  between  the  day  Hours,  and  between 
Vespers  and  Complin.  Into  this  frame  a  number  of 
famous  poets  have  fitted  a  long  succession  of  canons 
(unmetrical  hymns);  of  these  poets  St.  Romanos  the 
singer  (sixth,  cent.),  St.  Cosmas  the  singer  (eighth 
cent.),  St.  John  Damascene  (c.  780),  St.  Theodore  of 
Studion  (d.  826),  etc.,  are  the  most  famous  (see  Byzan- 
tine Literature,  sub-title  IV.  Ecclesiastical  etc). 
St.  Sabas  (d.  532)  and  St.  John  Damascene  eventually 
arranged  the  Office  for  the  whole  year,  though,  like  the 
Liturgy,  it  has  undergone  further  development  since, 
till  it  acquired  its  present  form  (see  below). 

H.  The  Byzantine  Rite  at  the  Present  Time. — 
The  Rite  of  Constantinople  now  used  throughout  the 
Orthodox  Church  does  not  maintain  any  principle  of 
uniformity  in  language.  In  various  countries  the 
«ame  prayers  and  forms  are  translated  (with  unim- 
portant variations)  into  what  is  supposed  to  be  more 
or  less  the  vulgar  tongue.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  how- 
ever, it  is  only  in  Rumania  that  the  liturgical  language 
is  the  same  as  that  of  the  people.  Greek  (from  which 
all  the  others  are  translated)  is  used  at  Constantino- 
ple, in  Macedonia  (by  the  Patriarchists),  Greece,  by 
Greek  monks  in  Palestine  and  Syria,  by  nearly  all  Or- 
thodox in  Egypt;  Arabic  in  parts  of  Syria,  Palestine, 
and  by  a  lew  churches  in  Egypt;  Old  Slavonic 
throughout  Russia,  in  Bulgaria,  and  by  all  Exarchists, 
in  Czemagora,  Servia,  and  by  the  Orthodox  in  Austria 
and  Hungary;  and  Rumanian  by  the  Church  of  that 
country.  These  four  are  the  principal  languages. 
Later  Russian  missions  use  Esthonian,  Lettish,  and 
German  in  the  Baltic  provinces,  Finnish  and  Tatar  in 
Finland  and  Siberia,  Chinese,  and  Japanese.  (Bright- 
man,  op.  eh.,  LXXXI-LXXXII).  Although  the 
Liturgy  has  been  translated  into  English  (see  Hap- 
good,  op.  cit.  in  bibliography),  a  translation  is  never 
used  in  any  church  of  the  Greek  Rite.  The  Uniats 
use  Greek  at  Constantinople,  in  Italy,  and  partially 
in  Syria  and  Egypt,  Arabic  chiefly  in  these  countries, 
Old  Slavonic  in  Slav  lands,  and  Rumanian  in  Rumania. 


It  is  curious  to  note  that  in  spite  of  this  great  diversity 
of  languages  the  ordinary  Orthodox  layman  no  more 
understands  his  Liturgy  than  if  it  were  in  Greek.  Old 
Slavonic  and  the  semi-classical  Arabic  in  which  it  is 
sung  are  dead  languages. 

The  Calendar. — It  is  well  known  that  the  Orthodox 
still  use  the  Julian  Calendar  (Old  Style).  By  this 
time  (1908)  they  are  thirteen  days  behind  us.  Their 
liturgical  year  begins  on  1  September,  "the  begin- 
ning of  the  Indict,  that  is  of  the  new  year".  On  15 
November  begins  the  first  of  their  four  great  fasts,  the 
"fast  of  Christ's  birth"  that  lasts  till  Christmas  (25 
December).  The  fast  of  Easter  begins  on  the  Monday 
after  the  sixth  Sunday  before  Easter,  and  they  abstain 
from  flesh-meat  after  the  seventh  Sunday  before  the 
feast  (our  Sexagesimal  The  fast  of  the  Apostles  lasts 
from  the  day  after  the  first  Sunday  after  Pentecost 
(their  All  Saints'  Day)  till  28  June,  the  fast  of  the 
Mother  of  God  from  1  August  to  14  August.  Through- 
out this  year  fall  a  great  number  of  feasts.  The  great 
cycles  are  the  same  as  ours — Christmas,  followed  Dy  a 
Memory  of  the  Mother  of  God  on  26  December,  then 
St.  Stephen  on  27  December,  etc.  Easter,  Ascension 
Day,  and  Whitsunday  follow  as  with  us.  Many  of  the 
other  feasts  are  the  same  as  ours,  though  often  with 
different  names.  They  divide  them  into  three  cate- 
gories, feasts  of  our  Lord  (topral  iwrvrutaS),  of  the 
Mother  of  God  (ffeo/xtrrpixal),  and  of  the  saints  (rOr 
Lylur).  They  count  the  "Holy  meeting"  (with  St 
Simeon,  2  February),  the  Annunciation  (25  March), 
the  Awakening  of  Lazarus  (Saturday  before  Palm 
Sunday),  etc.,  as  feasts  cf  Our  Lord.  The  .hief  feasts 
of  Our  Lady  are  her  birthday  (8  September),  Presenta- 
tion in  the  Temple  (21  November),  Conception  (9  De- 
cember), Falling-asleep  (xoipiprif,  15  August),  and 
the  Keeping  of  her  Robe  at  the  Blachernse  (at  Con- 
stantinople, 2  July).  Feasts  are  further  divided  ac- 
cording to  their  solemnity  into  three  classes:  great, 
middle,  and  less  days.  Easier  of  course  stands  alone 
as  greatest  of  all.  It  is  "The  Feast"  (4  toprt,  oj-fe!) ; 
there  are  twelve  other  very  great  days  and  twelve 
great  ones.  Certain  chief  saints  (the  Apostles,  the 
three  holy  hierarchs — Sts.  Basil,  Gregory  of  Nazian- 
zus,  and  John  Chrysostom — 30  January,  the  holy  and 
equal-to-the-Apostles  Sovereigns,  Constantine  and 
Helen,  etc.)  have  middle  feasts;  all  the  others  are 
lesser  ones.  The  Sundays  are  named  after  the  subject 
of  their  Gospel ;  the  first  Sunday  of  Lent  is  the  feast  of 
Orthodoxy  (after  Iconoclasm),  the  Saturdays  before 
Meatless  Sunday  (our  Sexagesima)  and  Whitsunday 
are  All  Souls'  days.  Our  Trinity  Sunday  is  their  All 
Saints.  Wednesdays  and  Fridays  throughout  the 
year  are  days  of  abstinence  (Fortescue,  "  Orth.  East- 
ern Church  '',  398-401). 

Service-books. — The  Byzantine  Rite  has  no  such 
compendiums  as  our  Missal  and  Breviary;  it  is  con- 
tained in  a  number  of  loosely  arranged  books.  They 
are:  the  Typikon  (totti «<>•),  a  perpetual  calendar  con- 
taining full  directions  for  all  feasts  and  all  possible  co- 
incidences. The  Euchologion  (etfxoAAyior)  contains 
the  priest's  part  of  the  Hesperinos,  Orthros,  the  three 
Liturgies,  and  other  sacraments  and  Bacramentals. 
The  Triodion  (rpup'ttor)  contains  the  variable  parts  of 
the  Liturgy  and  Divine  Office  (except  the  psalms, 
Epistles,  and  Gospels)  for  the  movable  days  from  the 
tenth  Sunday  before  Easter  to  Holy  Saturday.  The 
Pentekostarion  (ictrTriKooT&ptar)  continues  the  Trio- 
dion from  Easter  Day  to  the  first  Sunday  after  Pente- 
cost (All  Saints'  Sunday).  The  Oktoechos  (iicrdnix- 
of)  gives  the  Offices  of  the  Sundays  for  the  rest  of  the 
year  (arranged  according  to  the  eight  modes  to  which 
they  are  sung — 6kt&  foot)  and  the  Parakletike  (xopo- 
«XijTin))  is  for  the  weekdays.  The  twelve  Menaias 
(pifKttat),  one  for  each  month,  contain  the  Proper  of 
Saints;  the  Menologion  (nriro\6yu>r)  is  a  shortened 
version  of  the  Menaia,  and  the  Horologion  (wpoUywr) 
contains  the  choir's  part  of  the  day  Hours.  The 


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Psalter  (<f/a\T^pu>r),  Gospel  (cdayyfiuor),  and  Apos- 
tle (dxioroXot — Epistles  and  Acts)  contain  the  parts 
of  the  Bible  read  (Fortescue,  "Orth.  E.  Ch.",  401-402; 
Nilles,  "Kal.  Man.",  XLIV-LVI;  Kattenbusch, 
"Confessionskunde",  I,  478-486). 

The  altar,  vestments  and  sacred  vessels. — A  church  of 
the  Byzantine  Rite  should  have  only  one  altar.  In  a 
few  very  large  ones  there  are  side-chapels  with  altars, 
and  the  Uniats  sometimes  copy  the  Latin  multitude  of 
altars  in  one  church;  this  ic  an  abuse  tnat  is  not  con- 
sistent with  their  rite.  The  altar  (4  &7<a  rpdrtfa) 
'  stands  in  the  middle  of  the  sanctuary  (Upareior) ;  it  is 
covered  to  the  ground  with  a  linen  cloth  over  which  is 
laid  a  silk  or  velvet  covering.  The  Euchologion,  a 
folded  antimension,  and  perhaps  one  or  two  other  in- 
struments used  in  the  Liturgy  are  laid  on  it;  nothing 
else.  [See  Altar  (in  the  Greek  Church).]  Behind 
the  altar,  round  the  apse,  are  seats  for  priests  with  the 
bishop's  throne  in  the  middle  (in  every  church).  On 
the  north  side  of  the  altar  stands  a  large  credence-table 
(wpi$arit) ;  the  first  part  of  the  Liturgy  is  said  here. 
On  the  south  side  is  the  diakonikon,  a  sort  of  sacristy 
where  vessels  and  vestments  are  kept;  but  it  is  in  no 
way  walled  off  from  the  rest  of  the  sanctuary.  The 
sanctuary  is  divided  from  the  rest  of  the  church  by  the 
ikonostasis  (eUtorbaraau,  picture-screen),  a  great 
screen  stretching  across  the  whole  width  and  reaching 
high  up  to  the  roof  (see  sub-title  The  Iconostasis  s.  v. 
Altar,  History  of  the  Christian).  On  the  outside 
it  is  covered  with  a  great  number  of  pictures  of  Christ 
and  the  saints,  arranged  in  a  more  or  less  determined 
order  (Christ  always  to  the  right  of  the  royal  doors  and 
the  Bl.  Virgin  on  the  left),  before  which  rows  of  lamps 
are  hung.  The  ikonostasis  has  three  doors,  the 
"royal  door"  in  the  middle,  the  deacon's  door  to  the 
south  (right  hand  as  one  enters  the  church),  and  an- 
other door  to  the  north.  Between  the  royal  door  and 
the  deacon's  door  the  bishop  has  another  throne  facing 
the  people.  Immediately  outside  the  ikonostasis  is 
the  choir.  A  great  part  of  the  services  take  place  here. 
In  the  body  of  the  church  the  people  stand  (there  are 
no  seats  as  a  rule) ;  then  comes  the  narthex,  a  passage 
across  the  church  at  the  west  end,  from  which  one  en- 
ters by  doors  into  the  nave.  Most  of  the  funeral  rites 
and  other  services  take  place  in  the  narthex.  Churches 
are  roofed  as  a  rule  by  a  succession  of  low  cupolas, 
often  five  (if  the  church  is  cross-shaped).  In  Russia 
there  is  generally  a  belfry.  The  vestments  were  once 
the  same  as  the  Latin  ones,  though  now  they  look 
very  different.  It  is  a  curious  case  of  parallel  evolu- 
tion. The  bishop  wears  over  his  cassock  the  sticha- 
rion  (mx&ptoi)  our  alb;  it  is  often  of  silk  and  col- 
oured; then  the  epitrachelion  (Artrpax^Xtor),  a  stole 
of  which  the  two  ends  are  sewn  together  and  hang 
straight  down  in  front,  with  a  loop  through  which  the 
head  is  passed.  The  sticharion  and  epitrachelion  are 
held  together  by  the  zone  (f<4n*,  girdle),  a  narrow  belt 
of  stuff  with  clasps.  Over  the  wrists  he  wears  the  epi- 
manikia  (tri/mrUta),  cuffs  or  gloves  with  the  part  for 
the  hand  cut  off.  From  the  girdle  the  epigonation 
(trtyofirtop),  a  diamond-shaped  piece  of  stuff,  stif- 
fened with  cardboard,  hangs  down  to  the  right  knee. 
Lastly,  he  wears  over  all  the  sakkos  (irttocot),  a  vest- 
ment like  our  dalmatic.  Over  the  sakkos  comes  the 
omophorion  (o>iMxp6pu>r).  This  is  a  great  pallium  of 
silk  embroidered  with  crosses.  There  is  also  a  smaller 
omophorion  for  some  rites.  He  has  a  pectoral  cross, 
an  enkolpion  (fyjcAXrwr,  a  medal  containing  a  relic), 
a  mitre  formed  of  metal  and  shaped  like  an  imperial 
crown,  and  a  dikanikion  (SiraWnor),  or  crosier, 
shorter  than  ours  and  ending  in  two  serpents  between 
which  is  a  cross.  To  give  his  blessing  in  the  Liturgy 
he  uses  the  trikerion  (rpuctiptor)  in  his  right  and  the 
dikerion  (iuciptor)  in  his  left  hand.  These  are  a  triple 
and  double  candlestick  with  candles.  The  priest 
wears  the  sticharion,  epitrachelion,  zone,  and  epimani- 
Ida.    If  he  is  a  dignitary  he  wears  the  epigonation  and 


(in  Russia)  the  mitre  also.  Instead  of  a  sakkos  he  has 
a  phainolion  (faur6\tor),  our  chasuble,  but  reaching 
to  the  feet  behind  and  at  the  sides,  and  cut  away  in 
front  (see  Chasuble  and  illustrations).  The  deacon 
wears  the  sticharion  and  epimanikia,  but  no  girdle. 
His  stole  is  called  an  orarion  (tipiptor) ;  it  is  pinned  to* 
the  left  shoulder  and  hangs  straight  down,  except  that 
he  winds  it  around  his  body  and  over  the  right  shoul- 
der at  the  Communion.  It  is  embroidered  with  the 
word  ""Ari02"  three  times.  A  very  common 
abuse  (among  Melkites  too)  is  for  other  servers  to 
wear  the  orarion.  This  is  expressly  forbidden  by  the 
Council  of  Laodicea  (c.  360,  can.  xxii).  The  Byzan- 
tine Rite  has  no  sequence  of  liturgical  colours.  They 
generally  use  black  for  funerals,  otherwise  any  colours 
for  any  day.  The  vessels  used  for  the  holy  Liturgy 
are  the  chalice  and  paten  (jbriras),  which  latter  is 
much  larger  than  ours  and  has  a  foot  to  stand  it  (it  is 
never  put  on  the  chalice),  the  asteriskos  (ivrtplvKot)  a 
cross  of  bent  metal  that  stands  over  the  paten  to  pre- 
vent the  veil  from  touching  the  holy  bread,  the  spoon 
(Xi/Stt)  for  giving  Communion,  the  spear  (\oyxV  to 
cut  up  the  bread,  and  the  fan  (jvrltnr)  which  the  dea- 
con waves  over  the  Blessed  Sacrament — this  is  a  flat 
piece  of  metal  shaped  like  an  angel's  head  with  six 
wings  and  a  handle.  The  antimension  (drri/n}tviar) 
is  a  kind  of  corporal  containing  relics  that  is  spread 
out  at  the  beginning  of  the  Liturgy.  It  is  really  a 
portable  altar.  The  Holy  Bread  (always  leavened  of 
course)  is  made  as  a  flat  loaf  marked  in  squares  to  be 
cut  up  during  the  Proskomide  with  the  letters  IC. 
XC.  NI.  KA.  ('IijffoGt  Xpurrit  ncp).  In  the  dia- 
konikon a  vessel  is  kept  with  hot  water  for  the  liturgy' 
(Fortescue,  op.  cit.,  403-409;  "Echos  d'Orient",  V, 
129-139;  R  Storff,  "Die  griech.  Liturg.",  13-14). 

Church  music. — The  singing  in  the  Byzantine  Rite  is 
always  unaccompanied.  No  musical  instrument  of 
any  kind  may  be  used  in  their  churches.  They  have  a 
plain  chant  of  eight  modes  that  correspond  to  ours, 
except  that  they  are  numbered  differently;  the  four 
authentic  modes  (Doric,  Phrygian,  Lydian,  and  Mixo- 
lydian — our  1st,  3rd,  5th,  and  7th)  come  first,  then  the 
Plagal  modes  (our  2nd,  4th,  6th,  and  8th).  But  their 
scales  are  different.  Whereas  our  plainsong  is  strictly 
diatonic,  theirs  is  enharmonic  with  variable  intervals. 
They  always  sing  in  unison  and  frequently  change  the 
mode  in  the  middle  of  a  chant.  One  singer  (generally 
a  boy)  sings  the  dominant  (tA  fo-or)  of  the  mode  to  the 
sound  of  A  continuously,  while  the  rest  execute  their 
elaborate  pneums  (see  Plain  Chant).  The  result  is 
generally — to  our  ears — unmelodious  and  strange, 
though  in  some  cases  a  carefully  trained  choir  pro- 
duces a  fine  effect.  One  of  the  best  is  that  of  St. 
Anne's  (Melkite)  College  at  Jerusalem,  trained  by  the 
French  Peres  B  lanes.  One  of  these,  Pere  Re  hours, 
has  written  an  exhaustive  and  practical  treatise  of 
their  .chant  ("Traite  de  psaltique"  etc.;  see  bibliog- 
raphy). In  Russia  and  lately,  to  some  extent,  in  the 
metropolitan  church  of  Athens  they  sing  figured  music 
in  parts  of  a  very  stately  and  beautiful  kind.  It  is 
probably  the  most  beautiful  and  suitable  church 
music  in  the  world. 

The  Holy  Liturgy. — The  present  use  of  the  Byzan- 
tine Rite  confines  the  older  Liturgy  of  St.  Basil  to  the 
Sundays  in  Lent  (except  Palm  Sunday),  Maundy 
Thursday,  and  Holy  Saturday,  also  the  eves  of  Christ- 
mas and  the  Epiphany,  and  St.  Basil's  feast  (1  Janu- 
ary). On  all  other  days  on  which  the  Liturgy  is  cele- 
brated they  use  that  of  St.  Chryaostom.  But  on  the 
weekdays  in  Lent  (except  Saturdays)  they  may  not 
consecrate,  so  they  use  for  them  the  Liturgy  of  tho 
Presanctified.  An  Orthodox  priest  does  not  celebrate 
every  day,  but  as  a  rule  only  on  Sundays  and  feast- 
days.  The  Uniats,  however,  in  this,  as  in  many  other 
ways,  imitate  the  Latin  custom.  They  also  have  a 
curious  principle  that  the  altar  as  well  as  the  celebrant 
must  be  fasting,  that  is  to  say  that  it  must  not  have 


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been  used  already  on  the  same  day.  So  there  is  only 
one  Liturgy  a  day  in  an  Orthodox  Church.  Where 
many  priests  are  present  they  con  celeb  rate,  all  saying 
the  Anaphora  together  over  the  same  offerings.  This 
happens  nearly  always  when  a  bishop  celebrates:  he 
is  surrounded  by  his  priests,  who  celebrate  with  him. 
The  Liturgy  of  St.  Chrysostom,  as  being  the  one  com- 
monly used,  is  always  printed  first  in  the  Euchologia. 
It  is  the  framework  into  which  the  others  are  fitted; 
and  the  greater  part  of  the  Liturgy  is  always  said  ac- 
cording to  this  form.  After  it  are  printed  the  prayers 
of  St.  Basil  (always  much  longer)  which  are  substi- 
tuted for  some  of  the  usual  ones  when  his  rite  is  used, 
and  then  the  variants  of  the  Liturgy  of  the  Presancti- 
fied.  The  Liturgies  of  Basil  and  (Jhrysostom,  then, 
differing  only  in  a  certain  number  of  the  prayers,  may 
be  described  together. 

The  first  rubric  directs  that  the  celebrant  must  be 
reconciled  to  all  men,  keep  his  heart  from  evil 
thoughts,  and  be  fasting  since  midnight.  At  the  ap- 
pointed hour  (usually  immediately  after  None)  the 
celebrant  and  deacon  (who  communicatee  and  must 
therefore  also  be  fasting)  say  the  preparatory  prayers 
before  the  ikonostasis  (Brightman,  op.  cit,  353-354), 
kiss  the  holy  ikons,  and  go  into  the  diakonikon.  Here 
they  vest,  the  celebrant  blessing  each  vestment  as  it  is 
put  on,  say  certain iprayers,  ana  wash  their  hands,  say- 
ing verses  6-12  of  Ps.  xxv("  Lavabo  inter  innocentes  " 
etc.,  op.  cit.,  354-356).  Then  the  first  part  of  the  Lit- 
urgy, the  Preparation  of  the  Offering  (irpwico/uJi})  be- 
gins at  the  credence  table  (rpMerit).  The  loaves  of 
bread  (generally  five)  are  marked  in  divisions  as  de- 
scribed above  under  the  caption  Altar,  etc.  The  cele- 
brant cuts  away  with  the  holylance  the  parts  marked 
IC.  XC.  NI.  KA.,  and  says:  "The  Lamb  of  God  is  sacri- 
ficed." These  parts  are  then  called  the  Lamb.  The 
deacon  pours  wine  and  warm  water  into  the  chalice. 
Other  parts  of  the  bread  are  cut  away  in  honour  of  the 
All-holy  Theotokos,  nine  for  various  saints,  and  others 
for  the  bishop,  Orthodox  clergy,  and  various  people  for 
whom  he  wishes  to  pray.  This  rite  is  accompanied  by 
many  prayers,  the  particles  (rpxr^opaQ  are  arranged 
on  the  diflkos  (paten)  by  the  Lamb  (that  of  the  Theo- 
tokos on  the  right,  because  of  the  verse  "The  Queen 
stands  at  thy  right  hand  ".  A  long  rubric  explains  all 
this),  covered  with  the  asteriskos  and  veils,  and  the 
offerings  are  repeatedly  incensed.  The  deacon  then 
incenses  the  pro  thesis,  altar,  sanctuary,  nave,  and  the 
celebrant.  (A  detailed  account  of  the  now  elaborate 
rite  of  the  Proskomide  is  given  in  the  "Echoe  d'Orient", 
III,  65-78.)  They  then  go  to  the  altar,  kiss  the  Gos- 
pel on  it  and  the  deacon  holding  up  his  orarion  says: 
It  is  time  to  sacrifice  to  the  Lord.  Here  begin  the 
Litaniet  (iterant  or  wwwraC).  The  doors  of  the  ikon- 
ostasis are  opened,  and  the  deacon  goes  out  through 
the  north  door.  Standing  before  the  royal  doors  he 
chants  the  Great  Litany,  praying  for  peace,  the 
Church,  the  patriarch  or  synod  (in  Orthodox  countries 
for  the  sovereign  and  his  family),  the  city,  travellers,- 
etc,  etc  To  each  clause  the  choir  answer  "Kyrie 
eleison".  Then  follows  the  first  antiphon  (on  Sun- 
days Ps.  cii),  and  the  celebrant  at  the  altar  says  a 
prayer.  The  Short  Litany  is  sung  in  the  same  way 
(the  clauses  are  different,  Brightman,  op.  cit.,  362- 
375)  with  an  antiphon  and  prayer,  and  then  a  third 
litany;  on  Sundays  the  third  antiphon  is  the  Beati- 
tudes. 

Here  follows  the  Little  Entrance.  The  deacon  has 
gone  back  to  the  celebrant's  side.  They  come  out 
through  the  north  door  in  procession,  the  deacon  hold- 
ing the  book  of  the  Gospels,  with  acolytes  bearing 
candles.  The  troparia  (snort  hymns)  are  sung,  end- 
ing with  the  Trisagion :  "  Holy  God,  Holy  Strong  One, 
Holy  Immortal  One,  have  mercy  on  us"  (three  times) ; 
then  "Glory  be  to  the  Father  ,  etc. — "As  it  was  in 
the  beginning",  etc. — and  again  "Holy  God",  etc. 
Meanwhile  the  celebrant  says  other  prayers.  A  reader 


sings  the  Epistle;  a  Gradual  is  sung;  the  deacon  sings 
the  Gospel,  having  incensed  the  book;  more  prayers 
follow.  Then  come  prayers  for  the  catechumens,  and 
they  are  dismissed  by  the  deacon:  "All  catechumens 
go  out.  Catechumens  go  out.  All  catechumens  go 
away.  Not  one  of  the  catechumens  [shall  stay]." — 
Of  course  nowadays  there  are  no  catechumens. — The 
prayers  for  the  catechumens  bringus  to  the  first  vari- 
ant between  the  two  Liturgies.  The  one  said  by  the 
celebrant  is  different  (and,  as  an  exception,  shorter)  in 
St.  Basil's  rite  (Brightman,  op.  cit.,  374  and  401).  The 
deacon  says,  "  All  the  faithful  again  and  again  pray  to 
the  Lord  in  peace",  and  repeats  several  times  the  curi- 
ous exclamation  "Wisdom!"  (ao<pla)  that  occurs  re- 
peatedly in  the  Byzantine  Rite — before  the  Gospel  he 
says  "Wisdom I  Upright!" — oofta.  6p$oL,  meaning 
that  the  people  should  stand  up. 

The  Liturgy  of  the  Faithful  begins  here.  Prayers  for 
the  faithful  follow  (different  in  the  two  rites,  Bright- 
man,  op.  cit.,  375-377  and  400-401) ;  and  then  comes 
the  dramatic  moment  of  the  Liturgy,  the  Great  En- 
trance. The  celebrant  and  deacon  go  to  the  prothesis, 
the  offerings  are  incensed.  The  deacon  covers  his 
shoulders  with  the  great  veil  (see  Aer)  and  takes  the 
diskos  (paten)  with  the  bread;  the  thurible  hangs 
from  his  hand ;  the  celebrant  follows  with  the  chalice. 
Acolytes  go  in  front  and  form  a  solemn  procession. 
Meanwhile  the  choir  sings  the  Cherubic  Hymn  (Xqwu- 
ftuAt  0p»ot):  "Let  us,  who  mystically  represent  the 
Cherubim,  and  who  sing  to  the  Life-giving  Trinity  the 
thrice  holy  hymn,  put  away  all  earthly  cares  so  as  to 
receive  the  King  of  all  things  [here  the  procession 
comes  out  through  the  north  door]  escorted  by  the 
army  of  angels.  Alleluia,  alleluia,  alleluia."  The 
procession  goes  meanwhile  all  round  the  church  and 
enters  the  sanctuary  by  the  royal  doors.  The  Cheru- 
bic Hymn  has  a  very  elaborate  and  effective  melody 
(Rebours,  op.  cit.,  156-164)  with  almost  endless 
pneums.  This  ceremony,  with  its  allusion  to  the  en- 
trance of  the  "  King  of  all  things"  before  the  offerings 
are  consecrated,  is  a  curious  instance  of  a  dramatic  rep- 
resentation that  anticipates  the  real  moment  of  the 
Consecration.  After  some  more  prayers  at  the  altar, 
different  in  the  two  liturgies,  the  deacon  cries  out, 
"  The  doors  I  The  doors  1  Let  us  attend  in  wisdom  ", 
and  the  doors  of  the  ikonostasis  are  shut.  The  Greed 
is  then  sung. 

Here  begins  the  Anaphora  (Canon).  There  is  first  a 
dialogue,  "Lift  up  your  hearts"  etc.,  as  with  us,  and 
the  celebrant  begins  the  Eucharistic  prayer:  "It  is 
meet  and  just  to  sing  to  Thee,  to  bless  Thee,  praise 
Thee  and  give  thanks  to  Thee  in  all  places.  .  .  /'The 
form  in  St.  Basil's  Rite  is  much  longer.  It  is  not  said 
aloud,  but  at  the  end  he  lifts  up  his  voice  and  says: 
"  Crying,  singing,  proclaiming  the  hymn  of  victory  and 
saying:" — and  the  choir  sings  "Holy,  Holy,  Holy" 
etc.,  as  in  our  Mass.  Very  soon,  after  a  short  prayer 
(considerably  longer  in  St.  Basil's  Rite)  the  celebrant 
comes  to  the  words  of  Institution.  He  lifts  up  his 
voice  and  sings:  "Take  and  eat:  this  is  my  Body  that 
is  broken  for  you  for  the  forgiveness  of  sins  ;  and 
through  the  Ikonostasis  the  choir  answers  "Amen". 
Then:  "Drink  ye  all  of  this,  this  is  my  Blood  of  the 
New  Testament  that  is  shed  for  you  and  for  many  for 
the  forgiveness  of  sins."  R.  Amen — as  before.  The 
Orthodox,  as  is  known,  do  not  believe  that  these  words 
consecrate,  so  they  go  straight  on  to  the  Anamnesis, 
and  a  special  rubric  in  their  Euchologion  (ed.  Venice, 
1898,  p.  63)  warns  them  not  to  make  any  reverence 
here.  The  Uniats,  on  the  other  hand,  make  a  pro- 
found reverence  after  each  form.  The  Anamnesis 
(our  "Unde  et  memores")  again  is  longer  in  the  Basil- 
ian  Liturgy.  The  Epiklesis  follows.  The  deacon  in- 
vites the  celebrant  in  each  case:  "Bless,  sir,  the  holy 
bread  [or  wine]."  The  two  forms  (of  Basfl  and  Chrys- 
ostom) may  stand  as  specimens  of  the  principle  of  ab- 
breviation that  distinguishes  the  later  rite.   In  St. 


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Basil's  Liturgy  it  is:  "We  pray  and  beseech  thee,  O 
Holy  of  Holy  ones,  that  according  to  the  mercy  of  thy 
favour  thy  Holy  Spirit  come  down  on  us  and  on  these 
present  gifts  to  bless  them,  sanctify  them  and  to 

make  "  (Chrysostom: "  Send  down  thy  Holy  Spirit 

on  us  and  on  these  present  gifts  ").   Then,  after  an 

irrelevant  interpolation,  with  two  verses  from  Ps.  1 
about  the  celebrant's  own  soul,  he  continues  (Basil): 
"  this  bread  the  precious  Body  itself  of  our  Lord  and 
God  and  Saviour  Jesus  Christ"  (Chrys.:  "and  make 
this  bread  the  precious  Body  of  thy  Christ").  Deacon: 
"Amen.  Bless.  Sir,  the  noly  chalice."  Celebrant 
(Basil) :  "But  tnis  chalice  the  Precious  Blood  itself  of 
our  God  and  Saviour  Jesus  Christ"  (Chrys.:  "And 
what  it  is  in  this  Chalice  the  precious  Blood  of  Thy 
Christ").  Deacon:  "Amen.  Bless,  Sir,  both."  Cele- 
brant (Basil) :  "  That  was  shed  for  the  life  and  salva- 
tion of  the  world"  (Chrys..  "Changing  it  by  thy  Holy 
Spirit").  Deacon:  "Amen.  Amen.  Amen."  Both 
then  make  a  deep  prostration,  and  the  deacon  waves 
the  ripidion  (fan)  over  the  Blessed  Sacrament.  This 
ceremony,  now  interpreted  mystically  as  a  symbol  of 
adoringangels,  was  certainly  once  a  practical  precau- 
tion. They  have  no  pall  over  the  chalice  and  there  is 
a  danger  of  flies.  The  waving  of  the  ripidion  occurs 
several  times  during  the  Liturgy. 

In  the  Byzantine  Rite,  as  in  all  the  Antiochene  fam- 
ily of  liturgies,  the  Intercession  follows  at  this  point. 
First  comes  a  memory  of  saints ;  the  deacon  then  reads 
the  Diptychs  of  the  Dead;  and  the  celebrant  says  a 
prayer  into  which  he  may  introduce  the  names  of  any 
of  the  faithful  departed  for  whom  he  wishes  to  pray. 
Prayers  for  the  living  follow  (in  Russia  for  the  second 
time  occur  the  names  of  "  Our  Orthodox  and  Christ- 
loving  Lord  Nicholas,  Czar  and  Autocrat  of  all  the 
Russias"  and  of  all  his  "right-believing  and  God- 
fearing" family),  with  the  names  of  the  patriarch  (or 
Synod)  and  metropolitan,  and  the  ending:  "and  all 
[masc.j  and  all  [fern.]"  koJ  Timor  koX  irarHr.  The 
deacon  then  reads  the  Diptychs  of  the  Living;  more 
prayers  for  them  follow.  Here  ends  the  Anaphora. 
The  celebrant  blesses  the  people:  "The  mercy  of  our 
great  God  and  Saviour  Jesus  Christ  be  with  all  of  you." 
Choir:  "And  with  thy  spirit."  And  the  deacon  goes 
out  to  his  place  before  the  ikonostasis  and  reads  a  lit- 
any, praying  for  various  spiritual  and  temporal  fa- 
vours, to  each  clause  of  which  the  choir  answers: 
"Kyrie  eleison".  and  at  the  last  clause — "Having 
prayed  in  the  union  of  faith  and  in  the  communion  of 
the  Holy  Ghost,  let  us  commend  ourselves  and  one 
another  and  our  whole  life  to  Christ,  our  God."  To 
Thee,  O  Lord  (2ol,  Kipie). — Meanwhile  the  celebrant 
says  a  long  prayer  silently.  The  people  sing  the  Lord's 
Prayer,  and  the  celebrant  adds  the  clause:  For  Thine 
is  the  Kingdom"  etc.  The  Inclination  follows.  The 
deacon  says,  "Bow  your  heads  to  the  Lord"  (our 
"Humiliate  capita  vestra  Domino");  they  answer, 
"  To  Thee,  O  Lord",  and  the  celebrant  says  the  Prayer 
of  Inclination  (different  in  the  two  Liturgies).  The 
preparation  for  Communion  begins  here.  The  deacon 
winds  his  orarion  (stole)  around  his  body,  the  curtain 
of  the  royal  doors  (they  have  besides  the  doors  a  cur- 
tain that  is  continually  drawn  backward  and  forward 
during  the  Liturgy)  is  drawn  back,  and  the  celebrant 
elevates  the  Holy  Eucharist  saying,  "  Holy  things  for 
the  holy",  to  which  the  answer  is:  "One  only  is  noly, 
one  only  is  Lord.  Jesus  Christ  in  the  glory  of  God  the 
Father.  Amen.  The  Communion  hymn  (%Kom>nx6v) 
of  the  day  is  sung,  and  the  Communion  begins.  While 
the  clergy  Communicate  in  the  Sanctuary  a  sermon  is 
sometimes  preached.  The  celebrant  breaks  the  Holy 
Bread  into  four  parts,  as  it  is  marked,  and  arranges 
them  on  the  diskos  thus: — 
I  2 

KI  K  A 

X  2 

He  puts  the  fraction  marked  IS  into  the  chalice,  and 


the  deacon  again  pours  into  it  a  little  warm  water  (the 
use  of  warm  water  is  a  very  old  peculiarity  of  this  rite). 
The  part  marked  X2  is  divided  into  as  many  parts  as 
there  are  priests  and  deacons  to  Communicate.  Mean- 
while, prayers  are  said ;  those  about  to  Communicate 
ask  pardon  of  their  offences  against  each  other.  The 
celebrant  says,  "  Behold  I  draw  near  to  our  immortal 
King"  etc.,  and  receives  Holy  Communion  in  the  form 
of  bread,  saying:  The  precious  and  all-holy  Body  of 
Our  Lord  and  Saviour  Jesus  Christ  is  given  to  me  N. 

f>riest  [or  bishop]  for  the  forgiveness  of  my  sins  and  for 
ife  everlasting."  Then  he  says,  "  Deacon,  approach  ". 
and  gives  him  Communion  with  the  same  form  (To 
thee  N.  deacon  etc.).  The  celebrant  then  drinks  of 
the  chalice  with  a  corresponding  form — The  precious 
and  all-holy  Blood — and  communicates  the  deacon  as 
before.  After  Communion  each  says  silently  a  very 
beautiful  prayer — I  believe,  Lord,  and  I  confess  that 
Thou  art  in  very  truth  Christ,  the  Son  of  the  living 
God  etc.  (Brightman,  op.  cit.,  394.)  The  rest  of  the 
clergy  are  Communicated  from  the  portion  marked  12, 
thathas  been  put  into  the  chalice  and  is  therefore 
soaked  in  the  consecrated  wine,  with  one  form  (The 

Erecious  and  all-holy  Body  and  Blood).  The  cele- 
rant  divides  the  portions  marked  NI  and  KA,  and  the 
deacon  puts  them  into  the  chalice  with  a  sponge.  The 
doors  are  opened  and  the  deacon  says,  "  Draw  near  in 
the  fear  of  God  and  with  faith".  The  celebrant  comes 
down  to  the  doors  with  the  chalice  and  the  spoon  and 
communicates  the  people  with  the  Holy  Bread  dipped 
in  the  chalice,  and  with  one  form,  as  before.  The  peo- 
ple stand  to  receive  Communion  (the  Byzantine  Rite 
knows  practically  no  kneeling  at  all).  Finally,  the 
deacon  puts  all  the  remaining  particles  into  the  chalice 
and  carries  it  back  to  the  prothesis.  Those  other  parti- 
cles (prosphora)  originally  cut  off  from  the  bread  have 
lain  on  the  diskos  (paten)  since  the  proskomide.  It  has 
been  &  great  question  whether  they  are  consecrated  or 
not.  The  Orthodox  now  say  that  they  are  not,  and 
the  deacon  puts  them  into  the  chalice  after  the  Com- 
munion. It  is  obviously  a  question  of  the  celebrant's 
intention.  The  Uniat  priests  are  told  to  consecrate 
them  too,  and  in  their  Liturgy  the  people  receive 
them  in  Communion  (Fortescue,  op.  cit.,  417 ;  "  Echos 
d'Orient",  III,  71-73). 

Here  begins  the  Dismissal.  The  deacon  unwinds 
his  orarion,  goes  back  to  the  choir  before  the  ikonosta- 
sis, and  says  a  short  litany  again  with  the  choir.  He 
then  goes  to  the  prothesis  and  consumes  all  that  is  left 
of  the  Holy  Eucharist  with  the  prosphora.  Mean- 
while, some  of  the  bread  originally  cut  up  at  the  Pro- 
thesis  has  remained  there  all  the  time.  This  is  now 
brought  to  the  celebrant,  blessed  by  him,  and  given  to 
the  people  as  a  sacramental  (the  French  pain  binil — 
see  Antidoron).  After  some  more  prayers  the  cele- 
brant and  deacon  go  to  the  diakonikon,  the  doors  are 
shut,  they  take  off  their  vestments,  and  the  Liturgy  is 
over.  The  whole  service  is  very  much  longer  than  our 
Mass.  It  lasts  about  two  hours.  It  should  be  noted 
that  all  the  time  that  the  choir  are  singing  or  litanies 
being  said  the  priest  is  saying  other  prayers  silently 
(fivvTtK&i).  The  Byzantine  Rite  has  no  provision  for 
low  Mass.  As  they  say  the  Liturgy  only  on  Sundays 
and  feast-days,  they  have  less  needtor  such  a  rite.  In 
cases  of  necessity,  where  there  is  no  deacon,  the  cele- 
brant supplies  his  part  as  best  he  can.  The  Uniats. 
who  have  Degun  to  celebrate  every  day,  have  evolved 
a  kind  of  low  Liturgy;  and  at  the  Greek  College  at 
Rome  they  have  a  number  of  little  manuscript  books 
containing  an  arrangement  for  celebrating  with  a 
priest  and  one  lay  server  only.  But  in  the  Levant,  at 
any  rate,  the  Liturgy  is  always  sung,  and  incense  is  al- 
ways used;  so  that  the  minimum  of  persons  required 
for  the  Liturgy  is  a  celebrant,  server,  and  one  other 
man  who  forms  the  choir. 

The  Liturgy  of  the  Prcsanctifted  is  fitted  into  the  gen- 
eral framework  of  St.  Chrysostom's  Rite.   It  is  usu- 


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OOHSTAJmNOPLK 


ally  celebrated  on  Wednesdays  and  Fridays  in  the  first 
six  weeks  of  Lent,  and  on  all  the  days  of  Holy  Week, 
except  Maundy  Thursday  and  Easter  Eve  which  have 
the  real  Liturgy  (of  St.  Basil).  On  other  days  in  Lent 
there  is  no  liturgical  service  at  all.  On  the  8unday  be- 
fore more  loaves  (vpocfopal)  are  used  than  otherwise. 
The  same  rite  of  preparation  is  made  over  all.  After 
the  Elevation  the  celebrant  dips  the  other  prosphoras 
into  the  chalice  with  the  spoon,  and  places  it  in  another 
chalice  in  the  tabernacle  (iprofApior)  kept  for  this  pur- 
pose. The  Liturgy  of  the  Presanctified  is  said  after 
Vespers  ( i<rTt(urbt),  which  forms  its  first  part.  There 
is  of  course  no  further  Proskomide,  but  the  preparatory 
prayers  are  said  by  celebrant  and  deacon  as  usual. 
The  Great  Litany  is  introduced  into  the  middle  of  Ves- 
pers. The  hymn  <t>Ht  IXapir  (see  below)  is  sung  as 
usual,  and  the  lessons  are  read.  The  prayers  for  cate- 
chumens and  their  dismissal  follow.  The  Great  En- 
trance is  made  with  the  already  consecrated  offerings, 
and  a  changed  form  of  the  Cherubic  Hymn  is  sung 
(Maltzew,  "Die  Liturgien",  149).  The  curtain  of  the 
royal  doors  is  half-drawn  across,  the  whole  Anaphora 
is  omitted,  and  they  go  on  at  once  to  the  Short  Litany 
before  the  Lord's  Prayer.  The  Lord's  Prayer,  In- 
clination, and  Elevation  with  the  form:  "Thepresanc- 
tified  Holy  Things  to  the  holy"  follow.  Wine  and 
warm  water  are  poured  into  the  chalice,  but  not,  of 
course,  consecrated.  Communion  is  given  with  one 
form  only.  The  Blessed  Sacrament  already  dipped  in 
consecrated  wine  is  now  dipped  in  unconsecratea  wine. 
The  celebrant  drinks  of  this  wine  after  his  Communion 
without  any  prayer.  The  Liturgy  ends  as  usual  (with 
different  forms  in  some  parts),  and  the  deacon  con- 
sumes what  is  left  of  the  Holy  Eucharist  (unless  some 
of  it  is  again  reserved  for  the  next  Presanctified  Liturgy 
and  the  wine  in  the  Chalice.  This  is  the  merest  out- 
line of  the  rite.  Its  earlier  part  is  inextricably  joined 
to  the  Vespers  (Maltzew,  op.  cit.,  121-158). 

The  Divine  Office  is  very  long  and  complicated. 
When  sung  in  choir  it  lasts  about  eight  hours.    It  is 
said  entirely  only  by  monks.    Secular  priests  say  part 
of  it,  as  their  devotion  dictates.    The  Uniats  fre- 
quently apply  to  Rome  to  know  what  to  do,  and  the 
answer  is  always:  Servetur  consuetude,  by  which  is 
meant  that  their  secular  clergy  should  say  as  much  of 
the  Office  as  is  customary.   It  is  impossible  for  them 
to  say  it  all.    The  Office  is  divided  into  the  hours 
named  above  (under  Service-books)  which  correspond 
to  ours,  with  additional  short  hours  (iitatupa)  inter- 
mediate between  Prime,  Terce,  Sext,  None,  and  Ves- 
pers. It  is  made  up  of  psalms,  lessons,  prayers,  and  es- 
pecially of  a  great  number  of  hymns  in  rhythmical 
prose.   The  Psalter  is  divided  into  twenty  parts  called 
uMffjiara,  each  of  which  is  made  up  of  three  sections 
(rriata).   The  whole  Psalter  is  sung  every  week. 
The  most  important  of  the  many  kinds  of  hymns  are 
the  following:  A  canon  (ksm&v)  is  made  up  of  nine 
odes  corresponding  to  the  nine  canticles  (of  Moses, 
Ex.,  xv,  1-19;  Deut.,  xxxii,  1-43;  of  Anna,  I  Kings,  ii, 
1-10;  Hab.,  iii,  2-19;  Is.,  xrvi,  9-20;  Jonas,  ii,  2-10; 
the  Benedicite,  Magnificat,  and  Benedictus)  sung  at 
Lauds.    Of  these  canticles  the  second  is  sung  only  in 
Lent;  therefore  most  canons  have  no  second  ode. 
Each  ode  ($Jij)  is  supposed  to  correspond  more  or  less 
to  its  canticle.    Thus  the  sixth  ode  will  generally  con- 
tain a  reference  to  Jona's  whale.    Otherwise  the  canon 
is  always  about  the  feast  on  which  it  is  sung,  and  much 
ingenuity  is  expended  in  forcing  some  connexion  be- 
tween the  event  of  the  day  and  the  allusions  in  the  can- 
ticles.  The  odes  are  further  divided  into  a  heirmos 
(dp/iii)  and   troparia  (rpordpia)  of  any  number, 
from  three  to  twenty  or  more.  The  heirmos  sets  the 
tune  for  each  ode  (see  Plain  Chant),  and  the  troparia 
follow  it.   The  last  troparion  of  each  ode  always  re- 
fers to  Our  Lady  and  is  called  0wr6aar.    The  odes 
often  make  an  acrostic  in  their  initial  letters;  some- 
times they  are  alphabetic.    In  long  canons  a  poem  is 


intercalated  in  the  middle  during  which  people  may  sit 
(they  stand  for  nearly  the  whole  Office) ;  it  is  called 
tciSuTfuL.  Three  troparia  form  an  olirot  ("house",  cf. 
Italian  stoma).  The  canons  for  the  weekdays  are  in 
the  Oktoechos,  those  for  immovable  feasts  in  the  Me- 
naias,  for  movable  ones  in  the  Triodion  and  Pentekos- 
tarion  (see  above  under  Service-books).  One  of  the 
most  famous  of  all  is  St.  John  Damascene's  Golden 
Canon  for  Easter  Day  (translated  by  Dr.  J.  M.  Neale  in 
his  "  Hymns  of  the  Eastern  Church",  4th  ed.,  London, 
pp.  30-44).  Other  kinds  of  chant  are  the  kontakion 
(nrrdaor),  a  short  poem  about  the  feast,  the  stichoe 
(<rr/xo»)  a  versicle,  generally  from  a  psalm  (like  our 
antiphons),  which  introduces  a  sticheron  (<mx«p4»),  or 
hymn  sung  at  Matins  and  Vespers.  An  idiomelon 
(ISdfieKor)  is  a  troparion  that  has  its  own  melody,  in- 
stead of  following  a  heirmos  (for  other  kinds  of  chant 
see  Nillee,  "Kalend.  Man.",  pp.  lvii-lxix,  and  the  ex- 
ample he  gives  from  the  feast  of  the  Transfiguration, 
6  August).  The  Great  Doxology  (tofo'koyla)  is  our 
"  Gloria  in  excelsis  ",  the  small  one  our  "  Gloria  Patri"". 
The  Hymnos  Akathistos  (turn  (Udftrrot,  standing 
hymn)  is  a  complete  Office  in  honour  of  Our  Lady  and 
of  her  Annunciation  (see  Acathistus).  It  has  ail  the 
Hours  and  is  made  up  of  psalms,  odes,  etc.,  like  other 
Offices.  It  is  sung  very  solemnly  on  the  Saturday  be- 
fore the  second  Sunday  before  Easter;  and  they  sing 
parts  of  it  every  Friday  evening  and  Saturday  morn- 
ing in  Lent.  It  is  always  sung  standing.  The  Hymnos 
Akathistos  is  printed  at  the  end  of  the  Horologion.  P. 
de  Meester,  O.S.B.,  has  edited  it  with  an  Italian  trans- 
lation ('AxoXovMa  ro0  ixaBlarov  bfirov. — Officio  dell' 
inno  acatisto,  Rome,  1903).  At  the  end  of  Vespers 
every  day  is  sung  the  famous  <pSt  IXapir,  as  the  evening 
light  disappears,  and  the  lamps  are  lit: — 

Hail,  gladdening  Light,  of  his  pure  glory  poured 
Who  is  the  immortal  Father,  heavenly,  blest, 
Holiest  of  Holies,  Jesus  Christ,  Our  Lord. 
Now  we  are  come  to  the  sun's  hour  of  rest, 
The  lights  of  evening  round  us  shine, 
We  hymn  the  Father,  Son  and  Holy  Spirit  divine, 
Worthiest  art  Thou  at  all  times  to  be  sung 
With  undented  tongue, 
Son  of  our  God,  giver  of  life  alone. 
Therefore  in  all  the  world,  thy  glories,  Lord, 
they  own. 

— Keble's  translation  in  the  "  Hymns,  Ancient  and 
Modern",  No.  18. 

There  are,  lastly,  services  for  the  administration  of 
the  Seven  Great  Mysteries  (the  Seven  Sacraments) 
that  are  printed  in  the  Euchologion  after  the  liturgies 
(ed.  cit.,  pp.  136-288).  Baptism  is  always  conferred 
by  immersion  (the  Orthodox  have  grave  doubts  as  to 
the  validity  of  baptism  by  infusion. — See  Fortescue, 
Orth.  E.  Church,  p.  420).  The  child  is  anointed  all 
over  its  body  and  dipped  three  times  with  its  face 
towards  the  east.  The  form  is:  "The  servant  of  God 
N.  is  baptized  in  the  name  of  the  Father,  Amen,  and  of 
the  Son,  Amen,  and  of  the  Holy  Ghost,  Amen."  Con- 
firmation follows  at  once  and  is  conferred  by  priests 
(the  Holy  See  recognizes  this  confirmation  as  valid 
and  neither  rebaptizes  nor  reconfirms  converts  from 
Orthodoxy).  The  whole  body  is  again  anointed  with 
chrism  (t4  Syior  ivlpor)  prepared  very  elaborately  with 
fifty-five  various  substances  by  the  oecumenical  patri- 
arch on  Maundy  Thursday  (Fortescue,  op.  cit.,  425- 
426).  The  form  is:  "  The  seal  of  the  gift  of  the  Holy 
Ghost"  (Euch.,  136-144).  The  Orthodox  never  re- 
baptize  when  they  are  sure  of  the  validity  of  former 
baptism;  but  they  reconfirm  continually.  Confirma- 
tion has  become  the  usual  rite  of  admittance  into  their 
Church,  even  in  the  case  of  apostates  who  have  already 
been  confirmed  orthodoxly.  The  pious  Orthodox 
layman  Communicates  as  a  rule  only  four  times  a  year, 
at  Christmas,  Easter,  Whitsunday,  and  the  Falling 
Asleep  of  the  Mother  of  God  (15August).   Th«  Blessed 


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Sacrament  is  reserved  for  the  sick  in  the  iprtxpipiov, 
(or  U/xxpvXdxur)  under  both  kinds  more  or  less,  that 
is  to  say  it  has  been  dipped  into  the  chalice  and  al- 
lowed to  dry.  It  is  given  to  the  sick  with  a  spoon  and 
with  the  usual  form  (see  above  under  Holy  Liturgy). 
They  have  no  tradition  of  reverence  for  the  reserved 
Eucharist.  Penance  (/lerrfcota)  is  administered  rare- 
ly, usually  on  the  same  occasions  as  Holy  Communion. 
They  have  no  confessionals.  The  ghostly  father  (irwv- 
iihtikU)  sits  before  the  ikonostasis  under  the  pic- 
ture of  Our  Lord,  the  penitent  kneels  before  him  (one 
of  the  rare  cases  of  kneeling  is  in  this  rite),  and  several 
prayers  are  said,  to  which  the  choir  answers  "  Kyrie 
eleison".  The  choir"  is  always  the  penitent  him- 
self. Then  the  ghostly  father  is  directed  to  say  "  in  a 
cheerful  voice:  Brother,  be  not  ashamed  that  you 
come  before  God  and  before  me,  for  you  do  not  confess 
to  me  but  to  God  who  is  present  here. ' '  He  asks  the 
penitent  his  sins,  says  that  only  God  can  forgive  him, 
but  that  Christ  gave  this  power  to  his  Apostles  saying: 
"Whose  sins  ye  shall  forgive",  etc.,  and  absolves  him 
with  a  deprecatory  form  in  a  long  prayer  in  which  oc- 
cur the  words:  "May  this  same  God,  through  me  a 
sinner,  forgive  you  all  now  and  for  ever."  (Euch., 

f>p.  221-223.)  Holy  Order  (xevowk)  is  given  by 
aying  on  the  right  hand  only.  The  form  is  (for  dea- 
cons): "The  grace  of  God,  that  always  strengthens 
the  weak  and  fills  the  empty,  appoints  the  most  relig- 
ious sub-deacon  N.  to  be  deacon.  Let  us  then, pray 
for  him  that  the  grace  of  the  Holy  Ghost  may  come  to 
him. "  Long  prayers  follow,  with  allusions  to  St.  Ste- 
phen and  the  diaoonate ;  the  bishop  vests  the  new  dea- 
con, giving  him  an  orarion  and  a  ripidion.  For  priests 
and  bishops  there  is  the  same  form,  with  the  obvious 
variants,  the  most  religious  deacon  N.  to  be  priest", 
or  "the  most  religious  elect  N.  to  be  Metropolitan  of 
the  holy  Metropolis  N."  (nearly  all  their  bishops  have 
the  title  Metropolitan),  and  the  subjects  receive  their 
vestments  and  instruments.  Priests  and  bishops  con- 
celebrate  at  once  with  the  ordainer  (Euch.,  160-181). 
Hie  Orthodox  believe  that  the  grace  of  Holy  orders 
may  perish  through  heresy  or  schism,  so  they  gener- 
ally reordain  converts  (the  Russian  Church  has  offi- 
cially refused  to  do  this,  Fortescue,  op.  cit.,  423-424). 
Matrimony  (7<ij»»)  is  often  called  the  "crowning" 
{arfpirwiia)  from  the  practice  of  crowning  the  spouses 
(Euch.,  238-252).  They  wear  these  crowns  for  a 
week,  and  have  &  special  service  for  taking  them  off 
again  (Euch.,  252).  The  Anointing  of  the  Sick  (e*x«- 
XaSbv)  is  administered  (when  possible)  by  seven 
priests.  The  oil  contains  as  a  rule  wine,  in  memory  of 
the  Good  Samaritan.  It  is  blessed  by  a  priest  just  be- 
fore it  is  used.  They  use  a  very  long  form  invoking 
the  all-holy  Theotokos,  the  "moneyless  physicians" 
Sts.  Cosmas  and  Damian,  and  other  saints.  They 
anoint  the  forehead,  chin,  cheeks,  hands,  nostrils,  and 
breast  with  a  brush.  Each  priest  present  does  the 
same  (Euch.,  260-288).  The  service  is,  as  usual,  very 
long.  They  anoint  people  who  are  only  slightly  ill, 
(they  very  much  resent  our  name:  Extreme  Unction), 
and  in  Russia  on  Maundy  Thursday  the  Metropolitans 
of  Moscow  and  Novgorod  anoint  everyone  who  pre- 
sents himself,  as  a  preparation  for  Holy  Communion 
(Echos  d'  Orient,  II,  193-203). 

There  are  many  Sacramenlals.  People  are  some- 
times anointed  with  the  oil  taken  from  a  lamp  that 
burns  before  a  holy  icon  (occasionally  with  the  form 
for  confirmation:  "The  seal  of  the  gift  of  the  Holy 
Ghost").  They  have  besides  the  antidoron  another 
kind  of  blessed  bread — the  kolyba  (koXvBo.)  eaten  in 
honour  of  some  saint  or  in  memory  of  the  dead.  On 
the  Epiphany  ("The  Holy  Lights"— -r4  tyta  Qurra) 
there  is  a  solemn  blessing  of  the  waters.  They  have  a 
great  number  of  exorcisms,  very  stern  laws  of  fasting 
(involving  abstinence  from  many  things  besides  flesh 
meat),  and  blessings  for  all  manner  of  things.  These 
are  to  be  found  in  the  Euchologion.   Preaching  was 


till  lately  almost  a  lost  art  in  the  Orthodox  Church; 
now  a  revival  of  it  has  begun  (Gelzer,  Geistliches  u. 
Weltliches,  etc.,  76-82).  There  is  a  long  funeral  ser- 
vice (Euch.,  ed.  cit.,  393-470).  For  all  these  rites 
(except  the  Liturgy)  a  priest  does  not  wear  all  his 
vestments  but  (over  his  cassock)  the  epitrachelion  and 
phainolion.  The  high  black  hat  without  a  brim 
(xaXiHiarfKtor)  worn  by  all  priests  of  this  rite  is  well 
known.  It  is  worn  with  vestments  as  well  as  in  ordi- 
nary life.  Bishops  and  dignitaries  have  a  black  veil 
over  it.  All  clerks  wear  lone  hair  and  a  beard.  For  a 
more  detailed  account  of  all  these  rites  see  "Orth. 
Eastern  Church",  pp.  418-428. 

The  Orthodox  Service-books  in  Greek  are  published  at  their 
official  press  (o  £oiVif)  at  Venice  (various  dates:  the  Eucholo- 
gion quoted  here,  1808);  the  Uniat  ones  at  Rome  (Propaganda). 
There  is  also  an  Athenian  edition;  and  the  Churches  that  use 
translations  have  published  their  versions.  Provost  Alexios 
Maltzew  (of  the  Russian  Embassy  church  at  Berlin)  has  edited 
all  the  books  in  Old  Slavonic  with  a  parallel  German  translation 
and  notes  (Berlin,  1892):  Rbnaudot,  Liturgiarum  orimtalium 
collectio  (2d  ed.,  2  vols.,  Frankfort,  1847);  Neale,  The  Liturgies 
of  St.  Mark,  St.  James,  St.  Clement,  St.  Chryaostom.St.  Basil 
(London,  1875,  in  Greek);  another  volume  contains  The  Trans- 
lations of  the  Primitive  Liturgies  of  St.  Mark,  etc.;  Robertson, 
The  Divine  Liturgies  of  Our  Fathers  among  the  Saints  John 
Chryaostom,  Basil  the  Great  and  that  of  the  Presanctifled  (Greek 
and  English,  London,  1894):  de  Meebter,  La  divine  liturgis 
de  S._  Jean  Chrysostome  (Greek  and  French,  Paris,  1907); 
'H  9«ta  Actrovpyca,  reptc';rovaa  ?6r  foWptror,  jc.  r.  A.  (Athena, 
1894);  Charon,  Lea  saintes  et  divines  Liturgies,  etc.  (Beirut, 
1904);  Storff,  Die  griechischen  Liturgien,  XLI  of  Thalhofer, 
Bibliothek  der  Kirchenvater  (Kempten,  1877);  Kitab  al-RturgiSt 
al-iUMyyeh  (Melchite  Use  in  Arabic,  Beirut,  1899);  Goar, 
Euchologion,  sive  Rituals  Gracorum  (2nd  ed.,  Venice,  1720); 
Probbt,  Liturgie  der  drei  ersten  chrisUichen  Jahrhunderte  (Tu- 
bingen, 1870);  Anon.,  Liturgie  des  vierten  Jahrhunderte  und 
deren  Reform  (Munster,  1893);  Kattenbubch,  Lehrbuch  der  ver- 
gleichendcn  Konfeasionskunde:  Die  orthodoxe  anatoliache  Kirehe 
(Freiburg  im  Br.,  1892);  Nilleb,  Kalendarium  manuale  utrius- 
gue  ecdesia  (2nd  ed.,  Innsbruck,  1890-97);  Prince  Max  op 
Saxony,  Pradectiones  de  Liturgiis  orientalibus  (Freiburg  im  Br., 
1908),  I;  Hapqood,  Service-Book  of  the  Holy  Orthodox-Catholic 
Apostolic  (Grace-Russian)  Church  (Boston  and  New  York, 
1906);  Aixatius,  De  libris  et  rebus  ecd.  Gracorum  (Cologne, 
1646);  Cltjonet,  Dictionnaire  grec-francais  des  noma  liturgiques 
en  usage  dans  I'eglise  grecque  (Paris,  1895);  Arckatzikaki, 
Etudes  aur  lea  principalis  Fttes  chrttiennes  dans  I'ancienne  Eglise 
cTOrient  (Geneva,  1904);  de  Meebter,  Officio  dell'  inno  aeatisto 
(Greek  and  Italian,  Rome,  1903);  Gelzer,  Geistliches  und  Welt- 
liches aus  dem  turkiech-griechischen  Orient  (Leipzig,  1900);  Gais- 
ser,  Le  syatcme  musical  de  I'Egliae  grecque  (Maredaous,  1901); 
Rebodrs,  Traiti  de  psaltigue.  Throne  et  pratique  du  chant  dans 
VEglisegraxrue  (Par*,  1906);  Fortescue,  The  Orthodox  Eastern 
Church  (London,  1907). 

Adrian  Fortesctjb. 
Oonstitutionists.    See  Jansenists. 

Constitutions,  Ecclesiastical. — The  term  consti- 
tution denotes,  in  general,  the  make-up  of  a  body, 
either  physical  or  moral.  Used  in  reference  to  civil 
or  religious  societies,  the  word,  in  the  singular,  signi- 
fies the  fundamental  law  determining  their  governing, 
legislative,  and  executive  organism;  in  the  plural  it 
denotes  the  enactments,  ordinances,  and  laws  issued 
by  the  supreme  authority  to  further  the  object  of  the 
society.  In  legal  language  the  term  ccmstitutiones 
denotes  only  church  ordinances,  civil  ordinances  being 
termed  leges,  laws.  The  constilutiones  ecclesiastica 
have  in  common  with  the  leges  civiles  the  binding 
power  derived  from  the  authority  of  their  framers,  but 
they  differ  from  them  as  the  Church  differs  from  civil 
society,  viz.  in  their  origin,  object,  and  sanction. 
Civil  laws  are  enactments  of  a  power  directly  human 
and  only  Divine  in  its  first  cause;  their  primary  object 
is  the  furtherance  of  temporal  welfare;  and  their  sanc- 
tion, temporal  penalties.  Ecclesiastical  constitutions, 
on  the  other  hand,  emanate  from  an  authority  directly 
of  Divine  institution;  their  ultimate  object  is  to  pro- 
mote the  salvation  of  souls  in  the  Kingdom  of  God  on 
earth;  their  sanction  consists  in  spiritual  penalties.' 

In  the  total  complex  of  laws  bearing  on  matters 
spiritual,  ecclesiastical  constitutions  stand  midway 
between  the  Divine  and  the  natural  law.  The  Divine 
law  is  contained  in  the  Scriptures  interpreted  by  liv- 
ing, authoritative  tradition,  c.  g.  the  Ten  Command- 
ments, the  constitutions  of  the  Church,  the  adminis- 


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tration  of  the  sacraments.  Natural  law  rests  on  the 
dictates  of  human  reason,  e.  g.  the  law  of  self-preserva- 
tion, obedience  to  authority.  Divine  worship.  Both 
the  Divine  and  the  natural  laws  are  often  insuffi- 
ciently determined;  the  Church  expounds  them  and 
adapts  them  to  particular  times,  places,  and  persons. 
Chief  among  ecclesiastical  constitutions  are  the  ordi- 
nances emanating  from  general  councils  (see  Councils, 
General,  X,  XI)  and  from  the  Apostolic  See  (see 
Constitutions,  Papal);  these  are  the  constitutional 
ecclesiastiae  in  the  strictest  sense  of  the  term.  Episco- 
pal constitutions  are  issued  by  bishops  either  singly  or 
assembled  in  synods,  e.  g.  the  constitutions  of  the  ten 
provincial  ana  three  plenary  councils  of  Baltimore, 
which  have  adapted  the  ancient  constitutions  of  the 
Universal  Church  to  the  peculiar  national  and  politi- 
cal situation  of  the  United  States  of  America. 

J.  Wilhelm. 

Oonatitatlong,  Papal  (Lat.  constituere,  to  estab- 
lish, to  decree),  ordinations  issued  by  the  Roman 
pontiffs  and  binding  those  for  whom  they  are  issued, 
whether  they  be  for  all  the  faithful  or  for  special 
classes  or  individuals.  From  the  earliest  times,  the 
Christians  of  the  whole  world  have  consulted  the 
popes  on  all  matters  pertaining  to  faith,  morals,  and 
discipline.  The  earliest  instance  is  the  well-known 
appeal  from  Corinth  to  Pope  Clement  I,  during  the 
lifetime  of  St.  John  the  Apostle,  in  the  first  century  of 
the  Christian  Era.  From  that  time  on,  requests  for 
decisions  on  various  ecclesiastical  matters  were  ad- 
dressed to  the  Holy  See  from  all  parts  of  the  known 
world,  and  the  answers  that  were  received  were  rever- 
enced as  proceeding  from  the  mouth  of  Christ's  chief 
Apostle  and  His  vicar  on  earth.  The  fact  that  the 
decrees  of  Church  councils,  whether  general,  provin- 
cial, or  even  diocesan,  were  anciently  as  a  rule  for- 
warded to  the  pope  for  his  revision  or  confirmation, 
gave  occasion  for  many  papal  constitutions  during  the 
early  ages.  After  the  time  of  Constantine  the  Great, 
owing  to  the  greater  liberty  allowed  to  the  Church, 
such  intercourse  with  the  Apostolic  See  became  more 
frequent  and  more  open.  St.  Jerome,  in  the  fourth 
century  (Ep.  cixiii),  testifies  to  the  number  of  re- 
sponses requested  of  the  sovereign  pontiff  from  both 
the  Eastern  and  the  Western  Church  during  the  time 
be  acted  as  secretary  to  Pope  Damasus.  That  these 
papal  responses  soon  began  to  constitute  an  important 
section  of  canon  law,  is  evident  from  statements  in  the 
letters  of  various  Roman  pontiffs.  The  decreialia  and 
constitute  of  the  Apostolic  See  were  recognized  as 
laws  or  as  interpretations  of  existing  canons  binding 
the  particular  Churches  to  their  observance.  The 
fact  that  oecumenical  councils  required  the  papal  con- 
firmation before  their  decrees  were  valid  (a  principle 
expressly  admitted  by  the  early  councils  themselves) 
tended  not  a  little  to  direct  the  attention  of  all  Chris- 
tians to  the  fullness  of  jurisdiction  residing  in  the  suc- 
cessor of  St.  Peter.  Hence  the  professions  of  faith 
sent  to  the  popes  by  newly  elected  bishops  and  by  em- 
perors on  their  succession  to  the  throne. 

Turning  to  the  strictly  canonical  aspect  of  the  case, 
the  word  constitution  is  derived  from  con  (cum)  and 
statuendo,  and  therefore  means  a  common  statute.  It 
is  consequently  synonomous  in  most  respects  with 
law.  In  fact,  a  papal  constitution  is  a  legal  enact- 
ment of  the  ruler  of  the  Church,  just  as  a  civil  law  is  a 
decree  emanating  from  a  secular  prince.  Reiffenstuel 
declares  that  the  difference  of  name  between  ecclesi- 
astical and  civil  statutes  is  very  proper,  since  a  secular 
ruler  derives  his  authority  immediately  from  the  peo- 
ple, and  hence  it  is  really  the  people  who  make  the 
laws,  while  the  pope  receives  his  power  immediately 
from  God  and  is  himself  the  source  whence  all  Church 
regulations  proceed.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  however, 
while  it  is  true  that  ecclesiastical  laws  are  generally 
denominated  "constitutions",  yet  they  are  occa- 
IV.— 21 


sionally  designated  as  "laws"  in  canonical  jurispru- 
dence (e.  g.  Can.  Leges  Ecclesiae,  3,  Q.  6).  It  must 
not  be  supposed,  however,  that  even  in  ecclesiastical 
usage  the  word  constitution  is  restricted  to  papal  ordi- 
nances; it  is  also  employed  for  conciliar,  synodal,  and 
episcopal  mandates,  though  more  rarely  in  later  times 
The  name  canon  is  generally,  though  not  exclusively, 
given  to  conciliar  decrees  (see  Canons,  Ecclesiasti- 
cal). Letters  emanating  from  the  pope,  though  all 
designated  constitutions,  receive  more  specific  names 
according  to  their  form  and  their  subject  matter.  As 
to  their  form,  pontifical  constitutions  may  be  eithel 
Bulls  or  Briefs.  The  former  are  used  for  the  more 
important  and  permanent  decrees  and  begin:  Pius 
(or  name  of  pope)  Episcopus,  Serous  servorum  Dei;  the 
latter  are  headed  by  the  name  of  the  ruling  pontiff: 
Pius  PP.  X.  Pope  Leo  XIII  (29  Dec.,  1878)  made 
some  changes  in  the  exterior  form  of  papal  Bulls  (see 
Bulls  and  Briefs).  As  to  subject-matter,  the  term 
constitution,  if  used  in  a  restricted  sense,  denotes 
some  statute  which  the  Vicar  of  Christ  issues  in  sol- 
emn form  either  to  the  whole  Christian  world  or  to 
part  of  it,  with  the  intention  of  permanently  binding 
those  to  whom  it  is  addressed.  When  the  papal  let- 
ters are  addressed  to  the  bishops  of  the  entire  Church, 
they  are  denominated  Encyclicals.  This  is  the  most 
usual  form  employed  by  the  popes  for  treating  Ques- 
tions of  doctrine  and  discipline.  When  pontifical  en- 
actments take  the  form  of  responses  they  are  called 
decretal  epistles.  If  they  be  issued  motu  propria 
(that  is  without  a  request  having  heen  made  to  tho 
Holy  See),  they  are  called  decreta,  though  this  namn 
has  also  a  more  general  significance  (see  Decrees).  ' 
Ordinances  issued  to  individuals  concerning  mattera 
of  minor  or  transient  importance  are  called  Rescripts 
(see  Rescripts,  Papal). 

Before  issuing  constitutions  the  pope  usually  taken 
counsel  with  his  advisers.  These  counsellors  have 
varied  in  the  different  stages  of  church  history.  Dur- 
ing the  first  eleven  centuries,  the  Roman  presbyters te 
and  the  suburbicarian  bishops  were  formed  into 
councils  by  the  pope  whenever  he  wished  to  investi- 
gate matters  of  doctrine  or  discipline.  The  synodal 
letters,  or  constitutions,  issuing  from  these  assemblies 
owed  their  importance  and  binding  force  to  the  pri- 
matial  jurisdiction  of  the  throne  of  Peter,  for  these 
gatherings  were  not  oecumenical  councils  in  any  sense 
of  the  word.  History  records  a  long  list  of  these 
Roman  councils  from  the  second  to  the  eleventh  cen- 
tury. The  papal  constitutions  issued  at  the  close  of 
their  celebration  were  as  various  as  the  subject-matter 
of  the  councils.  The  paschal  question,  the  baptism  of 
heretics,  the  heresies  of  Sabellius,  Nestorius,  Eu- 
tyches,  and  others,  the  restoration  of  patriarchs  and 
bishops  to  their  sees,  ordinances  concerning  the  mo- 
nastic state,  the  election  of  the  pope,  the  right  of  in- 
vestiture— all  found  treatment  and  decision  in  these 
Roman  councils  and  gave  occasion  to  important  pon- 
tifical constitutions.  These  rulings  were  reverenced 
as  law  throughout  the  Universal  Church,  East  and 
West,  and  constitute  an  important  witness  to  the  pri- 
macy of  the  Bishop  of  Rome.  After  the  eleventh  cen- 
tury, these  Roman  councils  grew  more  infrequent  and 
finally  ceased  altogether.  This  was  owing  to  the  im- 
portance gradually  accruing  to  the  cardinals,  who  suc- 
ceeded the  Roman  presbyterate  as  the  senate  of  the 
pope.  Consistories  of  the  cardinal-bishops,  -priests, 
and  -deacons  were  held  twice  and  then  thrice  a  week  in 
the  Apostolic  Palace;  and  to  these  consistories  the 
pontiff  proposed  the  questions  submitted  to  the  Holy 
See  before  he  drew  up  his  constitution  deciding  them. 
The  consistory  was  the  ordinary  tribunal  and  audience, 
of  the  pope  for  the  transaction  of  all  tho  business  of  the 
Universal  Church.  (See  Cardinal.)  From  the  six- 
teenth century  to  our  own  time,  a  third  period  in  the 
methods  of  government  and  counsel  is  to  be  distin- 
guished.   The  rise  of  the  Sacred  Roman  Congrega- 


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OONSUBSTASTIATIOH 


Moris,  with  their  separate  tribunals,  their  consultors, 
<uid  trained  officials,  has  brought  about  a  change  in 
the  preparation  of  papal  constitutions.  It  is  to  these 
congregations  that  the  pope  looks  for  aid  in  preparing 
the  subject-matter  of  his  letters  to  the  Church.  (See 
Rohan  Congregations.) 

The  binding  force  of  pontifical  constitutions,  even 
without  the  acceptance  of  the  Church,  is  beyond 
question.  The  primacy  of  jurisdiction  possessed  by 
the  successor  of  Peter  comes  immediately  and  directly 
from  Christ.  That  this  includes  the  power  of  making 
obligatory  laws  is  evident.  Moreover,  that  the  popes 
have  the  intention  of  binding  the  faithful  directly  and 
immediately  is  plain  from  the  mandatory  form  of  their 
constitutions.  Bishops,  therefore,  are  not  at  liberty 
to  accept  or  refuse  papal  enactments  because,  in  their 
judgment,  they  are  ill-suited  to  the  times.  Still  less 
can  the  lower  clergy  or  the  civil  power  (see  Exequa- 
tur; Placet)  possess  any  authority  to  declare  pon- 
tifical constitutions  invalid  or  prevent  their  due  pro- 
mulgation. The  Gallican  opinions  to  the  contrary 
are  no  longer  tenable  after  the  decrees  of  the  Council 
of  the  Vatican  (Sess.  IV,  ch.  iii).  If  a  papal  constitu- 
tion, published  in  Rome  for  the  whole  Church,  were 
r.Dt  formally  Promulgated  in  a  particular  region,  the 
faithful  would  nevertheless  be  bound  by  it,  if  it  con- 
cerned faith  or  morals.  If  it  referred  to  matters  of 
discipline  only,  its  observance  would  not  be  urgent, 
not  because  of  any  defect  in  its  binding  force,  but 
solely  because  in  such  circumstances  the  pope  is  pre- 
sumed to  have  suspended  the  obligation  for  the  time 
being.  This  leads  to  the  question  of  the  proper  pro- 
mulgation (q.  v.)  of  papal  laws  (see  Law).  The  com- 
mon teaching  now  is  that  promulgation  in  Rome 
makes  them  obligatory  for  the  whole  world.  The 
method  employed  is  to  affix  the  decrees  at  the  portals 
of  St.  Peter's,  o  St.  John  Lateran,  of  the  Apostolic 
Chancery  and  in  the  Piazza  de'  Fiori 

Smith.  Elem.  of  Eeel.  Law  (New  York,  1805),  I ;  Aichner, 
Comp.  Jut.  Eccl.  (Brixen,  1805);  Reiffenstcel,  Jut  Can. 
Univtrtum  (Paris,  1864). 

William  H.  W.  Fanning. 

Constitutions  of  the  Apostles.  See  Apostolic 
Constitutions. 

Constitutions  of  the  French  Clergy.  See  French 
Revolution. 

Consubstantiation. — This  heretical  doctrine  is  an 
attempt  to  hold  the  Real  Presence  of  Christ  in  the 
Holy  Eucharist  without  admitting  Transubstantia- 
tion.  According  to  it,  the  substance  of  Christ's 
Body  exists  together  with  the  substance  of  bread,  and 
in  like  manner  the  substance  of  His  Blood  together 
with  the  substance  of  wine.  Hence  the  word  Con- 
substantiation.  How  the  two  substances  can  co- 
exist is  variously  explained.  The  most  subtle  theory 
is  that,  just  as  God  the  Son  took  to  Himself  a  human 
body  without  in  any  way  destroying  its  substance,  so 
does  He  in  the  Blessed  Sacrament  assume  the  nature 
of  bread.  Hence  the  theory  is  also  called  "Impana- 
tion",  a  term  founded  on  the  analogy  of  Incarnation. 

The  subject  cannot  be  treated  adequately  except  in 
connexion  with  the  general  doctrine  of  the  Holy 
Eucharist  (q.  v.).  Here  it  will  be  sufficient  to  trace 
briefly  the  history  of  the  heresy.  In  the  earliest  ages 
of  the  Church  Christ's  words,  "This  is  my  body", 
were  understood  by  the  faithful  in  their  simple,  nat- 
ural sense.  In  the  course  of  time  discussion  arose  as 
to  whether  they  were  to  be  taken  literally  or  figura- 
tively; and  when  it  was  settled  that  they  were  to  be 
taken  literally  in  the  -sense  that  Christ  is  really 
and  truly  present,  the  question  of  the  manner  of  this 
presence  began  to  be  agitated.  The  controversy 
lasted  from  the  ninth  to  the  twelfth  century,  after 
which  time  the  doctrine  of  Transubstantiation,  which 
teaches  that  Christ  is  present  in  the  Eucharist  by  the 
change  of  the  entire  substance  of  bread  and  wine  into 


His  Body  and  Blood,  was  fully  indicated  as  Catholic 
dogma.  In  its  first  phase  it  turned  on  the  question, 
whether  the  Body  was  the  historical  body  of  Christ, 
the  very  body  which  was  born,  crucified,  and  risen. 
This  was  maintained  by  Paschasius  Radbert  and 
denied  by  Ratramnus  in  the  middle  of  the  ninth 
century.  What  concerns  us  here  more  closely  is 
the  next  stage  of  the  controversy,  when  Beren- 
garius  (1000-1088)  denied,  if  not  the  Real  Presence, 
at  least  any  change  of  the  substance  of  the  bread 
and  wine  into  the  substance  of  the  Body  and  Blood. 
He  maintained  that  "the  consecrated  Bread,  retain- 
ing its  substance,  is  the  Body  of  Christ,  that  is,  not 
losing  anything  which  it  was,  but  assuming  some- 
thing which  it  was  not"  (panis  sacratus  in  altari, 
salva  sua  substantia,  est  corpus  Christi,  non  amittena 
quod  erat  sed  assumens  quod  non  erat— Cf.  Martene 
and  Durand,  "Thesaurus  Novus  Anecd.",  IV, 
col.  105).  It  is  clear  that  he  rejected  Transubstan- 
tiation; but  what  sort  of  presence  he  admitted  would 
seem  to  have  varied  at  different  periods  of  his  long 
career.  His  opinions  were  condemned  in  various 
councils  held  at  Rome  (1050,  1059,  1078,  1079),  Ver- 
celli  (1050),  Poitiers  (1074),  though  both  Pope  Alex- 
ander II  and  St.  Gregory  VII  treated  him  with 
marked  consideration.  His  principal  opponents 
were  Lanfranc,  afterwards  Archbishop  of  Canter- 
bury (De  Corpore  et  Sanguine  Domini  adversus  Ber- 
engarium  Turonensem),  Durandus  of  Troarn  (q.  v.), 
Guitmundus  of  Aversa,  and  Hugh  of  Langres.  Al- 
though it  cannot  be  said  that  Berenganus  found 
many  adherents  during  his  lifetime,  yet  his  heresy 
did  not  die  with  him.  It  was  maintained  by  Wychf 
(Trialog.,  IV,  6,  10)  and  Luther  (Walch,  XX, 
1228),  and  is  the  view  of  the  High  Church  party 
among  the  Anglicans  at  the  present  time.  Besides 
the  councils  above-mentioned,  it  was  condemned  by 
the  Fourth  Lateran  Council  (1215),  the  Council  of 
Constance  (1418. — "The  substance  of  the  material 
bread  and  in  like  manner  the  substance  of  the  ma- 
terial wine  remain  in  the  Sacrament  of  the  altar", 
the  first  of  the  condemned  propositions  of  Wyclif), 
and  the  Council  of  Trent  (1551). 

Berengarius  and  his  modern  followers  have  ap- 
pealed chiefly  to  reason  and  the  Fathers  in  support 
of  their  opinions.  That  Transubstantiation  is  not 
contrary  to  reason,  and  was  at  least  implicitly  taught 
by  the  Fathers,  is  shown  in  the  article  Transub- 
stantiation. In  the  discussions  of  the  Fathers  about 
the  two  natures  in  the  one  Person  the  analogy  be- 
tween the  Incarnation  and  the  Eucharist  was  fre- 
quently referred  to,  and  this  led  to  the  expression  of 
views  favouring  Impanation.  But  after  the  definitive 
victory  of  St.  Cyril's  doctrine,  the  analogy  was  seen  to 
be  deceptive.  (See  Batiffol,  Etudes  d*histoire,  etc., 
2nd  series,  p.  319  sqq.)  The  great  Schoolmen  unani- 
mously rejected  Consubstantiation,  but  they  differed 
in  then-  reasons  for  doing  so.  Albert  us  Magnus,  St. 
Thomas,  and  St.  Bonaventure  maintained  that  the 
words,  "This  is  my  body",  disproved  it;  while  Alex- 
ander of  Hales,  Scotus,  Durandus,  Occam,  and 
Pierre  d'Ailly  declared  that  it  was  not  inconsistent 
with  Scripture,  and  could  only  be  disproved  by  the 
authority  of  the  Fathers  and  the  teaching  of  the 
Church  (Tunnel,  Hist,  de  la  theol.  posit.,  I, 
313  sqq.).  This  line  of  argument  has  been  a  stum- 
bling-block to  Anglican  writers,  who  have  quoted 
some  of  the  Schoolmen  in  support  of  their  erroneous 
opinions  on  the  Eucharist;  e.g.  Pusey,  "The  Doctrine 
of  the  Real  Presence"  (1855). 

In  addition  to  the  works  mentioned,  see  Harper,  Peace 
through  the  Truth  (London,  1800),  1 ;  Franzelin.  De  SS.  Eueh. 
(Home,  1873), thes.  xiv;  Bchwane, Dogmenaenchichte (Freiburg 
im  Br.,  1882),  III ;  Vkrnet  in  Diet,  de  thiol,  eath.  8. v.  Bcrengtr 
de  Toure;  Streber  in  Kirchenlex.  s.  v.  Coneubttantiatio;  Hed- 
LEY,  The  Holy  Eucharitt  (1907);  Waggett,  The  H oly  Euchar- 
ist (AngHcan,  London,  1006) ;  Gore.  The  Body  of  Chritt  (Lon- 


don. 1907). 


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323 


OONTJJUNI 


Consultors,  Diocesan,  a  certain  number  of  priests 
in  each  diocese  of  the  United  States  who  act  as  official 
advisers  of  the  bishop  in  certain  matters  pertaining  to 
the  administration  of  the  diocese.  As  a  body  they 
take  the  place  of  the  cathedral  chapter  as  established 
elsewhere  by  the  general  law  of  the  Church.  Their 
appointment  was  recommended  (1866)  by  the  Second 
Plenary  Council  of  Baltimore.  The  Third  Plenary 
Council  (1884)  decreed  that  they  should  be  consti- 
tuted a  diocesan  council,  and  denned  their  particular 
rights  and  duties. 

Manner  of  Appointment. — The  diocesan  con- 
suitors,  it  was  decreed  (n.  18),  should  be  six,  or  at 
least  four,  in  number.  Where  neither  number  is  pos- 
sible, there  should  be  at  least  two.  They  hold  office 
for  three  years;  but  they  may  be  reappointed  or  se- 
lected at  the  expiration  of  each  term.  The  manner 
of  their  election  consists  in  the  appointment  by  the 
bishop  alone  of  half  of  their  number,  and  of  the  other 
half  by  the  bishop  also,  after  having  taken  the  vote  of 
the  clergy.  All  the  clergy  exercising  the  sacred  min- 
istry in  the  diocese  send,  in  writing,  to  the  bishop 
three  names  for  every  consultor  to  be  elected.  From 
the  names  thus  proposed  the  bishop  selects  those 
whom  he  judges  most  fit  for  the  office.  At  stated 
periods  they  are  convened  and  presided  over  by  the 
bishop,  four  times,  or  at  least  twice,  a  year,  and,  as 
occasion  requires,  monthly.  In  case  of  the  death, 
resignation,  or  removal  of  a  consultor,  the  bishop  ap- 
points his  successor  with  the  advice  of  the  other  con- 
suitors. 

Rights  and  Duties. — The  diocesan  council  has 
certain  rights  and  duties  (A)  when  the  see  is  filled,  and 
(B)  when  it  is  vacant. — (A)  When  the  see  is  filled,  the 
bishop  is  bound  to  ask  the  advice  of  the  diocesan  con- 
suitors:  (1)  For  convoking  and  promulgating  a  dioc- 
esan synod;  (2)  for  dividing  missions  or  parishes; 
(3)  for  giving  over  a  mission  or  parish  to  a  religious 
community;  (4)  for  appointing  deputies  for  the  dio- 
cesan seminary ;  (5)  for  appointing  anew  diocesan  con- 
sultor and  synodal  examiners  to  conduct  the  examina- 
tion for  vacant  parishes;  (6)  for  alienating  church 
property,  when  the  sum  exceeds  five  thousand  dollars ; 
(7)  for  determining  what  missions  are  to  be  made 
parishes  with  irremovable  rectors  and  appointing 
the  first  irremovable  rectors  in  the  diocese;  (8)  for 
fixing  the  pension  of  an  irremovable  rector  who  has 
resigned  or  who  has  been  removed  for  cause;  (9) 
for  determining,  out  of  synod,  the  salary  of  rectors. 
In  all  these  cases  the  consultors  give  their  opinion 
collectively,  i.  e.  in  a  body,  and  by  secret  ballot  if 
they  deem  proper.  The  bishop,  however,  although 
bound  to  seek  their  advice  in  these  matters,  is  not 
obliged  to  follow  it. 

(B)  When  the  Bee  is  vacant:  (1)  the  administrator 
must  follow  the  same  procedure,  L  e.  he  must  ask  the 
opinion  of  the  diocesan  consultors  in  the  above-stated 
cases.  (2)  The  expiration  of  the  three-year  term  of  the 
consultors  within  the  period  of  the  vacancy  does  not 
affect  their  tenure  of  office.  They  remain  in  office 
until  the  accession  of  the  new  bishop  who,  within  six 
months  from  his  consecration,  should  hold  a  new  elec- 
tion of  diocesan  consultors.  (3)  In  the  election  of  a 
new  bishop  the  council  of  1884  conceded  a  voice  to 
the  consultors,  as  representatives  of  the  clergy  of  the 
diocese.  Together  with  the  irremovable  rectors  they 
meet  within  thirty  days  after  the  vacancy  occurs 
under  the  presidency  of  the  archbishop  of  the  prov- 
ince, or,  if  he  be  hindered,  of  a  suffragan  deputed  by 
him.  If  the  vacancy  be  that  of  the  archbishopric  the 
senior  suffragan  presides,  or  one  deputed  by  him. 
The  voting  is  by  secret  ballot.  Three  candidates  are 
selected  whose  names  are  sent  to  the  S.  Cong,  de  Pro- 
paganda Fide,  and  to  the  other  bishops  of  the  prov- 
ince, who  meet,  within  ten  days,  to  approve  or  disap- 
prove of  the  candidates  presented  by  the  consultors 
and  irremovable  rectors.    The  bishops  send  their 


own  list  to  Rome.  The  pope  may  reject  both  lists 
and  appoint  as  bishop  some  one  who  is  on  neither. 
(4)  When  there  is  a  question  of  selecting  a  coadjutor 
with  the  right  of  succession  the  consultors  with  the 
irremovable  rectors  have  a  voice  just  as  in  the  election 
of  a  new  bishop.  (5)  This  is  also  the  case  where  a 
new  diocese  is  formed  out  of  one  or  more  existing 
dioceses.  In  that  case,  only  the  irremovable  rectors 
within  the  limits  of  the  new  diocese  join  with  the 
consultors  of  the  older  diocese  or  dioceses.  (See 
Baltimore,  Plenary  Councils  of.) 

Second  Plenary  Council  of  Baltimore  (Baltimore,  1866); 
Third  Plenary  Council  of  Baltimore  (Baltimore,  1884),  noa.  17- 
22;  Smith.  Element*  of  Ecclesiastical  Law  (New  York,  1886); 
Mezhan,  Comp.  Jut.  Canonici  (Rochester,  New  York,  1890); 
Nilles,  Comment,  tn  Cone.  Pirn.  Bolt.  (Innsbruck,  1888),  III. 

Joseph  F.  Moonet. 

Consultors,  Roman.    See  Roman  Congregations. 

Oontant  de  la  Molette,  Philippe  du,  theologian 
and  Biblical  scholar,  bora  at  C6te-Saint-Andr6,  in 
Dauphin^,  France,  29  August,  1737;  died  on  the  scaf- 
fold during  The  Terror,  1793.  He  studied  at  the  Sor- 
bonne,  ana,  in  1765,  defended  a  thesis  on  Job,  in  six 
languages.  Louis  XV  was  so  well  pleased  that  he 
allowed  him  to  pass  the  examinations  for  the  licenti- 
ate without  the  required  delays,  a  privilege,  however, 
which  de  la  Molette  did  not  use.  Later  on,  he  be- 
came Vicar-General  of  the  Diocese  of  Vienne,  France. 
As  a  Biblical  author,  he  shows  great  erudition  and  is 
well  versed  in  the  Oriental  languages,  but  he  lacks 
originality,  and  his  criticism  is  often  misleading.  His 
works,  all  published  in  Paris,  are  the  following. 
"Essai  sur  rEeriture  Sainte,  ou  Tableau  historique 
des  avantages  que  Ton  peut  tirer  des  langues  orien- 
tales  pour  la  parfaite  intelligence  des  Livres  Saints" 
•(1775);  "Nouvelle  me'thode  pour  entrer  dans  le  vrai 
sens  de  1'Ecriture  sainte"  (1777);  "La  Genese  expli- 
quee  d'apres  lea  textes  primitifs",  etc.  (1777),  3  vols., 
a  work  intended  especially  as  a  refutation  of  Voltaire; 
"L'Exode  expliquS",  3  vols.  (1780);  the  thesis  that 
he  had  defended  in  1765  is  printed  in  the  beginning  of 
this  work;  "Les  Psaumes  expliques",  etc.,  3  vols. 
(1781);  "Traits  sur  la  poesie  et  la  musique  des  He- 
breux"  (1781),  a  continuation  of  the  preceding:  "Le 
Levitique  explique",  2  vols.  (1785).  He  had  also 
done  considerable  work  as  a  preparation  for  a  "  Nou- 
velle Bible  polyglotte",  but  it  is  doubtful  whether  he 
ever  published  it. 

Feller,  Biog.  Univ.,  s.v.;  Manoxnot  in  VioocHoux,  Diet, 
de  la  Bible,  s.v. 

R.  Butin. 

Oontarini,  Gasparo,  Venetian  statesman  and 
cardinal,  b.  16  October,  1483,  of  an  ancient  and  noble 
family  in  Venice;  d.  at  Bologna,  24  August,  1542. 
He  received  his  elementary  training  in  his  native 
city;  and  afterwards,  from  1501  to  1509,  he  fre- 
quented the  University  of  Padua,  where  he  studied 
Greek,  mathematics,  Aristotelean  philosophy,  and 
theology.  He  was  a  close  student  and  acquired  the 
reputation  of  a  great  philosopher.  After  his  return 
to  Venice  he  became,  like  all  the  sons  of  patrician 
families,  a  member  of  the  Great  Council,  and  after- 
wards was  named  to  a  commission  which  adminis- 
tered the  debt  of  the  republic.  In  September,  1520, 
he  was  appointed  orator  or  ambassador  to  the  court 
of  the  Emperor  Charles  V  (1519-56),  with  instruc- 
tions to  defend  the  alliance  of  his  Government  with 
Francis  I  of  France  (1515-47),  and  to  prevent  all 
hostile  measures  of  the  emperor.  In  Worms,  where 
he  arrived  in  April,  1521,  he  heard  much  about 
Luther  and  his  errors;  but,  not  being  concerned  with 
the  matter,  he  refrained  from  all  interference,  and 
never  saw  Luther  nor  spoke  to  him.  From  Worms 
he  went  with  the  imperial  court  to  the  Netherlands, 
thence  to  England,  and  finally  to  Spain.  In  August, 
1525,  he  returned  to  Venice.   A  report  of  his  expe- 


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rienees  was  presented  to  the  Senate  16  November  fol- 
lowing. During  his  absence  he  was  named  "Sayio 
di  terra  ferma",  i.  e.  president  of  a  commission 
charged  with  the  affairs  of  the  Continental  posses- 
sions of  Venice,  and  he  assumed  the  duties  of  this 
office.  In  1527  he  represented  the  Republic  of 
Venice  in  the  Congress  of  Ferrara,  where  the  Duke  of 
Ferrara  joined  the  league,  formed  against  the  Em- 
peror Charles  V,  between  France  and  several  states 
of  Italy.  In  1528  he  was  sent  as  ambassador  to  the 
court  of  Clement  VII  (1523-34),  with  instructions  to 
retain  the  pope  in  the  above-mentioned  league,  and 
to  defend  the  action  of  the  republic  in  withholding 
from  the  pope  the  cities  of  Ravenna  and  Cervia, 
seized  during  the  late  invasion  of  the  Constable 
Bourbon.  Contarini  failed  in  both  objects.  Venice 
was  forced  not  only  to  surrender  the  aforesaid  cities, 
but  also  to  make  peace  with  the  emperor;  it  was  con- 
cluded through  Contarini  in  January,  1530,  at  Bo- 
logna. On  24  February  following,  Contarini  assisted 
at  the  solemn  coronation  of  Charles  V  in  Bologna, 
and  then  returned  to  Venice,  where  he  presented  the 
usual  report  to  the  Senate  on  9  March.  In  com- 
pensation for  his  services  he  was  appointed  to  several 
high  positions  in  the  government  of  the  republic, 
and  ultimately  became  a  member  of  the  Senate. 

Contarini  was  created  cardinal  by  Paul  III  in  1535. 
He  accepted  the  honour  and  went  to  Rome  (Oct., 
1535).  He  used  his  influence  with  the  pope  to  sup- 
press abuses  in  the  papal  government  and  to  secure 
virtuous  men  for  the  Sacred  College.  Contarini  was 
the  president  of  a  commission  appointed  by  the  pope 
in  1536  to  submit  plans  for  a  reform  of  evils  in  the 
Roman  Curia  or  in  other  parte  of  the  Church.  It  was 
largely  due  to  him  that,  early  in  1537,  the  commission 
could  present  its  programme,  the  "Consilium  de 
emendanda  ecclesia  '.  He  advised  the  pope  not  to 
abuse  the  great  jurisdiction  placed  in  his  hands;  and 
encouraged  his  friends  among  the  bishops  to  take  ap- 
propriate measures  for  discipline  and  good  order  in 
their  dioceses,  setting  an  example  in  his  own  Diocese  of 
Cividale  di  Belluno,  to  which  he  was  appointed  in 
October,  1536.  St.  Ignatius  acknowledged  that  Con- 
tarini was  largely  responsible  for  the  papal  approba- 
tion of  his  society  (1540).  At  the  desire  of  Charles  V, 
Contarini  was  sent  as  papal  legate  to  Germany  in 
1541,  and  took  part  in  the  conference  held  at  Ratisbon 
between  Catholics  and  Protestants  in  hope  of  concili- 
ating the  latter.  As  it  gradually  became  evident  that 
the  differences  in  doctrine  could  not  be  bridged  over, 
the  conference  was  broken  off;  Contarini  remitted  the 
final  decision  of  all  articles  of  faith  to  the  pope,  and  re- 
turned to  Rome.  In  January,  1542,  he  was  appointed 
cardinal  legate  at  Bologna,  where,  after  a  few  months, 
death  put  an  end  to  his  career.  His  remains  were  in- 
terred, first  in  the  church  of  San  Petronio,  then  trans- 
ferred to  the  church  of  the  monastery  of  San  Proculo, 
and  finally,  in  December,  1565,  to  the  family  tomb  in  a 
chapel  of  the  church  of  Santa  Mariadell'  Orto  in  Venice. 

Contarini's  principal  works  are  the  following:  (1) 
"Libri  duo  de  immortalitate  animte";  (2)  "De 
officio  episcopi  libri  duo":  (3)  "De  magistratibus 
et  republic*  Venetorum  libri  V";  (4)  "Compendii 

?rimm  philosophic  libri  VIII";  (5)  "De  potestate 
ontificis";  (6)  "De  elementis  libri  V";  (7)  "Con- 
futatio  articulorum  seu  quaestionum  Lutneri";  (8) 
"De  libero  arbitrio";  (9)  "Conciliorum  magis  illus- 
trium  summa";  (10)  "De  Sacramentis  christians 
legis  et  catholics  ecclesia?  libri  IV";  (11)  "De  justi- 
ficatione";  (12)  "Cathechismus";  (13)  "De  Prse- 
destinatione";  (14)  "Scholia  in  epistolas  divi  Pauli". 
In  many  of  these  writings  Contarini  touched  upon  the 
questions  raised  by  Luther  and  other  reformers;  in 
stating  the  Catholic  view,  however,  he  was  not  al- 
ways fortunate.  Thus,  in  describing  the  process  of 
justification,  he  attributes  the  result  largely  to  faith 
— not  to  faith  with  incipient  charity  in  the  Catholic 


sense,  but  to  faith  in  the  sense  of  confidence.  How- 
ever, he  departs  again  from  the  Protestant  view  by 
including  in  the  preparatory  stage  a  real  breaking 
away  from  sin  and  turning  to  good,  a  repentance 
and  detestation  of  sin.  Thus  also,  in  describing  the 
essence  or  the  causa  formalis  of  justification,  he 
requires  not  only  the  supernatural  quality  inherent 
in  the  soul,  by  which  man  is  constituted  just,  but, 
in  addition  to  that,  the  outward  imputation  of  the 
merits  of  Christ,  believed  to  be  necessary  owing  to 
the  deficiency  of  our  nature.  It  would  be  unjust, 
nevertheless,  to  class  Contarini  among  the  partisans 
of  the  Reformation.  The  above-mentioned  views 
were  taken  only  in  part  from  the  teaching  of  the 
Protestants;  as  yet  the  Church  had  given  no  definite 
decision  on  these  matters.  Moreover,  Contarini 
wished  always  to  remain  a  Catholic;  at  the  Confer- 
ence of  Ratisbon  he  protested  repeatedly,  that  he 
would  sanction  nothing  contrary  to  the  Catholic 
teaching,  and  he  left  the  final  decision  of  all  matters 
of  faith  to  the  pope. 

Dittrich,  Regeetcn  und  Bricfe  de*  Cardinal*  Oatparo  Conta- 
rini (Braunsberg,  1881) ;  Idkm, Gcwparo  Contarini,  tint  Mono- 
graphic (Braunsberg,  1885) ;  Pastor  tn  Kirchenlex.  (Freiburg 
un  Br.,  1884),  8. v.  FRANCIS  J.  SCHAEFER. 

Contarini,  Giovanni,  Italian  painter  of  the  Vene- 
tian School,  b.  at  Venice  about  1549 ;  d.  in  1605.  Con- 
tarini was  a  contemporary  of  Jacopo  Palma  called 
Palma  Giovine.  He  was  a  great  student  of  the  works 
of  Tintoretto  and  Titian  and  is  declared  to  have  been 
an  exact  imitator  of  Titian.  According  to  an  old 
story  he  was  so  extremely  accurate  in  his  portraits 
that  on  "sending  home  one  he  had  taken  of  Marco 
Dolce  his  dogs  began  to  fawn  upon  it  mistaking  it  for 
their  master  '.  Contarini's  work  is  extremely  man- 
nered, soft  and  sweet,  but  distinguished  by  beautiful, 
rich  colouring  and  executed  very  much  on  the  lines  of 
Titian's  painting.  His  finest  picture  is  in  the  Louvre, 
having  been  removed  from  the  ducal  palace  at  Venice, 
and  represents  the  Virgin  and  Child  with  St.  Mark  and 
St.  Sebastian,  and  the  Doge  of  Venice,  Marino  Grimani, 
kneeling  before  them.  Other  paintings  of  his  are  in 
the  galleries  at  Berlin,  Florence,  Milan,  and  Vienna, 
and  in  many  of  the  churches  at  Venice.  He  painted 
easel-pictures  of  mythological  subjects,  which  are 
treated  with  propriety  and  discretion  but  are  pecul- 
iarly lacking  in  force  and  strength;  in  many  of  the 
palaces  in  Venice  he  decorated  ceilings.  Some  years 
of  his  life  were  passed  at  the  court  of  the  Emperor 
Rudolf  II,  with  whom  he  was  a  great  favourite  and  by 
whom  he  was  knighted.  His  work  has  been  de- 
scribed by  one  writer  as  a  "combination  of  sugar, 
cream,  mulberry  juice,  sunbeam  and  velvet",  but  the 
criticism  is  a  little  unjust  and  one  or  two  of  his  works, 
for  example  the  "Resurrection"  in  the  church  of  San 
Francesco  di  Paolo  at  Venice,  can  claim  to  be  mas- 
terly. This  picture  is  certainly  a  fine  piece  of  colour- 
ing, well  composed  and  well  carried  out. 

The  chief  authority  is  Carlo  Ridolti,  Venetian  Artiste 
(Venice,  1648) ;  Brinton,  The  Renaissance  in  Italian  Art  (Lon- 
don, 1898) ;  Kcoler,  The  Italian  School*  of  Painting  (London, 

1900).  George  Charles  Williamson. 

Contemplation. — The  idea  of  contemplation  is  so 
intimately  connected  with  that  of  mystical  theology 
that  the  one  cannot  be  clearly  explained  independently 
of  the  other ;  hence  we  shall  here  set  forth  what  mysti- 
cal theology  is. 

Preliminary  Definitions. — Those  supernatural 
acts  or  states  which  no  effort  or  labour  on  our  part  can 
succeed  in  producing,  even  in  the  slightest  degree  or 
for  a  single  instant,  are  called  mystical.  The  making 
of  an  act  of  contrition  and  the  reciting  of  a  Hail  Mary 
are  supernatural  acts,  but  when  one  wishes  to  produce 
them  grace  is  never  refused ;  hence  they  are  not  mysti- 
cal acts.  But  to  see  one's  guardian  angel,  which  does 
not  in  the  least  depend  on  one's  own  efforts,  is  a  mysti- 
cal act.    To  have  very  ardent  sentiments  of  Divine 


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love  is  not,  in  itself,  proof  that  one  is  in  a  mystical 
state,  because  such  love  can  be  produced,  at  least 
feebly  and  for  an  instant,  by  our  own  efforts.  The 
preceding  definition  is  equivalent  to  that  given  by  St. 
Teresa  in  the  beginning  of  her  second  letter  to  Father 
Rodriguez  Alvarez.  Mystical  theology  is  the  science 
that  studies  mystical  states;  it  is  above  all  a  science 
based  on  observation.  Mystical  theology  is  fre- 
quently confounded  with  ascetic  theology;  the  latter, 
however,  treats  of  the  virtues.  Ascetical  writers  dis- 
cuss also  the  subject  of  prayer,  but  they  confine  them- 
selves to  prayer  that  is  not  mystical. 

Mystical  states  are  called,  first,  supernatural  or  in- 
fused, by  which  we  mean  manifestly  supernatural  or 
infused;  secondly,  extraordinary,  indicating  that  the 
intellect  operates  in  a  new  way,  one  which  our  efforts 
cannot  bring  about;  thirdly,  passive,  to  show  that 
the  soul  receives  something  and  is  conscious  of  receiv- 
ing it.  The  exact  term  would  be  passivo-active,  since 
our  activity  responds  to  this  reception  just  as  it  does 
in  the  exercise  of  our  bodily  senses.  By  way  of  dis- 
tinction ordinary  prayer  is  called  active.  The  word 
mystical  has  been  much  abused.  It  has  at  length 
come  to  be  applied  to  all  religious  sentiments  that  are 
somewhat  ardent  and,  indeed,  even  to  simple  poetic 
sentiments.  The  foregoing  definition  gives  the  re- 
stricted and  theological  sense  of  the  word. 

First  of  all,  a  word  as  to  ordinary  prayer,  which 
comprises  these  four  degrees:  first,  vocal  prayer; 
second,  meditation,  also  called  methodical  prayer,  or 
prayer  of  reflection,  in  which  may  be  included  medita- 
tive reading;  third,  affective  prayer;  fourth,  prayer 
of  simplicity,  or  of  simple  gaze.  Only  the  last  two  de- 
grees (also  called  prayers  of  the  heart)  will  be  consid- 
ered, as  they  border  on  the  mystical  states.  Mental 
prayer  in  which  the  affective  acts  are  numerous,  and 
which  consists  much  more  largely  of  them  than  of 
reflections  and  reasoning,  is  caUea  affective.  Prayer 
of  simplicity  is  mental  prayer  in  which,  first,  reason- 
ing is  largely  replaced  by  intuition;  second,  affections 
and  resolutions,  though  not  absent,  are  only  slightly 
varied  and  expressed  in  a  few  words.  To  say  that  the 
multiplicity  of  acts  has  entirely  disappeared  would  be 
a  harmful  exaggeration,  for  they  are  only  notably  di- 
minished. In  Doth  of  these  states,  but  especially  in 
the  second,  there  is  one  dominant  thought  or  senti- 
ment which  recurs  constantly  and  easily  (although 
with  little  or  no  development)  amid  many  other 
thoughts,  beneficial  or  otherwise.  This  main  thought 
is  not  continuous  but  keeps  returning  frequently  and 
spontaneously.  A  like  fact  may  be  observed  m  the 
natural  order.  The  mother  who  watches  over  the 
cradle  of  her  child  thinks  lovingly  of  him  and  does  so 
without  reflection  and  amid  interruptions.  These 
prayers  differ  from  meditation  only  as  greater  from 
lesser  and  are  applied  to  the  same  .ubjects.  Never- 
theless the  prayer  of  simplicity  often  has  a  tendency 
to  simplify  itself,  even  in  respect  to  its  object.  It 
leads  one  to  think  chiefly  of  God  and  of  His  presence, 
but  in  a  confused  manner.  This  particular  state, 
which  is  nearer  than  others  to  the  mystical  states,  is 
called  the  prayer  of  amorous  attention  to  God.  Those 
who  bring  the  charge  of  idleness  against  these  different 
states  always  have  an  exaggerated  idea  of  them.  The 
prayer  of  simplicity  is  not  to  meditation  what  inac- 
tion is  to  action,  though  it  might  appear  to  be  at  times, 
but  what  uniformity  is  to  variety  and  intuition  to  rea- 
soning. 

A  soul  is  known  to  be  called  to  one  of  these  degrees 
when  it  succeeds  therein,  and  does  so  with  ease,  and 
when  it  derives  profit  from  it.  The  call  of  God  be- 
comes even  clearer  if  this  soul  have  first,  a  persistent 
attraction  for  this  kind  of  prayer;  second,  a  want  of 
facility  and  distaste  for  meditation.  Three  rules  of 
conduct  for  those  who  show  these  signs  are  admitted 
by  all  authors:  (a)  When,  during  prayer,  one  feels 
neither  a  relish  nor  facility  for  certain  acts  one  should 


not  force  oneself  to  produce  them,  but  be  content  with 
affective  prayer  or  the  prayer  of  simplicity  (which,  by 
hypothesis,  can  succeed) ;  to  do  otherwise  would  be  to 
thwart  the  Divine  action,  (b)  If,  on  the  contrary, 
during  prayer,  one  feels  a  facility  for  certain  acts,  one 
should  yield  to  this  inclination  instead  of  obstinately 
striving  to  remain  immovable  like  the  Quietists.  In- 
deed, even  the  full  use  of  our  faculties  is  not  superflu- 
ous in  helping  us  to  reach  God.  (c)  Outside  of  prayer, 
properly  so  called,  one  should  profit  on  all  occasions 
either  to  get  instruction  or  to  arouse  the  will  and  thus 
make  up  what  prayer  itself  may  lack.  Many  texts 
relative  to  the  prayer  of  simplicity  are  found  in  the 
works  of  St.  Jane  de  Chantal,  who,  together  with  St. 
Francis  of  Sales,  founded  the  Order  of  the  Visitation. 
She  complained  of  the  opposition  that  many  well-dis- 
posed muds  offered  to  this  kind  of  prayer.  By  an- 
cient writers  the  prayer  of  simplicity  is  called  acquired, 
active,  or  ordinary  contemplation.  St.  Alphonsus 
Liguori,  echoing  his  predecessors,  defines  it  thus:  "At 
the  end  of  a  certain  time  ordinary  meditation  pro- 
duces what  is  called  acquired  contemplation,  which 
consists  in  seeing  at  a  simple  glance  the  truths  which 
could  previously  be  discovered  only  through  pro- 
longed discourse"  (Homo  apostolicus,  Appendix  I, 
no.  7). 

To  distinguish  it  from  acquired  contemplation 
mystical  union  is  called  intuitive,  passive,  extraordin- 
ary, or  higher  contemplation.  St.  Teresa  designates 
it  simply  as  contemplation,  without  any  qualification. 
Mystical  graces  may  be  divided  into  two  groups,  ac- 
cording to  the  nature  of  the  object  contemplated.  The 
states  of  the  first  group  are  characterized  by  the  fact 
that  it  is  God,  and  God  only,  who  manifests  Himself; 
these  are  called  mystical  union.  In  the  second  group 
the  manifestation  is  of  a  created  object,  as,  for  ex- 
ample, when  one  beholds  the  humanity  of  Christ  or  an 
angel  or  a  future  event,  etc.  These  are  visions  (of 
created  things)  and  revelations.  To  these  belong 
miraculous  bodily  phenomena  which  are  sometimes 
observed  in  ecstatics.  There  are  four  degrees  or 
stages  of  mystical  union.  They  are  here  taken  just  as 
St.  Teresa  has  described  them  with  the  greatest  clear- 
ness in  her  "Life"  and  principally  in  her  "Interior 
Castle":  first,  incomplete  mystical  union,  or  the 
prayer  of  quiet  (from  the  Latin  quiet,  quiet;  which 
expresses  the  impression  experienced  in  this  state); 
second,  the  full,  or  semi-ecstatic,  union,  which  St. 
Teresa  sometimes  calls  the  prayer  of  union  (in  her 
"Life"  she  also  makes  use  of  the  term  entire  union, 
entera  union,  ch.  xvii);  third,  ecstatic  union,  or  ec- 
stasy; and  fourth,  transforming  or  deifying  union,  or 
spiritual  marriage  (properly)  of  the  soul  with  God. 
The  first  three  are  states  of  the  same  grace,  viz.  the 
weak,  medium,  and  the  energetic.  It  will  be  seen 
that  the  transforming  union  diners  from  these  specific- 
ally and  not  merely  in  intensity. 

The  preceding  ideas  may  be  more  precisely  stated 
by  indicating  the  easily  discernible  lines  of  demarca- 
tion. Mystical  union  will  be  called  (a)  spiritual  quiet 
when  the  Divine  action  is  still  too  weak  to  prevent 
distractions:  in  a  word,  when  the  imagination  still  re- 
tains a  certain  liberty;  (b)  full  union  when  its  strength 
is  so  great  that  the  soul  is  fully  occupied  with  the 
Divine  object,  whilst,  on  the  other  hand,  the  senses 
continue  to  act  (under  these  conditions,  by  making  a 
greater  or  less  effort,  one  can  cease  from  prayer);  (c) 
ecstasy  when  communications  with  the  external  world 
are  severed  or  nearly  so  (in  this  event  one  can  no 
longer  make  v6luntary  movements  nor  emerge  from 
the  state  at  will).  Between  these  well-defined  types 
there  are  imperceptible  transitions  as  between  the 
colours  blue,  green,  and  yellow.  Mystics  use  many 
other  appellations:  silence,  supernaturalsleep,  spir- 
itual inebriation,  etc.  These  are  not  real  degrees,  tut 
rather  ways  of  being  in  the  four  preceding  degrees. 
St.  Teresa  sometimes  designates  the  weak  prayer  of 


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quiet  as  supernatural  recollection.  As  regards  trans- 
forming union,  or  spiritual  marriage,  it  is  here  suffi- 
cient to  say  that  it  consists  in  the  habitual  conscious- 
ness of  a  mysterious  grace  which  all  shall  possess  in 
heaven:  the  participation  of  the  Divine  nature.  The 
soul  is  conscious  of  the  Divine  assistance  in  its  supe- 
rior supernatural  operations,  those  of  the  intellect  and 
the  will.  Spiritual  marriage  differs  from  spiritual 
espousals  inasmuch  as  the  first  of  these  states  is  per- 
manent and  the  second  only  transitory. 

Characters  op  Mystical  Union. — The  different 
states  of  mystical  union  possess  twelve  characters. 
The  first  two  are  the  most  important;  the  first  be- 
cause it  denotes  the  basis  of  this  grace,  the  other  be- 
cause it  represents  its  physiognomy. 

First  character:  the  pretence  felt. — (a)  The  real  dif- 
ference between  mystical  union  and  the  recollection  of 
ordinary  prayer  is  that,  in  the  former,  God  is  not  sat- 
isfied with  helping  us  to  think  of  Him  and  reminding 
us  of  His  presence;  He  gives  us  an  intellectual  ex- 
perimental knowledge  of  that  presence,  (b)  How- 
ever, in  the  lower  degrees  (spiritual  quiet)  God  does 
this  in  a  rather  obscure  way.  The  more  elevated  the 
order  of  the  union  the  clearer  the  manifestation.  The 
obscurity  just  mentioned  is  a  source  of  interior  suffer- 
ing to  beginners.  During  the  period  of  spiritual  quiet 
they  instinctively  believe  in  the  preceding  doctrine, 
but  afterwards,  because  of  their  preconceived  ideas, 
they  begin  to  reason  and  relapse  into  hesitation  and 
the  fear  of  going  astray.  The  remedy  lies  in  provid- 
ing them  with  a  learned  director  or  a  book  that  treats 
these  matters  clearly.  By  experimental  knowledge 
is  understood  that  which  comes  from  the  object  itself 
and  makes  it  known  not  only  as  possible  but  as  exist- 
ing, and  in  such  and  such  conditions.  This  is  the 
case  with  mystical  union:  God  is  therein  perceived  as 
well  as  conceived.  Hence,  in  mystical  union,  we  have 
experimental  knowledge  of  God  and  of  His  presence, 
but  it  does  not  at  all  follow  that  this  knowledge  is  of 
the  same  nature  as  the  Beatific  Vision.  The  angels, 
the  souls  of  the  departed,  and  devils  know  one  another 
experimentally  but  in  an  inferior  way  to  that  in  which 
God  will  be  manifested  to  us  in  heaven.  Theologians 
express  this  principle  by  saying  that  it  is  a  knowledge 
by  impressed  or  intelligible  species. 

Second  character:  interior  possession. — (a)  In  states 
inferior  to  ecstasy  one  cannot  say  that  he  sees  God, 
unless  indeed  in  exceptional  cases.  Nor  is  one  in- 
stinctively led  to  use  the  word  see.  (b)  On  the  con- 
trary, what  constitutes  the  common  basis  of  all  the 
degrees  of  mystical  union  is  that  the  spiritual  impres- 
sion by  which  God  manifests  His  presence  makes  that 
presence  felt  in  the  way  of  an  interior  something  with 
which  the  soul  is  penetrated;  it  is  a  sensation  of  ab- 
sorption, of  fusion,  of  immersion,  (c)  For  the  sake  of 
greater  clearness  the  sensation  one  experiences  may  be 
designated  as  interior  touch.  This  very  clear  expres- 
sion of  spiritual  sensation  is  used  by  Scaramelli  (Direc- 
toire  mystique,  Tr.  iii,  no.  26)  and  had  already  been 
resorted  to  by  Father  de  la  Reguera  (Praxis  theologise 
mysticse,  vol.  I,  no.  735).  The  following  comparison 
will  aid  us  in  forming  an  exact  idea  of  the  physiogno- 
my of  mystical  union.   We  may  say  that  it  is  in  a 

Crecisely  similar  way  that  we  feel  the  presence  of  our 
ody  when  we  remain  perfectly  immobile  and  close 
our  eyes.  If  we  know  that  our  body  is  present,  it  is 
not  because  we  see  it  or  have  been  told  of  the  fact.  It 
is  the  result  of  a  special  sensation  (ccenaesthesis),  an 
interior  impression,  very  simple  and  yet  impossible  to 
analyse.  Thus  it  is  that  in  myBtical  union  we  feel 
God  within  us  and  in  a  very  simple  way.  The  soul 
absorbed  in  mystical  union  that  is  not  too  elevated 
may  be  said  to  resemble  a  man  placed  near  one  of  his 
friends  in  an  impenetrably  dark  place  and  in  utter  si- 
lence. Hp  neither  sees  nor  hears  his  friend  whose 
hand  he  holds  within  his  own,  but  through  means  of 
touch,  he  feels  his  presence.    He  thus  remains  think- 


ing of  his  friend  and  loving  him,  although  amid  dis- 
tractions. 

The  foregoing  statements  concerning  the  first  two 
characters  always  appear  unquestionably  true  to 
those  who  have  received  mystical  graces,  but,  on  the 
contrary,  they  are  often  a  source  of  amazement  to  the 
profane.  For  those  who  will  admit  them,  at  least 
provisionally,  the  difficulties  of  mystical  union  are 
overcome  and  what  is  to  follow  will  not  be  very  mys- 
terious. The  ten  characters  remaining  are  the  conse- 
quences or  concomitants  of  the  first  two. 

Third  character. — Mystical  union  cannot  be  pro- 
duced at  will.  It  is  this  character  that  was  useful 
above  in  defining  all  mystical  states.  It  may  also  lje 
added  that  these  states  cannot  be  augmented  nor  their 
manner  of  being  changed.  By  remaining  immobile 
and  being  content  with  interior  acts  of  the  will  one 
cannot  cause  these  graces  to  cease.  It  will  be  seen 
farther  on  that  the  only  means  to  this  end  lies  in  re- 
suming bodily  activity. 

Fourth  character. — The  knowledge  of  God  in  mysti- 
cal union  is  obscure  and  confused ;  hence  the  expres- 
sion to  enter  into  Divine  obscurity  or  into  Divine 
darkness.  In  ecstasy  one  has  intellectual  visions  of 
the  Divinity,  and  the  loftier  these  become,  the  more 
they  surpass  our  understanding.  Then  is  reached 
blinding  contemplation,  a  mixture  of  light  and  dark- 
ness. The  great  darkness  is  the  name  given  to  the 
contemplation  of  such  Divine  attributes  as  are  never 
shared  by  any  creature,  for  instance,  infinity,  eternity, 
immutability,  etc. 

Fifth  character. — Like  all  else  that  borders  on  the 
Divine  nature  this  mode  of  communication  is  only 
half  comprehensible  and  it  is  called  mystical  because 
it  indicates  a  mystery.  This  character  and  the  pre- 
ceding one  are  a  source  of  anxiety  to  beginners,  as  they 
imagine  that  no  state  is  Divine  and  certain  unless  they 
understand  it  perfectly  and  without  anyone's  help. 

Sixth  character. — In  mystical  union  trie  contempla- 
tion of  God  is  produced  neither  by  reasoning  nor  by 
the  consideration  of  creatures  nor  still  by  interior 
images  of  the  sensible  6rder.  We  have  seen  that  it 
has  an  altogether  different  cause.  In  the  natural 
state  our  thinking  is  always  accompanied  by  images, 
and  it, is  the  same  in  ordinary  prayer,  because  super- 
natural operations  of  an  ordinary  character  resemble 
those  of  nature.  But  in  mystical  contemplation  a 
change  takes  place.  St.  John  of  the  Cross  is  con- 
stantly reverting  to  this  point.  It  has  been  said  that 
the  acts  of  the  imagination  are  not  the  cause  of  con- 
templation; however,  they  may  at  least  accompany 
it.  Most  frequently  it  is  in  distractions  that  the 
imagination  manifests  itself,  and  St.  Teresa  declared 
that  for  this  evil  she  found  no  remedy  (Life,  ch.  xvii). 
We  shall  designate  as  constitutive  acts  of  mystical 
union  those  which  necessarily  belong  to  this  state,  such 
as  thinking  of  God,  relishing  Him  and  loving  Him; 
and  by  way  of  distinction  we  shall  denote  as  addi- 
tional acts  such  acts,  other  than  distractions,  as  are 
not  proper  to  mystical  union,  that  is  to  say,  are  neither 
its  cause  nor  its  consequences.  This  term  indicates . 
that  an  addition,  whether,  voluntary  or  not,  is  made  to 
Divine  action.  Thus,  to  recite  a  Hail  Mary  during 
spiritual  quiet  or  to  give  oneself  up  to  a  consideration 
of  death  would  be  to  perform  additional  acts,  because 
they  are  not  essential  to  the  existence  of  spiritual 
quiet.  These  definitions  will  prove  useful  later  on. 
But  even  now  they  will  permit  us  to  explain  certain 
abbreviations  of  language,  often  indulged  in  by  mys- 
tics, of  which  many  erroneous  interpretations  have 
been  made,  misunderstanding  having  resulted  from 
what  was  left  unexpressed.  Thus  it  has  been  said: 
"Often  in  supernatural  prayer  there  are  no  more 
acts";  or,  "One  must  not  fear  therein  to  suppress  all 
acts";  whereas  what  should  have  been  said  was  this: 
"There  are  no  more  additional  acts".  Taken  liter- 
ally,.these  abridged  phrases  do  not  differ  from  those  of 


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the  Quietists.  St.  Teresa  was  suddenly  enlightened 
in  her  way  of  perfection  by  reading  in  a  book  this 
phrase,  though  it  is  inaccurate:  "In  spiritual  quiet 
one  can  think  of  nothing"  (Life,  ch.  xxiii).  But 
others  would  not  have  discerned  the  true  value  of  the 
expression.  In  like  manner  it  was  said:  "The  will 
only  is  united";  by  which  was  meant  that  the  mind 
adds  no  further  reasoning  and  that  thenceforth  it 
makes  itself  forgotten  or  else  that  it  retains  the  liberty 
of  producing  additional  acts;  then  it  seems  as  if  it 
were  not  united.  But  in  future  these  expressions 
that  require  long  explanations  will  be  avoided. 

Seventh  character. — There  are  continual  fluctua- 
tions. Mystical  union  does  not  retain  the  same  de- 
gree of  intensity  for  five  minutes,  but  its  average  in- 
tensity may  be  the  same  for  a  notable  length  of  time. 

Eighth  character. — Mystical  union  demands  much 
less  labour  than  meditation,  and  the  more  elevated 
the  state  the  less  the  effort  required,  in  ecstasy  there 
being  none  whatever.  St.  Teresa  compares  the  soul 
that  progresses  in  these  states  to  a  gardener  who  takes 
less  and  less  trouble  to  water  his  garden  (Life,  ch.  xi). 
In  the  prayer  of  quiet  the  labour  does  not  consist  in 
procuring  the  prayer  itself ;  God  alone  can  give  that, 
but  first  in  combating  distractions;  second,  in  occa- 
sionally producing  additional  acts;  third,  if  the  quiet 
be  weak,  in  suppressing  the  ennui  caused  by  incom- 
plete absorption  which  very  often  one  is  disinclined  to 
perfect  by  something  else. 

Ninth  character. — Mystical  union  is  accompanied 
by  sentiments  of  love,  tranquillity,  and  pleasure.  In 
spiritual  quiet  these  sentiments  are  not  always  very 
ardent  although  sometimes  the  reverse  is  the  case  and 
there  is  spiritual  jubilation  and  inebriation. 

Tenth  character. — Mystical  union  is  accompanied, 
and  often  in  a  very  visible  manner,  by  an  impulse 
towards  the  different  virtues.  This  fact  (which  St. 
Teresa  constantly  repeats)  is  the  more  sensible  in  pro- 
portion as  the  prayer  is  more  elevated.  In  private, 
tar  from  leading  to  pride  these  graces  always  produce 
humility. 

Eleventh  character. — Mystical  union  acts  upon  the 
body.  This  fact  is  evident  in  ecstasy  (q.  v.)  and  en- 
ters into  its  definition.  First,  in  this  state  the  senses 
have  little  or  no  action;  second,  the  members  of  the 
body  are  usually  motionless;  third,  respiration  almost 
ceases ;  fourth,  vital  heat  seems  to  disappear,  especially 
from  the  extremities.  In  a  word,  all  is  as  if  the  soul 
loses  in  vital  force  and  motor  activity  all  that  it  gains 
on  the  side  of  Divine  union.  The  law  of  continuity 
shows  us  that  these  phenomena  must  occur,  although 
in  a  lesser  degree,  in  those  states  that  are  inferior  to 
ecstasy.  At  what  moment  do  they  begin?  Often 
during  spiritual  quiet,  and  this  seems  to  be  the  case 
mainly  with  persons  of  weak  temperament.  Since 
this  spiritual  quiet  is  somewhat  opposed  to  bodily 
movements  the  latter  must  react  reciprocally  in  order 
to  diminish  this  quiet.  Experience  confirms  this  con- 
jecture. If  one  begins  to  walk,  read,  or  look  to  right 
and  left,  one  feels  the  Divine  action  diminishing; 
therefore  to  resume  bodily  activity  is  a  practical 
means  of  ending  the  mystical  union. 

Twelfth  character. — Mystical  union  to  some  extent 
hinders  the  production  of  some  interior  acts  which,  in 
ordinary  prayer,  could  be  produced  at  will.  This  is 
what  is  known  as  the  suspension  of  the  powers  of  the 
soul.  In  ecstasy  this  fact  is  most  evident  and  is  also 
experienced  in  actual  quiet,  one  of  those  states  in- 
ferior to  ecstasy,  being  one  of  the  phenomena  that 
have  most  occupied  mystics  and  been  the  cause  of  the 
greatest  anxiety  to  beginners.  Those  acts  which  have 
been  termed  additional,  and  which  would  likewise  be 
voluntary,  are  what  are  hampered  by  this  suspension, 
hence  it  is  usually  an  obstacle  to  vocal  prayers  and 
pious  reflections. 

To  sum  up:  as  a  general  rule,  the  mystical  state  has 
a  tendency  to  exclude  all  that  is  foreign  to  it  and  espe- 


cially whatever  proceeds  from  our  own  assiduity,  our 
own  effort.  Sometimes,  however,  God  makes  excep- 
tions. Concerning  suspension  there  are  three  rules 
of  conduct  identical  with  those  already  given  for  the 
prayer  of  simplicity  (see  above).  If  a  director  sus- 
pects that  a  person  has  attained  unto  the  prayer  of 
quiet  he  can  most  frequently  decide  the  case  by  ques- 
tioning him  on  the  twelve  characters  just  enumerated. 

The  Two  Nights  of  the  Soul. — There  is  an  inter- 
mediate state  not  yet  mentioned,  a  frequent  transition 
between  ordinary  prayer  and  spiritual  quiet.  St. 
John  of  the  Cross,  who  was  the  first  to  describe  it 
clearly,  called  it  the  night  of  sense  or  first  night  of  the 
soul.  If  we  abide  by  appearances,  that  is  to  say,  by 
what  we  immediately  observe  in  ourselves,  this  state 
is  a  prayer  of  simplicity  but  with  characteristics,  two 
especially,  which  make  it  a  thing  apart.  It  is  bitter, 
and  it  is  almost  solely  upon  God  that  the  simple  gaze 
is  incessantly  riveted.  Five  elements  are  included  in 
this  distressing  state:  there  is  first,  an  habitual  arid- 
ity; second,  an  undeveloped,  confused  idea  of  God, 
recurring  with  singular  persistency  and  independently 
of  the  will;  third,  the  sad  and  constant  need  of  a 
closer  union  with  God;  fourth,  a  continual  action  of 
God's  grace  to  detach  us  from  all  sensible  things  and 
impart  a  distaste  for  them,  whence  the  name,  "night  of 
sense"  (the  soul  may  struggle  against  this  action  of 
grace) ;  fifth,  there  is  a  hidden  element  which  consists 
m  this :  God  begins  to  exercise  over  the  soul  the  action 
characteristic  of  the  prayer  of  quiet,  but  He  does  it  so 
gentry  that  one  may  be  unconscious  of  it.  Hence  it  is 
spiritual  quiet  in  the  latent,  disguised  state,  and  it  is 
only  by  verifying  the  analogy  of  effects  that  one  comes 
to  know  it.  St.  John  of  the  Cross  speaks  of  the  second 
night  of  the  soul  as  the  night  of  the  mind.  It  is  noth- 
ing more  than  the  union  of  the  mystical  states  inferior 
to  spiritual  marriage  but  regarded  as  including  the 
element  of  gloom  and  therefore  as  producing  suffering. 

We  can  now  form  a  compact  idea  of  the  develop- 
ment of  mystical  union  in  the  soul.  It  is  a  tree  tne 
seed  of  which  is  first  concealed  in  the  earth  and  the 
roots  that  are  secretly  put  forth  in  darkness  consti- 
tute the  night  of  sense.  From  these  a  frail  stem 
springs  up  into  the  light  and  this  is  spiritual  quiet. 
The  tree  grows  and  becomes  successively  full  union 
and  ecstasy.  Finally,  in  spiritual  marriage  it  attains 
the  end  of  its  development  and  then  especially  it  bears 
flowers  and  fruit.  This  harmony  existing  between 
the  states  of  mystical  union  is  a  fact  of  noteworthy 
importance. 

Revelations  and  Visions  (or  Creatures). — 
There  are  three  kinds  of  speech:  exterior,  which  is  re- 
ceived by  the  ear,  and  interior,  which  is  subdivided 
into  imaginative  and  intellectual.  The  last  is  a  com- 
munication of  thoughts  without  words.  . 

There  are  three  similar  kinds  of  visions.  Many  de- 
tails of  these  different  graces  will  be  found  in  the 
works  of  St.  Teresa.  What  are  known  as  private  and 
particular  revelations  are  those  contained  neither  in 
the  Bible  nor  in  the  deposit  of  Apostolic  tradition. 
The  Church  does  not  oblige  us  to  believe  in  them,  but 
it  is  prudent  not  to  reject  them  lightly  when  they  are 
affirmed  by  saints.  Nevertheless  it  is  certain  that 
many  saints  were  deceived  and  that  their  revelations 
contradict  one  another.  What  follows  will  explain 
the  reason  of  this.  Revelations  and  visions  are  sub- 
ject to  many  illusions  which  ehall  be  briefly  set  forth. 
First,  like  Jonas  at  Ninive,  the  seer  may  regard  as 
absolute  a  prediction  that  was  only  conditional,  or 
commit  some  other  error  in  interpreting  it.  Second, 
when  the  vision  represents  a  scene  from  the  life  or 
Passion  of  Christ,  historic  accuracy  is  often  only  ap- 
proximate; otherwise  God  would  lower  Himself  to  the 
rank  of  a  professor  of  history  and  archseology.  He 
wishes  to  sanctify  the  soul,  not  to  satisfy  our  curiosity. 
The  seer,  however,  may  believe  that  the  reproduction 
is  exact;  hence  the  want  of  agreement  between  revela- 


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mons  concerning  the  life  of  Jesus  Christ.  Third,  dur- 
ing the  vision  personal  activity  may  be  so  mingled 
with  the  Divine  action  that  answers  in  the  sense  de- 
sired seem  to  be  received.  In  fact,  during  prayer 
vivid  imaginations  may  go  so  far  as  to  produce  revela- 
tions and  visions  out  of  whole  cloth  without  any  evil 
intent.  Fourth,  sometimes,  in  his  desire  to  explain  it, 
the  seer  afterwards  unconsciously  alters  a  genuine 
revelation.  Fifth,  amanuenses  and  editors  take  de- 
plorable liberties  m  revising,  so  that  the  text  is  not 
always  authentic.  Some  revelations  are  even  abso- 
lutely false  because:  first,  in  describing  their  prayer, 
certain  persons  lie  most  audaciously;  second,  amongst 
those  afflicted  with  neuropathy  there  are  inventors 
who,  in  perfectly  good  faith,  imagine  to  be  real  facts 
things  that  have  never  occurred:  third,  the  devil  may 
to  a  certain  degree,  counterfeit  Divine  visions;  fourth, 
amongst  writers  there  are  genuine  forgers  who  are  re- 
sponsible for  political  prophecies,  hence  the  profusion 
of  absurd  predictions. 

Illusions  in  the  matter  of  revelations  often  have  a 
serious  consequence,  as  they  usually  instigate  to  ex- 
terior acts,  such  as  teaching  a  doctrine,  propagating  a 
new  devotion,  prophesying,  launching  into  an  enter- 
prise that  entails  expense.  There  would  be  no  evil  to 
fear  if  these  impulses  came  from  God,  but  it  is  entirely 
otherwise  when  they  do  not  come  from  God,  which  is 
much  more  frequently  the  case  and  is  difficult  of  dis- 
cernment. On  the  contrary  there  is  naught  to  fear 
from  mystical  union.  It  impels  solely  towards  Di- 
vine love  and  the  practice  of  solid  virtue.  There  would 
be  equal  security  in  the  impossible  supposition  that 
the  state  of  prayer  was  only  an  imitation  of  mystical 
union,  for  then  the  tendencies  would  be  exactly  the 
same.  This  supposition  is  called  impossible  because 
St.  Teresa  and  St.  John  of  the  Cross  keep  repeating 
that  the  devil  cannot  imitate  nor  even  understand 
mystical  union.  Neither  can  our  mind  and  imagina- 
tion reproduce  the  combination  of  the  twelve  charac- 
ters described  above. 

What  has  been  said  shows  us  the  importance  of  not 
confounding  mystical  union  with  revelations.  Not 
only  are  these  states  of  a  different  nature  but  they 
must  also  be  differently  estimated.  Because  ignor- 
ant of  this  distinction  many  persons  fall  into  one  of 
these  two  extremes:  first,  if  they  know  the  danger  of 
revelations,  they  extend  their  severe  judgment  to 
mystical  union  and  thus  turn  certain  souls  from  an  ex- 
cellent path ;  second,  if  on  the  contrary,  they  are  rea- 
sonably persuaded  of  the  security  and  tranquillity  of 
mystical  union,  they  wrongfully  extend  this  favour- 
able judgment  to  revelations  and  drive  certain  souls 
into  a  dangerous  path. 

When  God  so  wills  He  can  impart  to  him  who  re- 
ceives a  revelation  the  full  certainty  that  it  is  real  and 
wholly  Divine.  Otherwise  one  would  not  have  had 
the  right  to  believe  the  Prophets  of  the  Old  Testa- 
ment. Scripture  ordained  that  they  be  distinguished 
from  false  prophets.  For  instance,  the  envoys  of 
God  performed  miracles  or  uttered  prophecies  the 
realization  of  which  was  verified.  In  order  to  judge 
private  revelations  in  a  more  or  less  probable  way, 
two  kinds  of  information  must  be  obtained.  First, 
one  should  ascertain  the  qualities  or  defects,  from  a 
natural,  ascetic,  or  mystical  point  of  view,  of  the  per- 
son having  revelations.  When  the  one  in  question 
has  been  canonized  the  investigation  has  already  been 
made  by  the  Church.  Second,  one  should  be  ac- 
quainted with  the  qualities  or  defects  of  the  revelation 
itself  and  with  its  various  circumstances,  favourable 
or  otherwise.  To  judge  of  ecstasies  one  should  be 
actuated  by  the  same  principles,  the  two  chief  points 
to  settle  being:  first,  in  what  the  soul  is  absorbed 
whilst  thus  deprived  of  the  senses,  and  whether  it  is 
captivated  by  knowledge  of  a  higher  order  and  trans- 
ported by  an  immense  love;  second,  what  degree 
of  virtue  it  possessed  before  reaching  this  state  and 


what  great  progress  it  made  afterwards.  If  the  re- 
sult of  the  investigation  be- favourable  the  probabili- 
ties are  on  the  side  of  Divine  ecstasy,  as  neither  the 
devil  nor  disease  can  work  the  imagination  up  to  this 
pitch. 

There  are  several  rules  of  conduct  in  connexion 
with  revelations  but  we  shall  give  only  the  two  most 
important.  The  first  relates  to  the  director.  If  the 
revelation  or  the  vision  has  for  its  sole  effect  the  aug- 
menting of  the  love  of  the  seer  for  God,  Christ,  or  the 
saints,  nothing  prevents  these  facts  from  being  pro- 
visionally considered  Divine;  but  if,  on  the  contrary, 
the  seer  be  impelled  to  certain  undertakings  or  if  he 
wish  that  his  prediction  should  be  firmly  believed,  the 
utmost  distrust  must  be  shown,  but  with  the  greatest 
kindness.  If  the  seer  be  dissatisfied  with  this  prudent 
attitude  and  insist  upon  being  believed,  he  should  be 
told:  "You  must  admit  that  you  cannot  be  believed 
simply  upon  your  word,  consequently  give  signs  that 
your  revelations  come  from  God  and  from  Him  alone." 
As  a  rule  this  request  remains  unanswered.  Note  the 
prudence  of  the  Church  in  regard  to  certain  feasts  or 
devotions  which  she  has  instituted  in  consequence  of 
private  revelations.  The  revelation  was  only  the  oc- 
casion of  the  measure  taken.  The  Church  declares 
that  such  a  devotion  is  reasonable  but  she  does  not 
guarantee  the  revelation  that  suggested  it.  The  sec- 
ond rule  concerns  the  seer.  In  the  beginning,  at 
least,  he  is  gently  to  do  his  utmost  to  repulse  the  rev- 
elations and  to  turn  his  thoughts  away  from  them. 
He  is  to  accept  them  only  after  a  prudent  director  will 
have  decided  that  he  may  place  a  certain  amount  of 
confidence  in  them.  This  doctrine,  which  seems 
severe,  is  nevertheless  taught  forcibly  by  many  saints, 
such  as  St.  Ignatius  (Acta  SS.,  31  July,  Pr61iminaires, 
no.  614),  St.  Philip  Neri  (ibid.,  26  May,  2nd  life,  no. 
375),  St.  John  of  tne  Cross  (Assent,  Bk.  II,  ch.  xi,  xvi, 
xvii,  and  xxiv),  St.  Teresa,  and  St.  Alphonsus  Liguon 
(Homo  Apost.,  Appendix  I,  no.  23),  for  the  reason 
that  there  is  danger  of  illusions.  With  even  greater 
reason,  revelations  and  visions  (of  created  objects) 
should  be  neither  desired  nor  requested.  On  the  other 
hand  many  passages  in  St.  Teresa  and  other  mystics 
prove  that  mystical  union  may  be  desired  and  asked 
for,  provided  it  be  done  humbly  and  with  resignation 
to  God's  will.  The  reason  is  that  this  union  has  no 
disadvantages  but  presents  great  advantages  for 
sanctification  (see  Theology,  under  sub-title  Mysti- 
cal: Quietism). 

St.  Teresa  far  excels  all  writers  that  preceded  her 
on  the  subject  of  contemplation.  In  their  descrip- 
tions those  prior  to  her  confined  themselves  to  gener- 
alities. Exception  must  be  made  in  favour  of  Blessed 
Angela  de  Foligno,  Ruysbroeck  and  the  Venerable 
Marina  d'Escobar  as  regards  the  subject  of  ecstasies. 
St.  Teresa  was  likewise  the  first  to  give  a  clear,  accur- 
ate, and  detailed  classification.  Before  her  time 
hardly  anything  was  described  except  ecstasies  and 
revelations.  The  lower  degrees  required  more  delicate 
observation  than  had  been  devoted  to  them  before  her 
day.  After  St.  Teresa  the  first  place  for  careful  ob- 
servation of  these  matters  belongs  to  St.  John  of 
the  Cross.  But  his  classifications  are  confused.  St. 
Teresa  and  St.  John  of  the  Cross  are  also  greatly  supe- 
rior to  subsequent  authors  who  have  been  satisfied  to 
repeat  them,  with  comments. 

Denis  the  Carthusian,  De  Contemplation*;  Idem,  De  font* 
lucis  et  simitA  vita  (Nuremberg,  1495);  Blosiob,  Work*  (In- 
goldstadt,  1631-1726);  Saint  Tekesa,  Works  (Salamanca, 
1588);  Suabez.  De  Relatione  Societatii  Jesu  (Brussels,  1857) 
tr.  iv;  Alvarez  de  Paz,  De  institutions  pads  site  studio  oro- 
tionie  (Lyons,  1617,  1610,  1623;  re-edited  Paris,  1875-76); 
Schramm,  Itutituliontt  theological  mystica  (Augsburg.  1777); 
Seraphin,  Principle  de  thtologie  mystique  (1873);  Metnard, 
Traiti  de  la  vie  inUrieure  (3rd  ed.,  Amat,  1899);  Poclain,  1m 
mystique  de  St.  Jean  de  la  Croix  in  Meesagtr  du  Cotur  de  Jesus 
(1893);  Idem,  Lis  desiderata  de  la  mystique  in  Lei  Etudes  (20 
March,  1898);  Saudreac,  Lei  degree  de  la  vie  spirUuelie  (Vie 
and  Amat,  1896-97) ;  Idem,  La  vie  d*  union  d  Dim  (Amat, 
1900);  Idem,  L'ttat  myltique  (Amat,  1903);  Jolt,  Psychology 


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OONTEMPLAl'i  V  £ 


«£ Somto  (tr.  1897);  Lubcnb,  Manuel  de  thsotooie  mystique 
(Paris,  1SS7);  Doblanchy,  Asceticism  in  Diet,  ds  thiol,  cath. 
(1908)  ;  Mabechaux,  he  merveUleux  divin  et  Is  msrveilleux 
demoniaque  (Paris,  1901):  Ribet,  La  mystique  divine  (Paris, 
1895) ;  Baker,  Saneta  Sophia,  or  Directions  for  the  Prayer 
of  Contemplation  (Douai,  1657);  Hilton,  Scale  of  Perfection 
(printed  by  Wynkin  de  Worde,  1494);  Doyle.  Principles  of 
Religious  Life  (3rd  ed.,  London,  1906);  Devinb,  A  Manual  of 
Mystical  Theology  (London,  1903).  AvQ.  PoULAIN. 

Contemplative  Life,  a  life  ordered  in  view  of  con- 
templation ;  a  way  of  living  especially  adapted  to  lead 
to  and  facilitate  contemplation,  while  it  excludes 
all  other  preoccupations  and  intents.  To  seek  to 
know  and  love  Goo  more  and  more  is  a  duty  incum- 
bent on  every  Christian  and  should  be  his  chief  pursuit, 
and  in  this  wide  sense  the  Christian  and  the  contem- 
plative lives  are  synonymous.  This  duty,  however, 
admits  of  various  degrees  in  its  fulfilment.  Many  give 
to  it  only  a  part  of  their  time  and  attention,  either 
from  lack  of  piety  or  because  of  other  duties;  others 
attempt  to  blend  harmoniously  the  contemplative  life 
with  active  ministry,  i.  e.  the  care  of  souls,  which, 
undertaken  from  a  motive  of  supernatural  charity,  can 
be  made  compatible  with  the  inner  life.  Others  again, 
who  have  the  will  and  the  means,  aim  at  accomplishing 
the  duty  of  contemplation  to  the  utmost  perfection, 
and  give  up  all  occupations  inconsistent  with  it,  or 
which,  on  account  of  man's  limited  abilities,  of  their 
nature  would  impede  it.  The  custom  has  prevailed  of 
applying  the  term  "  contemplative ' '  only  to  the  life  led 
by  the  latter. 

Contemplation,  the  object  of  contemplative  life,  is 
defined  as  the  complacent,  loving  gaze  of  the  soul  on 
Divine  truth  already  known  and  apprehended  by  the 
intellect  assisted  and  enlightened  by  Divine  grace. 
This  definition  shows  the  two  chief  differences  between 
the  contemplation  of  the  Christian  ascetic  and  the 
merely  scientific  research  of  the  theologian.  The  con- 
templative, in  his  investigation  of  Divine  things,  is 
actuated  by  love  for  those  things,  and  to  increase  this 
love  is  his  ultimate  purpose,  as  well  as  the  firstf  ruits  of 
his  contemplation ;  in  other  words  the  theological  vir- 
tue of  charity  is  the"  mainspring  as  well  as  the  outcome 
of  the  act  of  contemplation.  Again,  the  contempla- 
tive does  not  rely  on  the  natural  powers  of  his  intellect 
in  his  endeavours  to  gain  cognizance  of  the  truth,  but, 
knowing  that  human  reason  is  limited  and  weak,  espe- 
cially when  inquiring  into  things  supernatural,  he 
seeks  aid  from  above  by  prayer,  and  by  the  practice  of 
all  Christian  virtues  strives  to  fit  his  soul  for  the  grace' 
he  desires.  The  act  of  contemplation,  imperfect  as  it 
needs  must  be,  is  of  all  human  acts  one  of  the  most 
sublime,  one  of  those  which  render  greatest  honour  to 
Cud,  bring  the  greatest  good  to  the  soul,  and  enable  it 
most  efficaciously  to  become  a  means  of  salvation  and 
of  manifold  blessing  to  others.  According  to  St.  Ber- 
nard (De  Consider.,  lib.  I,  c.  vii),  it  is  the  highest  form 
of  human  worship,  as  it  is  essentially  an  act  of  adora- 
tion and  of  utter  self-surrender  of  man's  whole  being. 
The  soul  in  contemplation  is  a  soul  lying  prostrate  be- 
fore God,  convinced  of  and  confessing  its  own  nothing- 
ness and  His  worthiness  to  receive  all  love  and  glory 
and  honour  and  blessings  from  those  He  has  created. 
It  is  a  soul  lost  in  admiration  and  love  of  the  Eternal 
Beauty,  the  sight  of  which  though  but  a  feeble  reflec- 
tion, fill  it  with  a  joy  naught  else  in  the  world  can  give 
— a  joy  which,  far  more  eloquently  than  speech,  testi- 
fies that  the  soul  rates  that  Beauty  above  all  other 
beauties,  and  finds  in  It  the  completion  of  all  its  de- 
sires. It  is  the  jubilant  worship  of  the  whole  heart, 
mind,  and  soul,  the  worship  "in  spirit  and  in  truth"  of 
the  "true  adorers",  such  as  £he  Father  seeks  to  adore 
Him  (John,  iv,  23). 

By  contemplative  life,  however,  is  not  meant  a  life  , 
passed  entirely  in  contemplation.   On  earth  an  act  of 
contemplation  cannot  be  of  long  duration,  except  in 
the  case  of  an  extraordinary  privilege  granted  by 
Divine  power.   The  weakness  of  our  bodily  senses 


and  the  natural  instability  of  our  minds  and  hearts, 
together  with  the  exigencies  of  life,  render  it  impossi- 
ble for  us  to  fix  our  attention  for  long  on  one  object. 
This  is  true  with  regard  to  earthly  or  material  things; 
it  is  still  more  true  in  matters  pertaining  to  the  super- 
natural order.  Only  in  Heaven  shall  the  understand- 
ing be  strengthened  so  as  to  waver  no  more,  but  adhere 
unceasingly  to  Him  Who  made  it. 

Hence  it  is  rare  to  find  souls  capable  of  leading  a  life 
of  contemplation  without  occasionally  engaging  their 
mental  or  physical  activity  in  earthy  or  material 
things.  The  combination,  however,  of  the  two  lives, 
of  which  Catholic  hagiology  affords  such  striking  and 
glorious  examples,  is,  as  a  general  rule  and  for  persons 
of  ordinary  attainments,  a  matter  of  considerable  dif- 
ficulty. Exterior  action,  with  the  solicitude  and 
cares  attendant  on  it,  tends  naturally  to  absorb  the 
attention;  the  soul  is  thereby  hampered  in  its  efforts 
to  ascend  to  the  higher  regions  of  contemplation,  as  its 
energy,  capacity,  and  power  of  application  are  usually 
too  limited  to  allow  it  to  carry  on  together  such  differ- 
ent pursuits  with  success.  If  this  is  true  with  regard 
to  those  even  who  are  working  for  God  and  are  en- 
gaged in  enterprises  undertaken  for  the  furtherance  of 
His  interests,  it  is  all  the  more  true  of  those  who  are 
toiling  with  no  other  direct  end  than  to  procure  their 
subsistence  and  their  temporal  well-being.  This  is 
why  those  who  have  wished  to  give  themselves  up  to 
contemplation  and  reach  an  eminent  degree  of  mysti- 
cal union  with  God  have  habitually  withdrawn  from 
the  crowd  and  have  abandoned  all  other  pursuits,  to 
lead  a  retired  life  entirely  consecrated  to  the  purpose 
of  contemplation.  It  is  evident  that  such  a  life  can  be 
led  nowhere  so  safely  and  so  easily  as  in  those  monas- 
tic orders  which  make  it  their  special  object.  The 
rules  of  those  orders  supply  their  members  with  every 
means  necessary  and  useful  for  the  purpose,  and  safe- 
guard them  from  all  exterior  obstacles.  Foremost 
among  these  means  must  be  reckoned  the  vows,  which 
are  barriers  raised  against  the  inroads  of  the  three 
great  evils  devastating  the  world  (I  John,  ii,  16). 
Poverty  frees  the  contemplative  from  the  cares  inher- 
ent to  the  possession  and  administration  of  temporal 
goods,  from  the  moral  dangers  that  follow  in  the  wake 
of  wealth,  and  from  that  insatiable  greed  for  gain 
which  so  lowers  and  materializes  the  mind.  Chastity 
frees  him  from  the  bondage  of  married  life  with  its 
solicitude  so  "dividing"  to  the  heart  and  mind,  to  use 
the  Apostle's  expression  (I  Cor.,  vii,  33),  and  so  apt  to 
confine  man's  sympathy  and  action  within  a  narrow 
circle.  By  the  same  virtue  also  he  obtains  that  clean- 
ness of  heart  which  enables  him  to  see  God  (Matth.,  v, 
8).  Obedience,  without  which  community-life  is  im- 
possible, frees  him  from  the  anxiety  of  having  to  de- 
termine what  course  to  take  amidst  the  ever-shifting 
circumstances  of  life.  Hie  stability  which  the  vow 
gives  to  the  contemplative's  purpose  by  placing  him  in 
a  fixed  state  with  set  duties  and  obligations  is  also  an 
inestimable  advantage,  as  it  saves  him  from  natural 
inconstancy,  the  blight  of  so  many  undertakings. 

Silence  is  of  course  the  proper  element  of  the  con- 
templative soul,  since  to  converse  with  God  and  men 
at  the  same  time  is  hardly  possible.  Moreover,  con- 
versing unnecessarily  is  apt  to  give  rise  to  numberless 
thoughts,  fancies,  and  desires  alien  to  the  duties  and 
purpose  of  contemplative  life,  which  assail  the  soul  at 
the!  iour  of  prayer  and  distract  it  from  God.  It  is  no 
wonder,  then,  that  monastic  legislators  and  guardians 
of  regular  discipline  should  have  always  laid  such 
stress  on  the  practice  of  silence,  strenuously  enforcing 
its  observance  and  punishing  transgression  with  spe- 
cial severity.  This  silence,  if  not  perpetual,  must  em- 
brace at  least  the  greatest  part  of  the  contemplative's 
life.  Solitude  is  the  home  of  silence,  and  its  surest 
safeguard.  Moreover,  it  cuts  to  the  root  one  of  the 
strongest  of  man's  selfish  propensities,  the  desire  to 
make  a  figure  before  the  world,  to  win  admiration  and 


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applause,  or  at  least  to  attract  attention,  to  be  thought 
and  spoken  of.  "Manifest  thyself  to  the  world" 
(John,  vii,  4)  says  the  demon  of  vainglory;  but  the 
Spirit  of  God  holds  another  language  (Matt.,  vi). 
Solitude  may  be  twofold:  the  seclusion  of  the  cloister, 
which  implies  restriction  of  intercourse  with  the  outer 
world:  and  the  eremitic  confinement  of  the  cell,  a  prac- 
tice which  varies  in  different  orders. 

Religious  life,  being  essentially  a  life  of  self-denial 
and  self-sacrifice,  must  provide  an  effectual  antidote 
to  every  form  of  self-seeking,  and  the  rules  of  contem- 
plative orders  especially  are  admirably  framed  so  as 
to  thwart  and  mortify  every  selfish  instinct;  vigils, 
fasts,  austerity  in  food,  clothing,  etc.,  and  often  man- 
ual labour  tame  the  flesh,  and  thus  help  the  soul  to 
keep  in  subjection  its  worst  enemy.  Contemplatives, 
in  short,  forgo  many  transient  pleasures,  many  satis- 
factions sweet  to  nature,  all  that  the  world  holds  most 
dear;  but  they  gain  in  return  a  liberty  for  the  soul 
which  enables  it  to  rise  without  hindrance  to  the 
thought  and  love  of  God.  Though  God  Himself  is  the 
chief  object  of  their  study  and  meditation,  He  is  not 
the  only  one.  His  works,  His  dealings  with  men,  all 
that  reveals  Him  in  the  province  of  grace  or  of  nature 
is  lawfully  open  to  the  contemplative's  investigation. 
The  development  of  the  Divine  plan  in  the  growth  of 
the  Church  and  in  tae  history  of  nations,  the  won- 
drous workings  of  grace  and  the  guidance  of  Provi- 
dence in  the  lives  of  individual  souk,  the  marvels  and 
beauty  of  creation,  the  writings  of  the  saints  and 
sages  of  Christendom,  and  above  all,  the  Holy  Scrip- 
tures form  an  inexhaustible  store-house,  whence  the 
contemplative  can  draw  food  for  contemplation. 

The  great  function  assumed  by  contemplatives,  as  has 
already  been  said,  is  the  worship  of  God.  When  liv- 
ing in  community,  they  perform  this  sacred  office  in  a 
public,  official  way,  assembling  at  stated  hours  of  the 
day  and  night  to  offer  to  the  Almighty  "the  sacrifice 
of  praise"  (Ps.  xlix,  14,  23;  see  Office,  Divine). 
Their  chief  work  then  is  what  St.  Benedict  (Rule, 
xliii)  calls  emphatically  God's  work  (opu*  Dei),  i.  e.  the 
solemn  chanting  of  Divine  praise,  in  which  the  tongue 
gives  utterance  to  the  admiration  of  the  intellect  and 
to  the  love  of  the  heart.  And  this  is  done  in  the  name 
of  the  Church  and  of  all  mankind.  Not  only  does  con- 
templation glorify  God,  but  it  is  most  beneficial  to  the 
soul  itself.  Nothing  brings  the  soul  into  such  close 
union  with  God,  and  union  with  God  is  the  source  of  all 
saintliness.  Never  so  well  as  when  contemplating  the 
perfections  of  God  and  the  grandeur  of  His  works 
does  man  see  his  own  imperfections  and  failings,  the 
vileness  of  sin,  the  paltriness  and  futility  of  so  many 
of  his  labours  and  undertakings:  and  thus  nothing  so 
grounds  him  in  humility,  the  prop  and  the  bulwark  of 
every  other  virtue. 

Love  for  God  necessarily  breeds  love  for  our  fellow- 
men,  all  children  of  the  same  Father;  and  the  two 
loves  keep  pace  with  each  other  in  their  growth. 
Hence  it  follows  that  contemplative  life  is  eminently 
conducive  to  increase  of  charity  for  others.  The  heart 
is  enlarged,  affection  is  deepened,  sympathy  becomes 
more  keen,  because  the  mind  is  enlightened  as  to  the 
worth  of  an  immortal  soul  in  God^  eyes.  And  al- 
though of  the  two  great  commandments  given  by 
Christ  (Matt.,  xxii,  37  sqq.) — love  for  God  and  love 
for  our  neighbour — the  first  is  exemplified  more 
markedly  in  contemplative  orders,  and  the  second  in 
active  orders,  contemplatives,  nevertheless,  not  only 
must  and  do  have  in  their  hearts  a  strong  and  true  love 
for  others,  but  they  realize  that  love  in  their  deeds. 
The  principal  means  contemplatives  have  of  proving 
their  love  for  others  are  prayer  and  penance.  By 
prayer  they  draw  down  from  Heaven  on  struggling 
and  suffering  humanity  manifold  graces,  light, 
strength,  courage,  and  comfort,  blessings  for  time  and 
for  eternity.  By  penance  they  strive  to  atone  for  the 
offences  of  sinful  humanity,  to  appease  God's  wrath 


and  ward  off  its  direful  effects,  by  giving  vicarious  sat- 
isfaction to  the  demands  of  His  justice.  Their  lives  of 
perpetual  abnegation  and  privation,  of  hardship  cheer- 
fully endured,  of  self-inflicted  suffering,  joined  to  the 
sufferings  of  their  Divine  Master  and  Model  help  to 
repair  the  evil  men  do  and  to  obtain  God's  mercy  for 
the  evildoers.  They  plead  and  make  reparation  for 
all  men.  This  twofold  ministry  carried  on  within  the 
narrow  precincts  of  a  monastery  knowB  no  other 
limits  to  its  effects  than  the  bounds  of  the  earth  and  the 
needs  of  mankind.  Or  rather  that  ministry  extends 
further  still  its  sphere  of  action,  for  the  dead  as  well  as 
the  living  benefit  by  it.  (See  Contemplation, 
Prayer  of;  Monasttcism.) 

St.  Thomas,  Summa  theol.,  II-II,  Q.  ctxxix-cbcxxii;  Soarkx. 
Tract,  de  Oratione,  lib.  II,  o.  ix  sqq.;  Idem,  De  varietaie  reli- 
gionum,  lib.  I,  c.  v,  vi;  Dents  the  Carthusian,  De  contempla- 
tione;  La  vie  contemplative:  ton  r6U  apoetoliquc  (Montreuil- 
mir-Mer,  1808);  Devine,  Manual  of  Mystical  Theology  (Lon- 
don, 1903).  Edmund  Gurdon. 

Oontenson,  Vincent,  Dominican  theologian  and 
preacher,  b.  at  Altivillare  (Gers),  Diocese  of  Condon, 
France,  1641;  d.  Creil-sur-Oise,  26  Dec..  1674.  His 
epitaph  in  the  church  of  that  place  described  him  as 
''in  years  a  youth,  mature  in  wisdom  and  in  virtue 
venerable  " .  Despite  his  short  life,  he  gave  proof  in  his 
writings  of  considerable  learning  and  won  remarkable 
popularity  by  his  pulpit  utterances.  He  was  seven- 
teen years  old  when  he  entered  the  Order  of  Preachers. 
After  teaching  philosophy  for  a  time  at  Albi,  and 
theology  at  Toulouse,  he  began  a  career  of  preach- 
ing as  brilliant  as  it  was  brief.  He  was  stricken  in  the 
pulpit  at  Creil,  where  he  was  giving  a  mission.  His 
reputation  as  a  theologian  rests  on  a  work  entitled 
"Theologia  Mentis  et  Cordis",  published  posthum- 
ously at  Lyons  in  nine  volumes,  1681;  second  edi- 
tion, 1687.  His  life  is  found  in  the  filth  volume  of 
the  "  Histoire  des  homines  illustres  de  l'ordre  de  Saint 
Dominique",  by  Pere  Touron.  The  peculiar  merit 
of  his  theology  consists  in  an  attempt  to  get  away 
from  the  prevailing  dry  reasoning  of  Scholasticism 
and,  while  retaining  the  accuracy  and  solidity  of  its 
method,  to  embellish  it  with  illustrations  and  images 
borrowed  from  the  Fathers,  that  appeal  to  the  heart 
as  well  as  the  mind.  This  pious  and  learned  compila- 
tion lias  not  yet  lost  its  value  and  utility  for  students 
and  preachers. 

Robk,  New  Gen.  Biogr.  Diet.  (London,  1848);  Moreri,  Gt. 
Diet.  Hist.  (Paria,  1759). 

John  H.  Stapleton. 

Continence. — Continence  may  be  defined  as  absti- 
nence from  even  the  licit  gratifications  of  marriage. 
It  is  a  form  of  the  virtue  of  temperance,  though  Aris- 
totle did  not  accord  it  this  high  character  since  it  in- 
volved a  conflict  with  wrong  desires — an  element,  in 
the  mind  of  the  philosopher,  foreign  to  the  content  of  a 
virtue  in  the  stnet  sense.  Continence,  it  is  seen,  has  a 
more  restricted  significance  than  chastity,  since  the 
latter  finds  place  in  the  condition  of  marriage.  The 
abstinence  we  are  discussing,  then,  belongs  to  the 
state  of  celibacy,  though  clearly  the  notion  of  this  lat- 
ter does  not  necessarily  involve  that  of  continence. 

Practice. — In  considering  its  practice  we  regard 
continence  as  a  state  of  life.  Though  among  savages 
and  barbarians  every  one,  as  a  rule,  seeks  to  contract 
an  early  marriage,  yet  even  among  these  peoples  con- 
tinence is  frequently  practised  by  those  who  discharge 
the  public  duties  of  religion.  Thus,  according  to  au- 
thorities cited  by  Westermarck,  the  male  wizards  of 
Patagonia  embraced  a  life  of  continence,  as  did  the 
priests  of  the  Mosquito  Islands  and  of  ancient  Mexico. 
According  to  Chinese  law  such  condition  of  abstinence 
is  made  obligatory  upon  all  priests,  Buddhist  or  Tao- 
ist.  Among  the  Greeks  continence  was  required  of 
several  orders  of  priests  and  priestesses,  as  it  was  of 
the  vestals  among  the  Romans.  The  continence  ex- 
tensively observed  among  the  Essenes,  the  Mani- 


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ctaeans,  and  some  of  the  Gnostics,  though  not  con- 
fined to  a  priestly  class,  was  reckoned  the  means  to  a 
greater  sanctification.  Such  widespread  practice 
offers  evidence  of  an  instinctive  feeling  that  the  indul- 
gence of  our  sensual  nature  is  in  a  measure  degrading, 
and  that  it  is  particularly  incompatible  with  the  perfect 
purity  that  should  characterize  one  consecrated  to  the 
worship  of  the  All  Holy.  That  the  attitude  of  a  num- 
ber of  sects  towards  the  lower  side  of  human  nature 
has  taken  on  a  character  of  unreasonable,  and  even 
absurd,  severity  is  clear.  This  is  observed  especially 
in  the  case  of  the  Manichaeans  and  branches  of  the 
Gnostics  in  the  past,  and  of  the  Shakers  and  other  un- 
important communities  in  our  time.  The  law  of  the 
Catholic  Church  imposing  a  state  of  continence  upon 
its  ministers  and  upon  its  religious  orders  of  men 
and  women  is  set  forth  in  the  articles  Celibacy  or 
the  Clergy;  Religious  Orders;  and  Virginity. 

Two  general  objections  are  frequently  urged  against 
the  state  of  continence.  First,  it  is  said  that  the  con- 
dition of  continence  is  detrimental  to  the  well-being  of 
the  individual.  In  such  a  statement,  it  will  be  fre- 
quently found,  continence  is  understood  as  an  un- 
chaste celibacy,  and  such  surely  is  not  only  a  moral  but 
a  physical  evil  most  pernicious.  Certain  it  is,  how- 
ever, that  the  self-sacrifice  and  control  involved  in  true 
continence  finds  fruitage  in  a  greater  measure  of  moral 
power.  The  words  of  Jesus  Christ  (Matt.,  xix,  12) 
may  be  here  appealed  to.  Moreover,  the  abstinence 
of  which  we  speak  is  a  condition  of  increased  physical 
vigour  and  energy.  Of  this  many  savages  are  not  un- 
mindful ;  for  among  a  number  of  these  continence  is 
imposed  upon  the  braves  during  times  of  war  as  a 
means  of  fostering  and  strengthening  their  daring  and 
courage.  A  second  objection  rests  upon  considera- 
tions of  the  social  good.  It  is  contended  that  a  state 
of  continence  means  failure  to  discharge  the  social 
obligation  of  conserving  the  species.  But  such  an 
obligation  falls,  not  upon  every  member  of  the  com- 
munity, but  upon  society  at  large,  and  is  amply 
discharged  though  there  be  individual  exceptions.  In- 
deed the  non-fulfilment  of  this  duty  is  never  threat- 
ened by  a  too  general  observance  of  sexual  abstinence. 
On  the  contrary  it  is  only  the  unlawful  gratification  of 
carnal  passion  that  can  menace  the  due  growth  of 
population.  But  it  may  be  said  that  the  practice  of 
continence  withdraws  from  the  function  of  reproduc- 
tion the  worthier  members  of  society — those  whose 
possible  offspring  would  be  the  most  desirable  citizens 
of  the  State.  This  contention,  however,  overlooks  the 
social  service  of  the  example  set  by  such  observance — 
a  service  which,  in  view  of  the  duty  incumbent  upon 
every  individual  of  society  of  observing  absolute  chas- 
tity for  periods  of  greater  or  less  duration,  is  of  highest 
value. 

St.  Thcmas,  Summa  Theci.,  II-H,  Q.  civ,  a.  1,  ad  4;  Q.  clvi, 
a.  1,  ad  4;  Aristotle,  The  Nicomachean  Ethics,  Bk.  VII; 
Eschbacti,  Qiuestionee  Physiologico- Morales;  Westermarck, 
The  History  of  Human  Marriage  (London,  1891);  Crawley, 
The  Mystic  Rose  (New  York,  1902);  North  cote,  Christianity 
and  Sex  Problems  (Philadelphia,  1906);  Scott,  The  Sexual  In- 
stinct (New  York,  1899). 

John  Webster  Melody. 


Contingent  (Lat.  contingere,  to  happen). — Aside 
from  its  secondary  and  more  obvious  meaning  (as,  for 
instance,  its  qualification  of  the  predicable  accident, 
of  a  class  of  modal  propositions,  and  so  on),  the  pri- 
mary and  technically  philosophical  use  of  the  term  is 
for  one  of  the  supreme  divisions  of  being,  that  is,  con- 
tingent being,  as  distinguished  from  necessary  being. 
In  this  connexion  the  meaning  of  the  term  maybe 
considered  objectively,  and  the  genesis  of  the  idea 
subjectively. 

Objectively  (ontologically)  the  contingent  may  be 
viewed:  (1)  in  the  purely  ideal  or  possible  order,  and 
it  is  then  the  conceptual  note  or  notes  between  which 
and  existence  in  the  actual  order  there  is  no  contra- 


diction, and  which  consequently  admits  of,  though  it 
does  not  demand,  actualization.  It  is  thus  coexten- 
sive with  possible  being  and  is  called  the  absolutely 
contingent.  (2)  Considered  in  the  order  of  actual  ex- 
istence, the  contingent  is  that  being  whose  essence,  as 
such,  does  not  include  existence  and  which,  therefore, 
does  not,  as  such,  demand  existence  but  is  indifferent 
to  be  or  not  to  be.  This  is  called  relatively  contin- 
gent and  the  term  is  usually  employed  in  this  sense. 
Every  finite  existent  being  is  thus  contingent,  though 
likewise  hypothetically  necessary,  in  that  having  ex- 
istence it  cannot  at  the  same  time  and  under  the  same 
aspect  not  have  it;  inasmuch,  too,  as  it  is  determined 
by  proximately,  and  hence  relatively  ,  necessitated  ante- 
cedents. (3)  In  regard  to  its  subject — be  this  sub- 
stance or  accident — contingency  may  relate  to  action 
as  well  as  to  existence,  and  it  then  signifies  that  the 
subject  (agent)  is  as  yet  undetermined,  either  intrin- 
sically, as  in  the  free  agent,  or  extrinsically,  as  are  nec- 
essitated causes.  (4)  Since  the  essence  of  the  contin- 
gent does  not  contain  the  reason  of  its  existence,  that 
reason  must  be  sought  in  an  outside  efficient  cause, 
which  cause,  if  in  turn  contingent,  must  show  reason 
for  its  existence  in  some  other  antecedent  cause,  and 
so  on  until  ultimately  a  being  is  reached  whose  essence 
includes  existence,  a  first  cause  whose  existence  is 
underived,  a  being  which  is  necessary  and  absolute. 

This  argument  from  contingent  to  the  necessary 
being  is  not,  as  Kant  maintained,  the  well-known 
ontological  argument  formulated  by  St.  Anselm  and 
others  to  prove  the  existence  of  God.  The  latter  argu- 
ment passes  illogically  from  the  ideal  concept  of  the 
infinite  to  the  objective  actual  existence  ot  the  in- 
finite, while  the  argument  from  contingent  (finite)  to 
the  necessary  (infinite)  being,  proceeds  from  the  ob- 
jective actual  contingent  (dependent,  conditioned)  to 
the  existence  of  an  adequate  cause  thereof.  The  in- 
ference is  based  on  an  objective  application  of  the 
principle  of  causality  and  involves  no  leap  from  a  sub- 
jective phenomenon  (idea)  to  an  objective  realized 
content.  The  argument  supposes,  it  is  true,  the  real 
existence  of  contingent  being  and  that  existence  is 
denied  by  many  thinkers,  notably  by  pantheists, 
materialists,  and  determinists  generally.  Kant  re- 
duces both  contingency  and  necessity  to  mere  mental 
forms  or  categories  under  which  the  mind  views  the 
world  of  phenomena  but  which  it  has  no  means  of 
knowing  to  be  objective.  Necessary  being,  therefore, 
ontologically  and  objectively  precedes  the  contingent, 
since  the  latter  has  the  sole  ultimate  reason  both  of  its 
intrinsic  consistency  (possibility)  and  of  its  actual  ex- 
istence in  the  former — actus  absolute  prcecedit  potcn- 
tiam.  In  the  order,  however,  of  man's  knowledge, 
the  contingent  falls  primarily  under  experience. 

Subjectively. — Like  every  other  concept,  that  of  the 
contingent  is  originally  derived  from  external  and 
internal  experience.  Adverting  to  the  changes  occur- 
ring in  the  world  of  sensuous  phenomena  and  to  the 
interdependencies  thereof,  the  intellect  easily,  almost 
intuitively,  discerns  that,  while  the  given  events  are 
the  necessitated  consequences  of  similarly  necessi- 
tated antecedents,  each  number  of  the  series,  by  the 
very  fact  of  its  being  thus  conditioned,  does  not  con- 
tain within  itself  the  adequate  ground  of  its  existence. 
The  intellect  having  spontaneously  abstracted  this 
note  of  dependence  and  ontologically  reflecting  there- 
on sees  its  application  to  every  finite  subject  not  only 
existent  but  likewise  possible ;  sees,  at  least  by  an  easy 
process  of  reasoning,  that  no  such  subject  contains 
within  itself  the  reason  why  it  exists,  under  the  pre- 
cise limitations  of  substance  and  accidents  which  it 
actually  possesses.  However,  to  assure  this  concept 
and  to  discern  precisely  and  explicitly  the  contingency 
of  the  finite  and  the  consequent  indifference  of  its 
essence  to  exist  or  not  to  exist,  the  sciences,  physical 
and  biological,  are  called  to  testify ;  and  each  declarer 
the  dependence  and  conditionally  of  its  respective 


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objectrsphere  and  attests  that  all  things  observed  and 
searched  into  have  a  borrowed  existence.  This  idea 
of  contingency  is  then  further  assured  by  the  witness 
of  consciousness  to  the  conditioned,  and  hence  contin- 
gent, character  of  its  own  states,  a  testimony  which  is 
reconfirmed  by  the  facts  of  birth  and  death. 

Against  this  statement  of  the  genesis  of  the  contin- 
gency-concept it  may  be  objectedthat  experience  does 
not  extend  beyond  the  field  of  sensuous  phenomena. 
On  the  other  hand,  however,  the  intellect,  motived  by 
the  principle  of  sufficient  reason,  discerns  the  under- 
lying noumenon,  or  essence  of  things  material,  Kant 
to  the  contrary  notwithstanding,  at  least  sufficiently 
to  pronounce  with  certitude  on  their  essential  condi- 
tionateness  and  contingency.  But  it  is  urged  by  ma- 
terialistic monists  that  the  underlying  substrate  of  the 
sensuous  world  is  one  homogeneous,  eternal,  necessary 
being,  essentially  involving  existence.  To  this  objec- 
tion it  may  be  answered  that  no  finite  thing,  much 
less  a  finite  material  being,  can  contain  the  ultimate 
reason  of  its  existence.  The  definite  limitations,  spa- 
tial, integral,  positional,  etc.,  and  the  inertia  of  the 
hypothetical  primordial  matter  shows  that  it  is  condi- 
tioned by  some  limiting  and  determining  cause,  while 
its  passage  from  the  homogeneous  to  the  heterogene- 
ous state,  into  which  it  is  supposed  to  have  evolved  in 
the  actual  universe,  equally  demands  an  extraneous 
active  agency.  It  should,  however,  be  noted  that  the 
argument  from  contingent  to  necessary  being  does  not 
explicitly  prove  the  existence  of  God.  A  further 
analysis  of  the  objective  concept  is  necessarily  re- 
quired in  order  to  show  that  the  latter  concept  in- 
cludes that  of  underivedness  (ateitaa)  and  that  this  in 
turn  includes  completeness,  absence  of  any  potential- 
ity for  further  perfection  (actus  purus),  hence  infini- 
tude. The  failure  to  note  this  limitation  of  the 
argument  seems  to  have  led  Kant  to  deny  its  validity. 

Balmes,  Fundamental  Philosophy  (New  York,  1864);  Dfua- 
OOLL,  Christian  Philosophy — God  (New  York,  1904):  Avelinq, 
The  God  of  Philosophy  (St.  Louis  and  London,  1906);  Eisler, 
Wiirterbuch  der  phtl.  Btpriffe  (Berlin,  1904);  Blanc,  Diction- 
naire  de  philosophic  (Pans,  1906);  Urraburu,  Institutions  Phil. 
(Valladolid,  1899). 

F.  P.  Siegfried. 

Contract  (Lat.  contractus;  Old  Fr.  contract;  Mod 
Fr.  contrat;  Ital.  contralto). — I.  The  Canonical 
and  M0RAM8T  Doctrine  on  this  subject  is  a  de- 
velopment of  that  contained  in  the  Roman  civil 
law.  In  Roman  law  a  mere  agreement  between 
two  parties  to  give,  do,  or  refrain  from  doing  some- 
thing was  a  nude  pact  (pactum  nudum)  which  gave 
rise  to  no  civil  obligation,  and  no  action  lay  to 
enforce  it.  It  needed  to  be  clothed  in  some  in- 
vestitive fact  which  the  law  recognized  in  order 
to  give  rise  to  a  civil  obligation  which  should  be 
enforced  at  law.  Not  that  the  nude  pact  was  con- 
sidered to  be  destitute  of  all  binding  force ;  it  gave  rise 
to  a  natural  obligation,  and  it  might  afford  ground  for 
a  legal  exception.  A  man  of  honour  would  keep  his 
engagements  even  if  he  knew  that  the  law  could  not 
be  invoked  to  compel  him  to  do  so.  Moral  theology, 
being  the  science  of  Christian  conduct,  could  not  be 
satisfied  with  the  mere  legal  view  of  the  effect  of  an 
agreement.  If  the  agreement  had  all  other  requisites 
for  a  valid  contract,  moral  theology  must  necessarily 
consider  it  to  be  binding,  even  though  it  was  a  nude 
pact  and  could  not  be  enforced  in  the  courts  of  law. 
Canon  law  made  this  moral  attitude  its  own.  In  the 
Decretals  of  Gregory  IX  it  is  expressly  laid  down  that 
pacts,  however  nude,  must  be  kept,  and  that  a  strenu- 
ous endeavour  must  be  made  to  put  in  execution  what 
one  has  promised.  It  thus  came  to  pass  that  nude 
pacts  could  be  enforced  in  the  Christian  courts,  and 
the  Church's  legislation  served  eventually  to  break 
down  the  rigid  formalism  of  Roman  law,  and  to  prepare 
the  way  for  the  more  equitable  law  of  contract  which 
all  Christian  nations  now  possess. 

In  the  canonical  and  moral  doctrine  there  is  hardly 


room  for  the  distinction  between  a  nude  pact,  or  mere 
agreement,  and  a  contract.  The  Roman  jurist's  defi- 
nition of  the  former  is  frequently  used  by  canonists  to 
define  contract.  They  say  that  a  contract  is  the  con- 
sent of  two  or  more  persons  to  the  same  proposal ;  or, 
bringing  out  a  little  more  definitely  the  effect  and 
object  of  a  contract,  they  define  it  to  be  an  agreement 
by  which  two  or  more  persons  mutually  bind  them- 
selves to  give,  do,  or  abstain  from  something.  From 
the  moralist's  point  of  view,  then,  every  agreement 
seriously  entered  into  by  those  who  are  capable  of 
contracting  with  reference  to  some  lawful  object  is  a 
contract,  whether  such  agreement  can  be  enforced  in 
the  civil  courts  or  not.  The  intention  of  the  parties 
is  looked  at,  and  if  they  seriously  intended  to  bind 
themselves,  there  is  a  contractual  relation  between 
them.  This  doctrine,  however,  gives  rise  to  a  ques- 
tion of  some  importance.  The  Church  fully  admits 
and  defends  the  right  of  the  State  to  make  laws  for  the 
temporal  well-being  of  its  citizens.  All  States  require 
certain  formalities  for  the  validity  of  certain  actions. 
Last  wills  and  testaments  are  a  familiar  example,  and 
although  they  are  not  strictly  contracts,  yet  the  prin- 
ciple is  the  same  and  they  will  serve  for  an  example  of 
what  is  meant.  A  deed,  the  only  formal  contract 
of  English  law,  is  another  example.  A  will  destitute  of 
the  requisite  formalities  is  null  and  void  at  law;  but 
what  is  the  effect  of  such  a  voiding  law  in  the  forum 
of  conscience?  This  question  has  been  much  debated 
among  moralists.  Some  have  maintained  that  such 
a  law  is  binding  in  the  internal  as  well  as  in  the  ex- 
ternal forum,  so  that  a  formal  contract,  destitute  of  the 
formalities  required  by  law,  is  null  and  void  in  con- 
science as  it  is  in  law.  Others  adopted  the  contrary 
opinion,  and  held  that  the  want  of  formality  only 
affected  the  external  forum  of  civil  law,  and  left  intact 
the  natural  obligation  arising  from  a  contract.  The 
common  opinion  takes  a  middle  course.  It  holds 
that  the  want  of  formality,  though  it  makes  the  con- 
tract void  in  the  eyes  of  the  law,  renders  it  only  void- 
able in  the  forum  of  conscience;  so  that,  until  one  of 
the  parties  moves  to  set  the  contract  aside,  it  remains 
valid,  and  anyone  deriving  benefit  under  it  may  enjoy 
his  benefit  in  peace.  If,  however,  the  party  interested 
moves  to  set  it  aside,  and  does  so  effectively,  by  hav- 
ing recourse  to  the  court  of  law  if  necessary,  both  must 
then  abide  by  the  law  which  makes  the  contract  void 
and  of  no  effect. 

There  are  four  essential  elements  in  a  contract:  con- 
sent of  the  parties,  contractual  capacity  in  them,  de- 
terminate and  lawful  subject-matter,  and  a  lawful 
consideration.  The  contract  is  formed  by  the  mutual 
consent  of  the  parties,  which  must  be  real,  not  feigned, 
and  manifested  so  that  each  may  know  that  the  other 
party  consents.  There  is  no  difficulty  about  the  out- 
ward manifestation  of  consent  when  the  parties  enter 
into  the  contract  in  each  other's  presence.  But  when 
the  parties  are  not  present  to  each,  other,  and  the  con- 
tract is  made  by  letter  or  telegraph,  it  sometimes  be- 
comes a  question  of  importance  as  to  when  and  how 
the  contract  is  effected.  Is  the  contract  entered  into 
when  the  offeree  signifies  his  consent  by  posting  a  let- 
ter of  acceptance  to  the  offeror,  or  is  the  knowledge  of 
his  acceptance  required  to  complete  the  contract? 
All  that  is  required  by  the  nature  of  a  contract  is  that 
there  should  be  mutually  manifested  agreement  of 
the  two  wills.  There  will  be  such  agreement  when 
one  of  the  parties  makes  an  offer  to  the  other,  and  this 
one  manifests  his  acceptance  of  the  offer  by  posting  a 
letter  or  by  sending  a  telegram.  There  is  then  con- 
sent of  two  wills  to  the  proposal,  and  so  there  is  a  con- 
tract. Mutual  consent  to  the  same  proposal  may  be 
hindered  by  a  mistake  of  one  of  the  parties.  Such 
mistakes  are  not  infrequently  caused  by  the  fraud  or 
misrepresentation  of  the  other  party.  If  the  mistake 
is  substantial,  so  that  at  least  one  of  the  parties  thinks 
that  the  subject-matter  of  the  contract  is  quite  other 


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than  it  really  is,  there  will  be  no  true  consent,  and  no 
contract.  Similarly,  if  there  be  a  mistake  about  the 
nature  of  the  contract  proposed  (as,  if  one  party  in- 
tends to  sell  while  the  other  only  means  to  borrow) 
there  is  no  agreement  of  wills.  Mistake  about  the 
mere  quality  of  the  subject-matter  of  the  contract  is 
accidental,  not  substantial,  and  in  spite  of  it  there 
may  be  substantial  agreement  between  the  parties. 
If,  nowever,  such  a  mistake  has  been  caused  by  the 
fraud  pr  misrepresentation  of  the  other  party  to  the 
contract,  and  the  party  deceived  would  not  otherwise 
have  entered  into  it,  it  is  only  fair  that  the  deceived 
party  should  be  able  to  protect  himself  from  injury  by 
retiring  from  the  agreement.  Contracts,  then,  en- 
tered into  because  of  accidental  mistake  which  was 
induced  by  the  fraud  or  misrepresentation  of  the 
other  party,  will  be  rescindable  at  the  option  of  the 
party  deceived. 

The  consent  of  the  parties  must  be  deliberate  and 
free,  for  a  perfect  ana  grave  obligation  cannot  arise 
from  consent  which  is  not  deliberate  or  free.  Hence 
we  must  see  what  the  influence  of  fear  is  upon  the 
validity  of  a  contract.  If  the  fear  goes  to  the  length 
of  depriving  one  of  the  parties  of  the  use  of  reason, 
he  cannot,  while  in  that  state,  give  a  valid  consent, 
and  the  contract  will  be  null  and  void.  Fear,  how- 
ever, does  not  ordinarily  produce  such  extreme  effects  ■ 
it  leaves  a  man  with  the  natural  use  of  his  reason  and 
capable  of  consenting  or  withholding  his  consent. 
Even  grave  fear,  then,  does  not  of  itself  invalidate  a 
contract,  but  if  it  is  uniustly  caused  by  the  other 
party  to  the  contract  with  a  view  to  forcing  him  who 
is  under  its  influence  to  consent,  the  injured  party 
may  withdraw  from  the  contract.  Some  contracts, 
such  as  marriage,  thus  entered  into  under  the  influ- 
ence of  grave  fear  unjustly  caused  by  the  other  party 
to  the  contract  with  the  intention  of  compelling  con- 
sent, are  made  invalid  by  canon  law.  Some  authori- 
ties even  hold  that  all  such  contracts  are  invalid  by 
natural  law,  but  the  opinion  is  at  most  only  probable. 
A  person  must  have  the  use  of  reason  in  order  to  give 
valid  consent  to  a  contract,  and  bis  contractual  ca- 
pacity must  not  have  been  taken  away  by  law.  Those 
who  nave  not  yet  attained  the  use  of  reason,  imbe- 
ciles, and  those  who  are  perfectly  drunk  so  that  they 
do  not  know  what  they  are  doing,  are  incapable  of 
contracting  by  the  law  of  nature.  Minors  are  to  a 
certain  extent  restricted  in  their  contractual  capacity 
by  English  and  American  law.  Practically,  their  con- 
tracts are  voidable  except  those  for  necessaries.  Mar- 
ried women  were  formerly  incapable  of  entering  into 
a  valid  contract,  but  in  England  since  1882  their  dis- 
ability has  been  removed,  and  in  most  of  the  States  of 
the  Union  the  same  doctrine  begins  to  prevail.  Re- 
ligious persons  are  to  a  greater  or  less  extent,  accord- 
ing as  they  are  under  solemn  or  simple  vows,  incapable 
of  entering  into  a  binding  contract.  Corporations 
and  companies  are  limited  in  their  contractual  capac- 
ity by  their  nature  or  by  the  articles  of  association. 

The  subject-matter  of  a  contract  must  be  definite 
and  certain,  it  must  be  possible,  and  it  must  be  honest. 
A  contract  cannot  be  a  bond  of  iniquity,  and  so  an 
agreement  to  commit  sin  is  null  and  void.  Some 
theologians  maintain  that  when,  in  execution  of 
a  contract,  a  sinful  action  has  been  performed,  a  right  is 
acquired  to  receive  the  price  agreed  upon.  The  opin- 
ion seems  at  any  rate  probable.  If  the  contract  is 
not  sinful  in  itself,  but  voided  by  positive  law,  it  will 
be  valid  until  it  is  set  aside  by  the  party  interested, 
as  was  said  above  concerning  informal  contracts. 
When  persons  enter  into  a  contract,  each  party  prom- 
ises to  give,  do,  or  forbear  something  in  favour  of  the 
other.  The  benefit  which  thus  immediately  arises 
from  the  contract,  and  which  is  the  cause  of  it,  is  called 
the  consideration  in  English  law.  It  is  a  necessary 
element  in  a  contract,  and  if  it  is  wanting  the  contract 
is  null  on  account  of  the  failure  of  a  necessary  condi- 


tion in  the  agreement.  The  courts  of  civil  law  will  not 
enforce  a  simple  contract  unless  there  be  a  valuable 
consideration  in  it;  mere  motives  of  affection  or  moral 
duty  will  not  suffice.  This  rule,  however,  only  affects 
legal  obligations;  it  has  nothing  to  do  with  obligations 
in  conscience.  A  valid  contract  imposes  on  the  con- 
tracting parties  an  obligation  of  justice  to  act  con- 
scientiously according  to  the  terms  of  the  agreement. 
They  will  be  bound  to  perform  not  only  what  they 
expressly  agreed  to  do,  but  whatever  the  law,  or 
custom,  or  usage  prescribes  in  the  circumstances. 
The  obligation  arising  from  a  contract  will  cease 
when  the  contract  has  been  executed,  when  a  new 
one  has  been  substituted  for  the  old  one  by  the  free 
consent  of  the  parties,  when  the  parties  mutually  and 
freely  withdraw  from  the  contract.  When  one  of  the 
parties  fails  in  what  he  promised,  the  other  will,  as  a 
rale,  be  free.  A  contract  may  be  concluded  not  ab- 
solutely but  conditionally  on  the  happening  of  some 
uncertain  and  future  event.  In  this  case  the  condi- 
tional contract  imposes  on  the  parties  the  obligation 
of  waiting  for  the  event,  and  in  case  it  happens  the 
contract  becomes  binding  on  them  without  renewal 
of  consent.  On  the  other  hand,  a  contract  is  some- 
times entered  into  and  begins  to  bind  at  once;  but  the 
parties  agree  that  it  shall  cease  to  bind  on  the  happen- 
ing of  a  certain  event.  This  is  called  a  condition  sub- 
sequent, while  the  former  is  a  condition  precedent. 

Corpu*  Juris  carumiei,  ed.  Friedbero  (Leipzig,  1881); 
Carpxu  Jurit  civilit  (Leipzig,  1865).  Among  the  canonists 
Reiffknstuel,  Jut  canonicum  (Rome,  1831),  and  among  the 
moralists  Luoo,  De  Juttitid  et  Jure  (Paris,  1860),  may  be  con- 
sulted. See  also  Pollock  and  Maitland,  History  of  Engluh 
Law  (Cambridge,  Eng.,  1895).  T.  Slater. 

II.  In  Civil,  Jurisprudence,  a  contract  has  been 
defined  to  be  "the  union  of  several  persons  in  a  co- 
incident expression  of  will  by  which  their  legal  relations 
are  determined"  (Holland,  "Elements  of  Jurispru- 
dence", 10th  ed.,  Oxford  and  New  York,  1906,  209). 
This  "  co-incident  expression ' '  consists  of  an  agreement 
and  promise  enforceable  in  law,  and  "on  the  face  of 
the  matter  capable  of  having  legal  effects",  "an  act 
in  the  law"  "whereby  two  or  more  persons  capable  of 
contracting",  "of  doing  acts  in  the  law",  "declare 
their  consent  as  to  any  act  or  thing  to  be  done  or  for- 
borne by  some  or  one  of  those  persons  for  the  use  of 
the  others  or  other  of  them"  (Pollock,  "Principles  of 
Contract",  3rd  Amer.  ed.,  New  York,  1906,  58,  1,  2, 
3),  the  intention  implied  by  the  consent  being  that 
from  the  agreement  and  promise  shall  arise  "duties 
and  rights  which  can  be  dealt  with  by  a  court  of  jus- 
tice" (ibid.).  Thus,  while  every  contract  is  an  agree- 
ment, not  every  agreement  is  a  contract.  A  mutual 
consent  of  two  persons  to  walk  out  together,  or  to 
dine  together,  would  be  an  agreement,  and  yet  not 
what  in  jurisprudence  is  known  as  a  contract.  For 
such  consent  contemplates  the  producing  of  no  legal 
right,  or  of  any  duty  which  is  a  legal  obligation.  Sub- 
ject only  to  these  or  similar  explanations  may  be 
properly  adopted  the  time-honoured  definition  of 
contract  as  understood  in  English  law,  a  definition 
commended  by  Chancellor  Kent  ("Commentaries  on 
American  Law",  II,  449,  note  b)  for  its  "neatness  and 
precision ' ',  namely,  "  an  agreement  of  two  or  more  per- 
sons upon  sufficient  consideration  to  do  or  not  to  do  a 
particular  thing". 

Kinds  op  Contract. — The  Roman  civil  law  defined 
contracts  as  real  (re),  verbal  {verbis),  literal  (litteris), 
or  consensual  (consensu).  A  real  contract  was  one, 
such  as  loan  or  pledge,  which  was  not  perfected  until 
something  had  passed  from  one  of  the  parties  to  the 
other.  A  verbal  contract  (verborum  obligatio),  or 
stipulation,  was  perfected  by  a  spoken  formula.  This 
formula  consisted  of  a  question  by  one  of  the  parties 
and  an  exactly  corresponding  answer  by  the  other. 
Thus:  Quinaue  aureos mihi  dare  spondesf  Spondeo,  or 
Promittisf  Promitlo,  i.  e.  Dost  thou  agree  (or  promise) 


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to  give  me  five  pieces  of  gold.  I  agree,  or  I  promise. 
The  similarity  may  be  noted  of  this  to  the  modern 
form  for  administering  an  affidavit  or  for  taking  the 
acknowledgment  of  a  written  legal  instrument.  A 
literal  contract  was  perfected  by  a  written  acknow- 
ledgment of  debt  and  was  used  chiefly  in  the  instance 
of  a  loan  of  money.  Consensual  contracts  were  those 
of  which  sale  would  be  an  example,  which  might  be 
perfected  by  consent,  and  to  which  no  particular  form 
was  essential  (Mackenzie,  "Studies  in  Roman  Law", 
Edinburgh  and  London,  1898,  211,  215-256).  In 
the  English  law  the  principal  division  of  contracts  is 
into  those  by  writing  under  seal  (called  specialties), 
and  those  known  as  simple  contracts ;  and  there  are  also 
"contracts  by  matter  of  record",  such  as  a  recogni- 
zance or  judgment  by  confession,  contracts  in  court, 
which  need  no  further  description.  Simple  contracts 
include  all  contracts  written,  but  not  under  seal  or  of 
record,  and  all  verbal  contracts. 

A  person  may  contract  in  person  or  by  an  agent. 
"The  tendency  of  modern  times",  remarks  Holland 
(op.  cit.,  118),  "is  towards  the  fullest  recognition  of 
the  principles  proclaimed  in  the  canon  law,  potest  quis 
per  olium  quod  potest  facere  per  se  ipsum,  qui  facit 
per  olium  est  perinde  ac  si  facial  perse  ipsum",  i.  e. 
one  may  do  through  another  whatever  one  is  free 
to  do  by  himself,  or  an  act  done  through  another  is 
equivalent  to  an  act  done  by  oneself. 

Requisites  of  Contract. — According  to  Roman 
law,  such  a  contract  as  that  of  sale  required  a  justa 
causa,  namely,  a  good  legal  reason  (Leage,  "Roman 
Private  Law/'  London,  1906, 131 ;  Poste,  "  Gaii  Institu- 
tiones",  4th  ed.,  Oxford,  1904,  138).  According  to 
English  law,  simple  contracts  require  a  valuable  con- 
sideration, in  like  manner  as  by  Roman  law  there  was 
needed  a  justa  causa.  By  that  law,  informal  con- 
tracts which  had  no  justa  causa  were  ineffectual 
(Poste,  op.  cit.,  334).  Stipulations  irregular  in  form 
were  termed  nuda  pacta,  i.  e.  mere  agreements,  to 
which  the  ancient  law  (Leage,  op.  cit.,  p.  273,  308) 
attached  no  obligation.  The  translator  of  Pothier 
cites  a  civil-law  authority  to  the  effect  that  the 
Roman  jurisprudence  let  some  engagements  rest 
on  the  mere  integrity  of  the  parties  who  contracted 
them,  thinking  it  more  conducive  to  the  cultivation 
of  virtue  to  leave  some  things  to  the  good  faith  and 
probity  of  mankind  than  to  subject  everything  to  the 
compulsory  authority  of  the  law  (Pothier,  "A  Trea- 
tise on  the  Law  of  Obligations",  tr.  Evans,  Philadel- 
phia, 1826,  Appendix,  11,  17). 

As  the  civil-law  jurist  admitted  the  moral  obliga- 
tion of  good  faith  and  probity,  so  an  eminent  English 
judge  concedes  that "  by  the  law  of  nature ' '  every  man 
ought  to  fulfil  his  engagements.  But  it  is  equally 
true",  he  continues,  "that  the  law  of  this  country  sup- 
plies no  means  nor  affords  any  remedy  to  compel  the 
performance  of  any  agreement  made  without  suffi- 
cient consideration."  "Such  agreement",  he  adds, "  is 
nudum  pactum  ex  quo  non  oritur  actio",  a  mere  agree- 
ment giving  rise  to  no  action  at  law,  the  learned  judge 
conceding  that  this  understanding  of  the  maxim  may 
(as  it  certainly  does)  differ  from  its  sense  in  the 
Roman  law  (J.  W.  Smith,  "The  Law  of  Contracts", 
7th  Amer.  ed.,  Philadelphia,  1885,  103).  A  moral 
consideration  has  been  said  to  be  "nothing  in  law" 
(Smith,  op.  cit.,  203).  The  moral  obligation  of  a  con- 
tract is  of  "an  imperfect  kind",  to  quote  an  eminent 
American  jurist,  "addressed  to  the  conscience  of  the 
parties  under  the  solemn  admonitions  of  accountabil- 
ity to  the  Supreme  Being"  (Story,  "Commentaries  on 
the  Constitution  of  the  United  States",  5th  ed.,  Bos- 
ton, 1891,  Section  1380),  but  not  to  an  earthly  court  of 
justice.  With  these  doctrines  of  the  Roman  and  of 
the  English  law  we  may  compare  the  Scotch  law,  ac- 
cording to  which  no  consideration  is  essential  to  a 
legal  obligation,  "an  obligation  undertaken  deliber- 
ately though  gratuitously  being  binding".  "This", 


adds  Mackenzie  (op.  cit.,  233)  "is  in  conformity  with 
the_  canon  law  by  which  every  paction  produceth 
action  et  omne  verbum  de  ore  fideli  cadit  in  debitum", 
i.  e.  every  word  of  a  faithful  man  is  eg  ui  valent  to  a  debt. 

In  the  Roman  law  fulfilment  of  the  legal  solemnities 
of  the  verbal  contract  was  deemed  to  indicate  such 
"serious  intention  of  contracting  a  valid  and  effectual 
obligation"  (Pothier,  op.  cit.,  Appendix  II)  as  to  dis- 
pense with  proof  of  any  justa  causa  (Poste,  op.  cit., 
334).  In  the  English  law  it  is  not  any  verbal  formality, 
but  the  solemnity  of  writing  and  sealing  (Po'thier, 
ibid.)  which  dispenses  with  proof  of  that  valuable 
consideration  in  modern  English  law  analogous  to  the 
old  Roman  justa  causa,  and,  as  a  general  proposition, 
essential  to  the  validity  of  simple  contracts,  although 
in  the  exceptional  instance  of  negotiable  paper  always 
presumed,  and  in  favour  of  certain  holders  conclu- 
sively (Smith,  op.  cit.,  181).  This  consideration  is 
described  generally  as  "  the  matter  accepted  or  agreed 
upon  as  the  eauivalent  for  which  the  promise  is 
made"  (Leage,  Principles  of  the  Law  of  Contracts", 
4th  ed.,  London,  1902,  425).  And  one  promise  would 
be  a  legal  consideration  for  another  (Smith's  "  Lead- 
ing Cases",  9th  Amer.  ed.,  Philadelphia,  1889,  302). 
But  the  English  law  infers  what  a  man  chooses 
to  bargain  for  to  be  of  some  value  to  him,  and 
therefore  does  not  allow  the  adequacy  of  the  consid- 
eration to  be  inquired  into  (Pollock,  op.  cit.,  193). 
The  consideration  must,  however,  "be  of  some  value 
in  contemplation  of  law".  A  promise,  for  instance, 
to  abstain  from  doing  what  the  promisor  has  no  right 
to  do,  is  a  promise  of  no  value,  and  therefore  no  con- 
sideration for  a  contract  (Smith,  op.  cit.,  181).  No 
obligation  can  by  English  law  result  from  an  agree- 
ment "immoral  in  a  legal  sense".  By  this  is  meant 
"not  only  that  it  is  morally  wrong,  but  that  according 
to  the  common  understanding  of  reasonable  men  it 
would  be  a  scandal  for  a  court  of  justice  to  treat  it  as 
lawful  or  indifferent,  though  it  may  not  come  within 
any  positive  prohibition  or  penalty"  (Pollock,  op. 
cit.,  410).  The  civil-law  authority,  Pothier,  instances 
a  promise  by  an  officer  to  pay  a  soldier  for  fighting  "  a 
soldier  of  another  regiment  '.  If  the  officer  pay,  ho 
has  no  legal  claim  for  recovery  of  this  consideration 
given  and  received  for  a  wrongful  act,  and,  on  the 
other  hand,  the  soldier,  if  he  fight  before  receiving  the 
agreed  consideration,  acquires  no  legal  ,  claim  for  it 
against  the  officer  (Pothier,  op.  cit.,  23).  No  one  is 
under  a  legal  duty  to  fulfil  a  promise  to  do  an  art 
opposed  to  the  policy  of  the  law  (Smith,  op.  cit.,  241, 
243).  But  there  are  not  wanting  instances  of  con- 
tracts opposed  to  the  policy  of  the  law  which  yet 
conflict  with  no  moral  law  (Smith,  op.  cit.,  213). 

A  contract  induced  by  what  in  law  is  deemed  to  be 
fraud  may  be  rescinded  at  the  election  of  the  party 
defrauded.  But  "general  fraudulent  conduct  ',  or 
"general  dishonesty  of  purpose",  or  mere  "intention 
and  design  to  deceive"  is  not  sufficient  unless 
these  evil  acts  and  qualities  have  been  connected 
with  a  particular  transaction,  were  the  ground 
on  which  it  took  place,  and  gave  rise  to  the  con- 
tract (Smith,  op.  cit.,  248,  editor's  note).  In  the  in- 
stance of  a  sale,  the  seller  was,  by  the  Roman  civil 
law,  held  to  an  implied  warranty  that  the  thing  sold 
was  "free  from  such  defects  as  made  it  unfit  for  the 
use  for  which  it  was  intended"  (Mackenzie,  op.  cit., 
236).  By  the  English  law  there  is,  if  the  thing  be 
sold  for  a  fair  price  and  be  at  the  time  of  sale  in  the 
possession  of  the  seller,  an  implied  warranty  of  title, 
but  of  quality  there  is  no  implied  warranty,  except  as 
to  fooa  sold  for  domestic  use  (Kent,  op.  cit.,  II, 
478).  "  The  writers  of  the  moral  law, "  observes  Chan- 
cellor Kent,  "  hold  it  to  be  the  duty  of  the  seller  to  dis- 
close the  defects  which  are  within  his  knowledge. 
But  the  common  law  is  not  quite  so  strict  If  the  de- 
fects in  the  article  sold  be  open  equally  to  the  observa- 
tion of  both  parties,  the  law  does  not  require  the 


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vendor  to  aid  and  assist  the  observation  of  the  vendee" 
(Kent,  op.  cit.,  H,  484). 

Respecting  what  may  be  termed  generally 
"motives  and  inducements"  (ibid.,  487)  of  a  contract, 
the  same  authority  cites  Pothier  as  in  accord  with 
the  doctrine  of  English  law,  "  that  though  misrepre- 
sentation or  fraud  will  invalidate  the  contract  of 
sale,  the  mere  concealment  of  material  knowledge 
which  the  one  party  has  touching  the  thing  sold 
and  which  the  other  does  not  possess,  may  affect  the 
conscience,  but  will  not  destroy  the  contract,  for 
that  would  unduly  restrict  the  freedom  of  commerce; 
and  parties  must  at  their  own  risk  inform  themselves 
of  the  commodities  they  deal  in"  (op.  cit.,  491).  In 
a  note,  Cicero  is  referred  to  as  favouring  the  view  that 
conscience  forbids  the  concealment,  the  commentator 
adding,  "  It  is  a  little  singular,  however,  that  some  of 
the  best  ethical  writers,  under  the  Christian  Dispensa- 
tion should  complain  of  the  moral  lessons  of  Cicero,  as 
being  too  austere  in  their  texture,  and  too  sublime  in 
speculation  for  actual  use"  (ibid.,  note  d).  As  fraud, 
so  coercion,  termed  in  English  law  duress,  or  the 
threat  of  it,  constitutes  a  valid  defence  to  fulfilment 
of  a  contract  (Smith,  op.  cit.,  230;  Pollock,  op.  cit., 
728  sq.). 

Statutory  Restrictions. — A  certain  French  ordon- 
•nance  of  1667  (Pothier,  op.  cit.,  448,  Appendix,  168) 
has  been  thought  to  have,  perhaps,  suggested  the 
English  statute  of  1689,  which  recites  its  purpose 
to  be  "prevention  of  many  fraudulent  practices 
which  are  commonly  endeavoured  to  be  upheld  by 
perjury  and  subornation  of  perjury".  Accordingly, 
the  statute  requires  that  certain  contracts  be  in  writ- 
ing, and  those  for  sales  of  "goods,  wares  or  merchan- 
dise of  over  ten  pounds  price"  in  writing,  or  that  there 
be  a  part-delivery  or  part-payment.  This  enactment, 
known  as  the  Statute  of  Frauds,  has,  with  numerous 
variations,  been  embodied  in  statutes  in  the  United 
States  (except  in  Louisiana),  carrying,  to  quote  from 


the  American  commentator,  "its'  influence  through 
the  whole  body  of  our  civil  jurisprudence"  (Kent, 
op.  cit.,  494,  note  a). 

By  the  early  Roman  law  many  contracts  were 
enforceable  by  legal  action  after  any  lapse  of  time 
however  long.  But,  to  quote  the  Institutes,  "Sacra 
constitutiones  ....  actionibus  certos  fines  dede- 
runt"  (the  imperial  constitutions  assigned  fixed  limits 
to  actions),  so  that,  after  certain  prescribed  periods, 
no  legal  remeedy  would  be  provided  to  enforce  the 
obligation  of  contracts  ("  The  Institutes  of  Justinian ' ', 
tr.  Sandars,  London,  1898,  Bk.  IV,  tit.  xii;  Bk.  II,  tit. 
vi).  Such  positive  restrictions  on  the  legal  remedy 
are  in  English  law  contained  in  enactments  known  as 
Statutes  of  Limitation  (Blackstone,  op.  cit.,  Bk.  Ill, 
307).  One  ancient  English  statute  fixed  for  limita- 
tion of  certain  actions  the  time  of  the  coming  of  King 
John  from  Ireland,  another  statute  the  coronation  of 
Henry  III  (Blackstone,  op.  cit.,  Bk.  Ill,  188).  But 
modern  statutes,  as  well  in  England  as  throughout  the 
United  States,  limit  the  remedy  to  certain  periods 
from  the  time  of  entering  into  contracts,  adopting 
the  manner  of  the  Roman  constitutions.  The  legal 
maxim  Leges  vigilantibus  non  dormientibus  subveniuni 
(the  laws  aid  the  vigilant,  not  the  careless)  is  appli- 
cable to  private  suitors  (Blackstone,  op.  cit.).  But 
nullum  tempos  occurrit  regi  (no  time  runs  against 
the  king),  and  therefore,  unless  specially  mentioned, 
the  Government  is  not  included  within  the  restric- 
tions of  a  statute  of  limitations.  According  to  ancient 
English  legal  conceptions  these  statutes  ought  not  to 
bind  the  king,  for  the  reason  that  he  is  always 
busied  for  the  public  good,  and  therefore  has  not 
leisure  to  assert  his  right  within  the  times  limited  to 
subjects"  (ibid.,  Bk.  I,  247). 

Inviolability  op  Contracts. — To  secure  inviola- 
bility of  contracts,  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States  (Art.  1,  Sect.  10)  provides  that  no  State  shall 


pass  a  "law  impairing  the  obligation  of  contracts". 
By  obligation  is  meant  that  legal  obligation  which 
exists  wherever  the  municipal  law  recognizes  an 
absolute  duty  to  perform  a  contract".  And  the 
word  contract  being  used  in  this  clause  of  the  Con- 
stitution without  qualification,  the  protection  of  the 
Constitution  is  not  confined  to  executory  contracts, 
but  embraces  also  executed  contracts  (Story,  op.  cit., 
Sect.  1376-1392),  such  as  a  grant  which,  Because  it 
amounts  to  an  extinguishment  of  the  right  of  the 
party,  implies  a  contract  not  to  reassert  the  right. 
And  the  Constitution  also  protects  even  state  char- 
ters granted  to  private  persons  for  private  purposes, 
whether  these  be  literary,  charitable,  religious,  or 
commercial  (Kent,  op.  cit.,  I,  413-424;  Story,  op.  cit., 
Sect.  1376-1392).   See  also  Donation. 

Parsons,  The  Lav)  of  Contractu  (9th  ed.,  Boston,  1904): 
Wood,  A  Treatise  on  the  Statute  of  Fraud*  (New  York  and 
Albany,  1884);  Idem,  A  Treatise  on  the  Limitation  of  Actions, 
etc.  (3rd  ed.,  Boston,  1901). 

Charles  W.  Sloane. 

Contract,  The  Social. — "Du  Contrat  Social,  ou 
Principes  du  droit  politique",  is  the  title  of  a  work 
written  by  J.-J.  Rousseau  and  published  in  1762. 
From  the  time  of  his  stay  at  Venice,  about  1741, 
Rousseau  had  in  mind  a  large  treatise  dealing  with 
"  Les  institutions  politiques ' '.  The  "  Contrat  Social ' ' 
is  but  a  fragment  of  this  treatise  which,  as  a  whole, 
has  never  been  published. 

The  "Contrat  Social"  is  divided  into  four  books. 
The  first  treats  of  the  formation  of  societies  and  the 
social  contract.  Social  order  is  a  sacred  right  which 
is  at  the  foundation  of  all  other  rights.  It  does  not 
come  from  nature.  The  family  is  the  most  ancient 
and  the  most  natural  of  all  societies;  but  this  associa- 
tion of  parents  and  children,  necessary  as  long  as  these 
cannot  provide  for  themselves,  is  maintained  after- 
wards only  by  convention.  Some  philosophers  have 
said  that  among  men  some  are  born  for  slavery,  others 
for  domination;  but  they  confound  cause  and  effect; 
if  some  are  slaves  by  nature,  it  is  because  there  have 
been  slaves  against  nature.  Again,  social  order  is  not 
based  on  force,  for  the  strongest  is  not  strong  enough 
to  retain  at  all  times  his  supremacy  unless  he  trans- 
forms force  into  right,  and  obedience  into  duty.  But 
in  that  case  right  would  change  places  with  force.  If 
it  is  necessary  to  obey  because  of  force,  there  is  no 
need  of  obeying  because  of  duty;  and  if  one  is  not 
forced  to  obey  there  is  no  longer  any  obligation. 

All  legitimate  authority  among  men  is  based  on  an 
agreement.  This  argument,  according  to  Grotius, 
has  its  foundation  in  the  right  of  a  people  to  alienate 
its  freedom.  But  to  alienate  is  to  give  or  to  sell.  A 
man  does  not  give  himself ;  at  most  he  sells  himself 
for  a  living;  but  for  what  should  a  people  sell  itself. 
To  give  itself  gratuitously  would  be  an  act  of  folly 
and  therefore  null  and  void.  Moreover,  even  if  a 
man  has  the  right  to  give  himself,  he  has  no  right  to 
give  his  children  who  are  born  men  and  free.  Gro- 
tius, again,  in  order  to  legitimize  slavery,  appeals  to 
the  right  of  the  conqueror  to  kill  the  conquered  or  to 
spare  nis  life  at  the  price  of  his  freedom.  But  war 
is  a  relation  between  State  and  State,  and  not  be- 
tween man  and  man.  It  gives  the  right  to  kill 
soldiers  so  long  as  they  are  armed,  but,  once  they 
have  laid  down  their  arms,  there  remain  only  men 
and  no  one  has  the  right  to  kill  them;  besidis,  no 
one  has  the  right  to  enslave  men.  The  words  slavery 
and  right  are  contradictory. 

The  social  order  originates  in  an  altogether  primi- 
tive and  unanimous  agreement.  When  men  in  the 
state  of  nature  have  reached  that  stage  where  the 
individual  is  unable  to  cope  with  adverse  forces,  they 
are  compelled  to  change  their  way  of  living.  They 
cannot  create  new  forces,  but  they  can  unite  their 
individual  energies  and  thus  overcome  the  obstacles 
to  life.    The  fundamental  problem  is,  then,  "  to  find  a 


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form  of  association  which  defends  and  protects  with 
the  whole  common  energy,  the  person  and  property 
of  each  associate,  and  by  which  each  individual  asso- 
ciate, uniting  himself  to  all,  still  obeys  only  himself 
and  remains  as  free  as  before".  The  solution  is  a 
contract  by  which  each  one  puts  in  common  his  per- 
son and  all  his  forces  under  the  supreme  direction  of 
the  "general  will".  There  results  a  moral  and  col- 
lective body  formed  of  as  many  members  as  there  are 
persons  in  the  community.  In  this  body  the  condi- 
tion is  equal  for  all,  since  each  gives  himself  wholly; 
the  union  is  perfect,  since  each  gives  himself  unre- 
servedly; and  finally,  each,  giving  himself  to  all,  gives 
himself  to  nobody.  This  body  is  called  the  "State 
or  Sovereign";  the  members,  who,  taken  together, 
form  "  the  people"  are  the  "citizens"  as  participating 
in  the  supreme  authority,  and  "subjects"  as  sub- 
jected to  the  laws.  By  this  contract  man  passes  from 
the  natural  to  the  civil  state,  from  instinct  to  morality 
and  justice.  He  loses  his  natural  freedom  and  his 
unlimited  right  to  all  that  he  attempts  or  is  able  to  do, 
but  he  gains  civil  liberty  and  the  ownership  of  all  that 
he  possesses  by  becoming  the  acknowledged  trustee  of 
a  part  of  the  public  property. 

The  second  book  deals  with  sovereignty  and  its 
rights.  Sovereignty,  or  the  general  will,  is  inaliena- 
ble, for  the  will  cannot  be  transmitted;  it  is  indivisi- 
ble, since  it  is  essentially  general;  it  is  infallible  and 
always  right.  It  is  determined  and  limited  in  its 
power  by  the  common  interest;  it  acts  through  laws. 
Law  is  the  decision  of  the  general  will  in  regard  to 
some  object  of  common  interest.  But  though  the 
general  will  is  always  right  and  always  desires  what 
is  good,  its  judgment  is  not  always  enlightened,  and 
consequently  does  not  always  see  wherein  the  com- 
mon good  lies;  hence  the  necessity  of  the  legislator. 
But  the  legislator  has,  of  himself,  no  authority;  he  is 
only  a  guide.  He  drafts  and  proposes  laws,  but  the 
people  alone  (that  is,  the  sovereign  or  general  will)  has 
authority  to  make  and  impose  them. 

The  third  book  treats  of  government  and  its  exer- 
cise. In  the  State  it  is  not  sufficient  to  make  laws,  it 
is  also  necessary  to  enforce  them.  Although  the 
sovereign  or  general  will  has  the  legislative  power,  it 
cannot  exercise  by  itself  the  executive  power.  It 
needs  a  special  agent,  intermediary  between  the  sub- 
jects and  the  sovereign,  which  applies  the  laws  under 
the  direction  of  the  general  will.  This  is  precisely 
the  part  of  the  Government  which  is  the  minister  of  the 
sovereign  and  not  sovereign  itself.  The  one  or  the 
several  magistrates  who  form  the  Government  are  only 
the  trustees  of  the  executive  powers;  they  are  the 
officers  of  the  sovereign,  and  their  office  is  not  the 
result  of  a  contract,  but  a  charge  laid  upon  them; 
they  receive  from  the  sovereign  the  orders  which  they 
transmit  to  the  people,  and  the  sovereign  can  at  will 
limit,  modify,  or  revoke  this  power. 

The  three  principal  forms  of  government  are: 
democracy,  a  government  by  the  whole,  or  the 

freater  part,  of  the  people;  aristocracy,  government 
y  a  few;  monarchy,  government  by  one.  Democ- 
racy is  in  practice  impossible.  It  demands  conditions 
too  numerous  and  virtues  too  difficult  for  the  whole 
people.  "If  there  were  a  people  of  gods,  its  govern- 
ment would  be  democratic,  so  perfect  a  government 
is  not  for  men. "  Aristocracy  may  be  natural,  heredi- 
tary, or  elective.  The  first  is  found  only  among  sim- 
ple and  primitive  people;  the  second  is  the  worst  of 
all  governments;  the  third,  where  the  power  is  given 
to  the  wisest,  to  those  who  have  more  time  for  public 
affairs,  is  the  best  and  the  most  natural  of  all  govern- 
ments whenever  it  is  certain  that  those  who  wield  power 
will  use  it  for  the  public  welfare  and  not  for  their  own 
interest.  No  government  is  more  vigorous  than 
monarchy;  but  it  presents  great  dangers;  if  the  end 
is  not  the  public  welfare,  the  whole  energy  of  the 
administration  is  concentrated  for  the  detriment  of 


the  State.  Kings  seek  to  be  absolute,  and  offices  are 
given  to  intriguers.  Theoretically,  a  government 
simple  and  pure  in  form  is  the  best;  practically,  it 
must  be  combined  with,  and  controlled  by,  elements 
borrowed  from  other  forms.  Also,  it  is  to  be  remarked 
that  not  every  form  of  government  is  equally  suitable 
to  every  country;  but  the  government  of  each  country 
must  be  adapted  to  the  character  of  its  people.  "  All 
things  being  equal,  the  best  form  of  government  for  a 
country  is  the  one  under  which  the  citizens,  without  any 
outside  means,  without  naturalization  or  colonies,  in- 
crease and  multiply."  In  order  to  prevent  any 
usurpation  on  the  part  of  the  government,  some  fixed 
and  periodical  meetings  of  the  people  must  be  deter- 
mined by  law,  during  which  all  executive  power  is 
suspended,  and  all  authority  is  in  the  hands  of  the 
people.  In  these  meetings  the  people  will  decide  two 
questions:  "Whether  it  pleases  the  sovereign  to  pre- 
serve the  present  form  of  government,  and  whether  it 
pleases  the  people  to  continue  the  administration  in 
the  hands  of  those  who  are  actually  in  charge." 
Intermediary  between  the  sovereign  authority  and 
the  Government  there  is  sometimes  another  power, 
that  of  the  deputies  or  representatives.  The  general 
will,  however,  cannot  be  represented  any  more  than 
it  can  be  alienated;  the  deputies  are  not  representa- 
tives of  the  people,  but  its  commissioners;  they  can-* 
not  decide  anything  definitively;  hence,  any  law 
which  is  not  ratified  by  the  people  is  null.  The  insti- 
tution of  the  Government,  therefore,  is  not  based  on  a 
contract  between  the  people  and  the  magistrates;  it 
is  a  law.  Those  who  hold  power  are  the  officers,  not 
the  masters,  of  the  people;  they  have  not  to  make  a 
contract,  but  to  obey;  by  fulfilling  their  functions 
they  simply  discharge  their  duties  as  citizens. 

In  the  fourth  book,  Rousseau  speaks  of  certain 
social  institutions.  The  general  will  is  indestructible; 
it  expresses  itself  through  elections.  As  to  different 
modes  of  elections  and  institutions,  such  as  tribunate, 
dictatorship,  censure,  etc.,  the  history  of  the  ancient 
republics  of  Rome  and  Greece,  of  Sparta  especially, 
can  teach  us  something  about  their  value.  Religion 
is  at  the  very  foundation  of  the  State.  At  all  times 
it  has  occupied  a  large  place  in  the  life  of  the  people. 
The  Christianity  of  the  Gospel  is  a  holy  religion,  but 
by  teaching  detachment  from  earthly  things  it  con- 
flicts with  the  social  spirit.  It  produces  men  who  fulfil 
their  duties  with  indifference,  and  soldiers  who  know 
how  to  die  rather  than  how  to  win.  It  is  important 
for  the  State  that  each  citizen  should  have  a  religion 
that  will  help  him  to  love  his  duty;  but  the  dogmas 
of  this  religion  are  of  no  concern  to  the  State  except 
in  so  far  as  they  are  related  to  morality  or  duties 
towards  others.  There  must  be,  therefore,  in  the 
State  a  religion  of  which  the  sovereign  shall  determine 
the  articles,  not  as  dogmas  of  religion,  but  as  senti- 
ments of  sociability.  Whosoever  does  not  accept 
them  may  be  banished,  not  as  impious,  but  as  unsocia- 
ble; and  whosoever,  after  having  accepted  them,  will 
not  act  according  to  them  shall  be  punished  by  death. 
These  articles  shall  be  few  and  precise;  existence  of 
the  Divinity,  powerful,  intelligent,  good,  and  provi- 
dent; future  life,  happiness  of  the  just;  chastisement 
of  the  wicked;  sanctity  of  the  social  contract  and  the 
laws ;  these  are  the  positive  dogmas.  There  is  also  one 
negative  dogma:  Whosoever  shall  say,  "Outside  of 
the  Church  there  is  no  salvation",  ought  to  be  ban- 
ished from  the  State. 

The  influence  of  this  book  was  immense.  Rousseau 
owes  much  indeed  to  Hobbes  and  Locke,  and  to 
Montesquieu's  "Esprit  des  lois",  published  fourteen 
years  before;  but,  by  the  extreme  prominence  given 
to  the  ideas  of  popular  sovereignty,  of  liberty  and 
equality,  and  especially  by  his  highly  coloured  style, 
his  short  and  concise  formula?,  he  put  within  the 
common  reach  principles  and  concepts  which  had 
hitherto  been  confined  to  scientific  exposition.  The 


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book  gave  expression  to  ideas  and  feelings  which,  at 
a  time  of  political  and  social  unrest,  were  growing  in 
the  popular  mind.  It  would  be  interesting  to  deter- 
mine now  far  Rousseau  influenced  the  framing  of 
various  modern  constitutions;  at  any  rate,  he  fur- 
nished the  French  Revolution  with  its  philosophy, 
and  his  principles  direct  the  actual  political  life  of 
France.  His  book,  says  Mallet  du  Pan,  was  "the 
Koran  of  the  Revolutionists",  and  Carlyle  rightly 
calls  Rousseau  "the  Evangelist  of  the  French  Revo- 
lution". The  orators  of  the  Constituante  quoted  its 
sentences  and  formula;,  and  if  it  may  be  believed  that 
Rousseau  would  have  condemned  the  massacres  and 
violences  of  1793,  the  Jacobins,  nevertheless,  looked 
to  his  principles  for  the  justification  of  their  acts. 

It  is  quite  intelligible  that  the  "Contrat  Social" 
should  have  come  to  be  considered  by  some  as  the 
gospel  of  freedom  and  democracy,  by  others  as  the 
code  of  revolution  and  anarchy.  That  it  contains 
serious  contradictions  is  undeniable.  For  instance. 
Rousseau  assigns  as  the  essential  basis  of  the  general 
will  the  unanimous  consent  of  the  people,  yet  he  as- 
sumes that  this  general  will  is  expressed  in  the  plural- 
ity of  suffrages;  he  affirms  that  parents  have  no  right 
to  engage  their  children  by  a  contract,  and  yet  chil- 
dren from  their  birth  will  be  subject  to  the  primitive 
contract;  he  affirms  that  a  man  has  no  right  to  alien- 
ate himself,  yet  he  bases  the  social  contract  essentially 
on  the  total  alienation  of  personal  rights  and  person- 
ality in  favour  of  the  community.  If  there  are  some 
true  considerations  and  reflections  in  this  book — as, 
for  instance,  on  slavery  and  the  dignity  of  man,  on  the 
adaptation  of  the  divers  forms  of  government  to  the 
character  of  the  people,  etc. — its  fundamental  princi- 
ples^— the  origin  of  society,  absolute  freedom  and 
absolute  equality  of  all — are  false  and  unnatural. 

He  bases  society  on  a  convention,  ignoring  the  fact 
and  truth  so  clearly  shown  both  by  psychology  and  his- 
tory that  man  is  a  being  essentially  social,  and  that, 
as  Bonald  says,  the  "law  of  sociability  is  as  natural 
to  man  as  the  law  of  gravitation  to  physical  bodies". 
He  affirms  as  a  first  principle  that  all  men  are  born 
free.  He  calls  the  natural  state  a  state  of  instinct, 
and  he  defines  natural  freedom  as  the  unlimited  right 
of  each  to  do  whatever  he  can.  He  opposes  to  this 
natural  state  and  freedom  the  civil  state  which  he 
calls  the  state  of  justice  and  morality,  and  civil  lib- 
erty, which  is  freedom  limited  by  the  general  will. 
This  evidently  implies  that  man  is  born  an  animal 
with  force  as  its  power  and  instinct  as  its  guide,  and 
not  an  intelligent  and  free  being.  Rousseau  forgets 
that,  if  natural  freedom  is  power  to  act,  it  is  at  the 
same  time  an  activity  subjected  to  a  rule  and  disci- 
pline determined  by  the  very  object  and  conditions  of 
human  life;  that  if  all  men  are  bora  with  a  right  to 
freedom,  they  are  also  born  with  a  duty  to  direct  this 
freedom;  that,  if  all  are  born  eaually  free — in  the  fun- 
damental sense  that  all  have  the  same  essential  right 
to  live  a  human  life  and  to  attain  human  perfection — 
still,  this  very  right  is  determined  in  its  mode  of  ex- 
ercise for  each  individual  by  special  laws  and  condi- 
tions; in  a  word,  that  the  natural  state  of  man  is  both 
freedom  and  discipline  in  the  individual  as  well  as  in 
the  social  life.  Rousseau's  conception  of  freedom 
leads  him  directly  to  an  individualism  and  a  natural- 
ism which  have  no  limits  save  those  of  brute  force 
itself. 

Again,  he  declares  that  all  men  are  born  naturally 
equal.  Now  this  principle  is  true  if  it  is  understood 
m  the  sense  of  a  specific  equality,  the  foundation  of 
human  dignity.  Everyman  has  the  right,  equal  in  all, 
to  be  treated  as  a  man,  to  be  respected  in  his  personal 
dignity  as  a  man,  to  be  protected  and  helped  by  author- 
ity in  his  effort  towards  perfection.  But  the  principle 
isf  undamentallyfalse,  if,  as  interpreted  by  Rousseau,  it 
means  individual  equality.  The  son  is  not  individ- 
ually equal  to  his  father,  nor  the  infant  to  the  adult, 
IV  —22 


nor  the  dull  to  the  intelligent,  nor  the  poor  to  the  rich, 
in  individual  needs,  rights,  or  special  duties.  The 
natural  relations  between  individual  men,  their  re- 
ciprocal duties  and  rights,  involve  both  equality  and 
hierarchy.  The  basis  of  social  relations  is  not  abso- 
lute individual  independence  and  arbitrary  will,  but 
freedom  exercised  with  respect  for  authority.  By 
his  interpretation  of  this  principle,  _  Rousseau  leads 
to  a  false  individualism  which  ends  in  anarchy. 

Rousseau  maintains  that  society  arises  through  the 
total  alienation  of  the  personality  and  rights  of  each 
associate;  hence,  for  the  absolute  individualism  of 
nature  he  substitutes  an  absolute  socialism  in  the  civil 
state.  It  is  the  general  wfll  which  is  the  ultimate 
source  and  supreme  criterion  of  justice,  morality, 
property,  and  religion.  Then  we  have,  in  spite  of  all 
the  explanations  advanced  by  Rousseau,  the  sup- 
pression of  personality,  the  reign  of  force  and  caprice, 
the  tyranny  of  the  multitude,  the  despotism  of  the 
crowd,  the  destruction  of  true  freedom,  morality,  and 
society.  The  French  Revolution  was  the  realization 
of  these  principles.  Society  has  not  its  foundation  in 
the  free  alienation  of  personality  and  rights,  but  in  the 
natural  union  of  all  personalities,  or,  rather,  families, 
with  a  view  to  reach  their  perfection.  Society  is 
not  the  source  of  duties  and  rights  of  families  or  indi- 
viduals, but  tiie  protector  and  helper  of  families  and 
individuals  in  the  fulfilment  of  their  duties  and  rights; 
its  existence  is  commanded,  its  authority  is  limited, 
by  this  very  end.  Society  is  not  formed  from  ele- 
ments all  individually  equal,  but  is  organized  from 
graduated  elements.  These  degrees  of  authority, 
however,  in  the  social  organization  are  not  by  nature 
the  exclusive  possession  of  anybody,  but  accessible 
to  the  capacities  and  the  efforts  of  all._  Society  is 
made  up  of  authority  and  subjects;  and  this  authority, 
while  it  may  be  determined  in  its  subject  and  manner 
of  exercise  by  the  people,  has  not  its  foundation  in 
their  will,  but  in  human  nature  itself  as  God  created  it. 

Mosset  Pathat,  (Euvres  de  J.-J.  Rousseau  (Paris,  1823-28 
and  1870);  Lettres  inedites  de  Rousseau  a  Mare- Michel  (Paris, 
1858);  Beauooin,  La  vie  et  let  atuvres  de  J.-J.  Rousseau  (Paris, 
1891);  Horitonq,  Let  idees  politique*  de  Rousseau  (1878); 
Lichtenberoer,  Le  tocialisme  au  XVIII*  tihde  (1895);  Mor- 
LET,  Rousseau  (London,  1898),  II,  Hi;  Lemattbe,  Rous- 
seau (Paris,  1907);  Bredif,  Du  caradere  mteUectuel  et  moral  de 
J.-J.  Rousseau  (Paris,  1908).  Also,  for  bibliography  of  Rous- 
seau, cf.  GuiRAHD,  La  France  litttraire,  WIT,  192-230.  For 
the  influence  of  the  Contrat  Social,  see  (Euvres  de  MaximMcn 
Robespierre  (Paris,  1840);  Carlyle,  The  French  Revolution; 
Taint.,  Origincs  de  la  France  contemvoraine  (Paris,  1876-90), 
II.  III.  See  also  the  Encyclicals  of  Leo  XIII:  Diuturnum 
mud  (29  June,  1881),  and  Immortals  Dei  (1  Nov.,  1893). 

G.  M.  Satjvagb. 

Contrition  (Lat.  contrUio — a  breaking  of  some- 
thing hardened). — In  Holy  Writ  nothing  is  more  com- 
mon than  exhortations  to  repentance:  "I  desire  not 
the  death  of  the  wicked,  but  that  the  wicked  turn  from 
his  way  and  live"  (Ezech.,  xxxiii,  11):  "Except  you 
do  penance  you  shall  all  likewise  perish"  (Luke,  xiii, 
5;  cf.  Matt.,  xii,  41).  At  times  this  repentance  in- 
cludes exterior  acts  of  satisfaction  (Ps.  vi,  7  sqq.);  it 
always  implies  a  recognition  of  wrong  done  to  God,  a 
detestation  of  the  evil  wrought,  and  a  desire  to  turn 
from  evil  and  do  good.  This  is  clearly  expressed  in 
Ps.  1  (5-14):  "For  I  know  my  iniquity.  ...  To  thee 
only  have  I  sinned,  and  have  done  evil  before  thee. . . . 
Turn  away  thy  face  from  my  sins,  and  blot  out  all 
my  iniquities.  Create  a  clean  heart  in  me",  etc. 
More  clearly  does  this  appear  in  the  parable  of  the 
Pharisee  and  the  publican  (Luke,  xviii,  13),  and  more 
clearly  ,  still  in  the  story  of  the  prodigal  (Luke,  xv, 
11-32):  "Father,  I  have  sinned  against  heaven  and 
before  thee:  I  am  not  worthy  to  be  called  thy  son". 

Nature  of  Contrition. — This  interior  repentance 
has  been  called  by  theologians  "contrition  .  It  is 
defined  explicitly  by  the  Council  of  Trent  (Sess.  XIV, 
ch.  iv  de  Contritione) :  "a  sorrow  of  soul  and  a  hatred 
of  sin  committed,  with  a  firm  purpose  of  not  sinning  is 

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the  future".  The  word  contrition  itself  in  a  moral 
sense  is  not  of  frequent  occurrence  in  Scripture  (cf. 
Ps.  1,  19).  Etymologically  it  implies  a  breaking  of 
something  that  has  become  hardened.  St.  Thomas 
Aquinas  in  his  Commentary  on  the  Master  of  the  Sen- 
tences thus  explains  its  peculiar  use:  "Since  it  is 
requisite  for  the  remission  of  sin  that  a  man  cast  away 
entirely  the  liking  for  sin  which  implies  a  sort  of  con- 
tinuity and  solidity  in  his  mind,  the  act  which  obtains 
forgiveness  is  termed  by  a  figure  of  speech  'contri- 
tion'"   (In  Lib.  Sent.  IV,  cfist.  xvii;  cf.  Supplem. 

III,  Q.  i,  a.  1).  This  sorrow  of  soul  is  not  merely 
speculative  sorrow  for  wrong  done,  remorse  of  con- 
science, or  a  resolve  to  amend;  it  is  a  real  pain  and 
bitterness  of  soul  together  with  a  hatred  and  horror  for 
sin  committed;  and  this  hatred  for  sin  leads  to  the  re- 
solve to  sin  no  more.  The  early  Christian  writers  in 
speaking  of  the  nature  of  contrition  sometimes  insist 
on  the  feeling  of  sorrow,  sometimes  on  the  detestation 
of  the  wrong  committed  (Augustine  in  P.  L.,  XXXVII, 
1901,  1902;  Chrysostom,  P.  G.,  XLVII,  409,  410). 
Augustine  includes  both  when  writing:  "Compunctus 
corae  non  solet  dici  nisi  stimulis  peccatorum  in  dolore 
pcenitendi"  (P.  L.,  Vol.  VI  of  Augustine,  col.  1440). 
Nearly  all  the  medieval  theologians  hold  that  contri- 
tion is  based  principally  on  the  detestation  of  sin. 
This  detestation  presupposes  a  knowledge  of  the  hein- 
ousness  of  sin,  and  this  knowledge  begets  sorrow  and 
pain  of  soul.  "  As  sin  is  committed  by  the  consent,  so 
it  is  blotted  out  by  the  dissent  of  the  rational  will: 
hence  contrition  is  essentially  sorrow.  But  it  should 
be  noted  that  sorrow  has  a  twofold  signification — dis- 
sent of  the  will  and  the  consequent  feeling;  the 
former  is  of  the  essence  of  contrition,  the  latter  is  its 
effect"  (Bonaventure,  In  Lib.  Sent.  IV,  dist.  xvi,  Pt. 
I,  art.  1).  [See  also  St.  Thomas  Aquinas,  Comment, 
in  Lib.  Sent.  IV;  Billuart  (De  Sac.  Pcenit.,  Diss,  iv, 
art.  1)  seems  to  hold  the  opposite  opinion.] 

Necessity  of  Contrition. — Until  the  time  of  the 
Reformation  no  theologian  ever  thought  of  denying  the 
necessity  of  contrition  for  the  forgiveness  of  sin.  But 
with  the  coming  of  Luther  and  his  doctrine  of  justifi- 
cation by  faith  alone  the  absolute  necessity  of  contri- 
tion was  excluded  as  by  a  natural  consequence.  Leo 
X  in  the  famous  Bull  "Exsurge"  IDenzinger,  no.  751 
(635)]  condemned  the  following  Lutheran  position: 
"By  no  means  believe  that  you  are  forgiven  on  ac- 
count of  your  contrition,  but  because  of  Christ's 
words,  'Whatsoever  thou  shalt  loose',  etc.  On  this 
account  I  say,  that  if  you  receive  the  priest's  absolu- 
tion, believe  firmly  that  you  are  absolved,  and  truly 
absolved  you  will  be,  let  the  contrition  be  as  it  may. 
Luther  could  not  deny  that  in  every  true  conversion 
there  was  grief  of  soul,  but  he  asserted  that  this  was 
the  result  of  the  grace  of  God  poured  into  the  soul  at 
the  time  of  justification,  etc.  (For  this  discussion  see 
Vacant,  Diet,  de  theol.  cath.,  9.  v.  Contrition.)  Catho- 
lic writers  have  always  taught  the  necessity  of  contri- 
tion for  the  forgiveness  of  sin,  and  they  have  insisted 
that  such  necessity  arises  (a)  from  the  very  nature  of 
repentance  as  well  as  (b)  from  the  positive  command 
of  God.  (a)  They  point  out  that  the  sentence  of 
Christ  in  Luke,  xiii,  5,  is  final:  "Except  you  do  pen- 
ance", etc.,  and  from  the  Fathers  they  cite  passages 
such  as  the  following  from  Cyprian,  "De  Lapsis",  no. 
32 :  "  Do  penance  in  full,  give  proof  of  the  sorrow  that 
comes  from  a  grieving  and  lamenting  soul  .  .  .  they 
who  do  away  with  repentance  for  sin,  close  the  door  to 
satisfaction. "  The  Scholastic  doctors  laid  down  the 
principle,  "  No  one  can  begin  a  new  life  who  does  not 
repent  him  of  the  old"  (Bonaventure,  In  Lib.  Sent. 

IV,  dist.  xvi,  Pt.  II,  art.  I,  Q.  ii,  also  ex  professo,  ibid., 
Pt.  I,  art.  I,  Q.  iii),  and  when  asked  the  reason  why, 
they  point  out  the  absolute  incongruity  of  turning  to 
God  and  clinging  to  sin,  which  is  hostile  to  God's  law. 
The  Council  of  Trent,  mindful  of  the  tradition  of  the 
ages,  defined  (Seas.  XIV.  ch.  iv  de  Contritione)  that 


"contrition  has  always  been  necessary  for  obtaining 
forgiveness  of  sin",  (b)  The  positive  command  of 
God  is  also  clear  in  the  premises.  The  Baptist  sound- 
ed the  note  of  preparation  for  the  coming  of  the  Mes- 
sias:  "Make  straight  his  paths";  and,  as  a  conse- 
quence, "they  went  out  to  him  and  were  baptized 
confessing  their  sins  ".  The  first  preaching  of  Jesus  is 
described  in  the  words :  "  Do  penance,  for  the  kingdom 
of  heaven  is  at  hand  " ;  and  the  Apostles,  in  their  first 
sermons  to  the  people,  warn  them  to  "do  penance  and 
be  baptized  for  the  remission  of  their  sins"  (Acts,  ii, 
38).  The  Fathers  followed  up  with  like  exhortation 
(Clement  in  P.  G.,  I,  341 ;  Hennas  in  P.  G.,  II,  894; 
Tertullian  in  P.  L..  II). 

Perfect  and  Imperfect  Contrition. — Catholic 
teaching  distinguishes  a  twofold  hatred  of  sin;  one, 
perfect  contrition,  springs  from  the  love  of  God  Who 
has  been  grievously  offended;  the  other,  imperfect 
contrition,  arises  principally  from  some  other  mo- 
tives, such  as  loss  of  heaven,  fear  of  hell,  the  heinous- 
ness  of  sin,  etc.  (Council  of  Trent,  Seas.  XIV,  ch.  iv  de 
Contritione).  For  the  doctrine  of  imperfect  contri- 
tion see  Attrition. 

Qualities. — In  accord  with  Catholic  tradition  con- 
trition, whether  it  be  perfect  or  imperfect,  must  be  at 
once  (a)  interior,  (b)  supernatural,  (c)  universal,  and 
(d)  sovereign. 

(a)  Interior. — Contrition  must  be  real  and  sincere 
sorrow  of  heart,  and  not  merely  an  external  manifes- 
tation of  repentance.  The  Old-Testament  Prophets 
laid  particular  stress  on  the  necessity  of  hearty  repent- 
ance. The  Psalmist  says  that  God  despises  not  the 
"contrite  heart"  (Ps.  f,  19),  and  the  call  to  Israel 
was,  "Be  converted  to  me  with  all  your  heart  .  .  . 
and  rend  your  hearts,  and  not  your  garments"  (Joel, 

ii,  12  sq.).  Holy  Job  did  penance  in  sackcloth  and 
ashes  because  he  reprehended  himself  in  sorrow  of 
soul  (Job,  xlii,  6).  The  contrition  adjudged  neces- 
sary by  Christ  and  his  Apostles  was  no  mere  formality, 
but  the  sincere  expression  of  the  sorrowing  sou! 
(Luke,  xv,  11-32;  Luke,  xviii,  13);  and  the  grief  of 
the  woman  in  the  house  of  the  Pharisee  merited  for- 
giveness because  "she  loved  much".  The  exhorta- 
tions to  penance  found  everywhere  in  the  Fathers  have 
no  uncertain  sound  (Cyprian,  De  Lapsis,  P.  L.,  IV; 
Chrysostom,  De  compunctione,  P.  G.,  XLVII,  393 
sqq.),  and  the  Scholastic  doctors  from  Peter  Lombard 
on  insist  on  the  same  sincerity  in  repentance  (Peter 
Lombard,  Lib.  Sent.  IV,  dist.  xvi,  no.  1). 

(b)  Supernatural. — In  accordance  with  Catholic 
teaching  contrition  ought  to  be  prompted  by  God's 
grace  and  aroused  by  motives  which  spring  from  faith, 
as  opposed  to  merely  natural  motives,  such  as  loss  of 
honour,  fortune,  and  the  like  (Chemnitz,  Exam.  Con- 
cil.  Trid.,  Pt.  II, De  Pcenit.).  In  the  Old  Testament  it 
is  God  who  gives  a  "new  heart"  and  who  puts  a  "new 
spirit"  into  the  children  of  Israel  (Ezech.,  xxxvi, 
25-29);  and  for  a  clean  heart  the  Psalmist  prays  in 
the  Miserere  (Ps.  1,  11  sqq.).  St.  Peter  told  those  to 
whom  he  preached  in  the  first  days  after  Pentecost 
that  God  the  Father  had  raised  up  Christ  "to  give  re- 
pentance to  Israel"  (Acts,  v,  30  sq.).  St.  Paul  in  ad- 
vising Timothy  insists  on  dealing  gently  and  kindly 
with  those  who  resist  the  truth,  "if  peradventure  God 
may  give  them  repentance"  (II  Tim.,  ii,  24-25).  In 
the  days  of  the  Pelagian  heresy  Augustine  insists  on 
the  supematuralness  of  contrition,  when  he  writes' 
"That  we  turn  away  from  God  is  our  doing,  and  this 
is  the  bad  will ;  but  to  turn  back  to  God  we  are  unable 
unless  He  arouse  and  help  us,  and  this  is  the  good 
will."  Some  of  the  Scholastic  doctors,  notably  Sco- 
tus,  Cajetan,  and  after  them  Suarez  (De  Pcenit.,  Disp. 

iii,  sect,  vi),  asked  speculatively  whether  man  left  to 
himself  could  elicit  a  true  act  of  contrition,  but  no 
theologian  ever  taught  that  repentance  which  makes 
for  forgiveness  of  sin  in  the  present  economy  of  God 
could  be  inspired  by  merely  natural  motives.    On  the 


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contrary,  all  the  doctors  have  insisted  on  the  absolute 
necessity  of  grace  for  contrition  that  disposes  to  for- 
giveness (Bona venture,  In  Lib.  Sent.  IV,  dist.  xiv, 
Ft.  I,  art.  II,  Q.  iii;  also  dist.  xvii,  Pt.  I,  art.  I,  Q.  iii; 
cf.  St.  Thomas,  In  Lib.  Sent.  IV).  In  keeping  with 
this  teaching  of  the  Scriptures  and  the  doctors,  the 
Council  of  Trent  defined:  "If  anyone  say  that  with- 
out the  inspiration  of  the  Holy  Spirit  and  without  His 
aid  a  man  can  repent  in  the  way  that  is  necessary  for 
obtaining  the  grace  of  justification,  let  him  be  anath- 
ema." 

(c)  Universal. — The  Council  of  Trent  defined  that 
real  contrition  includes  "a  firm  purpose  of  not  sinning 
in  the  future";  consequently  he  who  repents  must 
resolve  to  avoid  all  sin.  This  doctrine  is  intimately 
bound  up  with  the  Catholic  teaching  concerning  grace 
and  repentance.  There  is  no  forgiveness  without  sor- 
row of  soul,  and  forgiveness  is  always  accompanied  by 
God '8  grace;  grace  cannot  coexist  with  sin;  and,  as  a 
consequence,  one  sin  cannot  be  forgiven  while  another 
remains  for  which  there  is  no  repentance.  This  is  the 
clear  teaching  of  the  Bible.  The  Prophet  urged  men 
to  turn  to  God  with  their  whole  heart  (Joel,  ii,  12  sq.), 
and  Christ  tells  the  doctor  of  the  law  that  we  must 
love  God  with  our  whole  mind,  our  whole  strength 
(Luke,  x,  27).  E2echiel  insists  that  a  man  must 
"turn  from  all  his  evil  ways"  if  he  wish  to  live.  The 
Scholastics  inquired  rather  subtly  into  this  question 
when  they  asked  whether  or  not  there  must  be  a  spe- 
cial act  of  contrition  for  every  serious  sin,  and  whether, 
in  order  to  be  forgiven,  one  must  remember  at  the 
moment  all  his  grievous  transgressions.  To  both 
questions  they  answered  in  the  negative,  judging  that 
an  act  of  sorrow  which  implicitly  included  all  his  sins 
would  be  sufficient. 

(d)  Sovereign. — The  Council  of  Trent  insists  that 
true  contrition  includes  the  firm  will  never  to  sin 
again,  so  that  no  matter  what  evil  may  come,  such 
evil  roust  be  preferred  to  Bin.  This  doctrine  is  surely 
Christ's:  "What  shall  it  profit  a  man  if  he  gain  the 
whole  world  andrsuffer  the  loss  of  his  soul?  Theo- 
logians have  discussed  at  great  length  whether  or  not 
contrition  which  must  be  sovereign  appretialive,  i.  e. 
in  regarding  sin  as  the  greatest  possible  evil,  must  also 
be  sovereign  in  degree  and  in  intensity.  The  decision 
has  generally  been  that  sorrow  need  not  be  sovereign 
"intensively",  for  intensity  makes  no  change  in  the 
substance  of  an  act  (Ballerini,  Opus  Morale:  De  Con- 
tritione;  Bonaventure,  In  Lib.  Sent.  IV,  dist.  xxi, 
Pt.  I,  art.  n,  Q.  i). 

Contrition  in  the  Sacrament  of  Penance.— 
Contrition  is  not  only  a  moral  virtue,  but  the  Council 
of  Trent  defined  that  it  is  a  "part",  nay  more,  quasi 
materia,  in  the  Sacrament  of  Penance.  "The  (quasi) 
matter  of  this  sacrament  consists  of  the  acts  of  the 
penitent  himself,  namely,  contrition,  confession,  and 
satisfaction.  These,  inasmuch  as  they  are  by  God's 
institution  required  in  the  penitent  for  the  integrity  of 
the  sacrament  and  for  the  full  and  perfect  remission  of 
sin.  are  for  this  reason  called  parts  of  penance. "  In 
consequence  of  this  decree  of  Trent  theologians  teach 
that  sorrow  for  sin  must  be  in  some  sense  sacramental. 
La  Croix  went  so  far  as  to  say  that  sorrow  must  be 
aroused  with  a  view  of  going  to  confession,  but  this 
seems  to  be  asking  too  much,  most  theologians  think 
with  Schieler-Heuser  (Theory  and  Practice  of  Con- 
fession, p.  113)  that  it  is  sufficient  if  the  sorrow  co- 
exist in  any  way  with  the  confession  and  is  referred 
to  it.  Hence  the  precept  of  the  Roman  Ritual, 
"After  the  confessor  has  heard  the  confession  he 
should  try  by  earnest  exhortation  to  move  the  peni- 
tent to  contrition"  (Schieler-Heuser,  op.  cit.,  p.  Ill 

^Perfect  Contrition  Without  the  Sacrament. — 
Regarding  that  contrition  which  has  for  its  motive  the 
love  of  God,  the  Council  of  Trent  declares:  "The 
Council  further  teaches  that,  though  contrition  may 


sometimes  be  made  perfect  by  charity  and  may  recon- 
cile men  to  God  before  the  actual  reception  of  this  sac- 
rament, still  the  reconciliation  is  not  to  be  ascribed  to 
the  contrition  apart  from  the  desire  for  the  sacrament 
which  it  includes."  The  following  proposition  (no. 
32)  taken  from  Baius  was  condemned  by  Gregory 
XIII:  "That  charity  which  is  the  fullness  of  the  law  is 
not  always  conjoined  with  forgiveness  of  sins. "  Per- 
fect contrition,  with  the  desire  of  receiving  the  Sacra- 
ment of  Penance,  restores  the  sinner  to  grace  at  once. 
This  is  certainly  the  unanimous  teaching  of  the  Scho- 
lastic doctors  (Peter  Lombard  in  P.  L.,  CXCII,  885; 
St.  Thomas,  In  Lib.  Sent.  IV,  ibid. ;  St.  Bonaventure, 
In  Lib.  Sent.  IV,  ibid.).  This  doctrine  they  derived 
from  Holy  Writ.  Scripture  certainly  ascribes  to 
charity  and  the  love  of  God  the  power  to  take  away 
sin:  "He  that  loveth  me  shall  be  loved  by  My 
Father";  "Many  sins  are  forgiven  her  because  she 
hath  loved  much".  Since  the  act  of  perfect  contri- 
tion implies  necessarily  this  same  love  of  God,  theo- 
logians have  ascribed  to  perfect  contrition  what  Scrip- 
ture teaches  belongs  to  charity.  Nor  is  this  strange, 
for  in  the  Old  Covenant  there  was  some  way  of  recov- 
ering God's  grace  once  man  had  sinned.  God  wills 
not  the  death  of  the  wicked,  but  that  the  wicked  turn 
from  his  way  and  live  (Ezech.,  xxxiii,  11).  This  total 
turning  to  God  corresponds  to  our  idea  of  perfect  con- 
trition ;  and  if  under  the  Old  Law  love  sufficed  for  the 
pardon  of  the  sinner,  surely  the  coming  of  Christ  and 
the  institution  of  the  Sacrament  of  Penance  cannot 
be  supposed  to  have  increased  the  difficulty  of  obtain- 
ing forgiveness.  That  the  earlier  Fathers  taught  the 
efficacy  of  sorrow  for  the  remission  of  sins  is  very  clear 
(Clement  in  P.  G.,  I,  341  sqq. ;  Hennas  in  P.  G.,  II. 
894  sqq. ;  Chrysostom  in  P.  G.,  XLIX,  285  sqq.),  ana 
this  is  particularly  noticeable  in  all  the  commentaries 
on  Luke,  vii,  47.  The  Venerable  Bede  writes  (P.  L., 
XCII,  425):  "What  is  love  but  fire;  what  is  sin  but 
rust?  Hence  it  is  said,  many  sins  are  forgiven  her  be- 
cause she  hath  loved  much,  as  though  to  say,  she  hath 
burned  away  entirely  the  rust  of  sin,  because  she  is 
inflamed  with  the  fire  of  love."  Theologians  have 
inquired  with  much  learning  as  to  the  kind  of  love  that 
justifies  without  the  Sacrament  of  Penance.  All  are 
agreed  that  pure,  or  disinterested,  love  (amor  bene- 
volentice,  amor  amiciiia)  suffices;  when  there  is  ques- 
tion of  interested,  or  selfish,  love  (amor  concupiscentia) 
theologians  hold  that  purely  selfish  love  is  not  suffi- 
cient. When  one  furthermore  asks  what  must  be  the 
formal  motive  in  perfect  love,  there  seems  to  be  no 
real  unanimity  among  the  doctors.  Some  say  that 
where  there  is  perfect  love  God  is  loved  for  His  great 
goodness  alone;  others,  basing  their  contention  on 
Scripture,  think  that  the  love  of  gratitude  (amor  grati- 
tudinis)  is  quite  sufficient,  because  God's  benevolence 
and  love  towards  men  are  intimately  united,  nay,  in- 
separable from  His  Divine  perfections  (Hurter,  Theol. 
Dog.,  Thesis  ccxlv.  Scholion  iii,  no.  3;  Schieler-Heuser, 
op.  cit.,  pp.  77  sq.). 

Obligation  of  Eliciting  the  Act  of  Contrition. 
— In  the  very  nature  of  things  the  sinner  must  repent 
before  he  can  be  reconciled  with  God  (Sess.  XIV, 
ch.  iv,  de  Contritione,  Fuit  quovis  tempore,  etc.). 
Therefore  he  who  has  fallen  into  grievous  sin  must 
either  make  an  act  of  perfect  contrition  or  supple- 
ment the  imperfect  contrition  by  receiving  the  Sacra- 
ment of  Penance;  otherwise  reconciliation  with  God 
is  impossible.  This  obligation  urges  under  pain  of 
sin  when  there  is  danger  of  death.  In  danger  of 
death,  therefore,  if  a  priest  be  not  at  hand  to  adminis- 
ter the  sacrament,  the  sinner  must  make  an  effort  to 
elicit  an  act  of  perfect  contrition.  The  obligation  of 
perfect  contrition  is  also  urgent  whensoever  one  has 
to  exercise  some  act  for  which  a  state  of  grace  is  neces- 
sary and  the  Sacrament  of  Penance  is  not  accessible. 
Theologians  have  questioned  how  long  a  man  may  re- 
main in  the  state  of  sin,  without  making  an  effort  to 


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elicit  an  act  of  perfect  contrition.  They  seem  agreed 
that  such  neglect  must  have  extended  over  consider- 
able time,  but  what  constitutes  a  considerable  time 
they  find  it  hard  to  determine  (Schieler-Heuser,  op. 
cit.,  pp.  83  sqq.).  Probably  the  rule  of  St.  Alphon- 
sus  Liguori  will  aid  the  solution:  "The  duty  of  mak- 
ing an  act  of  contrition  is  urgent  when  one  is  obliged 
to  make  an  act  of  love"  (Sabetti,  Theologia  Moralis: 
de  necess.  contritionis,  no.  731;  Ballerini,  Opus  Mor- 
ale: de  contritione). 

Christian  Pesch,  Pralectiones  Dogmatical  (Freiburg,  1897), 
VII ;  Hunter,  Outlines  of  Dogmatic  Theology  (New  York,  1896) ; 
Sr.  Thomas,  In  Sent.  IV,  dirt,  xvii,  Q.  ii,  a  1,  sol.  1 ;  Suarez, 
De  PamUenli&.disp.  iv,  sect.  iii.  a.  2;  Bellakwne.  De  Contro- 
versiis,  Bk.  II,  De  Sacramento  panileniia;  Salmanticenses, 
Cursus  Theologicus:  de  pomitmtiA  (Paris.  1883),  XX:  De- 
nifle,  Luther  und  Luthcrtum  in  der  ersten  Bntwicldung  (Mainz, 
1906),  I,  229  sqq.,  11,454,  517,  618  «.:  Collet  in  Miqne, 
Theologia  Cursus  Completus  (Paris,  1840),  XXII;  Palmieri, 
De  Panileniia  (Rome,  1879;  Prato,  1896) ;  Petavtus,  Dogmata 
Theologica:  de  panitcntid  (Paris,  1867). 

Edward  J.  Hanna. 

Contumacy  (in  Canon  Law),  or  contempt  of  court, 
is  an  obstinate  disobedience  of  the  lawful  orders  of  a 
court.  Simple  disobedience  does  not  constitute  con- 
tumacy. Such  crime  springs  only  from  unequivo- 
cal and  stubborn  resistance  to  the  reiterated  or  per- 
emptory orders  of  a  legitimate  court,  and  implies 
contempt  or  denial  of  its  authority.  The  general  law 
of  the  Church  demands  that  the  citation,  or  order  to 
appear,  be  repeated  three  times  (in  the  United  States 
twice)  before  proceedings  declaratory  of  contumacy 
take  place.  A  peremptory  citation,  stating  that  the 
one  replaces  the  three,  satisfies  the  law.  Contumacy 
may  arise  not  only  from  disobedience  to  the  citation 
proper,  but  also  from  contempt  of  any  order  of  a  law- 
ful court.  Contumacy  is  commonly  divided  into  true 
and  presumptive.  True  contumacy  takes  place  when 
it  is  certain  that  the  citation  was  served,  and  the  de- 
fendant without  just  cause  fails  to  obey  the  terms  of 
such  citation.  Presumptive  contumacy  occurs  when 
there  is  a  strong  presumption,  though  it  is  not  certain, 
that  the  citation  was  served.  The  Taw  holds  this  pre- 
sumption equivalent  to  a  moral  certitude  of  service  of 
citation.  The  defendant  becomes  guilty  of  contu- 
macy if,  when  lawfully  cited,  he  fails  to  appear  before 
the  judge,  or  if  he  secludes  himself,  or  in  any_  way  pre- 
vents the  service  of  citation.  The  plaintiff  incurs  the 
guilt  of  contumacy  by  failure  to  appear  before  the 
court  at  the  specified  time.  And  the  defendant  or 
plaintiff  may  be  proceeded  against  on  the  charge  of 
contempt,  if  either  rashly  withdraws  from  the  trial,  or 
disobeys  a  special  precept  of  the  judge,  or  refuses 
to  answer  the  charges  of  the  other  party.  A  wit- 
ness becomes  guilty  of  contumacy  by  disobeying  the 
summons  cr  by  refusal  to  testify  m  the  cause  at  issue. 

All  causes  excusing  appearance  in  court  exempt 
from  contempt  of  court.  The  following,  among 
others,  produce  such  effects:  (1)  ill-health;  (2)  ab- 
sence on  public  affairs;  (3)  summons  to  a  higher 
court;  (4)  inclement  weather;  (5)  unsafety  of  place 
to  which  cited.  These  and  like  causes,  if  known  to 
the  judge,  render  null  and  void  any  sentence  pro- 
nouncea  by  him  in  such  circumstances.  But  if  they 
be  unknown  to  the  judge  at  the  time  of  sentence,  the 
condemned,  on  motion,  must  be  reinstated  in  the  posi- 
tion held  by  him  prior  to  the  sentence.  Contumacy 
should  never  be  held  equivalent  to  a  juridical  confes- 
sion of  guilt.  It  cannot  therefore  dispense  with  the 
trial,  but  only  makes  it  lawful  to  proceed  in  the  ab- 
sence of  the  party  guilty  of  contumacy  as  though  he 
were  present  (Third  Plenary  Council  of  Baltimore,  no. 
313).  Contempt  of  court,  being  an  act  of  resistance  to 
legitimate  authority,  is  a  crime,  and  therefore  punish- 
able. The  chief  penalties  are:  (1)  The  trial  proceeds 
in  the  absence  of  the  contumacious  person,  and  presum- 
ably to  his  detriment ;  (2) presumption  of  guilt,  but  not 
sufficient  for  conviction ;  (3)  a  pecuniary  fine  at  the  dis- 
cretion of  the  judge;  (4)  suspension;  (5)  excommuni- 


cation may  be  inflicted,  and  if  the  contumacious  party 
be  not  absolved  within  one  year  he  may  be  proceeded 
against  as  suspected  of  heresy  (Council  of  Trent,  Sess. 
XXV,  ch.  iii  de  Rcf .) ;  (6)  loss  of  the  right  of  appeal 
from  a  definitive  sentence,  in  all  cases  of  true  con- 
tumacy. Presumptive  contumacy  does  not  carry  this 
penalty.  Before  inflicting  penalties  the  guilt  of  con- 
tumacy must  be  established  by  legal  proof.  The  ac- 
cused must  be  cited  to  answer  the  charge  of  con- 
tumacy, which  must  be  prosecuted  according  to  the 
procedure  established  and  laid  down  in  the  law. 

Santi-Leitner,  Pralectiones  Juris  Canonici  (New  York, 
1905);  Smith,  Ecclesiastical  Trials  (New  York,  1887),  II,  1010- 
1025;  Baart,  Legal  Formulary  (New  York,  1898),  324-330; 
Ferraris,  Prompta  BMiotheca,  s.  v.;  Andre-Wagner,  Did. 
de  droit  can.  (3rd  ed.,  Paris,  1901),  I,  663;  Taunton,  The  Law 
of  the  Church  (London,  1906),  s.  v. 

Jambs  H.  Driscoll. 

Contzen,  Adam,  economist  and  exegete,  b.  in  1573 
(according  to  Sommervogel  in  1575),  at  Montjoie  in 
the  Duchy  of  Jttlich,  which  is  now  part  of  the  Rhine 
Province  of  Prussia;  d.  19  June,  1635,  at  Munich. 
He  entered  the  Society  of  Jesus  at  Trier  in  1595,  was 
professor  of  philosophy  in  the  University  of  Wiirzburg 
in  1606,  and  was  transferred  to  the  University  of 
Mainz  in  1610,  where  he  occupied  the  chair  of  Holy 
Scripture  for  more  than  ten  years.  He  had  a  share  in 
the  organization  of  the  University  of  Molsheim,  in 
Alsace,  of  which  he  was  chancellor  in  1622-23.  Cont- 
zen  was  a  learned  and  versatile  writer  in  theological 
controversy,  inpolitical  economy,  and  in  the  interpre- 
tation of  the  Scriptures.  He  defended  the  contro- 
versial works  of  Cardinal  Bellarmine  against  the  at- 
tacks of  Professor  Pareus  of  Heidelberg,  and  when  the 
latter  sought  to  unite  the  Calvinists  and  the  Lutherans 
against  the  Catholics,  Contzen  demonstrated  the 
impractical  nature  of  the  project  in  his  work,  "I)e 
umone  et  synodo  Evangehcorum",  and  showed  the 
only  way  of  restoring  peace  to  the  German  nation  in  his 
important  work,  "  De  Pace  Germanue  libri  duo,  prior 
de  falsa,  alter  de  vera"  (Mainz,  1616).  This  work 
was  twice  reprinted  at  Cologne,  in  1642  and  in  1685. 
His  ideas  on  the  restoration  of  peace  were  further  de- 
veloped in  the  works  occasioned  by  the  centenary  of 
the  Reformation,  one  of  which,  "  Jubilum  Jubilorum", 
was  published  (1618)  in  Latin  and  in  German.  His 
most  interesting  work,  which  marks  him  as  a  thinker 
in  advance  of  his  age,  "  Politicorum  lib.  X",  was  pult- 
lished  at  Mainz  in  1621  and  1629.  The  book  has  been 
called  an  "  Anti-Macchiavelli"  because  the  author  de- 
scribes the  ruler  of  a  Christian  commonwealth  in  ac- 
cordance with  the  principles  of  Revelation.  In  the 
questions  of  political  and  national  economy  which  he 
discusses  he  advocates  a  reform  of  taxation,  the  free- 
ing of  the  soil  from  excessive  burdens,  state  ownership 
of  certain  industries  for  the  purpose  of  revenue,  indi- 
rect taxation  of  objects  of  luxury,  a  combination  of 
the  protective  system  with  free-trade,  and  state  aid 
for  popular  associations.  The  Elector  Maximilian  of 
Bavaria  was  so  impressed  by  the  ability  shown  in  this 
work  that  he  chose  Contzen  for  his  confessor.  During 
his  residence  in  Munich,  which  began  in  1623,  he  com- 
pleted and  published  his  commentaries  on  the  Four 
Gospels,  ana  on  the  Epistles  of  St.  Paul  to  the  Ro- 
mans, the  Corinthians,  and  the  Galatians.  He  also 
wrote  a  political  novel,  "Methodus  doctrine  civilis, 
sen  Abissini  Regis  Historia",  in  which  he  showed  the 
practical  working  of  his  political  theories. 

Brischar.  P.  Adam  Contzen,  ein  htniker  und  Kational- 
fikanom  des  17.  Jahrhunderts  (Wiirzburg,  1879);  Sommehvooel, 
BMiothique  de  la  c  de  J.,  II,  a.  v.;  Streber  in  KirchenUx.. 
S.  V.  B.  GULDNER. 

Convent  (Lat.  convening)  originally  signified  an  as- 
sembly of  Roman  citizens  in  the  provinces  for  pur- 
poses of  administration  and  justice.  In  the  history 
of  monasticism  the  word  has  two  distinct  technical 
meanings:  (1)  A  religious  community  of  either  sex 


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when  spoken  of  in  its  corporate  capacity.  The  word 
was  first  used  in  this  sense  when  the  eremitical  life 
began  to  be  combined  with  the  cenobitical.  The  her- 
mits of  an  Eastern  laura,  living  in  separate  cells 
grouped  around  that  of  their  common  superior,  when 
spoken  of  collectively,  were  called  a  conventus.  In 
Western  monasticism  the  term  came  into  general  use 
from  the  very  beginning,  and  the  technical  phrase 
abbas  el  conventus  signifies  to  this  day  the  entire  com- 
munity of  a  monastic  establishment.  (2)  The  build- 
ings in  which  resides  a  community  of  either  sex.  In 
this  sense  the  word  denotes  more  properly  the  home 
of  a  strictly  monastic  order,  and  is  not  correctly  used 
to  designate  the  home  of  what  is  called  a  "  congrega- 
tion". In  addition  to  these  technical  meanings,  the 
word  has  also  a  popular  signification  at  the  present 
day,  by  which  it  is  made  to  mean  in  particular  the 
alwde  of  female  religious,  just  as  "monastery"  de- 
notes that  of  men,  though  in  reality  the  two  words  are 
interchangeable.  In  the  present  article  the  word  is 
taken  chiefly  in  its  popular  sense.  The  treatment, 
moreover,  is  limited  to  those  features  which  are  com- 
mon to  all,  or  nearly  all,  convents,  while  peculiarities 
due  to  the  special  purpose,  rule,  or  occupation  of  each 
religious  order  are  explained  in  the  pertinent  article. 

Convent  Lite. — Tne  life  lived  by  the  inmates  of  a 
convent  naturally  varies  in  its  details,  according  to 
the  particular  object  for  which  it  has  been  founded, 
or  tne.  special  circumstances  of  time  and  place  by 
which  it  is  affected.  Convents  are  often  roughly  di- 
vided into  two  classes,  strictly  enclosed  and  unen- 
closed, but  with  regard  to  the  convents  existing  at 
the  present  day  this  division,  though  correct  as  far  as 
it  goes,  is  not  a  very  satisfactory  one,  because  both 
classes  are  capable  of  subdivision,  and,  on  account  of 
the  varied  kinds  of  work  undertaken  by  the  nuns, 
these  subdivisions  overlap  one  another.  Thus,  of  the 
strictly  enclosed  communities,  some  are  purely  con- 
templative, others  mainly  active  (i.  e.  engaged  in 
educational  or  rescue  work),  while  others  again  com- 
bine the  two.  Similarly,  of  the  unenclosed  orders, 
some  are  purely  active  (i.  e.  undertaking  educational, 
parochial,  hospital,  or  other  work),  and  others  unite 
the  contemplative  with  the  active  life,  without,  how- 
ever, being  strictly  enclosed.  As  a  general  deduction 
it  may  be  stated  that  the  contemplative  life,  in  which 
women  were  actuated  by  a  desire  to  save  their  own 
souls  and  the  souls  of  others  by  their  lives  of  prayer, 
seclusion,  and  mortification,  was  the  idea  of  the  older 
orders,  while  the  distinctive  note  of  the  more  modern 
congregations  is  that  of  active  work  amongst  others 
and  the  relief  of  their  bodily  wants. 

With  regard  to  the  educational  work  of  the  con- 
vents, it  may  here  be  stated  that  this  includes  the 
teaching  of  both  elementary  and  secondary  schools, 
as  well  as  the  training  of  teachers  for  such  schools  and 
higher  education.  The  hospital  and  nursing  work  com- 
prises the  management  of  hospitals,  both  general  and 
for  special  classes  of  patients,  as  well  as  the  nursing  of 
both  rich  and  poor  in  their  own  homes.  Rescue  work 
includes  the  conduct  of  penitentiaries,  orphanages, 
and  homes  for  the  aged  poor.  A  few  convents  make 
special  provision  for  the  reception  of  guests,  for  re- 
treats and  other  spiritual  purposes,  and  a  large  propor- 
tion of  them  receive  boarders  at  moderate  charges. 
Some,  mostly  of  enclosed  communities,  have  under- 
taken the  work  of  Perpetual  Adoration,  while  others 
devote  themselves  to  ecclesiastical  embroidery  and 
the  making  of  church  vestments.  This  particular 
kind  of  work  has  always  been  characteristic  of  Eng- 
lish nuns,  whose  embroidery,  known  as  the  opus 
anglicanum,  was  famous  in  medieval  times  (Matthew 
Paris,  Rolls  ed.,  IV,  on.  1246).  The  ordinary  routine 
of  life  in  a  nunnery  has  always  corresponded  approxi- 
mately with  that  of  a  monastery.  The  nun's  day  is 
divided  between  the  choir,  the  workroom,  the  school- 
room, the  refectory,  the  recreation-room,  the  cell, 


-and,  with  the  active  orders,  the  outside  work,  in  peri- 
odical rotation.  Idleness  or  lack  of  occupation  is 
never  permitted.  The  earliest  rules  for  nuns,  as  well 
as  the  most  modem,  all  prescribe  labour  of  some  use- 
ful kind.  Hie  medieval  nuns  could  always  read  and 
write  Latin,  and  they  also  employed  themselves  in 
transcribing  and  illuminating  sacred  books,  and  in 
many  of  the  fine  arts,  the  cultivation  of  which  they 
consecrated  to  the  service  of  God.  The  convents 
thus  were  always  hemes  of  industry,  and  just  as  form- 
erly they  played  no  small  part  in  the  spread  of  civili- 
zation, so  now  they  are  almost  indispensable  hand- 
maids to  the  cause  of  the  Catholic  Church. 

Unfounded  Calumnies. — It  is  not  necessary  here 
to  refute  the  many  base  and  vile  charges  that  have 
from  time  to  time  been  brought  against  the  conven- 
tual system ;  a  mere  general  reference  to  them  is  suffi- 
cient, for  the  evidence  of  the  salutary  work  done  by 
convents  and  the  fruits  of  the  lives  of  the  nuns  are  in 
themselves  ample  refutation.  In  the  past  there  have 
been  "anti-convent"  and  "convent-inspection"  socie- 
ties, as  well  as  the  lectures  of  "escaped  nuns"  and 
literature  in  abundance  of  the  "Maria  Monk"  type, 
and  they  may  be  expected  to  crop  up  again  periodi- 
cally in  the  future.  These  may  and  do  for  a  time 
hamper  the  work  of  the  nuns  and  cause  a  certain 
amount  of  disquietude  in  some  quarters,  but  it  is  a 
significant  fact  that,  whatever  excitement  they  may 
raise  for  the  time  being,  the  agitation  always  dies 
down  again  as  suddenly  as  it  arises,  and  its  harmful 
effects  never  appear  to  leave  behind  them  any  lasting 
results,  except  perhaps  an  increased  interest  in,  and 
respect  for,  the  conventual  life  that  has  been  vilified. 

Legislation  as  to  Convents.— Canon  law  con- 
tains a  large  and  important  section  relating  to  the 
establishment  and  government  of  convents.  The 
privileges  of  such  as  are  exempt  from  episcopal  juris- 
diction, the  appointment  of  confessors  for  the  nuns, 
and  the  duties  of  the  same,  the  regulations  of  the 
Church  concerning  enclosure,  and  the  admission  and 
testing  of  candidates,  the  nature  and  obligations  of  the 
vows,  the  limits  of  the  powers  of  superiors,  and  the 
conditions  regarding  the  erection  of  new  convents 
are  among  the  many  points  of  detail  legislated  for. 
One  or  two  points  may  be  alluded  to  here.  The  law 
of  the  Church  requires  that  no  new  convent  be  estab- 
lished, whether  it  be  one  that  is  exempt  from  episcopal 
jurisdiction  or  not,  without  the  consent  of  the  bishop 
of  the  diocese;  for  what  is  technically  called  "canoni- 
cal erection"  further  formalities,  including  approba- 
tion from  Rome,  have  to  be  complied-  with.  All 
confessors  for  nuns  must  be  specially  approved  by 
the  bishop,  even  those  of  convents  that  are  exempt 
from  his  ordinary  jurisdiction,  and  the  bishop  has  also 
to  provide  that  all  nuns  can  have  access  two  or  three 
times  in  the  year  to  an  "extraordinary"  confessor, 
other  than  their  usual  one.  The  bishop  also  is  obliged 
periodically  to  visit  and  inspect  all  the  convents  in  his 
diocese,  excepting  those  that  are  exempt,  at  the  time 
of  which  visitation  every  nun  must  be  free  to  see  him 
privately  in  order  to  make  any  complaints  or  sugges- 
tions that  she  may  wish.  With  regard  to  the  admis- 
sion of  postulants  the  law  provides  for  every  precau- 
tion being  taken,  on  the  one  hand,  to  prevent  coercion 
and,  on  the  other,  to  safeguard  the  community  from 
being  obliged  to  receive  those  about  whose  vocation 
there  may  De  any  doubt.  Physical  fitness  on  the  part 
of  a  candidate  is  in  most  orders  an  indispensable  con- 
dition, though  there  are  some  which  admit  women  of 
delicate  health ;  but,  once  admitted  and  professed,  the 
contract  becomes  reciprocal,  and  while  the  nun  under- 
takes to  keep  her  vows,  the  convent,  on  its  side,  is 
bound  to  provide  her  with  lodging,  food,  and  clothing, 
and  to  maintain  her  in  sickness  or  in  health  (see 
Novitiate;  Vow). 

Dowry. — With  regard  to  the  dowry  required  of  a 
nun,  the  customs  andrules  of  the  different  orders  vary 


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much  according  to  circumstances.  Some  convents, 
on  account  of  their  poverty,  are  obliged  to  insist  upon 
it,  and,  generally  speaking,  most  expect  their  members 
to  bring  some  contribution  to  the  general  fund.  A 
convent  that  is  rich  will  often  dispense  with  the  dowry 
in  the  case  of  a  highly  promising  candidate,  but  it 
must  always  depend  upon  particular  circumstances. 
The  minimum  amount  of  the  dowry  required  is  gen- 
erally fixed  by  the  rule  or  constitutions  of  the  convent 
or  order. 

Office. — In  most  of  the  older  contemplative  orders 
the  choir  nuns  are  bound  to  recite  the  whole  Divine 
Office  in  choir.  In  onljr  a  very  few  of  the  English 
convents,  e.  g.  Cistercians,  Dominicans,  and  Poor 
Clares,  do  the  nuns  rise  in  the  night  for  Matins  and 
Lauds;  in  the  others  these  Offices  are  generally  said 
in  the  evening  "  by  anticipation  ".  In  some  there  are 
other  additional  offices  recited  daily;  thus  the  Cister- 
cians and  Poor  Clares  say  the  Office  of  Our  Lady  and 
that  of  the  Dead  every  day,  and  the  Brigittines  say 
the  latter  thrice  in  the  week,  as  well  as  an  Office  of 
the  Holy  Ghost.  Almost  all  the  active  orders,  both 
enclosed  and  unenclosed,  use  the  Office  of  Our  Lady, 
but  some,  like  the  Sisters  of  Charity,  are  not  bound  to 
the  recitation  of  any  Office  at  all. 

Lay  Sisters. — In  most  orders  the  nuns  are  divided 
into  choir  sisters  and  lay  sisters.  The  latter  are  usu- 
ally employed  in  the  household  duties  and  other 
manual  work.  They  take  the  usual  vows  and  are  as 
truly  religious  as  the  choir  nuns,  but  they  are  not 
bound  to  the  choir  Office,  though  they  often  attend  the 
choir  at  the  time  of  Office  and  recite  certain  prayers  in 
the  vernacular.  There  is  always  a  distinction  between 
their  habit  and  that  of  the  choir  nuns,  sometimes  very 
slight  and  sometimes  strongly  marked.  In  some 
orders  where  the  choir  sisters  are  enclosed  the  lay 
sisters  are  not;  but  in  others  they  are  as  strictly  en- 
closed as  the  choir  nuns.  Several  orders  have,  by 
their  rule,  no  lay  sisters,  among  them  being  the 
Sisters  of  Notre  Dame,  the  Sisters  of  Charity,  the 
Sisters  of  Bon  .Secours,  the  Little  Sisters  of  the  Poor, 
and  the  Poor  Servants  of  the  Mother  of  God. 

Conventual  Buildings. — The  internal  arrange- 
ment of  a  properly  constituted  convent  is,  for  the 
most  part,  similar  to  that  of  a  monastery  for  men 
(see  Abbey  and  Monastery),  but  from  poverty  and 
other  obvious  causes,  many  convents  have  had  to  be 
established  in  already-existing  ordinary  dwelling- 
houses,  which  do  not  always  lend  themselves  to  ideal 
adaptation.  (See  Cloister;  Dower  of  Religious; 
Nun;  Office;  Schools.) 

Helyot,  Hist,  des  order*  religieux  (Paris,  1792);  Duodale, 
Monasticon  Anglicanum  (London,  1817-30);  Smith  in  Diet. 
Christ.  Antiq.  (London,  1880),  s.  v.  Nun;  Eckknbtein,  Woman 
under  Monasticism  (Cambridge,  1896);  Bateman,  Origin  and 
Early  History  of  Double  Monasteries  in  Transactions  of  Royal 
Historical  Society  (London,  1899),  XIII;  Graham,  St.  Gilbert 
of  Semprinoham  and  the  Gilbertines  (London,  1901);  Steele, 
The  Convents  of  Great  Britain  (London,  1902);  Oasquet,  Eng- 
lish Monastic  Life  (London,  1904);  Mabillon,  Annates  0.  S.  E. 
(Paris.  1703-39);  Do  Canoe,  Qlossarium,  ed.  Hexschel  (Lon- 
don, 1884),  s.  v.  Conventus. 

G.  Cyprian  Alston. 

Conventicle  Act.    See  Penal  Laws. 

Convent  Schools  (Great  Britain). — Convent  ed- 
ucation is  treated  here  not  historically  but  as  it  is  at 
the  present  day,  and,  by  way  of  introduction,  it  may 
be  briefly  stated  that  the  idea  of  including  the  educa- 
tion of  the  young  amongst  the  occupations  of  a  re- 
ligious community  is  practically  as  old  as  that  of  the 
religious  life  for  women  itself.  From  the  earliest 
times  it  was  customary  in  England  for  children  to  be 
educated  in  convents,  and  we  know  that  the  nuns  who 
went  forth  from  Wimborne  in  the  eighth  century  to 
help  St.  Boniface  in  his  work  of  evangelizing  Saxony, 
established  convent  schools  wherever  they  went,  in 
which  a  very  high  standard  of  scholarship  was  at- 
tained._  Stray  remarks  in  Chaucer  and  other  medie- 
val writers  likewise  reveal  the  fact  that  the  English 


convent  schools  of  the  Middle  Ages  compared  favour- 
ably with  schools  for  the  other  sex.  But  all  this  came 
to  an  end  at  the  Reformation,  so  far  as  England  was 
concerned;  and,  save  for  one  notable  exception,  Eng- 
lish convent  education  had  practically  to  start  afresh 
in  the  nineteenth  century.  The  exception  referred  to 
was  the  Bar  Convent  at  York,  belonging  to  the  Insti- 
tute of  the  Blessed  Virgin  Mary,  whose  foundress, 
Mary  Ward,  was  the  pioneer  of  religious  congregations 
devoted  to  the  education  of  English  girls.  Tie  Bar 
Convent  was  established  in  1686,  and  in  spite  of  penal 
laws,  Protestant  persecution,  no- popery  riots,  and 
even,  on  more  than  one  occasion,  the  imprisonment  of 
the  nuns  for  their  faith,  the  work  of  the  convent  has 
continued  from  that  day  to  this,  and  with  its  hundred 
and  eighty  houses  in  different  parts  of  the  English- 
speaking  world,  the  Institute  of  the  B.  V.  M.  has  long 
held  a  foremost  place  amongst  the  teaching  orders  of 
the  Church. 

The  opening  of  numerous  convents  in  England  dur- 
ing the  latter  half  of  the  nineteenth  century  has  pro- 
duced correspondingly  numerous  convent  schools,  in 
many  of  which,  be  it  noted,  Protestant  as -well  as 
Catholic  girls  (especially  in  day  and  elementary 
schools)  have  been  and  are  still  being  educated.  The 
foundation  of  training  colleges  for  Catholic  teachers, 
the  demand  for  teachers  with  academic  qualifications, 
the  move  in  favour  of  Government  inspection  with 
the  consequent  official  recognition  of  convent  schools, 
and  the  more  recent  advance  in  the  way  of  higher 
education  for  Catholic  women,  have  all  combined  to 
raise  the  standard  of  convent  education;  and  the  lead- 
ing teaching  orders  have  proved  equal  to  the  demand 
made  upon  their  capabilities  and  energy.  The  con- 
vents stand  foremost  in  the  work  they  nave  done  for 
religion  and  education,  and  they  have  turned  out 
hundreds  of  girls,  not  only  educated  in  the  highest 
sense  of  the  word  but  also  truly  religious. 

Although  in  its  widest  sense  the  term  "Convent 
Schools"  may  be  taken  to  include  all  those,  of  what- 
ever kind,  in  which  the  work  of  education  is  under- 
taken by  female  religious — such  as  primary  or  ele- 
mentary schools  (whether  mixed  or  for  girls  only), 
reformatory  and  industrial  schools — it  is  only  pro- 
posed in  this  article  to  deal  with  secondary  schools, 
l.  e.  day  or  boarding  schools  for  the  upper  and  middle 
classes,  training  colleges  for  Catholic  schoolmistresses, 
and  colleges  for  the  higher  education  of  women,  these 
being  more  closely  connected  with  convent  life  itself. 

Secondary  Education. — Almost  all  convent  sec- 
ondary schools  are  under  Government  inspect:on. 
This  gives  them  the  status  of  being  "recognized"  by 
the  Board  of  Education,  regulates  their  course  of 
studies,  and  ensures  unity  of  method  and  efficiency. 
Some  are  also  in  receipt  of  a  State  aid-grant,  which 
places  certain  restrictions  upon  their  methods  of  man- 
agement. Where  no  grant  is  accepted  the  nuns  are 
more  independent  as  regards  the  admission  and 
refusal  of  pupils.  The  aim  of  all  religious  orders 
engaged  in  secondary  education  for  girls  is,  whilst 
making  every  effort  to  keep  abreast  of  modern  require- 
ments with  regard  to  scholastic  efficiency,  to  give  also 
the  additional  advantage  of  a  thorough  religious 
training,  so  that  parents  may  have  no  reason  to  fear 
that  by  securing  the  latter  for  their  children  they 
are  sacrificing  the  greater  temporal  advantages  that 
might  be  obtained  at  a  Protestant  school.  The 
system  of  Government  inspection  and  recognition 
by  the  Board  of  Education,  with  or  without  the 
State  aid-grant,  secures  the  necessary  degree  of  effi- 
ciency, whilst  the  general  character  and  reputation  of 
the  various  communities  by  which  the  schools  are 
conducted  sufficiently  guarantees  the  religious  side  of 
their  educational  work.  Government  inspectors  and 
public  examiners  have  frequently  testified  to  the 
excellent  moral  tone  and  atmosphere  of  convent 
schools  and  to  the  cordial  relations  existing  between 


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teachers  uA  pupils,  no  less  than  to  the  high  teaching 
ability  of  the  nuns  themselves.  The  fact  that  educa- 
tion in  its  truest  sense  means  something  more  than 
mere  book-learning  is  nowhere  more  fully  realized 
than  in  the  convent  school,  and  results  all  tend  to 
prove  that  the  religious  and  moral  training  imparted 
in  such  establishments  has  in  no  way  acted  as  a  hin- 
drance to  the  more  technical  side  of  educational  work. 
It  has  sometimes  been  said  that  the  standard  of 
scholarship  attained  is  not  so  high  in  Catholic  as  in 
non-Catholic  schools  of  the  same  class,  but  however 
true  this  may  have  been  in  the  past,  the  general  level- 
ling up  that  has  taken  place  during  the  last  ten  or 
twenty  years  has  rendered  the  reproach  an  idle  one 
now.  The  public  examination  lists  of  recent  years 
afford  ample  proof  that  the  leading  convent  schools 
are  equal  in  efficiency  to  all  others. 

The  range  of  studies  pursued  in  convent  secondary 
schools  is  a  wide  one.  It  includes  religious  knowl- 
edge, English  in  all  its  branches,  French,  Latin,  math- 
ematics, science,  drawing,  needlework,  class-singing, 
and  drilling,  while  such  subjects  as  music,  singing, 
dancing,  Greek,  German,  Italian,  elocution,  snort- 
hand,  book-keeping,  dressmaking,  cooking,  etc.,  are 
generally  taught  as  optional  extras.  Pupils  are  en- 
tered for  the  Oxford  and  Cambridge  Local  Examina- 
tions, the  Higher  Locals,  the  Higher  and  Lower 
Certificates  of  the  Oxford  and  Cambridge  Joint  Ex- 
amination Board,  the  Matriculation  Examinations  of 
the  London  and  Liverpool  Universities,  as  well  as  for 
those  of  the  College  of  Preceptors,  the  Incorporated 
Society  of  Musicians,  the  Royal  Academy  of  Music, 
and  tne  Squth  Kensington  School  of  Art.  School 
buildings  and  accommodations  are  of  the  most  up-to- 
date  pattern — one  of  the  necessary  conditions  for 
Government  recognition.  Physical  development  is 
provided  for  by  means  of  hockey,  croquet,  tennis, 
cycling,  swimming,  and  gymnastics,  according  to  the 
particular  circumstances  of  each  school. 

All  the  leading  educational  communities  make  a 
special  point  of  havingtheir  teachers  properly  trained 
and  fully  qualified.  This  again  is  a  sine  quA  rum  for 
official  recognition,  and  the  Order  in  Council  of  1902, 
concerning  the  registration  of  secondary  teachers, 
gave  fresh  impetus  to  the  work  of  training  teachers 
for  convent  schools.  The  principal  teaching  orders 
send  their  subjects  usually  to  one  or  other  of  the  two 
Catholic  training  colleges  for  secondary  teachers  (St. 
Mary's  Hall,  Liverpool,  and  Cavendish  Square,  Lon- 
don), or  else  have  them  qualify  by  obtaining  one  or 
more  of  the  following:  the  teaching  diploma  of  the 
Cambridge  Teachers'  Training  Syndicate,  the  Oxford 
diploma  for  teachers,  Women's  Honours  in  Modern 
Languages  (Oxford),  the  Women's  diploma  for  the 
Oxford  B.  A.  degree,  the  LL.A.  diploma  of  St.  An- 
drew's University,  the  Licentiateship  of  the  College  of 
Preceptors,  the  Higher  Certificate  of  the  Oxford  and 
Cambridge  Joint  Board,  the  Higher  Local  Certificate 
of  Oxford  or  Cambridge,  or  a  degree  at  one  of  the 
universities  that  grant  degrees  to  women,  e.  g.  Lon- 
don, Liverpool,  or  Dublin.  Foreign  languages  are  in 
most  cases  taught  by  natives,  ana  in  the  teaching  of 
many  of  the  special  subjects  the  religious  are  assisted 
by  extern  professors  holding  the  highest  qualifications. 
From  these  few  facts  it  will  be  evident  that  the  con- 
vent schools  of  England  are  adequately  keeping  pace 
with  the  times  and  that  in  point  of  efficiency  they  are 
in  no  way  behind  non-Catholic  schools  of  the  same 
class,  while  the  facilities  that  have  been  recently 
brought  into  existence  for  the  advanced  education  of 
Catholic  women,  religious  as  well  as  secular,  at  the 
Universities  of  Oxford  and  Cambridge  point  to  a  still 
higher  degree  of  efficiency  for  the  future. 

inere  are  at  the  present  over  two  hundred  Catholic 
secondary  schools  in  England  under  the  care  of  repre- 
sentatives of  about  sixty  different  religious  orders. 
Chief  among  these  may  be  mentioned  the  English 


Institute  of  the  B.  V.  M.,  with  six  such  schools,  the 
Sisters  of  the  Holy  Child  Jesus  (eight  schools),  the 
Faithful  Companions  of  Jesus  (fourteen),  the  Sisters  of 
Notre  Dame  of  Namur  (eighteen),  the  Religious  of  St. 
Andrew  (one),  the  Religious  of  the  Sacred  Heart 
(eight),  the  Sisters  of  Mercy  (eleven),  the  Servites 
(three),  and  the  Ursulines  of  different  congregations 
(twenty-three).  Some  of  the  best  known  and  most 
successful  of  these  schools  are  those  at  York  and 
Cambridge  (Inst,  of  B.  V.  M.);  Mayfield,  St.  Leon- 
ard's, Preston,  Harrogate,  and  Cavendish  Square, 
London  (Sisters  of  the  Holy  Child  Jesus);  Isleworth, 
Liverpool,  Birkenhead,  and  Clarendon  Square,  Lon- 
don (Faithful  Companions) ;  Liverpool  (Mount  Pleas- 
ant), Northampton,  and  Norwicn  (Notre  Dame); 
Streatham  (St.  Andrew's);  Stamford  HU1  (Servites); 
and  St.  Ursula's,  Oxford.  Many  of  these  secondary 
schools  have  attached  to  them  pupil*  teachers'  cen- 
tres, where  valuable  preliminary  work  in  the  training 
of  elementary  schoolmistresses  is  done,  and  many  of 
them  serve  also  as  "practising  schools"  in  which  the 
students  of  Catholic  and  other  training  colleges  gives 
their  model  lessons  in  the  presence  of  their  instructors 
and  the  Government  inspectors.  The  pass  and  hon- 
ours lists  of  the  various  public  examinations  in  recent 
years  show  a  very  high  percentage  of  candidates  from 
the  convent  schools  and  prove  conclusively  that  as  far 
as  results  go  they  are  fully  equal  to  the  best  secondary 
schools  under  non-Catholic  management. 

Training  Colleges. — The  training  colleges  are  of 
two  kinds — those  for  the  training  of  primary  or  ele- 
mentary schoolmistresses,  and  those  for  teachers  in 
secondary  schools.  Both  kinds  are  under  the  care  of 
the  religious  orders.  All  the  Catholic  training  col- 
leges are  recognized  by  Government,  and  in  those  for 
primary  teachers  the  students  whose  expenses  are 
assisted  by  a  Government  grant  are  known  as  "  King's 
Scholars' ,  their  selection  as  such  being  dependent 
upon  a  competitive  examination  under  Government 
auspices.  There  are  six  recognized  training  colleges 
for  primary  teachers,  Mount  Pleasant,  Liverpool  (un- 
der the  Sisters  of  Notre  Dame) ;  St.  Charles'  Square, 
London,  and  Newcastle-on-Tyne  (Religious  of  the 
Sacred  Heart);  Southampton  (Nuns  of  La  Sainte 
Union);  Salford  (Faithful  Companions):  and  Hull 
(Sisters  of  Mercy).  In  all  of  these  the  Government 
syllabus  is  followed  and  the  Board  of  Education  certi- 
ficate is  granted  after  two  years'  successful  teaching 
in  one  school,  subsequent  to  the  completion  of  the 
course  at  the  college.  An  important  part  of  the 
training  consists  in  the  "criticism  lessons  ,  which  are 
given  by  the  students  in  some  secondary  school  con- 
nected with  the  training  college  under  the  direction 
of  the  "Mistress  of  Method",  and  which  are  criticized 
then  and  there  by  her  as  well  as  by  the  other  students 
in  turn.  The  best  known  and  largest  of  these  training 
colleges,  which  was  also  the  first  to  be  established,  is 
that  of  Mount  Pleasant,  Liverpool,  under  the  Sisters 
of  Notre  Dame  of  Namur.  It  was  opened  in  1856  with 
twenty-one  students  and  now  numbers  one  hundred 
and  sixty  King's  Scholars.  It  has  been  (1905)  officially 
affiliated  to  tne  Liverpool  University  and  a  limited 
number  of  its  students  are  allowed  to  follow  the  arts 
or  science  degree  course  of  the  university  after  the  usual 
two  years'  Government  course  has  been  completed. 
The  whole  of  the  preliminary  and  certain  subjects  of 
the  intermediate  course  can  be  done  at  Mount  Pleasant 
under  the  sisters,  which  reduces  the  time  of  residence 
required  for  obtaining  the  degree.  Although  this  is 
quite  an  innovation,  it  speaks  well  for  the  college  that 
five  out  of  the  first  six  sent  in  obtained  the  B.  A. 
degree  in  the  minimum  period  of  time. 

The  training  colleges  for  secondary  teachers  are  St. 
Mary's  Hall,  Liverpool,  attached  to  Notre  Dame, 
Mount  Pleasant,  and  established  in  1898;  and  Caven- 
dish Square,  London,  under  the  Sisters  of  the  Holy 
Child  Jesus,  opened  in  1895.    Both  of  these  are  recog- 


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used  by  the  Board  of  Education  as  well  as  by  the 
Teachers  Syndicate  of  the  Cambridge  University;  and 
the  teachers'  diploma  of  that  university,  necessary 
for  "registration  ,  is  granted  to  successful  students  at 
the  end  of  the  course.  Many  of  the  other  teaching 
orders  send  their  subjects  to  these  colleges,  where 
while  following  the  usual  course  with  other  students, 
special  arrangements  are  made  for  them  to  carry  out 
the  duties  of  their  religious  life  and  to  follow  their  own 
rule  as  far  as  possible.  The  theoretical  studies  in- 
clude history  and  methods  of  education,  logic,  psy- 
chology, ethics,  school  management,  and  nygiene, 
tested  by  a  written  examination;  and  the  practical 
work,  taken  in  the  secondary  schools  attached  to 
the  two  colleges,  is  awarded  the  diploma  after  one 
year's  practice  and  a  test  lesson  given  before  a  Gov- 
ernment inspector.  The  syllabus  of  the  Cambridge 
Syndicate  is  followed  in  all  subjects  except  philosophy, 
for  which  a  course  of  Catholic  philosophy  is  allowed  to 
be  substituted. 

Hitherto  only  Catholic  students  have  been  admitted 
to  these  colleges,  but  regulations  issued  by  the  Board 
of  Education  (which  came  into  force  September, 
1908)  require  that  no  qualified  student  applying  for 
admission  may  be  rejected,  if  there  is  room,  on  the 
score  of  religion.  The  Catholic  hierarchy  have  pro- 
tested against  this  and  memorialized  the  prime  minis- 
ter, but  the  authorities  adhere  to  their  decision  and 
rule  that  no  training  college  failing  to  comply  with 
these  regulations  will  in  future  be  recognized.  The 
Catholic  training  colleges  had  therefore  to  face  the 
alternative  of  the  introduction  of  non-Catholic  stu- 
dents to  the  exclusion  of  Catholics,  where  numbers 
are  limited,  or  serious  monetary  loss  through  the  with- 
drawal of  the  State-aided  King's  Scholars. 

Higher  Education  fob  Women. — The  higher  edu- 
cation of  women,  in  connexion  with  convents,  is 
hardly  out  of  the  experimental  stage.  The  university 
class  in  the  Notre  Dame  Training  College  and  its  affili- 
ation to  the  Liverpool  University  have  already  been 
mentioned.  Up  to  1895  Catholics  were  prohibited 
(by  ecclesiastical  authority)  from  entering  the  older 
residential  universities  of  Oxford  and  Cambridge,  and 
the  removal  in  that  year  of  the  prohibition  favoured 
men  only.  Women  had  to  wait  still  longer;  but  this 
restriction  was  taken  away  in  June  1907,  by  a  decree 
from  Rome,  which  sanctions  under  certain  conditions 
the  opening  of  houses  for  women,  both  secular  and 
religious,  at  Oxford  and  Cambridge,  to  enable  them 
to  secure  the  advantages  of  a  university  education. 
The  Sisters  of  the  Holy  Child  Jesus  were  the  first  com- 
munity to  avail  themselves  of  this  concession.  They 
have  opened  a  convent  at  Oxford,  recognized  and 
licensed  by  the  University  authorities,  where  twenty 
secular  students  and  an  unlimited  number  of  religious 
may  reside  whilst  following  the  university  course. 
St.  Ursula's  Convent,  also  at  Oxford,  likewise  receives 
ladies  and  religious  desirous  of  reading  for  honours  in 
modern  languages  or  for  the  B.  A.  degree  examina- 
tion, which  they  may  do  either  by  attending  the  uni- 
versity lectures,  or  by  means  of  private  tuition  in  the 
convent  itself.  Women  are  not  eligible  for  degrees, 
either  at  Oxford  or  at  Cambridge,  Dut  they  are  al- 
lowed to  attend  almost  all  the  university  lectures  and 
to  sit  for  the  degree  examinations,  receiving  if  success- 
ful a  diploma  instead  of  the  degree  itself.  It  is  pro- 
posed to  establish  at  Cambridge  a  college  for  Catholic 
women,  similar  to  those  of  Newnham  and  Girton, 
which  will  probably,  in  accordance  with  the  desires  of 
Propaganda,  be  placed  under  the  charge  of  one  of  the 
principal  teaching  orders.  A  committee  to  carry  out 
the  project  has  the  Archbishop  of  Westminster  at  its 
head. 

Secondary  Education  in  Ireland  and  Scot- 
land.— The  convent  schools  of  Ireland  and  Scotland 
compare  favourably  with  those  of  England,  and  their 
general  character,  scope,  and  conditions  being  prac- 


tically similar,  they  need  no  further  description  here. 
There  are  in  Scotland  about  ten  different  orders  en- 
gaged in  secondary  education,  with  upwards  of  twenty 
schools  under  then*  care,  besides  two  training  colleges 
— one  at  Glasgow  for  primary  teachers,  under  the 
Sisters  of  Notre  Dame,  and  the  other  at  Edinburgh 
for  secondary  teachers,  conducted  by  the  Sisters  of 
Mercy.  In  Ireland  the  chief  teaching  orders  are  the 
Institute  of  the  B.  V.  M.  (with  thirteen  convent 
schools),  the  Faithful  Companions  of  Jesus  (with 
three  schools),  the  Dominicans,  Ursulines,  and  the  St. 
Louis  Nuns,  each  with  several  prominent  secondary 
schools.  The  equivalent  in  Ireland  of  recognition 
and  inspection  by  the  Board  of  Education  is  the  "In- 
termediate System",  introduced  in  1878,  which  pro- 
duces practically  the  same  results  and  has  been 
adopted  by  most  of  the  religious  institutes  engaged  in 
secondary  education.  This  system  arranges  examina- 
tions and  awards  medals,  money  prizes,  and  exhibi- 
tions. Catholic  girls  wishing  to  pursue  a  higher  course 
after  completing  that  of  the  Intermediate  System, 
have  had  to  take  the  examinations  and  degrees  of  the 
"Royal  University  of  Ireland."  To  meet  the  de- 
mand several  orders  have  colleges  under  their  care  in 
Dublin,  the  most  prominent  and  successful  being 
Loreto  College,  belonging  to  the  Institute  of  the 
B.  V.  M.,  and  the  Dominican  College.  The  Irish  edu- 
cational authorities  do  not  insist  on  the  formal  train- 
ing of  secondary  teachers;  consequently  each  religious 
institute  is  responsible  for  the  training  of  its  own 
members.  The  results,  however,  of  their  work  prove 
that  this  is  no  less  thorough  and  efficient  than  that 
obtainable  at  one  of  the  recognized  English  training 


There  ia  very  little  published  literature  on  this  subject,  but 
scattered  information  can  be  had  in  Eckenbtein,  Woman 
under  Monaeticitm  (Cambridge,  1806),  for  the  educational  work 
of  medieval  convents,  and  Steels,  The  Contentt  of  Great 
Britain  (London,  1002),  for  particulars  as  to  the  teaching  orders 
of  the  present  day.  Some  information  may  also  be  found  in 
various  articles  in  The  Crucible  (Oxford,  quarterly,  1905-08) 
and  in  the  Catholic  Directory  (London.  1908).  The  foregoing 
article  has  been  compiled  chiefly  from  unpublished  information 
supplied  by  the  superiors  of  the  principal  teaching  orders  work- 
ing in  England. 

G.  Cyprian  Alston. 

Conventuals,  Order  of  Friars  Minor. — This  is 
one  of  the  three  separate  bodies,  forming  with  the 
Friars  Minor  and  the  Capuchins  what  is  commonly 
called  the  First  Order  of  St.  Francis.  All  three  bodies 
txwiay  follow  the  rule  of  the  Friars  Minor,  but  whereas 
the  Friars  Minor  and  the  Capuchins  profess  this  rule 
pure  and  simple,  differing  only  accidentally  in  their 
particular  constitutions,  the  Conventuals  observe  it 
with  certain  dispensations  lawfully  accorded. 

There  has  been  some  difference  of  opinion  as  to  the 
origin  of  the  name  "Conventual".  Innocent  IV  de- 
creed (Bull  "Cum  tamquam  veri",  5  April,  1250) 
that  Franciscan  churches  where  convents  existed 
might  be  called  Conventual  churches,  and  some  have 
maintained  that  the  name  "Conventual"  was  first 

S'ven  to  the  religious  residing  in  such  convents, 
thers,  however,  assert  that  the  word  Convenlualis 
was  used  to  distinguish  the  inmates  of  large  convents 
from  those  who  lived  more  after  the  manner  of  her- 
mits. In  any  event  it  seems  safe  to  assert  that  the 
term  Conventual  was  not  used  to  signify  a  distinct 
section  of  the  Order  of  Friars  Minor  in  any  official 
document  prior  to  1431.  Since  that  time,  and  more 
especially  since  1517,  this  term  has  been  employed 
to  designate  that  branch  of  the  Franciscan  Order 
which  has  accepted  dispensations  from  the  substan- 
tial observance  of  the  rule  in  regard  to  poverty.  It 
may  be  noted,  however,  that  the  name  "Conventual" 
has  not  been  restricted  to  the  Franciscan  Order. 
Thus  the  statutes  of  the  Camaldolese  approved  by 
Leo  X  distinguish  between  the  Conventuals  and 
the  Observants  in  that  order,  and  St.  Pius  V  (Bull 
"Superioribus  mensibus",  16  April,  1567)  says:  "That 


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which  we  have  decreed  for  the  Conventuals  of  the 
Order  of  St.  Francis  we  decree  likewise  for  the  Con- 
ventuals of  other  orders". 

Although  all  the  religious  professing  the  rule  of  the 
Friars  Minor  continued  to  form  one  body  under  the 
same  head  for  over  three  hundred  years  (1209-10  to 
1517),  it  is  well  known  that  even  during  the  lifetime 
of  St.  Francis  a  division  had  shown  itself  in  the  ranks 
of  the  friars,  some  favouring  a  relaxation  in  the  rigour 
of  the  rule,  especially  as  regards  the  observance  of 
poverty,  and  others  desiring  to  adhere  to  its  literal 
strictness.  The  tendency  towards  relaxation  became 
more  marked  after  the  death  of  the  Seraphic  founder 
(1226),  and  was  encouraged  by  his  successor,  Brother 
Elias.  The  latter,  a  man  of  great  ability,  but  whose 
religious  ideals  differed  vastly  from  those  of  St.  Fran- 
cis, even  oppressed  such  as  opposed  his  views.  The 
long  and  deplorable  controversy  which  followed — a 
controversy  which  called  forth  a  mass  of  remarkable 
writings  and  even  affected  imperial  politics — resulted 
in  two  parties  being  formed  within  the  order,  the  Zelanti, 
who  were  zealous  for  the  strict  observance  of  the  rule 
and  who  were  afterwards  named  Observants,  and  the 
fratres  de  communitale  who  had  adopted  certain  miti- 
gations and  who  gradually  came  to  be  called  Con- 
ventuals. In  spite  of  the  fact  that  a  cleavage  had  been 
gradually  developing  between  these  two  branches 
from  at  least  the  middle  of  the  fourteenth  century,  it 
was  only  in  1415  at  the  Council  of  Constance  that 
the  Church  authoritatively  recognized  this  division 
in  the  order.  Hence  the  Holy  See  decreed  that  all 
the  friars  who  died  before  that  council  may  not  be 
termed  either  Observants  or  Conventuals,  but  simply 
Friars  Minor  (see  Decrees  of  25  Sept.,  1723;  11  Dec., 
1723;  and  26  Feb.,  1737).  Notwithstanding  this 
division  of  the  order  formally  sanctioned  in  1415  by 
the  Council  of  Constance,  both  Observants  and  Con- 
ventuals continued  to  form  one  body  under  the  same 
head  until  1517. 

In  the  latter  year  Leo  X  called  a  general  chapter  of 
the  whole  order  at  Rome,  with  a  view  to  effecting  a 
complete  reunion  between  the  Observants  and  Con- 
ventuals. The  former  acceded  to  the  wish  of  the  sove- 
reign pontiff  but  requested  permission  to  observe 
the  rule  without  any  dispensation;  the  latter  declared 
they  did  not  wish  for  the  union  if  it  entailed  their  re- 
nouncing the  dispensations  they  had  received  from  the 
Holy  See.  Leo  X  thereupon  incorporated  with  the 
Observants  (Bull  "Ite  et  vos  in  vineam  meam",  29 
May,  1517)  all  the  Franciscan  friars  who  wished  to  ob- 
serve the  rule  without  dispensation,  abolishing  the 
different  denominations  of  Clareni,  Colletani,  etc. ;  he 
decreed  that  the  members  of  the  great  family  thus 
united  should  be  called  simply  Fnars  Minor  of  St. 
Francis,  or  Friars  Minor  of  tne  Regular  Observance, 
and  should  have  precedence  over  the  Conventuals: 
he  moreover  conferred  upon  them  the  right  of 
electing  the  minister  general,  who  was  to  bear  the 
title  of  Minister  General  of  the  Whole  Order  of  Friars 
Minor,  and  to  havo  the  exclusive  use  of  the  ancient 
seal  of  the  order  as  the  legitimate  successor  of  St. 
Francis.  On  the  other  hand,  those  who  continued  to 
live  under  dispensations  were  constituted  a  separate 
body  with  the  name  of  Conventuals  (Bulls  "Omni- 

r>tens  Deus",  12  June,  1517,  and  "Licet  Alias  ", 
Dec.,  1517)  and  given  the  right  to  elect  a  master 

reral  of  their  own,  whose  election,  however,  had  to 
confirmed  by  the  Minister  General  of  the  Friars 
Minor.  The  latter  appears  never  to  have  availed 
himself  of  this  right,  and  the  Conventuals  may  be  re- 
garded as  an  entirely  independent  order  from  1517, 
but  it  was  not  until  1580  that  they  obtained  a  special 
cardinal  protector  of  their  own.  Some  years  later 
the  masters  general  of  the  order  began  to  call  them- 
selves "  Ministers  General ' '.  Father  Evangelist  Pelleo, 
elected  fifteenth  master  general  in  1587.  was  the  first 
to  Uke  this  title,  which  has  been  generally  accorded  to 


his  forty-nine  successors  even  in  Apostolic  letters, 
though  the  ordinance  of  Leo  X  was  never  formally 
revoked.  Under  Sixtus  V  (1587)  the  Conventuals  at- 
tempted to  dispute  the  right  of  the  Minister  General 
of  the  Friars  Minor  to  the  title  "Minister  General  of 
the  Whole  Order",  but  were  unsuccessful.  They  re- 
newed their  efforts  under  Clement  VIII  (1593  and 
1602)  but  with  no  greater  success.  In  1625  they  again 
reopened  the  question,  which  was  discussed  for  nearly 
six  years.  On  22  March,  1631,  the  right  of  the  Minister 
General  of  the  Friars  Minor  to  the  title  in  dispute  was 
solemnly  confirmed  by  the  Sacred  Congregation  of 
Rules,  and  Benedict  XIII  by  a  Bull  of  21  July,  1728, 
imposed  perpetual  silence  upon  the  contestants. 

In  1565  the  Conventuals  accepted  the  Tridentine 
indult  allowing  mendicant  orders  to  own  property 
corporately,  and  their  chapter  held  at  Florence  in 
that  year  drew  up  statutes  containing  several  impor- 
tant reforms  which  Pius  IV  subsequently  approved 
(Bull  "Sedis  Apostolical",  17  Sept.,  1565).  Three 
years  later  St.  Pius  V  (Bull  "Ad  Extirpandos",8June, 
1568)  sought  to  enforce  a  stricter  observance  of  the 
vow  of  poverty  and  of  the  community  life  among  the 
Conventuals,  and  the  superiors  of  tne  order  imme- 
diately enacted  statutes  conformable  to  his  desires, 
which  the  pope  approved  (Bull  "Ilia  nos  cura",  23 
July,  1568).  In  1625  new  constitutions  were  adopted 
by  the  Conventuals  which  superseded  all  preceding 
ones.  These  constitutions,  which  were  subsequently 
promulgated  by  Urban  VIII  (Bull  "Militantes  Eocle- 
site",  6  May,  1628),  are  known  as  the  "Constitu- 
tiones  Urban®"  and  are  of  primary  importance, 
since  at  their  profession  the  Conventuals  vow  to 
observe  the  Rule  of  St.  Francis  in  accordance  with 
them,  that  is  to  say,  by  admitting  the  duly 'authorized 
dispensations  therein  set  forth  (see  "  Constitutions 
Urbane  ordinis  fratrum  Minorum  Sti.  Franciscd 
Conventualium,  Assisi,  1803).  It  would  therefore 
be  no  less  false  than  unjust  to  regard  the  Conventuals 
as  less  observant  of  the  obligations  contracted  by 
their  profession  than  the  Friars  Minor  and  Capuchins, 
since  they  are  not  bound-  by  all  the  obligations  as- 
sumed by  either  of  the  latter.  The  institution  of 
several  communities  and  even  provinces  of  Reformed 
Conventuals,  more  especially  between  1562  and  1668 
(see  "  Constituzioni  general!  de'  frati  riformati  de' 
Minori  Conventuali  ds  osservarsi  per  tutta  la  riforma, 
fatte  per  ordine  del  Capitulo  generate  de'  Minori 
Conventuali  celebrato  in  Orvieto  l'anno  1611"),  af- 
fords interesting  proof  of  the  vitality  of  the  order, 
which  for  the  rest  has  possessed  many  men  of  eminent 
virtue  and  has  rendered  important  services  to  the 
Church. 

St.  Joseph  of  Cupertino  (d.  1663),  one  of  the 
greatest  saints  of  the  seventeenth  century,  and  Bl. 
Bona  venture  of  Potenza  (d.- 1711)  were  both  Con- 
ventuals, and  the  beatification  of  several  other  mem- 
bers of  the  order  is  now  under  way.  The  Conventuals 
have,  moreover,  given  three  popes  to  the  Church: 
Sixtus  IV  (1471-84),  Sixtus  V  (1585-90),  and  Clement 
XIV  (1769-74),  besides  a  number  of  cardinals  and 
other  distinguished  prelates.  Among  the  eminent 
theologians  and  scholars  the  order  has  produced,  the 
names  of  Mastrius,  Pagi,  Brancati,  Papini,  Sbaralea, 
and  Eubel  are  perhaps  most  familiar.  The  Con- 
ventuals enjoy  the  privilege  of  guarding  the  tomb  of 
St.  Francis  at  Assisi  and  that  of  St.  Anthony  at 
Padua,  and  they  furnish  the  penitentiaries  to  the 
Vatican  Basilica  and  to  the  sanctuary  at  Lore  to.  At 
Rome  they  possess  the  famous  church  and  convent  of 
the  Twelve  Apostles,  and  it  is  here  that  their  general 
resides.  The  habit  of  the  Conventuals  which  was 
formerly  gray  is  now  black — whence  they  are  some- 
times called  by  the  people  the  "Black  Franciscans", 
in  contrast  to  the  Fnars  Minor  and  Capuchins,  whose 
habit  is  brown;  it  consists  of  a  serge  tunic  fastened 
around  the  waist  with  a  thin  white  cord  with  three 


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CONVERSI 


knots;  to  the  large  cape,  which  is  round  in  front  and 
pointed  behind,  a  small  hood  is  attached.  Unlike  the 
Friars  Minor  and  the  Capuchins,  the  Conventuals 
wear  birettas  and  shoes. 

In  1517  the  Conventuals  formed  only  about  a  sixth 
part  of  the  order.  After  their  separation  from  the 
Friars  Minor,  the  number  of  Conventuals  diminished 
considerably.  In  Spain  Cardinal  Ximenes  was  instru- 
mental in  depriving  them  of  their  convents,  which 
were  given  to  the  Friars  Minor.  Clement  VII,  22  June, 
1524,  ordered  the  Provincial  of  the  Friars  Minor  at 
Burgos  to  bring  back  to  the  Regular  Observance  all  the 
Conventuals  in  the  Kingdom  of  Navarre,  and  St.  Pius 
V,  16  April,  1567,  commanded  all  the  Conventuals  in 
Spain  to  embrace  the  Regular  Observance.  Like 
measures  were  adopted,  30  October,  1567,  in  regard 
to  Portugal,  where  as  in  Flanders  and  in  Denmark 
all  the  Conventuals  gradually  passed  over  to  the 
Friars  Minor.  In  France  all  their  provinces  save 
three  joined  the  main  branch  of  the  order.  Never- 
theless the  Conventuals  continued  to  prosper  in 
other  countries.  In  Italy  and  Germany  they  suffered 
fewer  losses  than  elsewhere.  During  the  seven- 
teenth and  eighteenth  centuries  they  increased  very 
much,  for  in  1770  they  possessed  some  31  provinces 
with  966  convents.  In  France  alone  they  had  48 
convents  and  numbered  330  religious.  In  1771,  8 
convents  in  France  including  the  great  convent  in 
Paris,  which  had  since  1517  been  subject  to  the  Min- 
ister General  of  the  Friars  Minor,  passed  over  to  the 
Conventuals,  giving  them  a  total  of  2620  religious  in 
France  alone,  but  twenty  years  later  their  number  there 
had  fallen  to  1544.  Since  the  revolutionary  epoch 
the  order  lost  more  than  1000  houses,  principally  in 
France,  Italy,  Switzerland,  and  Germany.  At  pres- 
ent (1907)  it  is  divided  into  26  provinces.  Of  these 
12  are  in  Italy,  the  others  being  those  of  Malta;  Gali- 
cia;  Russia  and  Lithuania;  Strasburg,  comprising 
Bavaria  and  Switzerland;  Liege,  comprising  Belgium 
and  Holland;  Austria  and  Styria;  Bohemia,  with 
Moravia  and  Silesia;  Hungary  and  Transylvania; 
Spain;  the  United  States;  Rumania,  with  the  mission 
of  Moldavia;  and  the  Orient,  with  the  mission  of  Con- 
stantinople. The  mission  of  Moldavia,  which  is  one  of 
the  oldest  in  the  Seraphic  Order,  comprises  10  con- 
vents with  parishes,  in  which  there  are  28  missionaries 
governed  by  an  archbishop  belonging  to  the  order. 
There  are  also  10  convents  and  28  missionaries  con- 
nected with  the  mission  at  Constantinople,  where  the 
Apostolic  delegate  is  a  Conventual.  The  order  has 
recently  made  new  foundations  in  England  and  Den- 
mark. According  to  the  latest  available  official  sta- 
tistics (1899),  the  Conventuals  numbered  in  all  some 
1500  religious. 

At  least  two  Conventual  missionaries  were  labour- 
ing in  the  United  States  in  the  early  forties,  but  the 
establishment  of  the  order  there  may  be  said  to  date 
from  1850.  In  1907 there  were  two  flourishing  provinces 
of  the  order  in  the  United  States,  the  province  of  the 
Immaculate  Conception  which  numbers  thirteen  con- 
vents and  houses,  those  at  Syracuse,  Louisville, 
Trenton,  Camden,  Hoboken,  Albany,  and  Terre 
Haute  being  the  most  important;  and  the  province 
of  St.  Anthony  of  Padua,  the  members  of  which  are 
Poles,  and  which  has  ten  convents  and  houses  in  the 
Dioceses  of  Baltimore,  Brooklyn,  Buffalo,  Detroit, 
Harrisburg,  Hartford,  and  Springfield. 

The  Conventuals  were  not  affected  by  the  Apostolic 
Constitution  "Felicitate  quadam"  of  Leo  XIII  (4 
Oct.,  1897)  by  which  the  different  special  reforms  into 
which  the  Observants  had  become  divided  since  1517 
were  reunited  under  the  name  of  Friars  Minor,  but 
like  the  Capuchins  (who  were  constituted  a  separate 
body  in  1619)  they  still  remain  an  independent  order. 
Leo  XIII,  however,  expressly  confirmed  the  right  of 
precedence  accorded  to  the  Friars  Minor  by  Leo  X. 

Waddino,  Annates  Mm.  (Rome,  1736),  XVI,  41-60;  Sbara- 


lea,  Bullarium  Francitcanum  (Rome,  1750),  I,  638-39; 
Hbltot,  Diet,  des  ordret  religiexix  (Fuia,  1859)  in  Mione, 
Encycl.,  1st  aeries,  XX,  1104-12;  Tossinianensi.  Hist.  Seraph. 
Rdtaimis  libri  tret  (Venice,  1580),  II,  149;  De  Gubernatts. 
Orbit  Seraphicus  (Lyons,  1885),  II,  lib.  IX:  Van  den  Hadtk. 
Brevis  Hist.  Ord.  Mm.  (Rome,  1777),  Tr.  ii;  Patreh,  Tableau 
synoptique  de  I'hitt.  de  tout  t'Ordre  Sfraphimie  (Pans,  1871), 
on.  ii,  48-51;  Heisibccher,  Die  Ordm  una  Kongregntion-n 
(Paderbora,  1907),  II,  380-87;  Palomeb,  Dei  Frail  Mmon  € 
deUe  loro  denominaximi  (Palermo,  1897),  1-60;  De  Kebval, 
S.  Francois  d  Assise  et  TOrdre  Straphique  (Paris,  1898),  PL 
II,  ch.  ii;  Carmichael,  The  Franciscan  Families  in  Irish  Eccles. 
Record  (March,  1904),  235-254. 

Paschal  Robinson. 

Oonversano,  Diocese  of  (Cupers anensis) ,  suf- 
fragan to  Ban.  Conversano,  situated  in  the  province 
of  Ban,  in  Apulia  (Southern  Italy),  is  the  ancient 
Cupersanum,  a  city  of  the  Peucetians.  Its  history  is 
practically  that  of  Apulia.  After  the  invasion  of  the 
Normans,  it  was  for  a  while  the  seat  of  a  duchy;  later, 
however,  it  became  a  fief  of  the  dukes  of  Atri.  The 
first  bishop  whose  date  is  certain  was  Hilarius,  present 
at  the  Roman  synod  of  501 .  Local  tradition,  however, 
preserves  the  name  of  a  previous  bishop,  Simplicius, 
who  died  in  492.  No  other  names  are  recorded  up  to 
the  episcopate  of  Leo,  mentioned  in  a  document  of 
1088.  Other  bishops  worthy  of  mention  were:  the 
Cistercian  Stefano  (c.  1266);  Giovanni  de  Gropi 
(c.  1283);  Antonio  Guidotti  (d.  1433);  Paolo  de  Tor- 
coli,  who  died  in  the  odour  of  sanctity  in  1482;  Ro- 
molo  de'  Valenti  (d.  1579);  Giuseppe  Palermo  (who 
was  appointed  1658),  Andrea  Brancaccia  (1681). 
The  diocese  has  a  population  of  95,521,  with  7 
parishes,  130  churches  and  chapels,  132  secular  and 
8  regular  priests,  2  religious  houses  of  men  and  8 
of  women. 

Cafpelletti,  Le  chiete  d  Italia  (Venice,  1844),  XXI,  40-45; 
Ann.  Ecd.  (Rome,  1907),  423-24;  Morea,  It  Chartularium 
di  San  Benedetto  di  Conversano  (Monte  Cassino,  1893),  815- 
1266. 

U.  Benigni. 

Conversi,  lay  brothers  in  a  religious  order.  The 
term  was  originally  applied  to  those  who,  in  adult  life, 
voluntarily  renounced  the  world  and  entered  a  reli- 
gious order  to  do  penance  and  to  lead  a  life  of  greater 
perfection.  The  renouncing  of  the  world  was  Known 
as  the  conversio  a  tceado,  which  had  as  its  object  a  re- 
form or  change  of  life,  the  conversio  morum,  hence  con- 
vert or  the  "converted".  The  conversi  were  thus 
distinguished  from  the  oblati  or  those  who,  as  children, 
were  presented  or  offered  {oblati)  by  their  parents  to 
the  religious  life  and  were  placed  in  a  monastery  to  re- 
ceive proper  religious  instruction  and  to  be  educated 
in  profane  knowledge.  In  the  eleventh  century  St. 
John  Gualbert,  founder  of  the  Benedictine  congrega- 
tion known  as  the  Vallisumbrosani,  introduced  for  the 
first  time  a  distinction  between  the  fratrea  converti,  or 
lay  brothers,  and  priests,  or  choir  religious.  For 
among  the  conversi  there  were  not  seldom  those  who 
were  either  entirely  illiterate,  or  who  in  the  world  had 
led  a  life  of  public  scandal,  or  had  been  notorious 
criminals,  and  while  on  the  one  hand  it  was  unjust  that 
such  should  be  debarred  from  the  means  of  doing  pen- 
ance in  the  cloister  and  from  the  other  benefits  of  the 
religious  life,  they  were  at  the  same  time  hardly  to  be 
considered  fit  subjects  for  the  reception  of  Sacred 
orders.  They  were  thus  received  into  the  order  for 
the  purpose  of  engaging  in  manual  labour  and  occa- 
sionally for  directing  the  temporal  affairs  of  the  mon- 
astery. In  modern  canonical  usage  the  term  eonver- 
sus  is  synonymous,  or  nearly  so,  with  that  of  lay 
brother.  What  has  been  saia  of  religious  orders  of 
men  can,  in  general,  be  applied  equally  to  those  of 
women,  though  the  distinction  between  conversas,  or 
lay  sisters,  and  choir  religious  does  not  appear  to  have 
been  introduced  before  the  twelfth  century.  •  As  a 
rule,  the  conversi  wear  a  habit  different  from  that  of 
the  choir  religious ;  but  the  essential  obligations  of  the 
vows  and  of  the  monastic  life  in  general  are  alike  for 
all.    (See  Lay  Brother  and  Oblati.) 


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Kauun  in  Kirehenlex.,  s.  v.  For  the  large  share  of  these 
eonversi,  or  lay  brothers,  in  the  development  of  medieval 
agriculture,  monastic  administration,  etc.  see  Hoffmann, 
Dot  Konveneninrtilut  da  Cittemmttrrordau  (Freiburg, 
Switserland,  1905). 

Stephen  M.  Donovan. 

Conversion  (from  the  classical  Latin  concerto, 
depon.  converter,  whence  conversio,  change,  etc.),  in 
the  Latin  Vulgate  (Acts,  xv,  3),  in  patristic  (St.  Augus- 
tine, Civ.  Dei,  VIII,  xxiv),  and  in  later  ecclesiastical 
Latin,  a  moral  change,  a  turning  or  returning  to  God, 
to  the  true  religion,  in  which  sense  it  has  passed  into 
our  modern  languages:  the  conversion  of  St.  Paul,  of 
Constantino  the  Great,  of  St.  Augustine.  In  the  Mid- 
dle Ages  the  word  conversion  was  often  used  in  the 
sense  of  forsaking  the  world  to  enter  the  religious 
state.  Thus  St.  Bernard  speaks  'of  his  conversion. 
The  return  of  the  sinner  to  a  life  of  virtue  is  also  called 
a  conversion.  More  commonly  do  we  speak  of  the 
conversion  of  an  infidel  to  the  true  religion,  and  most 
commonly  of  the  conversion  of  a  schismatic  or  heretic 
to  the  Catholic  Church. 

Every  man  is  bound  by  the  natural  law  to  seek  the 
true  religion,  embrace  it  when  found,  and  conform  his 
life  to  its  principles  and  precepts.  And  it  is  a  dogma 
of  the  Church  denned  by  the  Vatican  Council  that  man 
is  able  by  the  natural  light  of  reason  to  arrive  at  the 
certain  knowledge  of  the  existence  of  the  one  true 
God,  our  Creator  and  Lord.  The  same  council 
teaches  that  faith  is  a  gift  of  God  necessary  for  salva- 
tion, that  it  is  an  act  of  the  intellect  commanded  by 
the  will,  and  that  it  is  a  supernatural  act.  The  act  of 
faith  then  is  an  act  of  the  understanding,  whereby  we 
firmly  hold  as  true  whatever  God  has  revealed,  not 
because  of  its  intrinsic  truth  perceived  by  the  natural 
light  of  reason,  but  because  God,  who  can  neither  de- 
ceive nor  be  deceived,  has  revealed  it.  It  is  in  itself 
an  act  of  the  understanding,  but  it  requires  the  influ- 
ence of  the  will  which  moves  the  intellect  to  assent. 
For  many  of  the  truths  of  revelation;  being  mysteries, 
are  to  some  extent  obscure.  Yet,  it  is  not  a  blind  act, 
since  the  fact  that  God  has  spoken  is  not  merely  prob- 
able but  certain.  The  evidences  for  the  fact  of  revela- 
tion are  not,  however,  the  motive  of  faith;  they  are 
the  grounds  which  render  revelation  credible,  that  is 
to  say,  they  make  it  certain  that  God  has  spoken. 
And  since  faith  is  necessary  for  salvation,  that  we 
may  comply  with  the  duty  of  embracing  the  true 
Faith  and  persevering  in  it,  God  by  His  only-be- 
gotten Son  has  instituted  the  Church  and  has  adorned 
it  with  obvious  marks  so  that  it  may  be  known  by  all 
men  as  the  guardian  and  teacher  of  revealed  truth. 
Theee  marks  (or  notes)  of  credibility  belong  to  the 
Catholic  Church  alone.  Nay,  the  Church  itself  by  its 
admirable  propagation,  sublime  sanctity,  and  inex- 
haustible fecundity,  by  its  Catholic  unity  and  invin- 
cible stability,  is  a  great  and  perpetual  motive  of 
credibility  and  irrefragable  testimony  of  its  Divine 
mission  (see  Cone.  Vatic,  De  Fide,  cap.  3). 

The  first  step,  therefore,  in  the  normal  process  of 
conversion  is  the  investigation  and  examination  of  the 
credentials  of  the  Church,  which  often  is  a  painful  la- 
bour lasting  for  years.  The  external  grace  which 
draws  a  man's  attention  to  the  Church  and  causes  him 
to  begin  his  inquiry  is  as  various  and  manifold  as  there 
are  individual  inquirers.  It  may  even  be  something 
to  one's  temporal  advantage,  which  was  the  case  with 
Henry  IV  of  France.  It  may  be  the  interest  aroused 
in  a  great  historical  personage,  such  as  Innocent  III, 
in  the  case  of  Friednch  von  Hurter.  Whatever  may 
have  been  the  initial  motive,  if  the  study  be  pursued 
with  an  open  mind,  we  hold  that  it  will  lead  to  the 
knowledge  of  the  true  Church,  i.  e.  to  this  certain  con- 
clusion: The  Catholic  Church  is  the  true  Church. 
This  intellectual  conviction,  however,  is  not  yet  the 
act-of  faith.  One  may  hesitate,  or  refuse  to  take  the 
next  step,  which  is  the  "good  will  to  believe"  (pu» 


artdulitatis  aff edits).  And  this  leads  to  the  third  and 
final  act,  the  act  of  faith  itself:  I  believe  what  the 
Church  teaches  because  God  has  revealed  it.  These 
three  acts,  especially  the  last,  are,  in  accordance  with 
Catholic  teaching,  supernatural  acts.  Then  follows 
baptism  by  which  the  believer  is  formally  received  into 
the  body  of  the  Church.    (See  Baptism,  VII,  VIII.) 

Since  the  duty  of  embracing  the  true  religion  is  of 
natural  and  positive  Divine  right,  it  is  evident  that  no 
civil  law  can  forbid  the  fulfilling  of  this  duty,  nor 
should  any  temporal  considerations  be  allowed  to  in- 
terfere with  a  duty  on  which  depends  the  soul's  salva- 
tion. And  because  all  are  bound  to  enter  the  Church, 
it  follows  that  the  Church  has  a  right  to  receive  all 
who  apply  for  reception,  of  whatever  age,  sex,  or  con- 
dition they  may  be.  Nay,  in  virtue  of  the  Divine 
command  to  preach  the  Gospel  to  every  creature,  the 
Church  is  strictly  bound  to  receive  them,  and  no 
earthly  authority  can  forbid  the  exercise  of  this  duty. 
To  the  Church  alone  it  belongs  to  lay  down  the  condi- 
tions for  reception  and  to  inquire  into  the  interior  dis- 
positions of  him  who  presents  himself  for  admission 
into  her  bosom.  The  conditions  are,  knowledge  and 
profession  of  the  Catholic  Faith  and  the  resolve  to  live 
in  accordance  with  it.  The  right  to  admit  converts 
into  the  Church  belongs  strictly  speaking  to  the  bish- 
op. Usually  all  priests  exercising  the  sacred  ministry 
receive  faculties  tor  reconciling  heretics.  When  con- 
ditional baptism  is  administered,  sacramental  confes- 
sion is  also  required  from  the  convert.  It  is  the  law 
clearly  laid  down  in  the  Acts  of  the  Second  Plenary 
Council  of  Baltimore.  The  order  of  proceedings  is  as 
follows:  first,  abjuration  of  heresy  or  profession  of 
faith;  second,  conditional  baptism;  third,  sacra- 
mental confession  and  conditional  absolution.  (Tit. 
V,  Cap.  II,  n.  240.) 

Force,  violence,  or  fraud  may  not  be  employed  to 
bring  about  the  conversion  of  an  unbeliever.  Such 
means  would  be  sinful.  The  natural  law,  the  law  of 
Christ,  the  nature  of  faith,  the  teaching  and  practice 
of  the  Church  forbid  such  means.  Credere  voluntatis 
est,  to  believe  depends  upon  the  free  will,  says  St. 
Thomas  (II— II,  Q.  x,  a.  8),  and  the  minister  of  baptism, 
before  administering  the  sacrament,  is  obliged  to  ask 
the  question,  "Wilt  thou  be  baptized"?  And  only 
after  having  received  the  answer,  "I  will",  may  he 
proceed  with  the  sacred  rite.  The  Church  also  forbids 
the  baptism  of  children  of  unbaptized  parents  without 
the  consent  of  the  latter,  unless  the  children  have  been 
cast  away  by  their  parents,  or  are  in  imminent  danger 
of  death.  For  the  Church  has  no  jurisdiction  over  the 
unbaptized,  nor  does  the  State  possess  the  power  of 
using  temporal  means  in  spiritual  things.  The  punish- 
ments formerly  decreed  against  apostates  were  not 
intended  to  coerce  men  to  accept  outwardly  what  they 
did  not  believe  in  their  hearts,  but  to  atone  for  a 
crime  (see  the  article  of  St.  Thomas,  loc.  cit.).  The 
medieval  legislation,  both  ecclesiastical  and  secular, 
clearly  distinguished  between  the  punishment  to  be 
inflicted  for  the  crime  of  apostasy  and  the  means  of 
instruction  to  be  used  in  order  to  bring  about  the 
resipiscence  of  the  apostate.  As  Bishop  von  Ketteler 
says,  "The  punishment  inflicted  by  the  Church  upon 
heretics  in  comparatively  few  cases  was  not  based 
upon  the  false  principle  that  conviction  could  be 
forced  upon  the  mind  by  external  means,  but  upon  the 
truth  that  by  baptism  the  Christian  has  assumed  obli- 
gations the  fulfilment  of  which  could  be  insisted  upon. 
This  punishment  was  only  inflicted  in  particular  cases 
and  upon  public  and  formal  heretics.''  Convert  par- 
ents like  other  Catholics  are  obliged  to  have  their 
children  baptized  and  educated  in  the  Catholic  religion. 

The  Constitution  of  the  United  States  of  America 
proclaims  complete  separation  of  Church  and  State 
and  guarantees  full  liberty  of  conscience.  In  conse* 
quence  the  laws  of  these  States  place  no  hindrance 
whatever  in  the  way  of  conversions.   It  may  also  be 


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said  that  on  the  whole  the  American  people  are  soci- 
ally tolerant  towards  converts.  No  wonder  that  in  this 
country  conversions  are  comparatively  more  numer- 
ous than  in  any  other.  In  the  British  Empire  too, 
since  the  days  of  Catholic  Emancipation  in  1829,  lib- 
erty of  conscience  prevails  in  theory  as  well  as  in  prac- 
tice, although  there  exists  both  in  England  and  Scot- 
land an  established  Church.  Catholic  disabilities 
have  been  almost  entirely  removed.  Catholics  are 
only  excluded  from  the  throne  and  from  a  few  of  the 
highest  offices  of  the  State.  In  Germany  after  the 
Reformation  the  tyrannical  principle  cujua  regio,  U- 
lius  rdigio  was  proclaimed,  in  virtue  of  which  the 
sovereign  for  the  time  being  could  impose  his  religion 
upon  his  subjects.  He  exercised  thepower  both  to 
forbid  conversions  to  the  Catholic  Church,  and  to 
compel  apostasy  from  it.  In  the  present  German  Em- 
pire, where  nearly  two-thirds  of  the  population  is  Prot- 
estant, liberty  of  conscience  is  the  law  of  the  land. 
And  although  union  of  Church  and  State  exists,  con- 
version does  not  involve  any  disabilities  or  the  loss  of 
any  civil  or  political  rights.  In  some  of  the  States, 
however,  the  rights  guaranteed  by  the  empire  are 
somewhat  restricted  Dy  State  laws.  Most  of  the 
States  prescribe  the  age  before  which  conversions  are 
not  lawful,  which  is  either  fourteen  or  sixteen,  or  even 
eighteen.  In  Saxony,  Brunswick,  and  Mecklen- 
burg, the  public  exercise  of  the  Catholic  religion  is 
subjected  to  vexatious  interference.  In  Russia 
the  Greek-Orthodox  is  the  State  religion,  other 
denominations  are  only  tolerated.  For  long  con- 
version from  the  Orthodox  Church  to  Catholicism 
was  followed  by  grievous  disabilities.  By  the  ukase 
of  1905  certain  rights  and  liberties  were  granted  to 
other  denominations.  The  publication  of  the  ukase 
was  immediately  followed  by  the  return  to  the  Catho- 
lic Church  of  many  Uniats  who  had  been  forced  into 
schism  by  persecution.  The  Scandinavian  countries 
were  very  intolerant  till  about  the  middle  of  the  nine- 
teenth century.  Denmark  gave  liberty  to  the  Catho- 
lic Church  in  1849,  Sweden  and  Norway  in  1860. 

B.  Guldner. 

Conversion  of  St.  Paul,  Feast  of.  See  Paul, 
Saint. 

Converts.  See  Counter-Reformation;  Oxford 
Movement;  Roman  Empire;  Statistics. 

Convocation  of  the  English  Clergy,  the  technical 
name  given  in  the  Church  of  England  to  what  corre- 
sponds in  some  respects  to  a  provincial  synod, 
though  in  other  respects  it  differs  widely  from  it. 
The  two  ecclesiastical  provinces  of  Canterbury  and 
York  have  each  their  Convocation,  but  that  of  Can- 
terbury is  the  more  important,  and  is  spoken  of  as 
"Convocation"  par  excellence.  The  history  of  its  ex- 
ternal constitution  is  continuous  down  to  the  present 
time  and  is  bound  up  with  the  development  of  Eng- 
lish constitutional  history;  its  powers  and  inde- 
pendence, however,  were  lost  at  the  Reformation; 
its  organization,  retained  as  a  mere  form  for  many 
years,  has  been  utilized  of  late  to  give  expression  to 
the  opinions  entertained  by  the  clergy  as  a  body  upon 
questions  of  the  day.  Thus  it  exercises  influence,  but 
has  no  power.  The  authority  of  the  Crown  asserted 
at  the  Reformation  is  still  supreme  and  intact. 

The  history  of  Convocation  may  be  divided  into 
five  periods:  (1)  Before  1295;  (2)  From  1295  until 
the  Reformation;  (3)  The  Reformation  period;  (4) 
The  post-Reformation  period;  (5)  Modern  times. 

(1)  Before  1S95.— Previous  to  1295  the  Church  in 
England  had  assembled  in  diocesan  and  provincial 
synods  to  regulate  disciplinary  and  other  matters  inter- 
esting the  body  of  the  clergy.  Moreover  the  archbish- 
ops, bishops,  abbots,  and  priors  used  to  take  their  place 
in  the  national  council  on  account  of  the  estates 
they  held  in  chief  (in  capite)  of  the  Crown.  But 


the  beneficed  clergy  took  no  part  in  it.  The  in- 
creasing frequency  of  royal  appeals  for  money 
grants  and  the  unwillingness  of  the  bishops  to  be  re- 
sponsible for  allowing  them  had  brought  Stephen 
Langton,  as  early  as  1225,  to  summon  proctors  of 
cathedral,  collegiate,  and  conventual  churches  to  at- 
tend his  provincial  synod,  and  gradually  that  repre- 
sentative principle  became  part  of  the  system  of 
Convocation.  The  failure  of  the  irregular  attempt 
of  Edward  I  to  convoke  the  clergy  at  Northampton 
led  him  to  issue  (1283)  a  writ  to  the  archbishop 
with  a  view  to  Convocation  meeting  in  London  in 
that  same  year,  and  at  that  meeting  a  "benevo- 
lence" was  duly  voted.  The  form  of  writ  used  in 
1283  is  the  same  in  form  as  that  still  in  use,  and  the 
instructions  issued  on  that  occasion  by  the  Arch- 
bishop of  Canterbury,  John  Peckham,  still  embody 
the  existing  constitution  of  Convocation,  so  that, 
with  tho  exception  of  the  disappearance  of  the  mon- 
astic representatives,  the  external  organization  of 
Convocation  remains  unchanged. 

(2)  After  1195. — In  addition  to  the  Baronage  and 
Commons  of  the  realm  we  find,  after  1295,  a  represent- 
ative body  of  the  beneficed  clergy  summoned  to  attend 
personally  in  Parliament,  the  summons  being  conveyed 
by  the  insertion,  in  the  bishop's  writ  of  summons  to 
Parliament,  of  the  proemunientes  clause.  That  sum  - 
mons  was  the  beginning  of  a  new  phase  in  the  long 
struggle  waged  by  the  Crown  on  the  subject  of  the 
taxation  of  the  clergy.  It  was  to  facilitate  the  ob- 
taining of  money  grants  that  Edward  I  endeavoured 
once  more  to  unite  representatives  of  the  clergy  and 
laity  in  one  deliberative  assembly,  composed  on  the 
basis  of  temporal  property.  To  have  countenanced 
the  attempt  would  nave  been  to  recognize  the 
Crown's  claim  to  tax  church  property,  and  the 
clergy  insisted  upon  their  constitutional  right  of 
making  their  money  grants  in  Convocation.  The 
struggle  between  the  Crown  and  the  clergy  con- 
tinued until  1337,  when  the  Crown  gave  way,  though 
retaining  the  prcemunienlea  clause  in  the  bishop's 
writ  of  summons.  Authorities  differ  as  to  whether 
the  Parliamentary  proctors  of  the  clergy  sat  in  the 
Lower  House  or  in  the  Upper  House;  most  probably 
they  sat  and  voted  in  the  Lower  House. 

The  question  of  the  exact  relation  of  Convocation 
to  the  newer  Parliamentary  representatives  of  the 
clergy  is  obscure;  nor  is  the  obscurity  lessened  by 
the  fact  that  the  proctors  of  the  clergy  for  Convoca- 
tion were  frequently  the  same  persons  as  the  proc- 
tors of  the  clergy  for  Parliament.  Two  opinions 
have  found  defenders:  the  first,  that  the  older  ec- 
clesiastical council  fused  with  the  Parliamentary 
representatives  of  the  clergy;  the  other,  that  by  the 
process  of  gradual  decay  of  Parliamentary  repre- 
sentation of  the  clergy,  part  of  their  rights  passed  to 
the  ecclesiastical  councils,  thus  giving  rise  to  the  his- 
torical connexion  between  the  Convocations  and 
Parliament.  The  latter  view,  ably  advocated  by 
Stubbs,  at  present  holds  the  field. 

The  division  of  Convocation  into  an  Upper  and  a 
Lower  House  came  about  gradually,  ana  was  not 
formed,  as  is  sometimes  supposed,  on  the  model  of 
the  two  Houses  of  Parliament.  In  1296  the  mem- 
bers ot  Convocation  resolved  themselves  for  delib- 
erative purposes  into  four  groups:  bishops,  monastic 
representatives,  dignitaries,  and  proctors  of  the 
clergy.  Eventually  Convocation  came  to  open  with 
a  joint  session  presided  over  by  the  archbishop,  after 
which  the  bishops  and  abbots  remained  to  deliberate 
as  the  Upper  House,  while  the  rest  withdrew  to 
deliberate  as  the  Lower  House. 

The  objection  of  the  clergy  to  sitting  in  Parlia- 
ment lessened  indeed  their  influence  over  that  body; 
at  the  same  time  they  secured  the  right  of  meeting 
when  Parliament  met,  and  that  right  of  meeting  in- 
volved the  right  of  petitioning  and  to  some  extent 


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of  legislating  for  themselves.  That  idea  of  Convo- 
cation as  the  clerical  parliament  had  important  con- 
sequences; the  right  to  tax  church  property  was 
successfully  maintained;  but  the  clergy  could  neither 
elect  nor  be  elected  to  the  House  of  Commons,  and 
to  this  day  a  person  in  Holy  orders  is  ineligible  for 
Parliament.  At  the  same  time  the  legislation  of 
Convocation  was  binding  on  the  clergy  only  and  not 
upon  tiie  laity. 

(3)  The  Reformation  Period. — Convocation  lost  its 
independence  and  most  of  its  powers  by  the  Act  of 
Submission  [25  Hen.  VIII  (1533-1),  c.  19],  which  en- 
acts that  Convocation  can  only  meet  by  royal  com- 
mand, and  that  without  royal  leave  and  licence  no 
new  canons,  constitutions,  or  ordinances  may  be 
made.  This  act  was  repealed  in  Queen  Mary's 
reign,  but  revived  by  1  Eliz.  (1558-9),  and  still  re- 
mams  in  full  force.  The  climax  of  Convocation's 
degradation  was  reached  when,  after  the  Act  of  Su- 
premacy (1534),  Thomas  Cromwell,  the  representa- 
tive of  Henry  VIII,  though  a  layman,  asserted  his 
right  to  preside,  a  right  never  subsequently  exercised. 

(4)  Pott-Reformation  Period— The  Act  of  Sub- 
mission of  Henry  VIII  was  stringently  interpreted 
by  the  judges  at  a  committee  before  the  Lords  in 
Parliament  (in  8  Jac,  1)  as  forbidding,  even  after 
obtaining  royal  assent,  any  canon  (a)  against  the 
prerogative  of  the  king;  (b)  against  common  law;  (c) 
against  any  statute  law;  or  (d)  against  any  custom 
of  the  realm.  The  loss  of  legislative  independence 
paved  the  way  for  the  loss  of  taxing  powers,  which 
were  finally  renounced  in  1665,  the  right  of  voting  at 
Parliamentary  elections  being  obtained  in  return. 
The  power  of  Convocation  of  dealing  with  cases  of 
heresy  has  been  exercised  but  rarely,  and  then  to  no 
purpose.  It  continued  to  be  convoked  at  the  be- 
ginning of  each  Parliament,  but  its  sittings  were  in- 
terrupted from  1640  to  1660,  to  be  resumed  after  the 
Restoration.  In  1689,  in  view  of  the  opposition  of 
the  clergy  to  the  Toleration  Act  of  William  and 
Mary,  no  summons  was  issued  to  Convocation.  The 
Commons,  however,  protested  against  the  innova- 
tion, and  their  petition  had  its  effect;  at  the  same 
time  Archbishop  Tillotson,  and  to  some  extent  his 
successor  Tenison,  met  the  difficulties  of  the  situa- 
tion by  refusing  to  allow  any  deliberations.  Convo- 
cation was  summoned,  met,  and  was  prorogued. 
Parties  were  formed,  and  claims  were  made,  insist- 
ing upon  the  independence  of  the  Lower  House  on 
the  analogy  of  the  House  of  Commons.  Atterbury 
led  the  malcontents;  Wake,  afterwards  Archbishop 
of  Canterbury,  Kennet,  Hoadley,  and  Gibson  led  the 
defence.  The  question  was  really  a  political  one. 
Toryism  dominated  the  Lower  House;  Liberalism, 
alike  in  politics  and  theology,  pervaded  the  Upper 
House.  Permission  to  deliberate  led  to  trouble  in 
1701,  and  prorogation  followed.  The  Bangorian 
Controversy  arising  out  of  Hoadly's  sermon  Ted  to 
similar  results  in  1717.  The  opposition  of  the 
Lower  House  was  worn  out  by  repeated  proroga- 
tions immediately  following  the  opening  session,  and 
with  the  exception  of  the  discussions  allowed  in  1741 
and  1742,  Convocation  ceased  to  be  a  deliberative 
body  until  1854. 

(5)  Modern  Times. — The  old  organization  had  sur- 
vived, and  many  earnest  Anglicans  of  the  early  nine- 
teenth century,  anxious  to  revive  the  synodal  life  of 
the  Anglican  Church,  sought  and  obtained  the  re- 
laxation of  the  customary  immediate  prorogation. 
A  brief  session  was  authorized  in  1854.  (The  ex- 
ample was  followed  by  York  in  1859.)  The  action 
of  Convocation  as  a  deliberative  body  began  in  1861, 
when,  at  its  own  request,  the  Crown  licensed  it  to 
amend  the  twenty-ninth  of  the  canons  of  1603  on 
the  subject  of  sponsors,  and  although  no  result  fol- 
lowed, new  canons  were  passed  in  1865,  1887,  and 
again  in  1892. 


Apart  from  such  general  authorizations  the  Crown 
also  possesses  the  right  to  submit  definite  business  to 
the  consideration  of  Convocation.  This  is  done  by 
"Special  Letters  of  Business",  a  method  used  in 
1872,  and  again  in  1907,  in  submitting  the  reports  of 
the  ritual  commissioners  to  its  consideration. 

The  House  of  Laymen,  which  first  met  in  con- 
nexion with  the  Convocation  of  Canterbury  in  1886 
(York,  1892),  is  an  assembly  unknown  to  law.  As 
at  present  constituted  the  two  Convocations  of  Can- 
terbury and  York  are  summoned  by  the  archbishops 
on  the  instruction  of  the  king  when  Parliament  is 
summoned.  Each  possesses  an  Upper  and  a  Lower 
House;  the  Upper  House,  presided  over  by  the  arch- 
bishops, consists  of  the  diocesan  bishops;  the  Lower 
House  is  composed  of  deans,  archdeacons,  a  proctor 
for  each  chapter,  and  proctors  for  the  beneficed 
clergy,  two  from  each  diocese  in  the  province  of 
Canterbury,  two  from  each  archdeaconry  in  the 
province  of  York.  The  Lower  House  elects  a  pro- 
locutor who,  on  being  presented  to  the  archbishop 
and  approved  by  him,  presides  over  the  delibera- 
tions of  the  Lower  House,  and  communicates  the  re- 
sults to  the  Upper  House.  The  stately  ceremonial 
of  Catholic  days  has  been  preserved  for  the  opening 
session  of  Convocation,  together  with  the  use  of  the 
Latin  tongue. 

Gibson,  St/nodus  Angioma  (1702),  ed.  Card  well  (London, 
1854);  Wake,  The  Authority  of  Christian  Princes  over  their 
Ecclesiastical  Synods  (London,  1697):  Kennet,  Ecclesiastical 
Synods  (London,  1701);  Hoadley,  A  History  of  English  Councils 
and  Convocation  and  of  the  Clergy  sitting  in  Parliament  (London, 
1701);  Trevor,  The  Convocation  of  the  Two  Provinces  (London, 
1852);  Lathbdrt,  A  History  of  the  Convocation  of  the  Church 


of  England  (2nd  ed.,  London,  1853):  Joyce,  England's  Sacred 
Synods  (London,  1853);  Limoard,  History  of  England,  paiaim; 
Stubbs,  The  Constitutional  History  of  England  (London,  1878); 


Idem,  Select  Charters  (8th  ed.,  London,  1895):  Makower,  The 
Constitutional  History  and  Constitution  of  the  Church  of  England, 
tr.  from  German  (London,  1895);  Philuuorb.  The  Ecclesias- 
tical Law  of  the  Church  of  England  (2nd  ed.,  London,  1895);  Gib 
and  Hardy,  Documents  Illustrative  of  English  Church  History 
(London,  1896);  Henbon,  Our  National  Church  (London,  1908). 

Edward  Myers. 

Oonwell,  Henry,  second  Bishop  of  Philadelphia, 
U.  S.  A.,  b.  at  Moneymore,  County  Deny,  Ireland, 
in  1745;  d.  at  Philadelphia,  22  April,  1842.  After 
the  death  of  Bishop  Egan,  in  1814,  the  Bishopric  of 
Philadelphia  was  offered  successively  to  the  Rev. 
Ambrose  Marechal  and  to  the  Very  Rev.  Louis  de 
Barth,  the  administrator,  but  both  these  clergymen, 
deterred  by  the  contumacious  attitude  of  the  trustees 
of  St.  Mary's  church,  returned  the  Bulls;  whereupon 
the  Holy  See  appointed  (26  Nov.,  1819)  Henry  Con- 
well,  parish  priest  of  Dungannon  and  Vicar-General 
of  Armagh,  Ireland,  who  imprudently  accepted  a  task 
too  heavy  for  his  seventy  four  years.  He  had  made 
his  studies  in  the  Irish  College  at  Paris,  where  his 
family  had  founded  a  burse.  He  was  universally  be- 
loved by  his  people  and  the  clergy,  and  an  ineffectual 
attempt  was  made  to  retain  him  in  Ireland.  He  was 
consecrated  in  London  by  Bishop  Poynter,  24  Aug., 
1820,  and  arrived  in  Philadelphia,  2  Dec.,  bringing 
with  him  a  young  priest  named  Keen  an,  subsequently 
for  many  years  pastor  at  Lancaster.  The  seeds  of 
future  troubles  had  been  sown  during  the  vacancy, 
when  the  administrator,  without  demanding  creden- 
tials, stationed  at  St.  Mary's  the  brilliant  but  dema- 
gogic and  unpriestly  Rev.  William  Hogan,  who  had 
so  ingratiated  himself  with  the  board  of  trustees  that 
when,  on  12  Dec.,  the  bishop  revoked  his  faculties,  a 
schism  ensued  which  lasted  for  many  years.  For  de- 
tails of  the  quarrel,  the  reader  is  referred  to  J.  Gil- 
mary  Shea's  "History  of  the  Catholic  Church  in  the 
United  States"  (see  below).  Bishop  Conwell  con- 
ducted the  controversy  with  dignity,  but  in  the  course 
of  it,  through  desire  of  peace,  committed  two  errors  of 
judgment.  The  first  was  the  recalling  to  the  diocese 
ana  appointing  as  vicar-general  of  William  Vincent 
Harold,  a  Dominican  whom  his  predecessor  had  dis- 


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missed.  Contrary  to  the  bishop's  expectation,  the 
return  of  Harold  complicated  the  situation.  It  was 
a  more  serious  mistake  that  on  9  Oct.,  1826,  he  capitu- 
lated to  the  trustees,  yielding  to  them  the  right  of  de- 
termining salaries  and  of  vetoing  his  appointments. 
Highly  displeased  at  this  surrender  of  episcopal  rights, 
the  Holy  See  appointed  an  administrator  and  sum- 
moned the  bishop  to  Rome.  His  explanations  were 
pronounced  unsatisfactory  and  he  was  forbidden  to 
return  to  his  see.  He  did  return  to  Philadelphia  and 
received  permission  to  perform  episcopal  functions, 
without  interfering  in  matters  of  administration.  In 
1830  Francis  Patrick  Kenrick  arrived  as  coadjutor 
and  administrator,  and  Bishop  Conwell  spent  his  re- 


aming years  in  seclusion  and  prayer. 
3hka.  HuUory  of  the  Catholic  Church  in  the  U.  8.,  (New  York, 
90)  III;  Finotti,  BM.  Cath.  Americana  (New  York,  1872), 


maimng 

Shea, 
1890) 

gives  an  extensive  list  of  the  literature  of  the  Hogan  Schism. 

James  F.  Loughlin. 


Oonsa,  Archdiocese  op  (Compsana),  with  the 
perpetual  administration  of  Campagna  (Campanien- 
sis) .  Conza,  a  city  of  the  province  of  Ayellino,  South- 
ern Italy,  on  the  River  Ofanto  (the  ancient  Aufidus), 
was  formerly  called  Corapsa,  and  belonged  to  the  Hir- 
pini,  allies  of  the  Samnites  during  their  wars  with  the 
Romans.  It  was  captured  in  213  b.  c.  by  Fabius 
Maximus  and  was  made  a  Roman  colony.  During 
the  Second  Punic  War  it  was  betrayed  to  Hannibal 
(214  b.  c.)  and  opened  the  way  to  Capua.  The  city 
was  twice  destroyed  by  earthquakes  (980,  1694),  ana 
was  at  one  time  nearly  abandoned.  The  first  known 
Bishop  of  Conza  is  Pelagius,  who  was  present  at  the 
Roman  synod  of  743  held  under  Pope  Zachary.  The 
see  was  raised  to  the  rank  of  an  archbishopric  under 
Alexander  II  or  Gregory  VII  (i.  e.  between  1061  and 
1085),  having  previously  been  a  suffragan  of  Salerno. 
Among  the  bishops  worthy  of  mention  is  the  Blessed 
Erberto  (1169).  The  bishops  resided  either  in  their 
feudal  stronghold  of  San  Menna,  at  Campagna,  or  at 
Sant'  Angelo  de'  Lombardi,  the  present  episcopal 
residence.  The  Diocese  of  Campagna  was  erected 
by  Clement  VII,  19  June,  1525;  the  see  was  vacant 
from  1793  to  1818,  when  it  was  placed  under  Conza. 
The  dioceses  together  have  a  population  of  123,000, 
with  37  parishes,  230  churches  and  chapels,  232  secu- 
lar and  10  regular  priests,  3  religious  nouses  of  men 
and  5  of  women. 

Cappm-lrtti,  Lechiesed' Italia  (Venice,  1844),  XX,  531;  Ann. 
ted.  (Rome,  1907),  424-26. 

U.  Beniqni. 

Cooktown,  Vicariate  Apostolic  of,  comprises 
North  Queensland,  Australia,  from  16°  30'  south 
latitude  to  Cape  York,  and  from  the  Pacific  Coast  to 
the  boundary  of  Northern  Territory.  It  was  formed 
out  of  the  Diocese  of  Brisbane,  as  a  pro-vicariate  in 
1876,  was  first  entrusted  to  Italian  priests,  who  sub- 
sequently withdrew,  and,  in  1882,  to  the  Irish  Augus- 
tinians  (Father  John  Hutchinson,  Pro-Vicar).  In 
1887  the  mission  was  created  a  vicariate  apostolic, 
and  Dr.  Hutchinson  was  appointed  its  first  vicar. 
He  died  28  October,  1897,  ana  was  succeeded  by  the 
Right  Rev.  James  D.  Murray,  consecrated  3  July, 
1898.  The  administrative  centre  of  the  vicariate  is 
at  Cairns. 

Statistics  to  close  of  1907.— Parochial  districts,  7; 
stations,  32;  churches,  18;  regular  priests,  11;  nuns, 
24 ;  boarding  school,  1 ;  primary  schools,  3 ;  children 
attending  Catholic  schools,  470;  Catholic  population, 
about  6000. 

Moran,  History  of  the  Catholic  Church  in  Australasia  (Syd- 
ney, s.  d.):  Australasian  Catholic  Directory  (Sydney,  1908). 

Henry  W.  Cleart. 

Ooombes,  William  Henry,  b.  8  May,  1767;  d.  15 
November,  1850.  He  passed  his  early  years  at  Mead- 
gate,  Somersetshire,  England,  the  property  and  for 
many  years  the  residence  of  his  uncle,  Rev.  William 


Coombes  (d.  18  April,  1822),  of  Douai  College,  Grand- 
Vicar  of  the  Western  District.  Young  Coombes  went 
to  Douai  at  the  age  of  twelve,  was  ordained  in  1791, 
and  during  the  French  Revolution  escaped  (October, 
1793)  from  Dourlens  to  England.  He  was  a  doctor 
of  theology  and  co-operated  earnestly  with  Bishop 
Douglass  at  Old  Hall  seminary  as  professor  and  vice- 
president.  From  1810  he  served  the  mission  of  Shep- 
ton  Mallet  tfll  1849,  when  he  retired  to  Downside 
monastery,  where  he  died.  He  is  described  as  a  spirit- 
ual and  self-denying  priest,  an  eminent  scholar  and 
theologian.  His  chief  works  are:  "Sacred  Eloquence: 
being  Discourses  from  the  Writings  of  Sts.  Basil  and 
Chrysostom,  with  the  Letters  of  St.  Eucherius  of 
Lyons"  (London,  1798);  "Escape  from  France;  with 
an  account  of  the  English  Poor  Clares  from  Aire,  and 
a  narrative  of  the  sufferings  and  death  of  Pius  VI" 
(London,  1799);  "Life  of  St.  Francis  de  Sales,  from 
the  French  of  Marsollier"  (Shepton  Mallet,  1812): 
"Spiritual  Entertainments  of  St.  Francis  de  Sales 
(Taunton,  1814);  "The  Essence  of  Religious  Con- 
troversy'' (1827);  "Life  of  St.  Jane  Frances  de 
Chantal"  (London,  1830).  There  survive  certain 
other  writings  by  Coombes  on  religious  and  political 
themes. 

Oliver,  Collectanea,  272;  Gillow,  BM.  Diet.  Eng.  Cath., 
I.  668;  Cooper  in  Did.  Nat.  Biog.,  XII.  109. 

Patrick  Ryan. 

Copacavana  (also  called  Copacabana),  a  village 
of  about  four  hundred  people,  Indians  chiefly,  on  the 
shore  of  Lake  Titicaca,  province  of  Omasuyos,  in 
northern  Bolivia.  It  is  the  location  of  a  famous  sanc- 
tuary dedicated  to  Our  Lady  of  Carmel,  and  of  a 
convent  of  Franciscan  Recollects.  During  the  wars 
of  independence  it  was  despoiled  of  most  of  its  rich 
ornaments  and  gifts,  and  ruthless  plundering  by  faith- 
less custodians  in  the  course  of  political  disturbances 
has  further  contributed  to  impoverish  it.  The  edi- 
fices, originally  very  handsome,  are  in  a  state  of  sad 
neglect.  It  is  a  shrine  for  pilgrims  from  Bolivia  and 
southern  Peru,  and  on  6  August  the  feast  of  its 
patron  saint  is  frequented  by  thousands.  Before 
1534  Copacavana  was  an  outpost  of  Inca  occupation 
and  perhaps  the  only  one  on  Bolivian  soil  of  any 
prominence.  The  Incas  held  it  as  the  key  to  the  very 
ancient  shrine  and  oracle  on  the  Island  of  Titicaca, 
which  they  had  adopted  as  a  place  of  worship,  yield- 
ing to  the  veneration  in  which  it  stood  among  the 
Aymara  from  time  almost  immemorial.  There  were 
at  Copacavana  minor  shrines,  in  which  the  ceremonial 
of  the  Incas  was  observed  with  that  of  the  original 
inhabitants.  When  the  Spaniards  first  visited  the 
Islands  of  Titicaca  and  Koati,  in  1534  and  1538,  the 
primitive  cults  were  abandoned  and  the  Dominicans 
made  Copacavana  the  centre  of  their  missions.  Secu- 
lar priests  then  replaced  them  at  the  instigation  of 
the  Viceroy  Francisco  de  Toledo,  and  finally  the  mis- 
sion and  its  annexes  were  entrusted  to  the  Augus- 
tinians  in  1589. 

In  1582  an  Indian  from  Copacavana,  struck  by  the 
sight  of  the  statues  of  the  Blessed  Virgin  which  he 
saw  in  some  of  the  churches  at  La  Pas,  tried  to  make 
one  himself,  and  after  many  failures,  succeeded  in  pro- 
ducing one  of  fair  workmanship  for  an  untrained 
native,  and  it  was  placed  at  Copacavana  as  the  statue 
of  the  tutelar  protectress  of  the  community.  Many 
miracles  have  been  attributed  to  it,  and  its  fame  has 
spread  far  beyond  the  limits  of  its  surroundings.  It 
is  kept  in  a  special  chapel,  where  the  Indians  are  un- 
tiring in  their  devotions.  The  jewels  with  which  it  is 
adorned  are  perhaps  the  only  ones  in  the  church  that 
have  not  been  replaced  by  modern  imitations.  Dur- 
ing the  uprising  of  the  Indians  in  1781,  while  the 
church  itself  was  desecrated,  the  "Camarin".  as  the 
chapel  is  called,  remained  untouched  and  exempt 
from  spoliation.  Copacavana  is  the  scene  of  often 
repulsively  boisterous  Indian  celebrations.    On  the 


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OOPI 


2d  of  February  and  6th  of  August,  Church  festivals 
furnish  the  pretext  for  Indian  dances  that  the  clergy 
have  not  yet  been  able  entirely  to  reform.  The  mix- 
ture of  the  old  Pagan  with  the  Christian  is  interesting, 
although  a  source  of  mortification  to  the  Bolivian 
clergy,  who  are  as  yet  unable  to  modify  it.  Copaciv- 
vana  is  surrounded  by  pre-Columbian  ruins  of  con- 
siderable interest. 

Mention  Lb  made  of  Copacavana  in  the  earlier  document* 
touching  what  is  now  Bol  ivia,  as,  for  instance,  Documentor 
mtdiiot  para  la  Hietoria  de  Chile  (156S);  Ramos.  Hiet.  del 
Sanlvano  de  Copacavana  (Lima,  1621);  Oliva,  Hietoria  del 
Pen,  Etc.  (Lima,  s.  d.,  written  o.  1836);  Jaqus  db  lob  Rios 
m  Mancanxd,  Voyage  auz  Indee  orientalee  et  occidentolea 
(Archives  dee  Voyagee,  tr.  French,  1606);  Calancha,  Coronica 
moralizada,  II:  Andres  sc  S.  Nicolas,  Ymdgen  de  N.  S.  de 
Copacavana  (Madrid,  1663);  Maracci,  De  diva  virginc,  Copaca- 
vana, in  peruano  novi  mundi  Regno  ccleberrima  (Rome,  1656). 

Ad.  F.  Bandelier. 

Oope  (known  in  Latin  as  pluviale  or  cappa),  a  vest- 
ment which  may  most  conveniently  be  described  as  a 
long  liturgical  mantle,  open  in  front  and  fastened  at  the 
breast  with  a  band  or  clasp.  As  existing  monuments 
show,  whether  we  look  at  pictorial  representations  or 
at  the  copes  of  early  date  which  still  survive,  there  has 
been  remarkably  little  change  in  the  character  of  the 
vestment  from  the  earliest  ages.  Then  as  now  it  was 
made  of  a  piece  of  silk  or  cloth  of  semicircular  shape, 
and,  as  it  is  important  to  note,  it  differed  from  the 
earlier  form  of  chasuble  only  in  this,  that  in  the  chasu- 
ble the  straight  edges  were  sewn  together  in  front  while 
in  the  cope  they  were  left  open.  The  most  conspicu- 
ous external  modification  which  the  cope  has  under- 
gone, during  the  past  thousand  years  and  more,  lies  in 
a  certain  divergence  in  the  shape  of  the  hood,  a  feature 
which,  after  all,  is  not  in  any  way  an  essential  part  of 
the  vestment.  In  some  early  examples  we  find  only  a 
little  triangular'hood,  which  was  no  doubt  intended  to 
be  of  practical  utility  in  covering  the  head  in  proces- 
sions, etc.  But  with  the  lapse  of  time  the  hood  has 
developed  into  a  mere  ornamental  appendage,  and  it  is 
now  quite  commonly  represented  by  a  sort  of  shield  of 
rich  embroidery,  artificially  stiffened  and  sometimes 
adorned  with  a  fringe,  the  whole  being  fastened  by 
buttons  or  by  some  other  device  to  the  back  of  the 
cope  below  the  broad  orphrey  which  usually  forms  an 
upper  border  to  the  whole.  The  fact  that  in  many 
«any  chasubles,  as  depicted  in  the  drawings  of  the 
eighth  and  ninth  centuries,  we  see  clear  traces  of  a 
primitive  hood,  thus  bearing  out  the  explicit  state- 
ment upon  the  point  of  Isidore  of  Seville,  strongly  con- 
firms the  view  that  in  their  origin  cope  and  chasuble 
were  identical,  the  chasuble  being  only  a  cope  with  its 
front  edges  sewn  together. 

History. — The  earliest  mention  of  a  cappa  seems  to 
meet  us  inGregory  of  Tours,  and  in  the  "Miracula"  of  St. 
Furseus,  where  it  seems  to  mean  a  cloak  with  a  hood. 
So  from  a  letter  written  in  787  by  Theodemar,  Abbot 
of  Monte  Cassino,  in  answer  to  a  question  of  Charle- 
magne about  the  dress  of  the  monks  (see  Mon.  Germ. 
Hist.:  Epist.  Carol.,  II,  512)  we  learn  that  what  in 
Gaul  was  styled  cucuUa  (cowl)  was  known  to  the  Cas- 
ednese  monks  as  cappa.  Moreover  the  word  occurs 
more  than  once  in  Alcuin's  correspondence,  appar- 
ently as  denoting  a  garment  for  everyday  wear.  When 
Alcuin  twice  observes  about  a  casula  which  was  sent 
him,  that  he  meant  to  wear  it  always  at  Mass,  we  may 
probably  infer  that  such  {garments  at  this  date  were 
not  distinctively  liturgicalowing  to  anything  in  then- 
material  or  construction,  but  that  they  were  set  aside 
for  the  use  of  the  altar  at  the  choice  of  the  owner,  who 
might  equally  well  have  used  them  as  part  of  his  ordi- 
nary attire.  In  the  case  of  the  chasuble  the  process  of 
liturgical  specialization,  if  we  may  so  call  it,  was  com- 
pleted at  a  comparatively  early  date,  and  before  the 
end  of  the  ninth  century  the  maker  of  a  casula  prob- 
ably knew  quite  well  in  most  cases  whether  he  intended 
his  handiwork  for  a  Mass  vestment  or  for  an  everyday 


outer  garment.  But  in  the  case  of  a  cappa,  or  cope, 
this  period  of  specialization  seems  to  have  been  de- 
layed until  much  later.  The  two  hundred  cappa  of 
which  we  read  in  a  Saint-Riquier  inventory  in  the  year 
801,  a  number  increased  to  377  by  the  year  831, 
were,  we  believe,  mere  cloaks,  for  the  most  part  of 
rude  material  and  destined  for  common  wear.  It  may 
be  that  their  use  in  choir  was  believed  to  add  to  the  de- 
corum and  solemnity  of  the  Divine  Office,  especially  in 
the  winterseason.  In  831  one  of  the  Saint-Riquier  copes 
is  specially  mentioned  as  being  of  chestnut  colour  and 
embroidered  with  gold.  This,  no  doubt,  implies  use 
by  a  dignitary,  but  it  does  not  prove  that  it  was  as  yet 
regarded  as  a  sacred  vestment.  In  fact,  if  we  follow 
the  conclusions  of  Mr.  Edmund  Bishop  (Dublin  Re- 
view, Jan.,  1897),  who  was  the  first  to  sift  the  evidence 
thoroughly,  it  was  not  until  the  twelfth  century  that 
the  cope,  made  of  rich  material,  was  in  general  use  in 
the  ceremonies  of  the  Church,  at  which  time  it  had 
come  to  be  regarded  as  the  special  vestment  of  can- 
tors. Still,  an  ornamental  cope  was  even  then  con- 
sidered a  vestment  that  might  be  used  by  any  member 
of  the  clergy  from  the  highest  to  the  lowest,  in  fact 
even  by  one  who  was  only  about  to  be  tonsured. 
Amongst  monks  it  was  the  practice  to  vest  the  whole 
community,  except,  of  course,  the  celebrant  and  the 
sacred  ministers,  in  copes  at  high  Mass  on  the  greatest 
festivals,  whereas  on  feasts  of  somewhat  lower  grade, 
the  community  were  usually  vested  in  albs.  In  this 
movement  the  Netherlands,  France,  and  Germany  had 
taken  the  lead,  as  we  learn  from  extant  inventories. 
For  example,  already  in  870,  in  the  Abbey  of  Saint- 
Trond  we  find  "thirty-three  precious  copes  of  sUk" 
as  against  only  twelve  chasubles,  and  it  was  clearly  the 
Cluny  practice  in  the  latter  part  of  the  tenth  century 
to  vest  all  the  monks  in  copes  during  high  Mass  on  the 

Seat  feasts,  though  in  England  the  regulations  of  St. 
unstan  and  St.  JBthelwold  show  no  signs  of  any  such 
observance.  The  custom  spread  to  the  secular  canons 
of  such  cathedrals  as  Rouen,  and  cantors  nearly  every- 
where used  copes  of  silk  as  their  own  peculiar  adorn- 
ment in  the  exercise  of  their  functions. 

Meanwhile  the  old  cappa  nigra,  or  cappa  choralis,  a 
choir  cope  of  black  stuff,  open  or  partly  open  in  front, 
and  commonly  provided  with  a  hood,  still  continued 
in  use.  It  was  worn  at  Divine  Office  by  the  clergy  of 
cathedral  and  collegiate  churches  and  also  by  many 
religious,  as,  for  example,  it  is  retained  by  the  Domin- 
icans during  the  winter  months  down  to  the  present 
day.  (See  Costume,  Clerical.)  No  doubt  the 
"  copes  "  of  the  friars,  to  which  we  find  so  many  refer- 
ences in  the  Wycliffite  literature  and  in  the  writings  of 
Chaucer  and  Langland,  designate  their  open  mantles, 
which  were,  we  may  say,  part  of  their  full  dress,  though 
not  always  black  in  colour.  On  the  other  hand  we 
may  note  that  the  cappa  clausa,  or  close  cope,  was 
simply  a  cope  or  cape  sewn  up  in  front  for  common 
outdoor  use.  "  The  wearing  of  this ' ',  says  Mr.  Bishop, 
(loc.  cit.,  p.  24), "  instead  of  the  'cappa  scissa',  the  same 
cope  not  sewn  up,  is  again  and  again  enjoined  on  the 
clergy  by  synods  and  statutes  during  the  late  Middle 
Ages. "  The  cappa  magna,  no  w  worn  according  to  Ro- 
man usage  by  cardinals,  bishops,  and  certain  specially 
privileged  prelates  on  occasions  of  ceremony,  is  not 
strictly  a  liturgical  vestment,  but  is  only  a  glorified 
cappa  choralis,  or  choir  cope.  Its  colour  for  cardinals 
is  ordinarily  red,  and  for  bishops  violet.  It  is  ample 
in  volume  and  provided  with  a  long  train  and  a  dis- 
proportionately large  hood,  the  lining  of  which  last, 
ermine  in  winter  and  silk  in  summer,  is  made  to  show 
like  a  tippet  across  the  breast.  Further  we  must  note 
the  papal  mantum,  which  differs  little  from  an  ordinary 
cope  except  that  it  is  red  in  colour  and  somewhat 
longer.  In  the  eleventh  and  twelfth  centuries  the 
immantatio,  or  bestowal  of  the  mantum  on  the  newly 
elected  pope,  was  regarded  as  specially  symbolical  of 
investiture  with  papal  authority.    "Investio  te  de 


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COPERNICUS 


papatu  romano  ut  pweeis  urbi  et  orbi"  were  the  words 
used  in  conferring  it  (I  invest  thee  with  the  Roman 
papacy,  that  thou  rule  over  the  city  and  the  world). 

Modern  Use. — Under  all  these  different  forms  the 
cope  has  not  substantially  changed  its  character  or 
shape.  It  was  a  vestment  for  processions,  and  one 
worn  by  all  ranks  of  the  clergy  when  assisting  at  a 
function,  but  never  employed Tby  the  priest  and  his 
sacred  ministers  in  offering  the  Holy  Sacrifice.  At 
the  present  day  it  is  still,  as  the  "  C«remoniale  "  directs, 
worn  by  cantors  on  certain  festal  occasions  in  the  sol- 
emn Office;  but  it  is  also  the  vestment  assigned  to  the 
celebrant,  whether  priest  or  bishop,  in  almost  all  func- 
tions in  which  the  chasuble  is  not  used,  for  example  in 
processions,  in  the  greater  blessings  and  consecrations, 
at  solemn  Vespers  and  Lauds,  in  giving  Benediction 
of  the  Blessed  Sacrament,  at  the  absolutions  and 
burial  of  the  dead,  at  the  Asperges  before  Mass,  etc. 
At  a  pontifical  high  Mass  it  is  worn  by  the  assistant 
priest  who  especially  attends  upon  the  bishop.  As 
regards  colour  the  cope  follows  that  of  the  day,  and  it 
may  be  made  of  any  rich  or  becoming  material.  Ow- 
ing to  its  ample  dimensions  and  unvarying  shape, 
ancient  copes  are  preserved  to  us  in  proportionately 
greater  numbers  than  other  vestments  and  provide 
the  finest  specimens  of  medieval  embroidery  we  pos- 
sess. Among  these  the  Syon  Cope  in  the  South  Ken- 
sington Museum,  London,  and  the  Ascoli  Cope  are  re- 
markable as  representing  the  highest  excellence  of 
that  specially  English  thirteenth-century  embroidery 
known  as  the  opu*  anglicanum.  We  are  also  indebted 
to  the  use  of  copes  for  some  magnificent  specimens  of 
the  jeweller's  craft.  The  brooch  or  clasp,  meant  to 
fasten  the  cope  in  front,  and  variously  called  morse, 
pectoral,  bottom,  etc.,  was  an  object  often  in  the  high- 
est degree  precious  and  costly.  The  work  which  was 
the  foundation  of  all  the  fortunes  of  Benvenuto  Cel- 
lini was  the  magnificent  morse  which  he  made  for 
Pope  Clement  VII.  (See  Cellini,  Benvenuto.) 
Some  admirable  examples  of  these  clasps  still  survive. 

Besides  the  minor  articles  which  are  devoted  to  this  subject 
in  the  ecclesiastical  encyclopedias  and  works  on  archrcolpgy, 
we  may  note  the  exhaustive  work  of  Braun,  Die  Wunwcks 
QewaJuna  (Freiburg,  1907).  306-358  also  the  very  thorough 
discussion  of  Edmund  Bishop  in  DMm  Heme*  (Jan.,  1897), 
17^38*  and  Thalhofeh,  Liturgik,  I.  887  For  some  magnifi- 
oent  illustrations  of  copes,  see  especially  de  *arct,  La 
BnderU "(Angers,  1890) /and  also  jfoHAOI/r  DE  Futort,  La 
3feu»  (Paris,  1889).  VIII.  1-17. 

Herbert  Thurston. 


Copenhagen,  University  of. — It  was  founded  by 
a  Bull  which  Sixtus  IV  issued  19  June,  1475,  at  the  re- 
quest of  King  Christian  I.  This  Bull  authorized  the 
primate,  the  Archbishop  of  Lund,  to  establish  a  uni- 
versity in  any  place  selected  by  the  king ;  and  the  latter, 
by  letters  patent  of  4  Oct.,  1478,  laid  the  foundation  at 
Copenhagen.  The  Bishop,  Dean,  and  Provost  of  Ros- 
kild  and  the  Dean  of  Copenhagen  were  appointed  con- 
servators. The  statutes,  drawn  up  by  the  Archbishop 
of  Lund  and  promulgated  28  Nov.,  1479,  followed 
closely  those  of  Cologne.  From  Cologne  also  the  new 
university  received  its  first  professors.  The  most  dis- 
tinguished among  these,  before  the  Reformation,  was 
the  Carmelite,  Povel  Helgesen  (PaulHelia,q.  v.)  writer 
of  important  controversial  and  historical  works.  Both 
he  and  Bishop  Lage  Urne,  chancellor  of  the  university, 
vigorously  opposed  the  advances  of  Protestantism  in 
Denmark.  The  university  suffered  severely  during 
the  religious  upheaval,  but  was  reorganized  under  King 
Christian  III  by  the  Lutheran  theologian,  Johann  Bu- 
eenhagen  (1539),  called  for  that  purpose  from  Witten- 
berg. In  the  conflagration  of  1728  the  university 
buildings  were  almost  totally  destroyed,  but  were  at 
once  restored  by  King  ChristianVI  (1732).  Notable 
among  the  professors  during  the  modern  period  are 
Holberg,  Oehlenschlager,  Rask,  Madvig,  and  Oersted. 
The  university  comprises  at  present  the  faculties  of 
theology,  law,  medicine,  philosophy,  and  sciences,  with 


97  professors  and  about  2000  students.  The  library 
contains  350,000  volumes  and  6500  manuscripts. 

Rashdall,  The  Universities  of  Europe  in  the  Middle  Age* 
(Oxford.  1895),  II,  291;  Matzen,  Kwbenhavna  Univerntetr 
Relshislorie  (Copenhagen,  1879);  Rord.-.m,  Kiobcnhamu  Um- 
wrttMt  historic  Ira  1S37  til  16tl  (Copenhagen,  1868-74). 

E.  A.  Pace. 

Copernicus,  Nicolaus,  latinized  form  of  Niclas 
Kopperniok,  the  name  of  the  founder  of  the  helio- 
centric planetary  theory;  b.  at  Thorn,  19  Feb.,  1473, 
d.  at  Frauenburg,  24  May,  1543,  both  places  being  in 
what  is  now  Prussian  territoiy.  Whether  the  fam- 
ily came  originally  from  Silesia  or  from  Poland,  cer- 
tain it  is  that  his  father  Niclas.  a  merchant,  emigrated 
from  Krakow  to  Thorn,  and  married  the  sister  of 
Lucas  Watzelrode,  later  Prince-Bishop  of  Ennland.  Of 
the  four  children 
the  oldest  and 
youngest,  Andreas 
and  Nicolaus, 
adopted  the  cler- 
ical career,  while 
the  older  girl  be- 
came a  Cistercian 
nun  and  Abbess  of 
Culm,  and  the 
younger  married. 
The  whole  family 
belonged  to  the 
Third  Order  of  St. 
Dominic.  Nic- 
olaus was  hardly 
ten  years  old  when 
his  father  died.  His 
uncle,  Lucas,  how- 
ever, took  charge 
of  the  children  and 
gave  the  boys  a  uni- 
versity training. 

Nicolaus  Nicolai  de  Thorunia  was  matriculated  in 
Krakow  in  1491,  where  he  studied  classics;  mathe- 
matics, drawings,  and  perspective.  Professor  Blar, 
who  represented  astronomy,  belonged  to  the  school  of 
Ptolemy.  The  bishop,  himself  a  former  student  of 
Bologna,  sent  the  boys  to  Italy.  In  1497  Nicolaus 
was  enrolled  in  the  University  of  Bologna  as  of  Ger- 
man nationality  and  a  student  in  canon  law.  He 
also  studied  Greek  and  became  a  disciple  of  Novara, 
then  professor  of  astronomy.  To  obtain  for  his 
nephews  the  necessary  support,  the  bishop  procured 
their  election  as  canons,  by  the  chapter  of  Frauenburg 
(1497-1498).  In  the  spring  of  1500  the  brothers  went 
from  Bologna  to  Rome  for  the  jubilee.  According  to 
George  Joachim,  surnamed  "Rheticus"  (because  a 
native  of  Feldkirch,  in  ancient  Rhaetia)  and  his  friend 
Achilles  Gasser,  Copernicus  gave  astronomical  lec- 
tures in  the  Eternal  City,  and  it  was  there  that  he 
awoke  to  his  vocation  of  founding  a  new  astronomy. 
The  brothers  obtained  from  the  chapter  of  Frauen- 
burg a  two  years'  leave  of  absence  to  continue  their 
studies.  From  1501  to  1503  Nicolaus  was  in  Padua 
and  Ferrara  studying  medicine  and  jurisprudence. 
In  Ferrara  he  took  his  degree  of  Doctor  of  Canon  Law; 
but  no  document  is  found  of  his  graduating  in  medi- 
cine. His  proficiency  in  that  profession  was,  how- 
ever, later  evinced  by  his  renown  as  a  physician  at  the 
episcopal  court  of  Heilsberg,  where  his  uncle  resided. 
After  his  university  studies  Copernicus  practised  medi- 
cine for  six  years  (1506-1512)  at  Heilsberg,  being 
sought  by  bishops  and  princes,  but  especially  by  the 
poor,  whom  he  served  gratis.  There  is  no  document  to 
show  that  Copernicus  ever  received  higher  orders.  His 
medical  practice,  which  was  only  private,  would  not 
speak  against  him  being  a  priest;  and  the  fact  that  in 
1537  King  Sigismund  of  Poland  put  his  name  on  the 
list  of  four  candidates  for  the  vacant  episcopal  seat  of 


NlCOLATJB  COPERNICOS 


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r****  <?h*<J  (lr#»«1-»&d.  t  *****  **J*t*  ,>+,™t>  + 

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^M^JgT  •  Iff*  *n*pfc~ q£mm*v*7 ~rk^ T*j*A-:£g' 

fijAfmA  l}0*m  (*p*ra  ;  GrfrMitg  £y,  */**f-*\  *r»*f*w*r  fb*rtrk^f 
fJIU*r  ~4-,*L>m**T>r*  Gr<~»Y+r~*>-  *****  <ir,J*f* 

forf-M**:  <*vr*»*$  Ad  *H4*r>  f<ff  rx^r*^  -  iff- 

r*  *****  ft  alflrAhw-  e  *>fZ*T 

tfn  Yfdl^vl'. '  A0 


t4 yvrtt-r-ie  f**"f  &c 


****+-?  <*t?L  ****  J*vr~Z  **<*t^t  *" 


■ 


COPERNICUS,  "DE  ORBIUM  CCELESTIUM  REVOLUTIONIBUS " 


COPERNICUS 


353 


COPERNICUS 


Ermland,  makes  it  probable  that,  at  least  in  later  life, 
he  had  entered  the  priesthood.  After  the  death  of 
his  uncle,  in  1512,  Copernicus  went  to  Frauenburg  for 
the  election  of  the  new  bishop,  and  remained  there  until 
1516,  when  he  was  nominated  administrator  of  the 
diocesan  castle  of  Aliens tein.  His  term  of  four  years 
being  over,  he  returned  to  the  chapter  in  Frauenburg. 
Three  years  later  the  bishop  died,  and  Copernicus  be- 
came administrator  of  the  diocese.  While  the  quiet 
life  at  Heilsberg  had  left  him  enough  leisure  to  pub- 
lish a  Latin  translation  of  the  Greek  letters  of  Theo- 
phylactus  (1509),  his  public  offices  gradually  drew 
iiim  into  the  study  of  finance.  In  1522.  he  wrote  a 
memorandum  on  monetary  reforms,  which  five  years 
later  grew  into  a  Latin  treatise.  It  was  so  highly 
thought  of  that  the  King  of  Poland  substantially  ac- 
cepted it  (1528),  and  Copernicus  was  nominated 
deputy  counsellor  on  the  financial  regulations  of 
Prussia  (1522-29). 

These  various  offices,  however,  could  not  distract 
the  genius  of  Copernicus  from  the  main  thought  of  his 
life.  The  towers  of  Heilsberg,  of  Allenstein,  and  of 
Frauenburg  became  so  many  observatories,  and  his 
great  work  "On  the  Revolutions  of  the  Celestial 
Bodies"  bears  testimony  to  his  unremitting  observa- 
tions of  sun,  moon,  and  planets.  His  reputation  was 
such  that  as  early  as  1514  the  Lateran  Council,  con- 
voked by  Leo  X,  asked  through  Bishop  Paul  of  Foe- 
sombrone,  for  his  opinion  on  the  reform  of  the  eccle- 
siastical calendar.  His  answer  was,  that  the  length 
of  the  year  and  of  the  months  and  the  motions  of  the 
sun  and  moon  were  not  yet  sufficiently  known  to  at- 
tempt a  reform.  The  incident,  however,  spurred  him 
on  as  he  himself  writes  to  Paul  III,  to  make  more 
accurate  observations;  and  these  actually  served, 
seventy  years  later,  as  a  basis  for  the  working  out  of 
the  Gregorian  calendar.  Twenty-five  years  after  his 
university  career,  he  had  finished  his  great  work,  at 
least  in  his  own  mind,  but  hesitated  a  long  time, 
whether  to  publish  it  or  to  imitate  the  Pythagoreans, 
who  transmitted  the  mysteries  of  their  philosophy 
only  orally  to  their  own  disciples  for  fear  of  exposing 
them  to  the  contempt  of  the  multitude.  His  friends 
who  had  become  interested  in  the  new  theory  pre- 
vailed on  him  to  write  at  least  an  abstract  for  them, 
manuscript  copies  of  which  have  been  discovered  in 
Vienna  (1873)  and  Stockholm  (1878).  In  this  com- 
mentary Copernicus  stated  his  theory  in  the  form  of 
seven  axioms,  reserving  the  mathematical  part  for  the 
principal  work.  This  was  in  1531,  or  twelve  years 
before  his  death.  From  this  on  the  doctrine  of  the 
heliocentric  system  began  to  spread.  In  1533  Albert 
Widmanstadt  lectured  before  Pope  Clement  VII  on 
the  Copemican  solar  system.  His  reward  consisted 
in  a  Greek  codex  which  is  preserved  in  the  State  li- 
brary of  Munich.  Three  years  later  Copernicus  was 
urged  by  Cardinal  Schdnberg,  then  Archbishop  of 
Capua,  in  a  letter,  dated  at  Rome,  1  November,  1536, 
to  publish  his  discovery,  or  at  least  to  have  a  copy 
made  at  the  cardinal's,  expense.  But  all  the  urging 
of  friends  was  in  vain,  until  a  younger  man  was 
providentially  sent  to  his  side. 

It  was  George  Joachim  Rheticus  who  quitted  his 
chair  of  mathematics  in  Wittenberg  in  order  to  spend 
two  years  at  the  feet  of  the  new  master  (1539-41). 
Hardly  ten  weeks  after  his  arrival  in  Frauenburg  he 
sent  a  "First  Narration"  of  the  new  solar  system  to 
his  scientific  friend  Schoner  in  Nuremberg,  in  the 
form  of  a  letter  of  sixty-six  pages,  which  was  soon  after 
printed  in  Danzig  (1540)  and  Basle  (1541).  Rheticus 
next  obtained  for  publication  the  manuscript  of  a 
preliminary  chapter  of  the  great  work  on  plane  and 
spherical  trigonometry.  Finally  Copernicus,  feeling 
tne  weight  of  his  sixty-eight  years,  yielded,  as  he 
writes  to  Paul  III,  to  the  entreaties  of  Cardinal 
Schdnberg,  of  Bishop  Giese  of  Culm,  and  of  other 
learned  men  to  surrender  his  manuscripts  for  publica- 
IV — 23 


tion.  Bishop  Giese  charged  Rheticus,  as  the  ablest 
disciple  of  the  great  master,  with  the  task  of  editing 
the  work.  The  intention  of  the  latter  was  to  take  the 
manuscript  to  Wittenberg  and  have  it  published  at 
the  university:  but  owing  to  the  hostility  prevailing 
there  against  tne  Coperhican  system,  only  the  chapter 
on  trigonometry  was  printed  (1542).  Tne  two  copies 
of  the  "First  Narration"  and  of  the  treatise  on  trig- 
onometry, which  Rheticus  presented  to  his  friend 
Dr.  Gasser,  then  practising  medicine  in  Feldkirch, 
may  be  seen  in  the  Vatican  Library  (Palat.  IV,  585). 
Rheticus  then  turned  to  Sch6ner  in  Nuremberg,  who, 
together  with  Osiander,  accepted  the  charge  and  en- 
gaged the  printing-house  of  Petreius  in  the  same  city. 
In  the  meanwhile  Rheticus  tried  to  resume  his  chair 
in  Wittenberg,  but  on  account  of  his  Copemican 
views  had  to  resign  (1542)  and  turned  to  Leipzig 
(1543).  He  was  thus  prevented  from  giving  his  per- 
sonal attention  to  the  edition,  nor  was  the  author  him- 
self able  to  superintend  it.  Copernicus  became  par- 
alyzed on  the  right  side  and  weakened  in  memory  and 
mind  many  days  before  his  death.  The  first  copy  of 
the  "Six  Books  on  the  Revolutions  of  the  Celestial 
Orbits"  was  handed  to  him  the  very  day  he  died. 
Fortunately  for  him.  he  could  not  see  what  Osiander 
had  done.  This  reformer,  knowing  the  attitude  of 
Luther  and  Melanchthon  against  the  heliocentric  sys- 
tem, introduced  the  word  "Hypothesis"  on  the  title 
page,  and  without  adding  his  own  name,  replaced  the 
preface  of  Copernicus  by  another  strongly  contrasting 
in  spirit  with  that  of  Copernicus.  The  preface  of  Osi- 
ander warns  the  reader  not  to  expect  anything  certain 
from  astronomy,  nor  to  accept  its  hypothesis  as  true, 
ne  stuUior  ab  hoc  disciplinA  discedat,  quam  accesserit. 
The  dedication  to  Pope  Paul' III  was,  however,  re- 
tained, and  the  text  of  the  work  remained  intact,  as 
was  ascertained  later  when  access  was  had  to  the 
original  manuscript,  now  in  the  family  library  of  the 
Counts  Nostitz  in  Prague. 

Opposition  was  first  raised  against  the  Copemican 
system  by  Protestant  theologians  for  Biblical  reasons, 
and  strange  to  say  it  has  continued,  at  least  sporadic- 
ally, to  our  own  days.  A  list  of  many  of  their  pamph- 
lets is  enumerated  by  Beckmann.  On  the  Catholic 
side  opposition  only  commenced  seventy-three  years 
later,  when  it  was  occasioned  by  Galileo.  On  5  March, 
1616,  the  work  of  Copernicus  was  forbidden  by  the 
Congregation  of  the  Index  "until  corrected",  and  in 
1620  these  corrections  were  indicated.  Nine  sen- 
tences, by  which  the  heliocentric  system  was  repre- 
sented as  certain,  had  to  be  either  omitted  or  changed. 
This  done,  the  reading  of  the  book  was  allowed.  In 
1758  the  book  of  Copernicus  disappeared  from  the 
revised  Index  of  Benedict  XIV.  New  editions  were 
issued  in  Basle  (1566)  by  Rheticus;  in  Amsterdam 
(1617)  by  Muller  of  Gottingen;  in  Warsaw  (1854)  an 
Edition  ae  luxe  with  Polish  translation  and  the  real 
preface  of  Copernicus;  and  the  latest  (5th)  in  Thorn 
(1873)  by  the  Copernicus  Society,  on  the  four  hun- 
dredth anniversary  of  the  author's  birthday,  with  all 
the  corrections  of  the  text,  made  by  Copernicus, 
given  as  foot-notes.  A  monument  by  Thorwaldsen 
was  erected  to  Copernicus  in  Warsaw  (1830),  and 
another  by  Tieck  at  Thorn  (1853).  Rheticus,  Cla- 
vius,  and  others  called  Copernicus  the  second  Ptolemy, 
and  his  book  the  second  "Almagest".  His  genius 
appears  in  the  fact  that  he  grasped  the  truth  centuries 
before  it  could  be  proved.  If  he  had  precursors,  they 
are  to  be  compared  to  those  of  Columbus.  What  is 
most  significant  in  the  character  of  Copernicus  is  this, 
that  wnue;he  did  not  shrink  from  demolishing  a  scien- 
tific system  consecrated  by  a  thousand  year?  univer- 
sal acceptance,  he  set  his  face  against  the  reformers 
of  religion.    For  supplementary  inform 


information  see  the 


article  Galileo. 

Bbckuanv,  a  ■eriea  of  articles  on  Copernicus  in  ZeiUchrift  f. 
die  (Jack.  u.  Alierthunukundt  Ermlande,  II-II1;  Hlfl.r.R, 


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COPPICE 


354 


OOQTJABT 


fficolaus  Copernicus  und  Martin  Luther  (1868).  ibid..  IV; 
Idem,  Spicileoium  Copernicanum  (Braunsberg,  1873);  Bebti, 
Copernico,  etc.  (Rome,  1876);  Cortze.  Inedila  Copemicana 
(Leipiig,  1876);  Prowe,  Nicoiaut  Coperniau  (Berlin,  1883); 
If  Oller,  Nicolaus  Copernicus  in  Stimmen  aus  Maria-Loach 
(Freiburg  im  Br.,  1898),  supplement  72;  Hold  en,  N. Copernicus 
in  Popular  Science  Monthly  (New  York,  June,  1904);  Costard, 
History  of  Astronomy  (London,  1767);  Narhien,  Historical 
Account,  etc.  (London,  1833)  Rothman,  Hist,  of  Astronomy 
in  Library  of  Useful  Knowledge  (—1834). 

J.  G.  Hagen. 

Oopp 6 e ,Fran f o is  Edotjard  Joachim,  poet,  dram- 
atist and  novelist,  b.  at  Paris,  26  January,  1842;  d.  23 
May,  1908.  His  father,  a  clerk  in  the  war  depart- 
ment, gave  him  the  example  of  a  true  Christian  life. 
He  studied  for  a  few  years  at  the  Lycee  Saint-Louis, 
but  his  family  being  in  straightened  circumstances,  he 
left  the  school  before  graduating  to  aid  in  their  sup- 
port.  He  completed  his  education  by  private  study, 

spending  long 
3]  hours  in  the  Li- 
brary Ste-Gene- 
vieve,  after  a  hard 
day's  work.  In 
1863,  he  joined  the 
group  of  poets 
later  celebrated 
under  the  name  of 
the  "Parnas- 
siens",  and  three 
years  later  pub- 
lished his  first  col- 
lection of  verses, 
"Le  Reliquaire", 
soon  followed  by 
"Intimites".  His 
first  play  "Le  Pas- 
sant ,  was  pro- 
duced in  1869. 
Through  the  in- 
fluence of  Prin- 
cesse  Mathilde,  he 
was  appointed  as- 
sistant-librarian at  the  senate,  a  sinecure  wnich  allowed 
him  to  devote  himself  to  literature.  From  1871  to  1885 
he  was  librarian  at  the  Com£die  Francaise.  In  1876  he 
received  the  cross  of  the  Legion  of  Honour,  and  was 
elected  to  the  French  Academy  in  1884,  succeeding  Lap- 
rade,  anotherpoet  whose  talent  did  no  little  honour  to 
the  Catholic  Faith.  The  works  of  Coppee  come  under 
four  classes:  narrative  poems,  dramas,  novels  and  short 
stories.  The  narrative  poems,  including  "Le  Reli- 
quaire" (1866),  "Intimites"  (1868),  "Les  Humbles" 
(1872),  "Contes  en  Vers"  (1880),  and  "Les  Poemes 
Modernes"  (1867-1869),  present  picturesque  studies 
of  contemporary  life,  the  sentimental  realism  of  which 
is  entirely  free  from  coarseness  or  triviality.  He 
wrote  a  great  number  of  plays  in  verse,  chief  among 
which  are:  "Le  Passant"  (1869),  "Le  Luthier  de 
Cremone"  (1876),  "Severo  Torelli''  (1883),  which  is 
regarded  as  his  dramatic  masterpiece,  "  Les  Jacobites" 
(1885),  "Pour  La  Couronne"  (1895),  "Fais  ce  que 
Dois"  (1871),  and  "Le  Pater",  a  play  dealing  with  an 
episode  of  the  Commune;  long  forbidden  by  the  Gov- 
ernment, it  obtained  a  great  success  in  1890.  His 
drama  is  remarkable  for  its  lofty  and  generous  ideals, 
while  its  technique  shows  a  constant  effort  to  combine 
the  theory  of  romanticism  with  the  demands  of  mod- 
ern theories.  His  works  in  prose  comprise  several 
novels-  "Henriette"  (1889);  " Une  idylle  pendant  le 
sifcge"  (1874);  "Les  vrais  riches"  (1898);  f*Rivales" 
(1893) ;  "  le  Coupable"  (1897),  and  many  short  stories 
"Contes  en  prose"  (1882);  "  Vingt  contes  nouveaux" 
(1883) ;  "  Contes  rapides"  (1889).  The  short  stories 
are  the  most  popular  part  of  his  works.  Simplicity, 
truth  and  vividness  in  the  portrayal  of  familiar  scenes, 
constitute  the  charm  that  has  so  endeared  the  author 
to  readers  the  world  over.  In  "La  Bonne  Souf- 
france",  written  in  1898,  after  a  serious  illness  that 


Francois  Coppee 


brought  him  back  to  the  religious  faith  of  his  child- 
hood, there  are  elements  of  great  strength  and  sweet- 
ness. The  last  years  of  his  life  were  saddened  by 
cruel  sufferings  endured  with  patience.  He  was  a 
modest  man  and  led  a  quiet  simple  life.  He  was 
always  ready  to  help  those  who  struggle  through  life 
in  obscurity.  He  gave  to  the  French  Academy,  in 
1907,  a  sum  yielding  $200  annually  to  be  used  as  a 
prize  for  young  poets. 

Standard  editions:  Edition  eUtvirienne  (Paris,  1870-1894,  IS 
vol.);  Oeuvres  computes  (Paris,  1887-1905),  16  vol.;  Lescurh 
F.  Coppte,  I'homme,  la  vie  at  Vomvrs  (Paris,  1889);  de  Jt.iij.e- 
ville,  Histoire  de  la  langm  et  de  la  litttralun  francaises  (Paris, 
1899),  VIII;  Gadbert,  F.  Coppee  (Paris,  1906). 

Louis  N.  Delamarre. 

Coptic  Church.    See  Egypt. 

Coptic  Versions  of  the  Bible.  See  Versions  of 
the  Bible. 

Ooptos,  a  titular  see  of  Upper  Egypt.  It  was  the 
chief  town  of  the  Nomos  of  Harawt  (Two  Hawks),  and 
was  once  politically  important,  but  under  the  eleventh 
dynasty  it  was  overshadowed  by  Thebes.  Its  princi- 
pal god  was  Manou,  with  an  Isis  and  an  Horus  infant; 
the  remains  of  their  temple  were  explored  by  Flinders 
Petrie  in  1894.  Coptos  was  at  the  starting-point  of 
the  two  great  routes  leading  to  the  coast  of  the  Red 
Sea,  the  one  towards  the  port  Taaou  (Myoshormos), 
the  other  more  southerly,  towards  the  port  of  Sha- 
shirlt  (Berenice).  Under  the  Pharaohs  the  whole 
trade  of  southern  Egypt  with  the  Red  Sea  passed  over 
these  two  roads;  under  the  Ptolemies,  ana  in  Roman 
and  Byzantine  times,  merchants  followed  the  same 
roads  for  purposes  of  barter  with  the  coasts  of  Zanzi- 
bar, Southern  Arabia,  India,  and  the  Far  East. 
Coptos  was  most  prosperous  under  the  Antonines;  it 
was  captured  in  292  by  Diocletian  after  a  long  siege, 
but  soon  recovered  its  former  standing.  In  the  sixth 
century  it  was  called  Justinianopolis.  The  see  was 
suffragan  of  Ptolemais  in  Thebais  Secunda.  Five 
bishops  are  known  (Lequien,  II,  607):  Theodoras,  a 
partisan  of  Meletius;  Pncebammon  in  431 ;  Sabinus 
in  451 ;  Vincent, author  of  the  "Canonical  Solutions", 
preserved  in  an  Arabic  translation  and  highly  es- 
teemed by  the  Copts;  Moyses,  who  wrote  the  pane- 
gyric of  Vincent.  Under  the  caliphs  and  the  sultans 
Koptoe  remained  one  of  the  chief  cities  of  Said.  In 
1176  its  Christian  inhabitants  raised  the  standard  of 
revolt  against  the  Mussulmans,  but  were  promptly 
suppressed  by  El  Adel,  brother  of  Saleh  ed-Din  (Sala- 
din),  who  hanged  nearly  3000  on  the  trees  around  the 
city.  In  the  thirteenth  century  there  were  still  in  this 
region  numerous  monasteries.  Coptos  was  ruined  in 
the  sixteenth  century  by  the  Turkish  conquest.  It  is 
to-day  a  village  called  Kebt,  or  Keft,  with  about  2500 
inhabitants,  subject  to  the  mudirieh  of  Keneh;  it  is 
situated  near  the  right  bank  of  the  Nile,  between  Den- 
derah  (Tynteris)  and  Karnak  (Thebes),  about  620 
miles  from  Cairo. 

Smith,  Diet,  of  Gr.  and  Rom.  Geogr.  (London,  1878),  I,  666. 

S.  Vailhe. 

Ooqnart,  Claude-Godefroi  .missionary  and  army 
chaplain,  b.  in  Pays  de  Caux,  France,  20  February, 
1706;  d.  at  Chicoutimi,  Canada,  4  July,  1765.  He 
began  his  novitiate  in  the  Jesuit  College  at  Paris,  20 
May,  1726,  studied  at  the  College  of  Louis  le  Grand 
and  at  La  Fleche,  and  was  professor  at  Arras  and 
Hesdin.  In  1740  he  set  out  for  Canada  and,  in  the 
followingyear,  journeyed  with  Verendrye  to  Fort  La 
Reine.  He  probably  returned  with  Verendrye  when 
that  explorer  was  compelled  to  resign  his  position  as 
commandant  in  the  North-West.  From  1746  to  1757 
Father  Coquart  laboured  on  the  Saguenay  mission 
and  later  at  Quebec.  After  the  conquest  of  Canada 
he  attempted  to  settle  a  few  Jesuits  in  Acadia.but  the 
English  authorities  forced  them  to  leave.  He  then 
resumed  his  labours  in  the  Saguenay  region,  where  he 


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OORAOESIUM 


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OOBBII 


dosed  his  missionary  career.  He  has  left  an  Abnaki 
grammar  and  dictionary.  In  the  Jesuit  Relations 
(Thwaitee  ed.,  LXIX)  is  a  memoir  written  by  him 
for  the  Intendant  of  Canada,  in  which  he  describes 
the  so-called  "  King's  Posts"  of  Eastern  Canada,  with 
practical  observations  and  suggestions  that  make  it 
a  valuable  document  for  economic  study. 

Rochsu ontelx.  Lee  Jteuitee  et  la  Nouvelle-France  au  X  VIII' 
eiicte  (Paris,  1906),  I,iii;  Tbwaiteb  ed„  Jeeuit  Relation*  (Cleve- 
land 1896-1901),  LXIX,  289,  290;  Pilling,  Bibliography  of 
tlu  Algonquian  Languaoee  (Washington,  1801),  94;  Boa,  Notice 
tur  Rev.  Claude  Godfrtnd  Coquart  (oopy  in  library  of  Wis.  Hist. 
Society);  Sadlier,  An  Historic  Spot  in  the  Catholic  World 
(1893),  LIX,  309  »q.;  Prcd'houme.  Revue  Canadienne  (1897), 
81-92;  Brown,  Tteo  Mieeionaru  Priette  at  Mackinac;  Idem, 
St.  Anne's  Parith  RegUter  at  Michillimackinac  (Chicago,  1889). 

Edward  P.  Spillane. 

Ooracesium,  a  titular  see  of  Asia  Minor.  Accord- 
ing to  Ptolemy  (V,  5,  3),  this  town  was  not  in  Cilicia 
Tracheia,  but  in  Roman  Pamphylia.  It  had  belonged 
to  Isauria  according  to  the  pre- Roman  ethnic  system, 
and  from  a.  d.  74  was  probably  included  in  Lycia- 
Pamphylia.  Its  port  was  the  chief  centre  of  the 
famous  Cilician  pirates:  there  Diodorus  Tryphon  was 
killed  by  Antiochus  VII,  and  the  pirates  utterly  de- 
stroyed by  Pompey,  who  levelled  their  fortress. 
Coracesium  became  a  suffragan  of  Side,  metropolis 
of  Pamphylia  Prima.  Lequien  (1, 1007)  mentions 
only  four  bishops,  the  first  having  been  present  at 
the  Council  of  Constantinople  (381),  the  last  at  the 
Council  of  Constantinople  in  681 ;  but  the  see  is  still 
mentioned  in  the  "Notitise  episcopatuum"  as  late  as 
the  twelfth  or  thirteenth  century.  Coracesium  is  now 
a  little  town  with  about  2000  inhabitants  (500 
Greeks;,  the  chief  centre  of  a  cam  in  the  vilayet  of 
Konia.  Its  Turkish  name  is  Alaya.  The  Armenians 
have  completely  disappeared,  though  the  town  was  a 
very  important  one  in  the  time  of  the  Rupens.  There 
are  curious  ruins,  walls,  ancient  tombs,  and  other  re- 
mains of  antiquity,  and  many  romantic  stories  are 
associated  with  it. 

Beaufort,  Caramania  (London,  1847);  Cuinet,  Turquie 
cTAsie,  I,  867-870;  Alishan,  Siuouan  (Venice,  1899),  388  aq., 
with  illustrations. 

S.  Pltrides. 

Oorbavia,  Diocese  of.   See  Szeny. 

Oorbeiensis  Oodex.   See  MSS.  of  the  Bible. 

Oorbett,  James.   See  Sale,  Diocese  of. 

Oorbie  (Corby  or  Corbinqton),  Ambrose,  b.  near 
Durham,  7  Dec.,  1604;  d.  at  Rome,  11  April,  1649. 
He  was  the  fourth  son  of  Gerard  Corbie  and  his  wife 
Isabella  Richardson,  exiles  for  the  Faith.  Of  their 
children,  Ambrose,  Ralph,  and  Robert,  having  be- 
come Jesuits  (Richard  died  as  a  student  at  St.-Omers, 
and  the  two  surviving  daughters,  Mary  and  Catherine, 
became  Benedictine  nuns  at  Brussels),  the  parents  by 
mutual  agreement  entered  religion.  The  father  entered 
the  Society  of  Jesus  as  a  lay  brother  in  1628,  and  having 
reconciled  his  father  Ralph  (aged  100)  to  the  Church, 
died  at  Watten,  17  Sept.,  1637.  The  mother,  in  1633, 
was  professed  as  a  Benedictine  at  Ghent  and  died  a 
centenarian,  25  Dec.,  1652.  Ambrose  at  the  age  of 
twelve  entered  St.-Omers,  going  thence  (1622)  to  the 
English  College,  Rome.  He  entered  the  Society  of 
Jesus  at  Watten  in  1627,  and  in  1641  was  professed. 
Having  taught  with  success  for  some  years  at  St.- 
Omers,  and  Men  minister  at  Ghent  in  1645,  he  was 
appointed  confessor  at  the  English  College,  Rome, 
where  he  died  in  his  forty-fifth  year.  His  works  are: 
(1)  "Certamen  Triplex"  etc.,  the  history  of  the  mar- 
tyrdom of  three  English  Jesuit  priests:  Thomas  Hol- 
land, his  own  brother  Ralph  Corbie  (see  below),  and 
Henry  Morse  (Antwerp,  1645,  12mo),  with  three  en- 
aved  portraits;  reprinted  (Munich,  1646,  12mo): 
jlish  translation  by  E.  T.  Scargill  under  the  title  of 
le  Threefold  Conflict",  etc.;  ed.  W.  T.  Turnbull 
(London,  1858,  8vo).    (2)  An  account  of  his  family; 


English  version  in  Foley,  "Records",  III,  64.  (3) 
"  Vita  e  morte  del  Fratello  Tomaso  Stilintono  [i.  e. 
Stillington  alias  Oglethorpe]  novitio  Inglese  della  Com- 
pagnia  di  Gesu  morto  in  Messina,  15  Sept.,  1617"; 
(MS.  at  Stoneyhurst  College;  see  "Hist. MSS. Comm.", 
3rd  Report,  338,  tr.  and  ed.  Foley,  "Records",  HI, 
15  sqq. 

80MMERV00EL,  BMiotHtque  detac.de  J.,  II,  1410:  Gillow. 
BM.  Diet.  Eng.  Cath.,  1, 563. 

Ralph  (called  at  times  Corbinqton),  Venerable, 
brother  of  the  above,  martyr-priest,  b.25  March,  1598, 
near  Dublin;  d.  7  September,  1644.  From  the  age  of 
five  he  spent  his  childhood  in  the  north  of  England, 
then  going  over  seas  he  studied  at  Saint-Omer,  Seville, 
and  Valladolid,  where  he  was  ordained.  Having  be- 
come a  Jesuit  about  1626,  he  came  to  England  in  1631 
and  laboured  in  Durham.  He  was  seized  by  the  Par- 
liamentarians at  Hamsterley,  8  July,  1644,  when 
clothed  in  his  Mass  vestments,  conveyed  to  London, 
and  committed  to  Newgate  (22  July),  with  his  friend 
John  Duckett,  a  secular  priest.  At  their  trial  (Old 
Bailey,  4  September)  they  both  admitted  their  priest- 
hood, were  condemned  to  death,  and  executed  at  Ty- 
burn, 7  September.  Stonyhurst  has  a  relic  of  Father 
Corbie ;  for  the  Duke  of  Gueldres'  attestation  in  1650 
of  other  relics,  see  Foley's  "  Records  S.  J.",  1, 564 ;  the 
"Certamen"  portrait  is  reproduced  in  "Records", 
VH  (I),  168;  for  his  letters,  see  vol.  Ill,  69  sqq.,  of 
the  same  work.  The  Corbie  alias,  according  to  Foley 
[op.  cit.,  VII  (II),  898]  was  Carlington  or  Carlton. 

Tanner,  Societae  Jeeu  militant,  122;  Challoner,  Mieeion- 
ary  PrietU  (1742),  II,  278;  Dodd,  Church  Hittoru.  Ill,  111; 
Outer,  Collectanea  8.  J.,  674;  Foley,  Recordt  S.  J.,  Ill, 
59-98,  151  sqq.:  VI,  299;  VII  (I),  167;  Gilxow,  BM.  Diet. 
Eng.  Cath.,  I,  564;  Cooper  in  Did.  Nat.  Biog.,  XII,  209;  Cer- 
tamen Triplex  (Antwerp,  1645). 

Patrick  Ryan. 

Oorbie  (also  Corbet),  Monastery  of,  a  Benedic- 
tine abbey  in  Picardy,  in  the  Diocese  of  Amiens, 
dedicated  to  Sts.  Peter  and  Paul.  It  was  founded 
in  657  by  Saint 
Bathilde,  widow  of 
Clovis  II,  and  both 
she  and  her  son 
Clotaire  III  en- 
dowed it  richly 
with  lands  and 
privileges.  The 
latter  were  subse- 
quently confirmed 
by  Popes  Benedict 
III  and  Nicholas 
I.  The  first  monks 
came  from  Lux- 
euil,  Theodefrid 
being  the  first 
abbot.  Under  St. 
Adelhard,  the 
ninth  abbot,  the 
monastic  school  of 
Corbie  attained 
great  celebrity  and 

about  the  same  „  . 

time  it  sent  forth      Chorch  or  St.  Stephens,  Corrie 

a  colony  to  found  the  abbey  of  Corvey  in  Saxony.  In 
1137  a  fire  destroyed  the  monastic  buildings  but  they 
were  rebuilt  on  a  larger  scale.  Commendatory  abbots 
were  introduced  in  1550,  amongst  those  that  held  the 
benefice  being  Cardinal  Mazarin.  The  somewhat 
drooping  fortunes  of  the  abbey  were  revived  in  1618, 
when  it  was  one  of  the  first  to  be  incorporated  into 
the  new  Congregation  of  Saint-Maur.  At  its  sup- 
pression in  1790  the  buildings  were  partly  demolished, 
but  the  church  remains  to  this  day,  with  its  imposing 
portal  and  western  towers.  One  of  the  most  famous 
scholars  produced  by  Corbie  was  Paschasius  Radbert 
(d.  865),  the  first  to  write  a  comprehensive  treatise  on 


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356 


CORCORAN 


the  Blessed  Sacrament.  In  the  controversy  to  which 
this  work  gave  rise,  his  chief  opponent  was  Ratram- 
nus,  one  of  his  own  monks,  whose  views,  however,  are 
at  variance  with  Catholic  teaching;  both  treatises  are 

g tinted  in  Migne,  P.  L.,  CXX-CXXI.   The  library  of 
orbie,  rich  and  extensive,  was  removed  to  Saint- 
Germain-des-Pres  in  1624. 

Mabillon,  Live*  of  St.  BathUde  and  Bl.  Theodefrid  in  Acta 
Sanctorum  O.  S.  B.  sac.  II.  (Venice,  1733);  Sainte-Marthk, 
Gallia  Christiana  (Paris,  1728),  X,  1263;  Mionk,  Did.  da 
abbaya  (Paris,  1856);  8eiter»  in  KirchenUx,  III,  1088-89; 
Chevalier,  Topo-bibliogr.  (Paris,  1894-98),  793-94,  good  bib- 
liography. A  view  of  the  abbey,  as  it  was  before  suppression, 
is  given  in  Del  a  court  and  Delisle,  Monasticon  GaUicanum 
(Pari.,  1871),  II,  pL  78.  „  n 

G.  Cyprian  Alston. 

Corbinian,  Saint,  Bishop  of  Freising,  in  Bavaria, 
b.  about  680  at  Chatres  near  Melun,  France;  d.  8 
September,  730.  His  feast  is  celebrated  8  September, 
translation,  20  November-  emblem,  a  bear.  Nothing 
is  known  of  his  youth.  His  father,  Waldekiso,  died 
before  the  birth  of  Corbinian.  After  the  death  of  his 
mother,  Corbiniana,  he  lived  as  a  hermit  at  the  church 
of  Saint-Germain  at  Chatres.  With  some  of  his 
disciples  he  went  to  Rome  in  716  (709).  Here  he  was 
consecrated  bishop,  given  the  pallium,  and  sent  to 
preach,  which  he  did  with  great  success  in  the  vicinity 
of  his  former  home.  In  723  (716)  he  again  visited 
Rome,  with  the  intention  of  resigning.  The  pope 
would  not  listen  to  his  request.  On  his  return  trip 
Corbinian  came  to  Mais  in  Tyrol,  where  he  was  induced 
by  messengers  of  Duke  Gnmoald  to  go  to  Bavaria, 
and  settle  at  Freising.  The  dates  of  the  Romanjour- 
neys  are  somewhat  confused,  but  the  people  of  Freis- 
ing seem  to  consider  724  as  the  date  of  Corbinian's 
arrival,  for  in  1724  was  celebrated  the  tenth,  and  in 
1824  the  eleventh  centenary  of  the  existence  of  the 
diocese.  On  account  of  the  incestuous  marriage  of 
Grimoald,  his  apparent  repentance,  and  subsequent 
relapse,  Corbinian  left  Freising,  but  returned  in  729 
(725),  on  the  invitation  of  Hucbert,  Grimoald's  suc- 
cessor, and  continued  his  apostolic  labours.  His  body 
was  buried  at  Freising,  then  transferred  to  Mais,  and 
in  769  brought  back  to  Freising  by  Bishop  Aribo,  who 
also  wrote  his  life.  St.  Corbinian  was  a  man  of  zeal, 
and  of  strong  feeling,  not  to  say  temper,  and  exercised 
great  influence  over  all  with  whom  he  came  in  con- 
tact. 

Mann,  Popes  of  On  Early  Middle  Ages  (London,  1902),  Vol.  I, 
Pt.  II,  p.  152  sq.;  Hope,  Conversion  of  the  Teutonic  Races,  II, 
40:  Acta  SS.,  September,  III,  261 ;  Meickelbeck.  Historia  Fris- 
inaensis  I.pt.  11. 3  sqq.;  Hauck,  Kirchengeschickle Deutschlands 
(1887),  I,  345:  Wattenbach,  DeuUchl.  GeschichtsqueUen,  1,96; 
Fastlinoer,  Beitr.  tur  Gesch.  dee  Ertb.  Miinchen  und  Freising 
(1901),  VII. 

Francis  Mkrshman. 


Corcoran,  James  Andrew,  theologian,  editor,  and 
Orientalist,  b.  at  Charleston,  South  Carolina,  U.  S. 
A.,  30  March,  1820;  d.  at  Philadelphia,  16  July,  1889. 
In  his  fourteenth  year  he  was  sent  to  the  College  of 
Propaganda,  Rome,  where  he  made  a  brilliant  course 
and  was  ordained  priest  21  December,  1842.  He  was 
the  first  native  of  the  Carolinas  who  received  priestly 
orders.  He  remained  a  year  longer  in  Rome  to  com- 
plete his  studies  and  was  made  doctor  in  sacred  theol- 
ogy. He  read  with  ease  the  literatures  and  dialects 
oFwestern  and  Northern  Europe,  spoke  Latin  as 
fluently  as  his  native  tongue,  and  acquired  that 
thorough  mastery  of  the  idiom  which  distinguishes 
the  text  of  the  Second  Plenary  Council  of  Balti- 
more. In  addition,  he  was  a  profound  Semitic 
scholar,  with  a  special  predilection  for  Syriac.  On 
the  death  of  Bishop  England  in  1842  he  was  recalled 
to  Charleston,  where  he  taught  in  the  seminary,  doing 
parochial  work  in  the  meantime,  and  in  conjunction 
with  Dr.  Lynch  edited  the  "  United  States  Catholic 
Miscellany '  ,  the  first  distinctively  Catholic  literary 
periodical  published  in  the  United  States.  His  posi- 
tion as  a  Catholic  editor  naturally  involved  him  in 


many  controversies,  one  being  on  the  life  and  teach- 
ings of  Martin  Luther,  for  which  Dr.  Corcoran  pro- 
cured from  Europe  an  abundance  of  Lutherana.  He 
had  made  great  headway  with  the  preparation  of  a 
life  of  Luther,  when  in  1861  his  manuscript  and  li- 
brary were  destroyed  by  fire.  During  the  Civil  War 
his  sympathies  were  with  the  South,  and  the  end  of 
the  struggle  found  him  rector  of  a  parish  at  Wilming- 
ton, North  Carolina,  where  he  proved  his  fidelity  to 
pastoral  duty  during  an  epidemic  of  cholera  which 
decimated  his  little  flock.  He  was  made  secretary  to 
the  Baltimore  Provincial  Councils  of  1855  and  1858: 
also  secretary  in  chief  at  the  Second  Plenary  Council 
of  1866.  He  was  one  of  the  editors  of  the  complete 
works  of  Bishop  England.  In  1868  he  was  chosen 
by  the  unanimous  voice  of  the  American  hierarchy 
as  their  theologian  on  the  commission  preparatory  to 
the  Vatican  Council.  He  was  assigned  to  the  doo- 
trinal  commission  presided  over  by  Cardinal  Billio. 
During  the  debates  on  papal  infallibility,  a  doctrine 
which  he  firmly  held,  he  drew  up  for  Archbishop 
Spalding  the  famous  "Spalding  Formula",  destined 
as  an  olive-branch,  in  which  the  doctrine  is  rather 
implied  than  flatly  stated.  But  those  were  no  days 
for  compromises.  While  at  the  council,  Bishop  Wood 
of  Philadelphia,  his  school-fellow  at  the  Propaganda, 
perfected  arrangements  by  which  Dr.  Corcoran  took 
a  theological  chair  in  the  newly-opened  seminary  at 
Overbrook,  near  Philadelphia.  This  position  he  re- 
tained until  death,  declining,  on  the  plea  of  advancing 
years,  a  call  to  the  Catholic  University  at  Washington. 
In  1876  the  "American  Catholic  Quarterly  Review" 
was  founded,  and  Dr.  Corcoran  was  made  chief  edi- 
tor. His  able  articles  and  book  notices  were  the  prin- 
cipal source  of  its  success.  (For  a  list  of  his  contribu- 
tions see  General  Index  of  the  Review,  Philadelphia, 
1900,  p.  15.)  In  1883,  when  the  archbishops  of  the 
United  States  were  invited  to  Rome  to  prepare  for 
the  Third  Plenary  Council  of  Baltimore,  they  took 
Dr.  Corcoran  with  them  as  secretary,  and,  at  their 
request,  he  was  permitted  to  be  present  and  take 
notes  at  the  sessions  held  with  the  three  cardinals 
appointed  by  Pope  Leo  XIII  as  a  special  commission. 
The  following  year  he  was  made  a  domestic  prelate 
and  assisted  as  secretary  at  the  Plenary  Council. 
That  Monsignor  Corcoran  did(  not  bequeath  to  pos- 
terity works  of  any  great  size  is  explained  by  the 
circumstances  of  his  life.  He  was  too  busy  a  man 
to  devote  himself  to  literary  pursuits.  A  great  part 
of  his  time  was  occupied  with  his  immense  corres- 
pondence. He  may  be  said  to  have  been  weighted 
down  with  "the  solicitude  of  all  the  Churches  ,  for 
such  was  the  confidence  which  the  bishops  and  clergy 
reposed  in  his  judgment,  that  they  sought  his  counsel 
on  all  difficult  points  of  theology  and  canon  law. 
He  was  apparently  unconscious  of  his  great  gifts, 
claiming  no  superiority,  and  was  extremely  affable. 
His  love  for  the  Church,  and  his  loyal  adhesion  to  all 
her  doctrines,  were  patent  in  all  he  said  or  wrote. 

Keane,  In  Memoriam:  Mgr.  Corcoran  In  Am.  Cath.  Quart. 
Rev.  (Philadelphia,  1889),  738. 

James  F.  Louqhun. 

Corcoran,  Michael,  soldier,  b.  at  Carrowkeel, 
County  Sligo,  Ireland,  21  September,  1827:  d.  at 
Fairfax  Court  House,  Virginia,  U.  S.  A.,  22  Decem- 
ber, 1863.  His  father  was  an  army  pensioner,  and 
he  himself  joined  the  Royal  Irish  Constabulary 
when  nineteen  years  of  age.  He  resigned  after  three 
years'  service  and  emigrated  to  New  York  in  August, 
1849.  Here  he  soon  became  a  leader  among  his 
feUow-countrymen.  He  enlisted  as  a  private  in  the 
Sixty-Ninth  Regiment  of  the  State  Militia,  a  com- 
mand composed  of  Catholics  of  Irish  birth  or  descent, 
and  rose  from  rank  to  rank  until  he  was  elected 
colonel,  25  August,  1859.  The  next  year  the  Prince 
of  Wales  (afterwards  King  Edward  VII  of  England) 
visited  New  York,  and  in  the  military  parade  given 


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CORD 


in  his  honour  Colonel  Corcoran  refused  to  order  the 
Sixty-Ninth  Regiment  to  join.  For  this  act  of 
military  disobedience  he  was  placed  under  arrest 
by  the  State  authorities  and  ordered  before  a  court 
martial.  The  trial  created  much  excitement  all  over 
the  country,  his  Irish  countrymen  enthusiastically 
applauding  his  course,  and  the  case  was  pending  when 
the  Civil  War  broke  out.  The  proceedings  were 
immediately  quashed,  and  the  Sixty-Ninth,  with 
overflowing  ranks,  was  one  of  the  first  regiments  to 
inarch,  with  Corcoran  at  its  head,  23  April,  1861, 
to  the  defence  of  the  Union.  It  participated  with 
special  gallantry  in  the  first  Battle  of  Bull  Run,  21 
July,  1861,  in  which  action  Colonel  Corcoran  was 
wounded  and  taken  prisoner.  He  was  kept  in  the 
Confederate  prisons  for  thirteen  months  and  then  ex- 
changed in  August,  1862.  His  return  to  the  North 
brought  him  a  series  of  popular  ovations  and  testi- 
monials. He  was  commissioned  a  brigadier-general, 
at  once  raised  a  brigade  of  four  regiments,  which  was 
called  the  Irish  Legion,  and,  taking  command  of  it, 
rejoined  the  army  in  Virginia  in  November,  1862. 
During  the  following  year  the  Legion  participated 
in  several  minor  engagements,  and  while  in  camp  at 
Fairfax  Court  House,  Virginia,  General  Corcoran  was 
thrown  from  his  horse  and  died  the  same  day  from 
the  effects  of  the  accident. 

Contnoham,  The  truth  Brigade  and  Its  Campaigns  (Boston, 
1888);  Crimuins,  Irish  American  Historical  Miscellany  (New 
York.  1905);  The  Irish  American  (New  York),  The  Pilot  (Bos- 
ton); contemporary  files;  Cavanaok,  Memoirs  of  Gen.  Thomas 
Francis  Meagher  (Worcester,  1892). 

Thomas  F.  Meehan. 

Cord,  Confeaternities  of  the,  pious  associations 
of  the  faithful,  the  members  of  which  wear  a  cord  or 
cincture  in  honour  of  a  saint,  to  keep  in  mind  some 
special  grace  or  favour  which  they  nope  to  obtain 
through  his  intercession.  Among  Oriental  peoples, 
and  especially  among  the  Jews,  whose  priests  and 
prophets  wore  a  cincture,  the  wearing  of  a  belt  or 
girdle  dates  back  to  very  ancient  times.  Christ  him- 
self commanded  his  Apostles  to  have  their  loins 
girded.  In  the  early  Church  virgins  wore  a  cincture 
as  a  sign  and  emblem  of  purity,  and  hence  it  has 
always  been  considered  a  symbol  of  chastity  as  well 
as  of  mortification  and  humility.  The  wearing  of  a 
cord  or  cincture  in  honour  of  a  saint  is  of  very  ancient 
origin,  and  we  find  the  first  mention  of  it  in  the  life 
of  St.  Monica.  In  the  Middle  Ages  cinctures  were 
also  worn  by  the  faithful  in  honour  of  saints,  though 
no  confraternities  were  formally  established,  and  the 
wearing  of  a  cincture  in  honour  of  St.  Michael  was 
general  throughout  France.  Later  on,  ecclesiastical 
authority  set  apart  special  formulas  for  the  blessing 
of  cinctures  in  honour  of  the  Most  Precious  Blood, 
Our  Lady,  St.  Francis  of  Paul,  and  St.  Philomena. 
There  are  in  the  Church  three  archconfraternities 
and  one  confraternity  the  members  of  which  wear 
a  cord  or  cincture. 

(1)  The  Archconfraternity  of  Our  Lady  of  Consola- 
tion, or  of  the  Black  Leathern  Belt  of  St.  Monica,  St. 
Augustine,  and  St.  Nicholas  of  Tolenlino. — According 
to  an  old  tradition,  St.  Monica  in  a  vision  received  a 
black  leathern  belt  from  the  Blessed  Virgin,  who  as- 
sured the  holy  widow  that  she  would  take  under  her 
special  protection  all  those  who  wore  it  in  her  honour. 
St.  Monica  related  this  vision  to  St.  Ambrose  and 
St.  Simplicianus;  both  saints  put  on  a  leathern  belt, 
and  St.  Ambrose  is  said  to  have  girded  St.  Augustine 
with  it  at  his  baptism.  Later  on  it  was  adopted  by 
the  Hermits  of  St.  Augustine  as  a  distinctive  part  of 
their  habit.  When,  after  the  canonization  of  St. 
Nicholas  of  Tolentino,  it  came  into  general  use 
among  the  faithful,  Eugene  IV  in  1439  erected  the 
Confraternity  of  the  Cincture  of  St.  Monica,  St. 
Augustine,  and  St.  Nicholas  of  Tolentino,  in  the 
church  of  St.  James  at  Bologna.   In  1590  Thaddeus 


of  Perugia,  General  of  the  Augustinians,  united  this 
confraternity  and  that  of  Our  Lady  of  Consolation 
(founded  in  1318  or,  according  to  others,  in  1495) 
into  one  confraternity,  which  union  was  confirmed 
by  Gregory  XIII  in  his  Bull  "Ad  ea"  (15  July,  1575). 
The  same  pope  raised  this  confraternity  to  the  rank 
of  an  archconfraternity  and  enriched  it  with  many 
Indulgences.  He  further  ordained  that  all  confra- 
ternities of  the  black  leathern  belt  should  be  aggre- 
gated to  the  archconfraternity  at  Bologna,  in  order 
to  share  its  privileges  and  Indulgences.  The  princi- 
pal feast  of  this  confraternity  is  the  Sunday  within 
the  octave  of  the  feast  of  St.  Augustine  (28  August). 
The  members  are  obliged  to  wear  a  black  leathern 
belt,  to  recite  daily  thirteen  Paters  and  Aves  and 
the  Salve  Regina,  and  to  fast  on  the  vigil  of  the 
feast  of  St.  Augustine.  For  the  erection  of  and  re- 
ception into  this  archconfraternity  special  faculties 
must  be  had  from  the  general  of  the  Augustinians. 

(2)  Archconfraternity  of  the  Cord  of  St.  Francis. — 
After  his  conversion  St.  Francis  girded  himself  with 
a  rough  cord  in  memory  of  the  cords  with  which 
Christ  had  been  bound  during  His  Passion,  and  a 
white  girdle  with  three  knots  came  subsequently  to 
form  part  of  the  Franciscan  habit.  According  to 
Wadding,  St.  Dominic  received  the  cord  from  St. 
Francis  and  always  wore  it  under  his  habit  out  of 
devotion  to  the  saint,  his  example  being  followed  by 
many  of  the  faithful.  In  his  Bull  "  Ex  superns  dis- 
positionis"  (19  November,  1585),  Sixtus  V  erected 
the  Archconfraternity  of  the  Cord  of  St.  Francis  in 
the  basilica  of  the  Sacro  Convento  at  Assisi,  enrich- 
ing it  with  many  Indulgences,  and  conferred  upon 
the  minister  general  of  the  Conventuals  the  power  of 
erecting  confraternities  of  the  Cord  of  St.  Francis  in 
the  churches  of  his  own  order  and  of  aggregating 
them  to  the  archconfraternity  at  Assisi.  The  same 
pope,  in  his  Bull  "Divirae  caritatis"  (29  August, 
1587),  granted  new  Indulgences  to  the  archconfra- 
ternity and  empowered  the  minister  general  of  the 
Friars  Minor  to  erect  confraternities  of  the  Cord  of 
St.  Francis  in  the  churches  of  his  own  order  in  those 
places  where  there  are  no  Conventuals.  Paul  V,  in 
his  Bull  "Cumcertas"  (2  March,  1607),  and  "Nuper 
archiconfraternitati"  (11  March,  1607),  revoked  all 
spiritual  favours  hitherto  conceded  to  the  archcon- 
fraternity and  enriched  it  with  new  and  more  ample 
Indulgences.  Both  these  Bulls  were  confirmed  fcy 
the  Brief  of  Clement  X,  "Dudum  felicis"  (13  July, 
1673).  Finally,  Benedict  XIII  in  his  Constitution 
"Sacrosancti  apostolatus"  (30  September,  1724),  con- 
ceded to  the  minister  general  of  the  Conventuals  au- 
thority to  erect  confraternities  of  the  Cord  of  St. 
Francis  in  churches  not  belonging  to  his  own  order 
in  those  places  where  there  are  no  Franciscans. 
New  privileges  and  Indulgences  were  conceded  to  the 
archconfraternity  by  two  decrees  of  the  Sacred  Con- 
gregation of  Indulgences  dated  22  March,  1879,  and 
26  May,  1883.  Besides  the  ordinary  requirements 
necessary  for  the  gaining  of  all  plenary  and  partial 
Indulgences,  the  wearing  of  the  cord  and  enrolment 
in  the  records  of  the  archconfraternity  are  the  only 
conditions  imposed  on  the  members. 

(3)  Archconfraternity  of  the  Cord  of  St.  Joseph. — 
The  miraculous  cure  of  an  Augustinian  nun  at  Ant- 
werp in  1657  from  a  grievous  illness,  through  the 
wearing  of  a  cord  in  honour  of  St.  Joseph  gave  rise 
to  the  pious  practice  of  wearing  it  to  obtain  the 
grace  of  purity  through  his  intercession.  The  devo- 
tion soon  spread  over  many  countries  of  Europe, 
and  in  the  last  century  was  revived  at  Rome  in  the 
church  of  San  Rocco  and  in  that  of  San  Nicold  at 
Verona.  Pius  IX,  in  a  rescript  dated  19  Septem- 
ber, 1859,  approved  a  special  formula  for  the  bless- 
ing of  the  Cord  of  St.  Joseph,  and  in  his  Brief  "Ex- 
positum  nobis  nuper"  (14  March,  1862)  enriched  the 
confraternity  with  many  indulgences.   In  1860  sey- 


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eral  new  Indulgences  were  granted  to  the  confra- 
ternity erected  in  the  church  of  San  Nicold  at  Verona 
and  by  the  Brief  "Univerei  Dominici  gregis",  23  Sep- 
tember, 1862,  the  Confraternity  of  the  Cord  of  St. 
Joseph  was  raised  to  an  archconfraternity.  The 
members  are  obliged  to  wear  a  cord  having  seven 
knots,  and  are  exhorted  to  recite  daily  seven  Glorias 
in  honour  of  St.  Joseph.  Confraternities  of  the  Cord 
of  St.  Joseph  must  be  aggregated  to  the  archconfra- 
ternity in  the  church  of  San  Rocco  at  Rome  in  order 
to  enjoy  its  spiritual  favours  and  indulgences. 

(4)  Confraternity  of  the  Cord  of  St.  Thomas. — It  is 
related  in  the  life  of  St.  Thomas  Aquinas  that,  as  a 
reward  for  his  overcoming  a  temptation  against 
purity,  he  was  girded  with  a  cord  by  angels,  and  that 
m  consequence  he  was  never  again  tempted  against 
this  virtue.  This  cord  is  still  preserved  in  the  church 
at  Chieri  near  Turin.  Soon  after  the  saint's  death 
many  of  the  faithful  began  to  wear  a  cord  in  honour 
of  St.  Thomas,  to  obtain  the  grace  of  purity  through 
his  intercession.  In  the  seventeenth  century  socie- 
ties were  formed  at  different  universities,  the  student 
members  of  which  wore  a  cord  in  honour  of  St. 
Thomas,  hoping  through  his  intercession  to  be  pro- 
tected from  the  dangers  to  which  youth  is  generally 
exposed.  The  first  Confraternity  of  the  Cord  of  St. 
Thomas  was  erected  at  the  University  of  Louvain  by 
the  Belgian  Dominican  Francis  Deuwerders,  and  num- 
bered among  its  members  all  the  professors  and 
students  of  the  faculty  of  theology  and  many  of  the 
faithful.  Thence  it  spread  to  Maastricht,  Vienna, 
and  many  other  cities  of  Europe.  Innocent  X  sanc- 
tioned this  new  confraternity  by  a  Brief  dated  22 
March,  1652.  The  members  are  required  to  have 
their  names  enrolled,  to  wear  a  cord  with  fifteen  knots, 
and  to  recite  daily  fifteen  Ave  Marias  in  honour  of  St. 
Thomas.  For  the  erection  of  and  reception  into  this 
confraternity  special  faculties  must  be  had  from  the 
superior  general  of  the  Dominicans.  Its  Indulgences 
and  privileges  are  contained  in  the  great  Bull  ofBene- 
dict  XIII,  sPretiosus"  (26  April,  1727,  §  9)  and  in  the 
decree  of  the  Sacred  Congregation  of  Indulgences  (8 
May,  1844).    (See  Archconfraternity.) 

Mocchioiani,  CoUectio  Indulgenliarum  (Quaracchi,  1807), 
1018-24,  1026-35;  Bekinoer,  Die  Ablasee  (11th  ed.,  Pader- 
born,  1895),  722-23,  712-14;  Schneider,  Rescripta  Authentica 
S.  Cone.  Indulg.  (Ratisbon,  1885),  505  no,  432-35;  Idem, 
Decreta  Aulhentica  S.  Cong.  Indulg.  ab  a.  1069-1882  (Ratisbon, 
1883);  Idem,  Die  AUasse,  ihr  Wescn  und  Gebrauch  (8th  ed., 
Paderbom,  1884),  479-481,  540,  579,  705,  730:  Locherkr, 
VoUstandiger  Inbegriff  der  Gnaden  und  Ablasse  der  Erzbruder- 
schaft  Maria  vom  Troste  (10th  ed.,  Ratisbon,  1890);  Prender- 
qast,  The  Cord  of  St.  Francis  (12th  ed.,  Dublin,  1885);  Gau- 
dentxub.  Ablate- und  Bruderschaftsbuch  (2nd  ed.,  Innsbruck, 
1887),  300-307;  Seour,  Der  seraphische  Cartel  (2nd  ed.,  Mains, 

1878)  ;  Deuwerders,  Militia  angelica  S.  Thomas  (Louvain, 

1879)  ;  La  milice  angilique,  so  nature,  see  conseUs,  pratiques, 
meres  (Paris,  1869);  Scupoij,  II  giglio  delta  purita  (3d  ed., 
Rome,  1878);  Ess  la,  Der  hi.  Thomas  aU  Patron  der  Unschuld 
in  der  ihm  oeweihten  Gurtclbruderschalt  (Ratisbon,  1883);  Ent- 
stehung  una  Zweck  der  Erzbruderechaft  vom  GUrtel  dee  hi.  Joseph 
(Innsbruck,  1875);  S.  Josephs  GUrtel  (3d  ed.,  Vienna,  1881). 

Ferdinand  Heckmann. 

Oordara,  Giulio  Cesare,  historian  and  litterateur, 
b.  at  Alessandria  in  Piedmont,  Italy,  14  Dec,  1704; 
died  there  6  March,  1785.  The  scion  of  an  illustrious 
and  ancient  family  that  came  originally  from  Nice, 
voungCordara  studied  at  Rome  under  the  Jesuits,  and 
became  a  Jesuit  himself  at  the  age  of  fourteen.  Sub- 
sequently he  taught  in  various  colleges  of  the  order, 
soon  acquiring  a  great  reputation  not  only  for  a 
knowledge  of  general  literature,  but  especially  for 
proficiency  in  poetry,  rhetoric,  and  history.  A  bril- 
liant discourse  on  Pope  Gregory  XIII,  the  founder  of 
the  Roman  College,  and  a  satire  on  the  Cabalists  of 
the  day,  won  forh  im  admission  into  the  Academy  of 
the  Arcadians.  Several  poetical  works  of  his  ap- 
peared under  the  pen  name  of  Pameno  Cassio.  He 
was  in  high  favour  with  the  exiled  Stuarts,  then  resid- 
ing in  Rome,  on  account  of  an  allegorical  drama,  "La 


Morte  di  Nice",  which  he  composed  in  honour  of  the 
titular  King  James  III,  and  a  history  in  Latin  of  the 
expedition  into  Scotland  of  Charles  Edward  Stuart, 
Prince  of  Wales,  which  some  of  his  admirers  look  upon 
as  his  most  finished  production.  His  satires  on  "The 
Literary  Spirit  of  the  Times",  published  in  1737,  are 
of  a  high  order  of  merit.  In  them  he  pillories  a  class 
of  contemporary  writers  who  arrogated  to  themselves 
the  literary  censorship  of  their  day,  condemned  the 
classification  of  the  sciences  and  the  methods  of  in- 
struction in  vogue,  and  even  the  accepted  principles  of 
taste.  A  seventh  and  revised  edition  was  brought  out 
at  Augsburg  in  1764.  But  the  work  by  which  he  it 
perhaps  best  known  is  the  "History  of  the  Society  of 
Jesus  ,  Sixth  Part,  in  two  volumes,  the  first  published 
in  Rome  in  1750,  the  second  posthumously,  by  Father 
Raggazzini  in  1859,  over  a  century  later.  This  work 
was  a  continuation  of  the  history  of  the  Society  by 
Orlandini,  Sacchini,  and  Juvency  and  embraced  the 
period  of  Mutius  Vitelleschi,  1616-1633.  It  is  in 
Latin  and  remarkable  for  the  elegance,  purity,  and 
dignity  of  its  style.  He  is  also  the  author  of  a  history 
of  the  German  College  in  Rome,  which  contains  a  list 
of  its  distinguished  avumni  (Rome,  1770).  When  the 
Society  of  Jesus  was  suppressed,  Cordara,  who  had 
been  a  member  for  more  than  half  a  century,  with- 
drew  from  Rome  to  Turin  and  later  to  Alessandria, 
where  the  King  of  Sardinia  had  allowed  some  members 
of  the  Society  to  live  unmolested.  Notwithstanding 
his  advanced  age  and  his  new  mode  of  life,  Cordara 
continued  his  literary  labours  and  published  much  in 
prose  and  verse.  Sommervogel  enumerates  more 
than  sixty  works,  large  and  small,  of  which  he  is  the 
author.  The  citizens  of  his  native  town  erected  a 
marble  statue  to  his  memory,  in  the  church  of  the 
Barnabites  where  he  was  interred. 

Sommervooel,  Bibl.  delae.de  J.,  II,  1411-1432;  de  Backer, 
I,  389-74;  III,  2097-8;  Michaod,  Biog.  Univ.  (Paris,  nouvelle 
M.,  s.  d.),  IX,  90:  Hcbter,  Nomendator  (Innsbruck,  1895),  V, 
378;  Caraton,  Bibliographie  Historians  de  la  c  de  J.  (Paris, 
1864).  249.  „  „  „ 

Edward  P.  Sptllane. 

Cordeliers.   See  Recollects. 

Oordell,  Charles,  English  missionary  priest,  b.  6 
October, 1720;  d.  at  Newcastle-on-Tyne,  26  January, 
1791.  He  was  the  son  of  Charles  Cordell  and  Hannah 
Darell,  of  the  well-known  family  of  Scotney  Castle 
and  Calehill,  Kent,  and  was  educated  first  at  "Dame 
Alice's  School",  Fernyhalgh,  afterwards  at  Douai, 
where,  in  1739,  he  began  his  course  of  philosophy. 
Having  been  ordained  priest,  he  left  the  college  10 
June,  1748,  for  England,  where  he  served  the  mission 
at  Arundel  (1748-55),  Rounday,  in  Yorkshire,  the 
Isle  of  Man,  and  finally  Newcastle-on-Tyne  (1765-91). 
In  1778  the  presidency  of  the  English  college  at  Saint- 
Omer  was  offered  to  him,  but  he  would  not  accept  it. 
He  was  a  scholarly,  book-loving  man,  of  some  note  as 
a  preacher.  In  politics  he  remained  a  stanch  Jaco- 
bite. He  published  many  translations  and  one  orig- 
inal pamphlet,  "A  Letter  to  the  Author  of  a  Book 
called  'A  Candid  and  Impartial  Sketch  of  the  Life 
and  Government  of  Pope  Clement  XIV"  (1785). 
The  translations  include  "  The  Divine  Office  for  the 
Use  of  the  Laity"  (4  vols.,  Sheffield,  1763;  2d  ed., 
2  vols.,  Newcastle,  1780);  Bergier's  "Deism  Self-re- 
futed" (1775);  Caraecioli's  "Life  of  Pope  Clement 
XIV"  (1776);  Letters  of  Pope  Clement  XIV  (2  vols., 
1777);  Fronsletin's  "Travels  of  Reason"  (1781): 
Fleury's  "Manners  of  the  Christians"  (1786)  and 
"Manners  of  the  Israelites"  (1786);  " Larger  Histor- 
ical Catechism"  (1786);  and  "Short  Historical  Cate- 
chism" (1786). 

Kirk,  Biographies  (Early  Nineteenth  Cent.)  (London,  1908); 
Catholic  Mircellanv  (1826),  VI,  387:  Notes  and  Queries,  3d  series, 
X,  330.  383;  Gillow,  Bibl.  Did.  Eng.  Cath.  (London.  1885),  I, 
685;  Cooper  in  Diet.  Nat.  Biog.  (London^  1887),  XII,  213. 

Edwin  Burton. 


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359 


CORDOVA 


Oordier  (Corderitjs),  B  *athasar,  exegete  and  ed- 
itor of  patristic  works,  b.  at  Antwerp,  7  June,  1592; 
d.  at  Rome,  24  June,  1650.  He  entered  the  Society 
of  Jesus  in  1612,  and  after  teaching  Greek,  moral 
theology,  and  Sacred  Scripture,  devoted  himself  to 
translating  and  editing  MSS.  of  Greek  catenae  and 
other  works  of  the  Greek  Fathers,  for  which  he 
searched  the  libraries  of  Europe.  He  published 
the  following:  (1)  "Catena  sexaginta  quinque 
Patrum  grse  coram  in  S.  Lucam"  'Antwerp,  1628): 
(2)  "Catena  Patrum  grtecorum  m  S.  Joannem" 
(Antwerp,  1630);  (3)  "Joannis  Philoponi  in  cap. 
I  Geneseos  .  .  .  libri  septem"  (Antwerp,  1630); 
(4)  "S.  Cyrilli  apologue  morales"  (Vienna,  1630);  (5) 
"Opera  S.  Dionysn  Areopagitce  cum  S.  Maximi 
scholiis"  (Antwerp,  1634);  (6)  "Expositio  Patrum 
grtecorum  in  Psalmos''  (Antwerp,  1643-46);  (7) 
"Symbohe  in  Matthteum"  (2  vols.,  of  which,  however, 
only  the  second  is  by  him;  Toulouse;  1646-47);  (8) 
"S.  Dorothei  archimandrite  institutiones  asceticse" 
(Antwerp,  1646);  (9)  "S.  P.  N.  Cyrilli  archiepiacopi 
Alexandrini  homilis  XIX  in  Jeremiam"  (Antwerp, 
1648) — in  this  case,  as  in  a  few  others,  his  critical 
acumen  was  at  fault;  these  homilies  are  Origen's.  He 
is  also  the  author  of  a  commentary  on  the  Book  of  Job, 
"Job  Hlustratus"  (Antwerp,  1646;  reprinted  in 
Migne's  "Cursus  S.  Scriptures  ,  XIII  and  XIV,  and  in 
Campon's  edition  of  Cornelius  a  Lapide). 

Sommbkyooel,  BibliolK.  de  la  c  de  J.,  II  1438,  s.  v.; 
Hubtkb,  Nommclator.  F.  BecHTEL. 

Cordova,  Diocese  of  (Cordubensis),  in  Spain, 
formerly  suffragan  of  Toledo,  since  1851  of  Seville. 
It  includes  the  province  of  the  same  name,  with  the 
exception  of  a  few  parishes  that  pertain  to  the  Arch- 
diocese of  Seville,  while  in  return  Cordova  takes  in 
a  portion  of  the  civil  province  of  Badajoz.  The 
Gospel,  it  is  believed,  was  preached  there  in  the 
Apostolic  period,  it  being  very  probable  that  the 
Apostles  St.  James  the  Greater  and  St.  Paul,  while 
preaching  in  various  cities  of  Spain  may  have  sent 
thither  some  of  their  disciples;  Cordova  (Colonia 
Patricia)  was  then  the  chief  city  of  Bsetica,  and  the 
centre  of  Andalusian  life.  The  name  of  the  apos- 
tolic founder  of  the  See  of  Cordova  is  unknown,  as 
the  oldest  extant  documents  do  not  antedate  the 
third  century.  The  conditions  of  the  Christian  re- 
ligion in  this  early  period  were  quite  similar  to  those 
which  obtained  elsewhere  in  the  Roman  Empire — 
persecution,  suspicion,  denunciation,  enforced  profes- 
sion of  idolatry,  etc.  Many  illustrious  martyrs, 
Faust  us,  Januanus,  and  others,  suffered  at  Cordova; 
their  relics  were  afterwards  eagerly  sought  by  the  other 
churches  of  Spain,  and  even  in  Gaul  and  elsewhere. 
The  earliest  known  bishop  (though  not  the  founder 
of  the  see)  is  Severus,  about  279;  lie  was  followed  by 
Gratus  and  Berosus.  In  294  the  famous  Hosius  be- 
came Bishop  of  Cordova  and  immortalized  it  by  his 
resistance  to  A  nanism.  Fifteen  bishops  governed 
the  see  from  the  death  of  Hosius  in  357  to  693,  from 
which  period  to  839  no  bishops  are  known.  All  ec- 
clesiastical records,  doubtless,  perished  in  the  course 
of  the  Arab  domination  that  began  in  711.  During 
this  time,  the  faithful  could,  it  is  true,  worship  freely, 
and  retained  their  churches  and  property  on  condi- 
tion of  paying  a  tribute  for  every  parish,  cathedral, 
and  monastery;  frequently  such  tribute  was  in- 
creased at  the  will  of  the  conqueror,  and  often  the 
living  had  to  pay  for  the  dead.  Many  of  the  faithful 
then  fled  to  Northern  Spain;  others  took  refuge  in 
the  monasteries  of  the  Sierras,  and  thus  the  number 
of  Christians  shrank  eventually  to  small  proportions. 

In  786  the  Arab  Caliph,  Abd-er-Rahman  I,  began 
the  construction  of  the  great  mosque  of  Cordova,  now 
the  cathedral,  and  compelled  many  Christians  to  take 
part  in  the  preparation  of  the  site  and  foundations. 
Though  they  Buffered  many  vexations,  the  Christians 
continued  to  enjoy  freedom  of  worship,  and  this  tol- 


erant attitude  of  the  ameers  seduced  not  a  few  Chris- 
tians from  their  original  allegiance.  Both  Christians 
and  Arabs  co-operated  at  this  time  to  make  Cordova 
a  flourishing  city,  the  elegant  refinement  of  which  was 
unequalled  in  Europe.  Under  Abd-er-Rahman  II 
there  came  a  change  in  the  attitude  of  the  Arab  rulers, 
and  a  fierce  persecution  ensued,  during  which  many 
Christians  were  accused  of  abusing  the  memory  of 
Mohammed,  of  entering  mosques,  and  of  conspiracy 
against  the  Government.  Saracen  fanaticism  ran 
high.  Among  the  martyrs  of  this  period  are  Per- 
fectus,  Flora,  Maria,  numerous  nuns  of  the  monas- 
tery of  Tabana  in  the  Sierras,  also  Aurelius,  Sabiniana, 
Abundius,  Amator,  and  others;  the  names  of  more 
than  thirty  are  known.  The  most  famous  of  these 
martyrs  is  St.  Eulogius,  priest  and  abbot,  who  was  in 
858  chosen  Archbishop  ot  Toledo.  For  hfc  encourage- 
ment of  the  confessors  by  his  writings,  "Memoriale 
sanctorum",  " Apologeticus  sanctorum  martyrum", 
"Documentum  martyrii",  "Epistolse",  he  was  event- 
ually put  to  death  in  859.  His  life  was  written  (P.  L., 
CX V,  705-32)  by  Paulus  Alvarus,  a  Scriptural  scholar 
and  theologian,  who  was  not  a  martyr,  Baudissin  not- 
withstanding (Eulogius  und  Alvarus,  Leipzig,  1872). 
With  slight  interruptions  this  persecution  continued 
under  succeeding  bishops,  Saul  (850)  and  Valentius 
(862);  it  co-operated  with  the  Anthropomorphite 
heresy  of  Hostegesis  and  other  causes  to  bring  about 
a  gap  of  a  century  and  a  half  in  the  list  of  the  bishops 
of  Cordova.  In  962  Abd-er-Rahman  III  was  suc- 
ceeded by  his  son  Al-Hakim.  Owing  to  the  peace 
which  the  Christians  of  Cordova  then  enjoyed,  soma 
knowledge  of  their  condition  has  been  preserved, 
among  other  things  the  name  of  their  bishop,  Joannes, 
also  the  fact  that,  at  that  period,  the  citizens  of  Cor- 
dova, Arabs,  Christians,  and  Jews,  enjoyed  so  high  a 
degree  of  literary  culture  that  the  city  was  known  aa 
the  New  Athens.  From  all  quarters  came  students 
eager  to  drink  at  its  founts  of  knowledge.  Among 
the  men  afterwards  famous  who  studied  at  Cordova 
were  the  scholarly  monk  Gerbert,  destined  to  sit  on 
Idle  Chair  of  Peter  as  Sylvester  II  (999-1003),  the 
Jewish  rabbis  Moses  and  Maimonides,  and  the  famous 
Spanish- Arabian  commentator  on  Aristotle,  Averroes 
(fiourret,  De  Schola  Cordubse  Christiana  sub  Omiadi- 
tarum  imperio,  Paris,  1853).  On  account  of  the 
wretched  administration  of  the  successors  of  Abd-er- 
Rahman  III,  the  invasion  of  the  Almohades  (1097), 
and  the  continuous  peninsular  warfare  between  Mos- 
lem and  Christian,  little  is  known  of  the  episcopal 
succession  in  Cordova  from  the  time  of  Bishop  Joan- 
nes (988)  to  the  reconquest  of  the  city  by  the  Chris- 
tians under  St.  Ferdinand  III  (1236).  The  long  period 
(524  years)  of  humiliation  of  the  Church  of  Cordova 
now  came  to  an  end,  and  a  new  epoch  of  prosperity 
and  Christian  religious  service  began  which  was  in- 
augurated by  the  piety  and  generosity  of  the  saintly 
conquistador  (Haines,  Christianity  and  Islam  in 
Spain,  London,  1889,  756-1031).  Reference  has  al- 
ready been  made  to  the  conversion  of  the  mosque 
into  a  cathedral;  several  parishes  were  also  estab- 
lished, and  spacious  convents  were  built  for  various 
religious  orders,  Dominicans,  Franciscans,  Merced  a- 
nana.  A  cathedral  chapter  was  established,  some  of 
the  earlier  Christian  churches  were  restored,  and  soma 
mosques  were  converted  into  churches.  The  diocese, 
that  in  the  earlier  Hispano-Roman  period  had  been 
very  large,  began  to  expand  again  and  had  added  to 
it  many  cities  of  the  Archdiocese  of  Seville,  which 
was  yet  in  the  power  of  the  Moors.  The  newly  ac- 
quired territory  was  soon  occupied  by  Christian 
knights  and  Christian  families,  owing  to  the  privi- 
leges and  franchises  granted  by  St.  Ferdinand  to  such 
colonists.  Bishop  Lope  de  Fitero,  who  was  conse- 
crated about  1237,  began  a  new  episcopal  series  which 
has  remained  unbroken,  the  bishop  consecrated  in 
1898  being  his  seventy-third  successor. 


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CORDOVA 


Since  the  expulsion  of  the  Moriscos  and  Jews  at 
the  end  of  the  fifteenth  century,  the  Catholic  worship 
alone  has  been  exercised  in  the  diocese,  if  individuals 
belonging  to  a  few  sects  are  excepted.  It  is  true  that 
since  the  eighteenth  century  the  religious  fervour  of 
the  Catholics  of  Cordova  has  considerably  diminished, 
owing  to  the  assimilation  by  the  civil  laws  of  the 
liberal  principles  of  the  French  Revolution,  the  legal- 
ized usurpation  of  ecclesiastical  property,  and  a  posi- 
tivis.n  nourished  by  the  literature,  the  theatre,  ana  the 
free  press  of  the  day.  There  remains,  nevertheless, 
much  of  the  Catholic  charity  and  zeal  which  distin- 
guished the  centuries  after  the  reconquest,  when 
Bishops,  clergy,  and  faithful  rivalled  one  another  in 
generous  endowment  of  hospitals,  asylums,  and 
schools,  and  placed  at  the  disposal  of  the  Church 
a  rich  patrimony  capable  of  supporting  a  numerous 
clergy  and  a  continuous  and  splendid  public  worship. 
A  steady  sectarian  propaganda,  a  lowering  of  the 
moral  tone,  and  religious  ignorance  have  made  many 
Cordovans  quite  lax  in  their  Catholic  practice;  nev- 
ertheless, they  do  not  at  all  wish  to  appear  as  desert- 
ing the  Catholic  Faith.  The  palace  of  the  bishop 
faces  the  former  mosque,  and  in  it  are  located  all  the 
administrative  olices  of  the  diocese.  The  cathedral 
clergy  is  composed  of  twenty  canons,  fifteen  beneficed 
clergymen,  and  five  ecclesiastics  charged  with  various 
duties.  There  are  124  parishes,  about  500  priests, 
and  269  churches  and  chapels.  The  population  of 
the  diocese  is  about  430,000;  that  of  the  city  in  1900 
was  58,275.  The  following  religious  orders  and  corr- 
gregations  have  houses  in  the  city:  Jesuits,  Carmelites, 
Capuchins,  Dominicans,  Trinitarians,  Salesians,  and 
Dhcesan  Missionaries  of  the  Sacred  Heart  of  Mary,  the 
last  named  founded  in  1876.  In  four  or  five  other  places 
in  the  diocese  there  are  also  religious  houses,  among 
them  convents  of  Franciscans  and  Augustinians. 

In  the  near  vicinity  of  Cordova  is  the  solitude 
(desierlo)  of  Our  Lady  of  Belen,  a  monastery  of 
(fourteen)  anchorites  under  a  common  rule  and  lead- 
ing a  very  austere  life;  they  do  not  take  sacred  or- 
ders, and  are  governed  by  a  brother  superior  (her- 
mano  mayor);  their  spiritual  director  is  a  secular 
priest.  The  Salesian  Fathers  alone  are  engaged  in 
teaching;  the  other  orders  devote  themselves  to  the 
contemplative  life  or  conduct  public  worship.  There 
are  seventy-seven  religious  communities  of  women, 
of  which  twenty-seven  are  in  Cordova  and  the  rest 
scattered  throughout  the  diocese.  They  number  in 
all  1106  sisters.  Some  lead  the  contemplative  life, 
others  devote  themselves  to  teaching  or  to  works  of 
charity.  The  twelve  charitable  institutions  are 
cared  for  by  145  Sisters  of  Charity;  among  such  in- 
stitutions in  the  city  are  four  homes  for  the  aged, 
two  refuges  for  young  girls,  a  hospital  for  the  in- 
sane, a  hospital  for  chronic  diseases  with  239  pa- 
tients, a  boys'  orphan  asylum  with  425  inmates,  and 
a  foundling  asylum  containing  131  children.  There 
is  also  a  charitable  restaurant  (Comedor  de  la  Cari- 
da  l)  in  charge  of  six  brothers,  which  provides  good 
and  abundant  food  for  workingmen  and  poor  fami- 
lies at  very  modest  prices.  The  religious  educational 
institutes  of  the  city  for  both  sexes  number  twelve, 
and  the  pupils  attending  them  2023.  The  college  of 
the  Salesian  Fathers  has  325  boys.  Outside  of  Cor- 
dova there  are  several  educational  and  charitable  in- 
stitutions. The  Grand  Seminary  of  San  Pelagio  at 
Cordova  was  founded  in  the  sixteenth  century  by 
Dr.  Mauricb  Pazos  y  Figueroa,  and  enlarged  in  the 
eighteenth  by  Cardinal  Salazar.  It  has  fifteen  pro- 
fessors and  125  ecclesiastical  students.  Attached  to 
the  various  parishes  are  many  lay  confraternities  de- 
voted to  works  of  charity,  or  to  the  support  of  public 
worship.  Of  the  early  synods  held  at  Cordova,  two 
are  important,  those  of  839  and  852.  The  Acts  of 
the  former  were  first  printed  by  F16rez  (Espana  sa- 
grada,  XV;  Hefele,  IV,  99).    It  was  held  against 


fanatical  heretics,  probably  from  Northern  Africa, 
and  known  as  "Casiani",  who  professed  loose  doc- 
trines regarding  marriage,  rejected  veneration  of 
relics,  demanded  more  rigour  in  fasting,  declared  un- 
clean certain  foods,  insisted  on  receivingthe  Euchar- 
istic  Host  each  in  his  own  hand,  etc.  The  synod  of 
852  reproved  those  Christians  who  voluntarily 
sought  the  occasion  of  martyrdom  and  declared  that 
such  had  no  right  to  the  veneration  due  to  martyrs 
(Mansi,  XIV,  970;  Hefele,  IV,  179). 

De  la  Foentk,  Hist.  ec.ca  dt  Etpaiia  (Madrid,  1872-75); 
Gams,  Kirchcngeschichte  von  Spanien  (Ratiabon,  1862  sqq.): 
Gomez  Bravo,  Catdlogo  de  lot  obispot  Cdrdoba  (Cordova, 
1778);  Sanchez  de  Feria,  Palestra  sagr.via,  etc.  (Cordova, 
1782);  RamIrez  de  lab  Casas-Deza,  Indicador  Cordobet,  etc. 


(Cordova,  1837);  Rcano,  Hist,  general  de  Cdrdoba  (Cordova, 
1761)  1  vol.;  two  in  manuscript;  Morales  (ed.),  Bulogii  Cordu- 
bensit  Opera  (Aloala,  1574)  in  P.  L.,  CXV,  703-960;  Boltttn  ar.« 


de  la  duxesis  de  Cordoba  (Cordova,  1858-1907);  Ridel,  San 
Rafael  en  Cdrdoba  (Cordova,  18S9);  Ram(uez  de  Arellano, 
Paseos  par  Cordoba  (Cordova,  1875). 

Manuel  Garcia  Osona. 

Cordova,  Diooese  of  (Cordubensis  in  America), 
in  the  Argentine  Republic,  suffragan  of  Buenos  Aires. 
It  was  created  in  1570,  but  was  vacant  from  1819  to 
1830,  and  again  from  1841  to  1858.  It  has  46  par- 
ishes, 49  churches  and  chapels,  and,  by  reason  of  its 
vast  extent  (it  includes  the  two  states  of  Cordova  and 
Rioja,  which  in  1895  had  about  570,000  souls),  has 
two  auxiliary  bishops.  The  population  of  the  episco- 
pal city  is  53,000;  one  of  the  two  national  universities, 
the  second  oldest  in  the  New  World  (1573),  is  located 
there,  also  a  national  observatory,  and  a  meteoro- 
logical bureau. 

Battandier,  Ann.  Pont.  Cath.  (Rome,  1907),  227;  Streit, 
Kathol.  Missionsatlas  (Steyl,  1807). 

Cordova,  Juan  de,  b.  1503,  at  Cordova  in  Anda- 
lusia, Spain,  of  noble  parents;  d.  1595  at  Oaxaca, 
Mexico.  It  is  not  certain  whether  C6rdova  was  his 
family  name,  or  whether  he  assumed  it  from  his 
native  city- after  he  became  a  Dominican.  He  first 
embraced  a  military  career,  serving  in  Flanders  as 
ensign.  He  then  went  to  Mexico,  and  accompanied 
Coronado  to  New  Mexico  in  1540-42.  In  1543  he 
entered  the  Dominican  Order  at  Mexico,  and  was 
sent  to  Oaxaca  in  1548,  where  he  acquired  the 
Zapotecan  idiom  and  ministered  to  the  Indians. 
He  was  named  provincial  in  1568.  Brought  up  under 
military  discipline,  he  administered  as  provincial 
with  such  rigour  and  severity,  that  there  were  many 
complaints  against  him  to  the  chapter  that  congre- 
gated at  Yanhuitlan  in  1570.  He  refused  to  comply 
with  the  admonitions  of  his  superiors  and  change  his 
methods,  and  was  accordingly  suspended.  With  the 
exclamation:  "Benedictus  Deusl"  he  received 
the  notification  of  his  deposition,  and,  declining  the 
interference  of  the  Viceroy  Enrfqucz  in  his  favour, 
retired  to  his  convent  at  Tlacochauaya  in  Oaxaca, 
where  he  died  after  twenty-five  years  spent  in  retire- 
ment and  in  the  study  of  the  Zapotecan  language 
and  the  customs  of  the  natives.  His  knowledge 
of  the  language  was  thorough,  and  he  composed  a 
"  Vocabulario  de  la  Lengua  Zapoteca,  6  Diccionario 
Hispanc-Zapoteco "  (Mexico,  1571,  or,  according 
to  Ycazbalceta,  1578).  The  "Arte  en  Lengua 
Zapoteca"  appeared  in  1578  at  Mexico.  Besides 
tho  linguistic  part,  this  book  contains  a  short  but 
valuable  note  on  the  rites  and  superstitions  of  the 
Zapotecan  Indians,  and  an  equally  important  ac- 
count of  their  method  of  reckoning  time,  which  has 
been  republished  by  Manuel  Orozco  y  Berra. 

Davila  Padilla.  Hist,  de  la  Fundaciony  Diseurso  &ca.  (Ma- 
drid, 1596);  BttnooA,Groi7rri^«  nc«cn'pct'on(Mexico,  1674);  Le6s 
T  Pinelo,  Epitome  *co.  (Madrid,  1737-1738);  Antonio. 
Bibtiotheca  hispana  nova  (Madrid,  1733-1738);  Be&wtaix, 
llibliotcca  Acn.  (1883);  Ycazbalceta,  BMiogralla  meziama 
(Mexico,  1886). 

Ad.  F.  Bandeuer. 
Cordova,  Pedro  de.   Sec  Pedro  de  Cordova, 


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CORE 


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COREA 


Core,  Dathan,  and  Abiron  (mp,  pit,  DV2N)> 
leaders  of  a  revolt  against  Moses  and  Aaron  (Num., 
xvi).  Core  was  the  son  of  Isaar,  of  the  Caathite 
family  of  Levites;  Dathan  and  Abiron  were  the 
sons  of  Eliab,  the  son  of  Phallu,  of  the  tribe  of 
Ruben.  A  fourth  leader  is  mentioned,  Hon,  the  son 
of  Pheleth,  likewise  a  Rubenite;  but  as  the  name 
does  not  again  appear,  a  corruption  of  the  text  is 
rightly  suspected.  Core  was  the  head  of  the  re- 
bellion, whence  it  is  called  the  sedition  of  Core 
(Num.,  xvi,  49;  xxvi,  9;  xxvii,  3;  Jude,  11),  and  the 
rebels  are  styled  the  congregation  of  Core  (Num., 
xvi,  40;  Ecclus.,  xlv,  22).  The  rebel  faction  con- 
sisted of  three  parties  with  different  motives  and  dif- 
ferent aims.  Many  of  the  people  were  not  yet  recon- 
ciled to  the  exclusive  priesthood  instituted  at  Sinai, 
and  desired  the  restoration  of  the  old  order,  in  which 
the  priestly  functions  were  exercised  by  the  oldest 
member  of  each  family.  The  non-Aaronic  Levites 
bore  it  ill  that  the  prerogatives  of  the  priesthood 
should  be  confined  to  the  family  of  Aaron,  while 
they  occupied  the  position  of  mere  servants,  and 
they  demanded  that  they  also  be  admitted  to  exer- 
cise priestly  functions.  Lastly  the  Rubenites  were 
aggrieved  because  their  tribe  was  deprived  of  the 
leadership,  which  naturally  should  belong  to  it  as 
being  descended  from  the  oldest  son  of  Jacob.  But 
all  were  animated  by  jealousy  of  the  power  of  the 
house  of  Arm-am,  in  which  the  civil  ana  religious  au- 
thority was  concentrated,  and  all  aimed  at  its  over- 
throw. The  two  first  parties,  however,  desired  the 
removal  of  Moses  from  power,  only  in  so  far  as  he 
was  an  obstacle  to  the  realization  of  their  claims, 
whereas  with  the  Rubenites  this  removal  was  the 
main  object.  In  the  account  of  the  revolt  neither 
time  nor  place  is  mentioned.  But  it  must  have  oc- 
curred shortly  after  leaving  Sinai,  when  the  Aaronic 
priesthood  was  still  a  recent  institution.  It  prob- 
ably took  place  at  Cades,  after  the  attempt  to  pene- 
trate into  the  Promised  Land  had  ended  disastrously 
nearHorma  (Num.,  xiv,  40  sqq.),  and  the  people  had 
begun  to  realize  that  there  was  no  escape  from  the 
sentence  condemning  them  to  wander  forty  years  in 
the  desert.  The  taunting  words  of  Dathan  and 
Abiron  (Num.,  xvi,  13,  14)  point  to  such  a  situation. 
Core  and  two  hundred  and  fifty  leading  men  of  dif- 
ferent tribes  (cf.  Num.,  xxvii,  3) — Dathan  and  Abiron 
for  some  unknown  reason  were  not  with  them — went 
to  Moses  and  demanded  the  abolition  of  the  exclu- 
sive priesthood.  "Enough  for  you",  they  said:  "all 
the  congregation  consisteth  of  holy  ones,  and  the 
Lord  is  with  them:  why  lift  you  up  yourselves  above 
the  people  of  the  Lord?"  Moses  directed  them  to 
bring  their  censers  (fire-pans)  on  the  morrow  to  offer 
incense  with  Aaron  before  the  Lord;  the  Lord  would 
choose  between  them.  When  the  next  day  Core  and 
his  two  hundred  and  fifty  companions  offered  in- 
cense before  the  door  of  the  tabernacle,  they  were 
destroyed  by  fire  from  the  Lord.  In  the  meanwhile 
Moses  went  to  the  dwellings  of  Dathan  and  Abiron, 
who  had  refused  to  obey  his  summons  to  appear  be- 
fore him,  and  warned  the  people  to  depart  from  the 
tents  of  Core,  Dathan,  and  Abiron,  lest  they  should 
share  the  dreadful  punishment  about  to  be  inflicted 
on  the  two  last.  Hardly  had  he  done  speaking  when 
the  earth  broke  asunder  and  swallowed  up  Dathan 
and  Abiron  and  their  households  and  all  the  men 
that  appertained  to  Core.  The  sons  of  Core  did  not 
perish,  nowever  (Num.,  xxvi,  10,  11),  and  later  we 
find  their  descendants  among  the  singers  (I  Par.,  vi, 
37;  II  Par.,  xx,  19;  Pss.  xli,  xliii,  xlviii,  Ixxxiii, 
Ixxxiv,  lxxxvi,  lxxxvii),  or  among  the  door-keepers 
of  the  temple  (I  Par.,  ix,  19;  xxvi,  1,  19).  Moses 
ordered  the  censers  of  Core  and  his  companions  to  be 
beaten  into  plates  and  fastened  to  the  altar  as  a 
warning  to  those  who  would  usurp  the  priesthood. 

The  critical  school  sees  in  the  story  of  this  rebellion 


a  clumsy  combination  of  three  distinct  narratives; 
one  relating  a  revolt  under  Dathan  and  Abiron 
against  the  civil  authority  of  Moses;  another  con- 
taining an  account  of  a  rising  of  representatives  of 
the  people  under  Core,  who  is  not  a  Levite,  against 
the  ecclesiastical  authority  of  the  tribe  of  Levi;  and 
a  third,  which  is  merely  a  retouched  version  of  the 
second,  telling  of  the  struggle  of  the  non-Aaronic 
Levites  under  Core,  who  is  now  a  Levite,  against  the 
exclusive  priesthood  vested  in  the  family  of  Aaron. 
But  it  may  be  asked  what  possible  object  a  redactor 
could  have  had  in  combining  the  narrative  of  a  re- 
bellion against  civil  authority  with  another  having 
for  its  moral  to  warn  against  usurpation  of  the  priest- 
hood. The  story  presents  nothing  improbable.  We 
need  not  search  deeply  into  history  to  find  similar 
examples  of  parties  with  different,  or  even  conflict- 
ing interests,  uniting  for  a  common  end.  It  may,  it 
is  true,  be  resolved  into  two  fairly  complete  narra- 
tives. But  many  an  historical  account  can  thus  be 
divided  by  using  the  arbitrary  methods  here  applied, 
picking  out  sentences  or  parts  of  sentences  here  and 
there  and  rejecting  as  later  additions  whatever  mili- 
tates against  division.  The  literary  argument  is  too 
weak  and  too  uncertain  to  base  a  theory  upon  it. 

HuMMEi.ALtK,  Comm.  in  Num.  (Paris,  1809),  129  sq.; 
PAUBinDtcl.de  la  Bib..  II,  969.  Far  the  critical  view:  Sklbie, 
in  Hastings,  Diet,  of  the  Bib.,  Ill,  11  sq.;  Grav,  Comm. 
If  urn.  (New  York,  1903),  186  sq.;  DarvaR,  Lit.  Old  Test.  (6th 
ed..  New  York,  1897),  63  sq. 

F.  Bechtel. 

Oorea,  Vicariate  Apostolic  of,  coextensive  with 
the  Empire  of  Corea;  it  was  created  a  distinct 
vicariate  Apostolic,  9  September,  1831.  But  for 
nearly  half  a  century  before  that  time  Corea  had  many 
fervent  Catholics.  In  a  manner  perhaps  unique 
in  the  annals  of  the  Church,  the  Faith  was  introduced 
there  without  preaching  and  before  any  missionaries 
had  penetrated  the  country.  The  educated  people, 
more  eager  for  new  knowledge  the  more  their  country 
was  jealously  closed,  procured  through  the  annual 
embassy  to  Peking  all  the  books  possible  upon  science, 
literature,  etc.  Some  Christian  books  fell  into  their 
hands,  and,  the  grace  of  God  aiding,  they  recognized 
the  truth.  One  of  them,  Ni-seung-houn,  undertook 
in  1784  the  journey  to  Peking  and  was  baptized  there, 
under  the  name  of  Peter.  Upon  his  return  he  bap- 
tized his  companions,  who,  like  himself,  were  men  of 
learning  and  high  position.  That  their  faith  was 
firm,  events  proved.  In  1791  Paul  Youn  and  Jac- 
ques Kouen  sealed  their  belief  with  their  blood  for 
having  refused  to  offer  sacrifice  upon  the  occasion  of 
the  death  of  their  relatives.  Connected  by  reason  of 
its  origin  with  the  Church  of  Peking,  Corea  was  de- 
pendent upon  that  vicariate  until  1831.  About  the 
year  1794,  a  Chinese  priest,  Father  Jacques  Tjyou, 
was  sent  to  Corea.  Upon  his  arrival  he  found  about 
4000  faithful.  After  seven  years  of  a  heroic  and 
fruitful  ministry  he  was  arrested  and  put  to  death, 
31  May,  1801.  Before  and  after  him  numerous  Chris- 
tians suffered  martyrdom  with  admirable  fortitude. 
Among  them  particular  mention  is  due  to  the  married 
couple,  Jean  Ryou  and  Luthgarde  Ni.  Shaken  and 
decimated  by  the  tempest,  and  deprived  of  its  priests, 
the  Christian  religion  was  preserved  by  the  zeal  of  the 
fervent  people,  voluntary  catechists,  who  rallied  the 
dispersed,  and  made  unheard-of  efforts  to  obtain 
pastors  from  the  Bishop  of  Peking  or  the  sovereign 
pontiff.  It  was  at  this  time  that  the  vicariate  Apos- 
tolic was  established,  and  confided  to  the  Society  of 
Foreign  Missions  of  Paris.  The  first  vicar  Apostolic 
named,  Mgr.  Bruguiere,  came  from  the  mission  of 
Siam.  He  started  upon  his  journey  in  1832,  suffered 
incredible  hardships  in  passing  through  China  and 
Mongolia,  and  died  in  Tatary,  just  as  he  was  com- 
pleting arrangements  to  enter  the  country  of  his 
mission.   His  companion,  Father  Maubant,  succeeded 


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in  crossing  the  northern  frontier  by  way  of  Eui-tjyou, 
and  in  January,  1836,  entered  the  closed  country. 
The  following  year  Father  Chastan  joined  him  there, 
and,  a  little  later,  the  new  vicar  Apostolic,  Mgr. 
Imbert.  Under  their  ministration  Christianity  soon 
flourished.  All  this  went  on  with  the  greatest  se- 
crecy; the  least  indiscretion  would  have  caused  all 
to  be  lost.  The  edicts  proscribing  Christianity  re- 
mained as  rigorous  as  ever,  and  all,  both  pastors  and 
flock,  lived  as  upon  the  eve  of  battle,  preparing  them- 
selves for  martyrdom. 

The  persecution  broke  out  in  1839,  many  Christians 
were  arrested,  tortured,  and  put  to  death;  the  mis- 
sionaries were  hunted  without  mercy.  Mgr.  Imbert 
was  the  first  to  be  taken,  and,  thinking  that  the  cap- 
ture of  his  two  companions  would  cause  the  persecu- 
tion to  cease,  he  directed  them  to  deliver  themselves 
up;  they  responded  heroically  to  the  call,  and  all 
three  were  beheaded,  21  September,  1839.  It  was  not 
until  1845  that  a  new  bishop,  Mgr.  Ferreol,  succeeded 
in  entering  Corea;  he  brought  with  him  a  young  mis- 
sionary and  also  the  first  Corean  priest,  Andre'  Kim, 
who  had  made  his  studies  at  Macao,  and  who  was 
taken  and  executed  the  following  year.  His  cause, 
and  those  of  the  Venerable  Mgrs.  Imbert,  Maubant, 
and  Chastan,  and  of  the  principal  Corean  martyrs, 
eighty-two  in  all,  were  introduced  in  the  Roman  Court 
by  a  decree  of  24  September,  1867.  The  country  re- 
mained more  firmly  closed  than  ever,  the  Christian 
religion  more  severely  proscribed,  and  the  entrance  of 
apostolic  workers  more  perilous  and  difficult.  Ad- 
mission to  Corea  was  most  often  accomplished  by 
way  of  the  sea,  a  Chinese  barque  bringing  the  mission- 
aries with  great  secrecy  to  the  coast  of  Corea,  where  a 
Corean  ship,  under  cover  of  the  darkness,  would  go 
to  meet  them.  Father  Maistre  spent  ten  years  in 
vain  attempts  and  useless  expeditions  before  he  was 
able  to  set  foot  in  Corea.  Notwithstanding  these 
difficulties,  and  numerous  local  persecutions,  during 
twenty  years  the  mission  prospered.  In  1866  it 
counted  upwards  of  25,000  faithful,  two  bishops,  and 
ten  missionaries.  A  terrible  persecution  then  broke 
out,  the  two  bishops  and  seven  missionaries  were 
taken  and  executed:  Mgr.  Berneux,  vicar  Apostolic, 
with  Fathers  Beaufleu,  Done,  and  de  Bretenieres 
(8  March);  Father  Pourthifi,  pro- vicar,  and  Father 
Petitnicolas  (10  March) ;  and  Mgr.  Daveluy,  the  coad- 
jutor, with  Fathers  Aumaitre  and  Huin  (30  March). 
Numbers  of  the  laity  also  suffered  martyrdom,  while 
others  perished  of  distress  and  hunger  in  the  mountains. 
The  process,  or  formal  declaration,  of  the  martyrdom  of 
the  two  bishops,  of  the  seven  missionaries,  and  of 
twenty  of  the  principal  Christians,  was  sent  in  1901 
to  the  Sacred  Congregation  of  Rites.  The  three  sur- 
viving missionaries,  unable  to  maintain  themselves 
in  the  country,  were  obliged  to  return  to  China. 
This  persecution,  which  occurred  during  the  second 
year  of  the  reign  of  the  emperor  who  abdicated  in 
1907,  was  not  precisely  his  fault.  During  his  minor- 
ity the  power  was  exercised  by  his  father,  known 
under  the  name  of  Tai-ouen-koun,  prince-regent.  Of 
a  suspicious  and  violent  character,  the  regent  believed 
that  the  extermination  of  the  Catholics  in  Corea  was 
the  best  policy  to  follow.  Later  he  recognized  his 
mistake  and  repented  of  it. 

A  French  attempt,  known  as  the  Kang-hoa  expe- 
dition, made  to  avenge  the  murder  of  the  French  mis- 
sionaries, was  not  prosecuted  with  sufficient  vigour, 
and  merely  served  to  revive  the  persecution  which 
lasted  as  long  as  the  regent  remained  in  power.  In 
1876,  after  an  interval  of  ten  years,  the  new  vicar  Apos- 
tolic, Mgr.  Ridel,  succeeded  in  sending  two  mission- 
aries to  Corea;  he  himself  entered  the  following  year 
with  two  others.  But  after  some  months  of  sojourn 
in  Seoul  his  retreat  became  known  and  he  was 
thrown  into  prison.  Upon  the  demand  of  the  French 
minister  to  Peking,  the  Corean  Government  consented 


to  send  him  back  to  China;  in  1879,  Father  Deguette. 
arrested  in  turn,  was  also  sent  back  after  several 
months  of  captivity.  The  bloody  era  was  closed; 
nevertheless  the  missionaries  were  obliged  to  con- 
tinue their  life  of  seclusion.  Liberty  came  to  them 
only  with  the  treaty  of  commerce,  concluded  with  the 
different  Powers  towards  the  year  1884.  Upon  their 
return  in  1876  they  found  but  10,080  Christians; 
since  then  this  number  has  grown  from  year  to  year. 
The  Catholic  Coreans  numbered  in  1885,  14,039;  1890, 
17,577;  1895,  25,998;  1900,  42,441;  1905,  58.593; 
and  in  1907,  63,340.  From  1876  dates  the  spread 
of  the  ordinary  mission-labours  which  the  persecu- 
tion had  not  permitted  to  develop. 

In  1888  the  Sisters  of  St.  Paul  of  Chart  res  were 
called  to  take  charge  of  the  orphanages.  In  each 
district  some  chapels  have  been  built,  with  residences 
for  the  missionaries.  In  1892  a  seminary  was  built 
at  Ryong-saun  near  Seoul.  The  quasi-cathedral 
church  of  Seoul  was  solemnly  consecrated  29  May, 
1898.  The  parish  schools  have  been  opened  anew, 
or  organized  upon  a  better  footing.  It  has  even  been 
possible  to  open  in  the  great  centres  a  few  schools  for 
girls,  a  thing  which  Corean  usage  would  never  before 
have  permitted.  In  1875  the  missionaries  published 
a  dictionary  and  a  grammar  in  French  and  Corean. 
The  movable  type  then  cast  has  served  as  a  standard 
for  all  that  is  used  to-day.   The  mission  possesses  a 

C-  iting-house  for  the  publication  of  Corean  Catholic 
ks,  and  of  a  weekly  Corean  Catholic  newspaper, 
founded  in  1906,  which  counts  more  than  4000  sub- 
scribers. As  a  striking  event  of  this  period  may  be 
noted  the  conversion  to  Catholicism  of  the  princess, 
the  mother  of  the  emperor  and  the  true  wife  of  the 
terrible  regent.  Christian  in  her  heart  even  before 
the  persecution  of  1866,  she  was  baptized  and  con- 
firmed 11  October,  1896,  but  in  great  secrecy  and 
unknown  even  to  those  about  her.  The  following 
year  she  received,  under  the  same  conditions,  the 
Sacraments  of  Penance  and  of  Holy  Eucharist,  and 
died  piously  8  January,  1898.  The  Vicars  Apostolic 
of  Corea  have  been:  Barthelemy  Bruguiere  (1831-35); 
Laurent-Marie-Joseph  Imbert  (1837-39);  Jean-Joseph 
Ferreol  (1843-53);  Simeon-Francois  Berneux  (1854- 
66);  Marie-Antoine  Nicolas  Daveluy  (1857-66);  F61ix 
Clair  Ridel  (1870-84);  Jean-Marie-Gustave  Blanc 
(1884-90);  Gustave-Charles-Marie  Mutel  (1890—). 

The  following  statistics  show  the  state  of  the 
missions  in  1907:  1  bishop;  46  French  missionaries; 
10  Corean  priests;  11  French  sisters;  41  Corean  sis- 
ters; 72  schools  for  boys,  with  1,014  pupils;  5  schools 
for  girls,  with  191  pupils;  2  orphanages,  with  28  boys 
and  261  girls;  379  orphans  placed  in  families;  2 

Sharmacies;  1  seminary,  with  22  preparatory  stu- 
ents  and  9  theological  students;  48  churches  or 
chapels;  48  districts;  931  Christian  parishes;  63,340 
baptized  Christians;  5,503  catechumens  under  in- 
struction.   (See  map  of  China.) 

Dauxt,  Hitt.  de  I'Eglue  de  Carte  (Puis,  1874);  Pichon,  . 
Vie  de  Mar.  Berneux  (Le  Mans.  1868);  Salmon,  Vie  de  Mgr. 
Daveluy  (Paris,  1883);  d'Hulbt,  Vie  de  Just  de  Bretmiere* 

i Paris,  1895);  Baodst,  Vie  de  Henri  Dorie  (1867);  Dbtdoo, 
lemard  Louie  Beaulieu  (Bordeaux,  1894) ;  D£sihe,  Vie  de  it. 
A.  Petilnicolae  (1891);  Rama  tit.  Vie  de  M.  L.  Hum  (Lanjrea, 
1893);  Piactntini,  Mgr.  Ridel  (Lyons, 1890) ;  Rtdbl,  Ma  eap- 
tivitt;  Annate  of  the  Propagation  of  the  Faith  (annual) ;  Ploutr. 
Lee  mieeione  eatholiquee  franfaieee.  III. 

0.  Motel. 

Corfu,  Archdiocese  of. — Corfu  is  one  of  the  Ionian 
Islands,  at  the  entrance  of  the  Adriatic,  opposite  the 
Albanian  coast,  from  which  it  is  separated  by  a  nar-  ' 
row  channel.  Its  modern  name  is  an  Italian  corrup- 
tion for  Kopfol  (pronounced  CorfC),  the  Byzantine 
Greek  name  for  the  chief  town  of  the  island.  The 
ancient  name  for  both  island  and  city  was  Cercyra 
or  Corcyra.  This  has  been  identified  with  the  Hom- 
eric Scheria,  where  reigned  Alcinous,  king  of  the 
Phaacians,  the  host  of  Ulysses,  and  Nausicaa's 


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father.  In  736  b.  c.  the  island  received  Corinthian 
colonists  led  by  Chersicrates.  Its  navy  and  trade 
increased  to  such  an  extent  that  as  early  as  664 
b.  c.  it  could  wage  war  upon  Corinth.  During 
the  Peloponnesian  War,  when  allied  with  the  Athe- 
nians, Corfu  fitted  out  120  ships  and  overcame  its 
suzerain.  But  internal  strife  soon  caused  the  de- 
cay of  its  power;  while  the  people  sided  with  the 
Athenians,  the  aristocracy  were  helped  by  the  Corin- 
thians. From  the  rule  of  the  Macedonians  Corfu 
passed  to  that  of  the  Romans.  Under  the  Byzantines 
it  became  practically  the  capital  of  the  Ionian  Islands 
and  of  the  neighbouring  cities  in  Epirus  (Prevesa, 
Buthrotum,  etc.),  and  signalised  itself  by  courage- 
ous conflicts  with  Dalmatians,  Bulgars,  ana  Saracens. 
About  the  end  of  the  twelfth  century  it  formed  a 
duchy  under  the  despots  of  Epirus.  Charles  of  Anjou. 
King  of  Naples,  conquered  it  in  1274.  It  recovered 
its  independence  by  expelling  the  Neapolitan  garrison 
and  took  refuge  in  the  protectorate  of  Venice.  After 
the  capture  of  Constantinople,  Mohammed  II  sent  an 
army  which  laid  unsuccessful  siege  to  Corfu  to  punish 
it  for  having  helped  Buthrotum.  Solyman  II  was 
equally  unsuccessful,  though  he  took  away  16,000 
prisoners.  In  1716  Ahmed  III  was  also  driven  back, 
the  inhabitants  being  helped  by  the  Saxon  general 
Matthias  Schulenburg  ana  inspired  by  a  monk  who 
led  the  way  bearing  an  uplifted  cross.  For  a  brief 
while,  together  with  Venice  (1791),  Corfu  came  under 
French  rule,  and  was  then  successively  conquered  by 
the  Turks  and  the  Russians  (1799).  The  Seven 
Islands  were  united  in  a  republic  under  a  Turkish  and 
Russian  protectorate.  The  Treaty  of  Tilsit  gave  them 
again  to  the  French  in  1807,  but  in  1809  the  islands, 
with  the  exception  of  Corfu,  fell  into  the  power  of 
England.  In  1815  the  United  States  of  the  Ionian 
Islands  were  put  under  the  protectorate  of  Great 
Britain,  with  Corfu  as  capital  and  residence  of  the 
governor.  On  8  March,  1864,  the  islands  were  an- 
nexed to  Greece,  and  since  this  time  Corfu  (Gr.  Ker- 
kyra),  with  Paxos,  Santa  Maura  (Leukas),  and 
Ithaca,  etc.  have  formed  a  nomarchy  or  province  of 
the  kingdom. 

The  island  has  a  mild,  salubrious  climate.  It  is 
hilly,  with  rather  barren  valleys,  and  produces  corn 
and  oil.  Brimstone  and  marble  are  among  its  ex- 
ports. The  whole  population  is  about  70,000.  Ital- 
ian is  still  much  used,  together  with  Greek,  chiefly 
among  the  Catholic  population.  The  city  of  Corfu 
is  situated  on  the  eastern  coast  and  boasts  of  a  broad 
and  good  port.  It  exhibits  ruins  of  a  temple  of 
Poseidon,  a  cenotaph  of  Menecrates,  and  a  statue  of 
Schulenburg.  In  1861  the  late  Empress  Elizabeth 
of  Austria  built  there,  in  the  purest  Greek  style,  her 
magnificent  palace,  the  Achilleion,  named  after  a 
colossal  statue  of  Achilles  on  one  of  the  terraces  of 
the  park ;  this  palace  has  been  bought  by  the  Emperor 
of  Germany.  The  population  of  the  city  is  about 
17,000;  5000  Jews,  4000  Catholics,  the  rest  orthodox 
Greeks. 

According  to  legend  the  Church  of  Corfu  was 
founded  by  St.  Jason,  a  disciple  of  St.  Paul,  but 
the  first  known  bishop  is  Apollodorus,  present  at 
Nicsea  in  325.  It  was  at  first  a  suffragan  of  Nico- 
polis  in  Epirus  Vetus,  but  in  the  Middle  Ages  was 
made  a  metropolis.  Since  1900  it  has  again  become 
asimple  bishopric.  (See  "Echos  d'Orient",  III,  285 
sqq.)  Among  its  distinguished  prelates  were  St. 
Arsenius,  a  tenth-century  author  of  homilies,  and 
Georgius  Bardanes,  in  the  thirteenth  century,  a  fiery 
adversary  of  the  Latins.  (See  Lequien,  II,  145.) 
The  island  honours  as  its  patron  the  celebrated  St. 
Spyridon,  whose  relics  lie  in  the  Greek  cathedral. 
Since  the  thirteenth  century  Corfu  has  also  been  a 
Catholic  archiepiscopal  see.  The  archdiocese  includes 
Paxos,  Antipaxos,  other  islets,  and  several  localities 
in  Epirus,  between  Parga  and  Sasino;  the  Catholics, 


however,  have  almost  completely  disappeared  except 
in  Corfu.  There  is  but  one  parish,  with  six  churches 
or  chapels,  and  some  ten  priests.  The  Sisters  of  Our 
Lady  of  Compassion  conduct  a  school  and  an  orphan- 
age. (For  the  episcopal  list  see  Lequien,  III,  877, 
completed  by  Gams,  399,  and  Eubel,  I,  217,  II,  152.) 
Among  the  archbishops,  the  famous  Benedictine  Car- 
dinal, Angelo  Maria  Quirini,  who  died  in  Italy  in  1759, 
deserves  mention. 

Marmora,  Hiatoria  di  Corfu  (Venice,  1672);  Qcirtni,  Pri- 
mordia  Corcura  (Lecce,  1725;  Briscia,  1738);  Moubtoxydbb, 
Illuelraiioni  Corcirtri  (Milan,  1811);  utile  cote  Corciresi  (Corfu. 
1848);  Ri eh ann,  Corfou  (Paris,  1879);  Lampros  KfpcvsaUa 
aW«<<rra  (Athens,  1882);  HlDROMENOS,  Si/wrTunj  iaropta  t$» 
KfMtvpac  (Corfu,  1895);  Jervis,  History  of  Corfu  (London, 
1862);  Claparedb,  Corfou  et  let  CorfioUs  (Paris,  1900). 

8.  Pbtridbs. 

Ooria  (Catjria),  Diocese  of  (Caumensib),  in 
Spain,  suffragan  of  Toledo;  it  includes  nearly  the  en- 
tire province  of  Caceres,  with  the  exception  of  a  few 
parishes  that  belong  to  the  Diocese  of  Salamanca. 
The  first  mention  of  a  Diocese  of  Coria  is  in  589  when 
its  bishop,  Jacintus,  subscribed  the  acts  of  the  Third 
Council  of  Toledo.  Under  Visigothic  rule  Coria  was  a 
suffragan  of  Merida.  During  the  Arab  conquest  the 
episcopal  list  was  continued  by  means  of  titular  bish- 
ops; one  of  them,  Jacobus,  appears  among  the  pre- 
lates who  assisted  at  the  consecration  of  the  church  of 
Compostela  in  876.  After  the  reconquest  of  the  city 
(1142)  Alfonso  VII  turned  the  mosque  into  a  cathe- 
dral, and  had  it  reconsecrated  in  honour  of  the  Blessed 
Virgin  and  all  the  saints.  The  first  bishop  of  the  new 
series  was  Ifligo  Navarron.  The  statistics  for  1906 
were:  Catholics,  171,041;  priests,  250;  parishes,  124; 
churches,  159;  chapels,  186. 

Fl6kei,  BtpaHa  Soar.  (Madrid,  1759),  XIV,  52-61;  DXvila 
in  Teatro  de  la*  Igtetitu  dt  Btpafia  (Madrid.  1647).  II,  433-76. 

Eduardo  de  Hinojosa. 

Oorlnth  (Cortntrtjs)  ,  a  titular  archiepiscopal  see  of 
Greece.  The  origin  of  Corinth  belongs  to  prehistoric 
legend.  About  1 100  b.  c.  this  city,  delivered  from  the 
Argives  by  the  Dorian  invasion,  became  the  centre  of 
the  Heracfeid  rule  in  Peloponnesus ;  at  this  time  it  waged 
successful  wars  against  neighbouring  cities,  including 
Athens.  A  little  later,  under  the  tyranny  of  the 
Bacchiadae  (750-657  b.  c),  it  founded  many  colonies, 
among  them  Corcyra  and  Syracuse.  About  657  b.  c. 
a  revolution  substituted  for  tyranny  a  government 
based  on  popular  election ;  from  that  tune  Corinth  took 
no  great  part  in  Greek  history,  except  as  the  scene  of 
the  Isthmian  games  and  by  the  transit  duty  it  im- 
posed on  all  goods  passing  by  its  citadel.  Its  name  is 
scarcely  mentioned  during  the  Medic  wars,  and  after 
beginning  the  Peloponnesian  war  (432-404)  it  handed 
the  direction  of  it  over  to  Sparta  and  later  on  aban- 
doned its  ally.  The  foreign  policy  of  this  submissive 
vassal  of  Philip  (later  the  federal  centre,  but  not  the 
inspirer,  of  the  Achasan  league)  was  never  positive  and 
domestic;  its  true  glory  was  its  luxury,  riches,  and 
artistic  culture.  It  gave  its  name  to  the  third  and 
most  ornamental  of  the  orders  of  Greek  architecture. 
Corinth  was  captured  and  plundered  by  Mummius 
(146  b.  a),  restored  and  embellished  again  by  Ccesar 
'and  Hadrian,  and  ravaged  in  turn  by  the  Heruli,  Visi- 
goths, and  Slavs.  In  1205  it  was  captured  by  the 
French,  who  gave  it  up  to  the  Venetians,  by  whom  k 
was  held,  excepting  brief  intervals,  until  1715.  The 
Turks  left  it  in  1821,  and  in  1858,  after  a  severe  earth- 
quake, it  was  transferred  to  the  western  shore  of  the 
gulf.  The  new  town,  in  the  provinces  of  Argolis  and 
Corinthia,  has  about  4500  inhabitants,  and  exports 
dried  currants,  oil,  corn,  and  silk.  The  ancient  site 
is  now  occupied  by  a  wretched  village,  Pala30-Corin- 
thos,  or  Ola  Corinth,  with  five  churches,  probably 
built  where  temples  had  formerly  stood.  Near  by  are 
the  lofty  Acropolis  (Acro-Corinthus)  and  ruins  of  a 
temple  and  amphitheatre.  The  ship  canal  between  the 


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bay  of  Corinth  and  the  gulf  of  iEgina,  about  four  miles 
in  length,  was  opened  8  November,  1893 ;  it  had  been 
begun  by  Nero,  and  is  in  great  part  cut  through  the 
solid  rock. 

St.  Paul  preached  successfully  at  Corinth,  where  he 
lived  in  the  house  of  Aquila  and  Priscilla  (Acts,  xviii, 
1),  where  Silas  and  Timothy  soon  joined  him.  After 
his  departure  he  was  replaced  by  Apollo,  who  had 
been  sent  from  Ephesus  by  Priscilla.  The  Apostle 
visited  Corinth  at  least  once  more.  He  wrote  to  the 
Corinthians  in  57  from  Ephesus,  and  then  from  Mace- 
donia in  the  same  year,  or  in  58.  The  famous  letter 
of  St.  Clement  of  Rome  to  the  Corinthian  church 
(about  96)  exhibits  the  earliest  evidence  concerning 
the  ecclesiastical  primacy  of  the  Roman  Church.  Be- 
sides St.  Apollo,  Lequien  (II,  155)  mentions  forty- 
three  bishops:  among  them,  St.  Sosthenes  (?),  the 
disciple  of  St.  Paul.  St.  Dionysius;  Paul,  brother  of 
St.  Peter,  Bishop  of  Argos  in  the  tenth  century;  St. 
Athanasius,  in  the  same  century;  George,  or  Gregory, 
a  commentator  of  liturgical  hymns.  Corinth  was  the 
metropolis  of  all  Hellas.  After  the  Byzantine  em- 
perors had  violently  withdrawn  Illyricum  from  papal 
direction,  Corinth  appears  as  a  metropolis  with  seven 
suffragan  sees;  at  the  beginning  of  the  eighteenth  cen- 
tury there  were  only  two  united  in  one  title.  Since 
1890  Corinth,  for  the  Greeks,  has  been  a  simple 
bishopric,  but  the  first  in  rank,  Athens  being  the 
sole  archbishopric  of  the  Kingdom  of  Greece.  Le- 
quien (III,  883)  mentions  twenty  Latin  prelates  from 
1210  to  1700,  the  later  ones  being  only  titular.  But 
Eubel  (I,  218;  II,  152)  mentions  twenty-two  arch- 
bishops for  the  period  from  1212  to  1476. 

Lebas  and  Foucabt,  Inscription*  du  Pdopmnite;  Bbul6, 
L'art  gree  avant  Ptriclit;  Pkrkot  and  Cripisz,  Hist,  de  Vart 
dam  Vanliquitt;  Spon,  Voyage  aVItalie,  de  Dalmatie,  de 
Greee  «f  du  Levari  (Amsterdam,  1679),  II,  223  sq.;  Smith, 
Dictionary  of  Greek  and  Roman  Geography  (London,  1878),  I, 
674-86. 

S.  P Strides. 

Corinthians,  Epistles  to  the. — Introductory. 
—St.  Paul  Founds  the  Church  at  Corinth.— St.  Paul's 
first  visit  to  Europe  .is  graphically  described  by 
St.  Luke  (Acts,  xvi-xviii).  When  he  reached  Troas, 
at  the  north-west  corner  of  Asia  Minor,  on  his  second 
great  missionary  journey  in  company  with  Timothy 
and  Silvanus,  or  Silas  (who  was  a  "prophet"  and 
had  the  confidence  of  The  Twelve),  he  met  St.  Luke, 
probably  for  the  first  time.  At  Troas  he  had  a 
vision  of  "a  man  of  Macedonia  standing  and  beseech- 
ing him,  and  saying:  Pass  over  in  to  Macedonia  and 
help  us."  In  response  to  this  appeal  he  proceeded 
to  Philippi  in  Macedonia,  where  he  made  many  con- 
verts, but  was  cruelly  beaten  with  rods  according  to 
the  Roman  custom.  After  comforting  the  brethren 
he  travelled  southward  to  Thessalonica,  where  some  of 
the  Jews  "  believed,  and  of  those  that  served  God,  and 
of  the  Gentiles  a  great  multitude,  and  of  noble  women 
not  a  few.  But  the  Jews,  moved  with  envy,  and  taking 
unto  them  some  wicked  men  of  the  vulgar  sort,  set  the 
city  in  an  uproar.  .  .  .  And  they  stirred  up  the  people 
and  the  rulers  of  the  city  hearing  these  things.  But 
the  brethren  immediately  sent  away  Paul  and  Silas  by 
night  to  Beroea.  Who,  when  they  were  come  thither, ' 
went  into  the  synagogue  of  the  Jews,  and  many  of 
them  believed,  and  of  honourable  women  that  were 
Gentiles  and  of  men  not  a  few."  But  unbelieving 
Jews  from  Thessalonica  came  to  Beroea  "stirring  up 
and  troubling  the  multitude".  "  And  immediately  the 
brethren  sent  away  Paul  to  go  to  the  sea;  but  Silas  and 
Timothy  remained  there.  And  they  that  conducted 
Paul  brought  him  as  far  as  Athens" — then  reduced  to 
the  position  of  an  old  university  town.  At  Athens  he 
preached  his  famous  philosophical  discourse  in  the 
Areopagus.  Only  a  few  were  converted,  amongst 
these  being  St.  Dionysius  the  Areopagite.  Some  of 
his  frivolous  hearers  mocked  him.   Others  said  that 


that  was  enough  for  the  present;  they  would  listen  to 
more  another  time. 

He  appears  to  have  been  very  disappointed  with 
Athens.  He  did  not  visit  it  again,  and  it  is  never 
mentioned  in  his  letters.  The  disappointed  and  soli- 
tary Apostle  left  Athens  and  travelled  westwards,  a 
distance  of  forty-five  miles,  to  Corinth,  the  then  capi- 
tal of  Greece.  The  fearful  scourging  at  Philippi  com- 
ing not  very  long  after  he  had  been  stoned  and  left 
for  dead  at  Lystra,  together  with  all  his  ill-treatment 
by  the  Jews,  as  described  in  II  Cor.,  must  have  greatly 
weakened  him.  As  we  are  not  to  suppose  that  he, 
any  more  than  his  Master,  was  miraculously  saved 
from  pain  and  its  effects,  it  was  with  physical  pain, 
nervousness,  and  misgiving  that  the  lonely  Apostle 
entered  this  great  pagan  city,  that  had  a  bad  name  for 
profligacy  throughout  the  Roman  world.  To  act  the 
Corinthian  was  synonymous  with  leading  a  loose  life. 
Corinth,  which  had  been  destroyed  by  the  Romans, 
was  re-established  as  a  colony  by  Julius  Ctesar,  46 
B.  c,  and  made  the  capital  of  the  Roman  Province  of 
Achaia  by  Augustus.  It  was  built  on  the  southern 
extremity  of  the  isthmus  connecting  the  mainland 
with  the  Morea,  and  was  on  the  great  line  of  traffic 
between  East  and  West.  Its  two  magnificent  har- 
bours, one  at  each  side  of  the  isthmus,  were  crowded 
with  shipping  and  were  the  scenes  of  constant  bustle 
and  activity.  Corinth  was  filled  with  Greeks,  Ro- 
mans, Syrians,  Egyptians,  and  Jews,  many  of  the  last 
having  lately  come  from  Rome  on  account  of  their  ex- 
pulsion by  Claudius;  and  its  streets  were  thronged  by 
tens  of  thousands  of  slaves.  Crowds,  too,  came  from 
all  parts  every  four  years  to  be  present  at  the  Isthmian 
games.  On  the  summit  of  the  hill  to  the  south  of 
the  city  was  the  infamous  temple  of  Venus,  with  its 
thousand  female  devotees  dedicated  to  a  life  of  shame. 

It  was  to  this  centre  of  traffic,  excitement,  wealth, 
and  vice  that  St.  Paul  came,  probably  about  the  end 
of  a.  d.  51 ;  and  here  he  spent  upwards  of  eighteen 
months  of  his  Apostolic  career.  He  took  up  his  resi- 
dence with  two  Christian  Jews,  Aquila  and  his  wife 
Priscilla  (refugees  from  Rome),  because  they  were  of 
the  same  trade  as  himself.  Like  all  Jews  he  had 
learnt  a  trade  in  his  youth,  and  in  their  house  he  sup- 
ported himself  by  working  at  this  trade,  vis.,  that  of 
tentmaker,  as  he  had  determined  not  to  receive  any 
support  from  the  money-loving  Corinthians.  He  be- 
gan by  preaching  in  the  synagogue  every  Sabbath; 
8  and  "he  persuaded  the  Jews  and  the  Greeks ".  Of 
this  period  he  says  that  he  was  with  them  "in  weak- 
ness, and  fear,  and  much  trembling".  Hie  ill-usage 
he  had  received  was  still  fresh  in  his  memory,  as, 
writing  a  month  or  two  later  to  the  Thessalonians,  he 
recalls  how  he  had  been  "shamefully  treated  at 
Philippi".  But  when  he  was  joined  by  Silas  and 
Timotny,  who  brought  him  pecuniary  aid  from  Mace- 
donia, he  became  more  bold  and  confident,  and  "was 
earnest  in  testifying  to  the  Jews  that  Jesus  is  the 
Christ.  But  they  gainsaying  and  blaspheming,  he 
shook  his  garments  and  said  to  them:  Your  blood  be 
upon  your  own  heads ;  I  am  clean:  from  henceforth  I 
will  go  unto  the  Gentiles."  He  then  began  to  preach 
in  the  house  of  Titus  Justus,  adjoining  the  synagogue. 
Crispus,  the  ruler  of  the  synagogue,  and  his  family, 
and  several  of  the  Corinthians  were  converted  and  bap- 
tized. Amongst  these  wereCaius,  Stephanas,  and  his 
household,  and  the  house  of  Fortunatus  and  Achaicus, 
"the  firstfruits  of  Achaia"  (I  Cor.,  i,  14,  16;  xvi,  15). 
The  growing  opposition  of  the  Jews,  however,  and  the 
wicked  state  of  the  city  had  a  depressing  influence 
upon  him ;  but  "  the  Lord  said  to  Paul  in  the  night,  by 
a  vision:  Do  not  fear,  but  speak;  and  hold  not  thy 
peace,  because  I  am  with  thee;  and  no  man  shall  set 
upon  thee  to  hurt  thee;  for  I  have  much  people  in  this 
city.  And  he  stayed  there  a  year  and  six  months,  teach- 
ing among  them  the  word  of  God"  (Acts,  xviii,  9-11). 
Many  were  converted ;  some  of  them  noble,  wealthy. 


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and  learned,  but  the  great  majority  neither  learned, 
nor  powerful,  nor  noble  (I  Cor.,  i,  26).  During  this 
long  period  the  Faith  was  planted  not  only  in  Corinth 
but  in  other  portions  of  Achaia,  especially  in  Cenchrese, 
the  eastern  port.  At  length  the  unbelieving  Jews, 
seeing  the  ever-increasing  crowd  of  Christians  fre- 
quenting the  house  of  Titus  Justus,  next  door  to  their 
synagogue,  became  furious,  and  rose  up  with  one  ac- 
cord and  dragged  St.  Paul  before  the  newly-appointed 
Proconsul  of  Achaia,  Gallio,  the  brother  of  Seneca 
(a.  d.  54).  Gallio,  perceiving  that  it  was  a  question  of 
religion,  refused  to  listen  to  them.  The  crowd,  seeing 
this  and  supposing  that  it  was  a  dispute  between 
Greeks  and  Jews,  fell  upon  the  ring-leader  of  the  lat- 
ter (Sosthenes,  who  succeeded  Crispus  as  ruler  of  the 
synagogue)  and  gave  him  a  sound  beating  in  the  very 
sight  of  the  judgment  seat;  but  Gallio  pretended  not 
to  notice.  His  treatment  must  have  cowed  the  Jews, 
and  St.  Paul  "  stayed  yet  many  days  ".  Comely  is  of 
opinion  that  at  this  time  he  made  his  journey  as  far  as 
IfJyricum,  and  that  his  first  visit  to  them  "in  sorrow" 
was  when  he  returned.  Others,  with  greater  proba- 
bility, place  it  later.  St.  Paul,  at  last  taking  leave  of 
the  brethren,  travelled  as  far  as  Ephesus  with  Priscilla 
and  Aquila.  Leaving  them  there  he  went  on  to  Jeru- 
salem and  came  back  by  Antioch,  Galatia,  and  Phry- 
gia,  where  he  confirmed  all  the  disciples.  After  hav- 
ing thus  traversed  the  "upper  coasts"  he  returned  to 
Ephesus,  which  he  made  his  head-quarters  for  nearly 
three  years.  It  was  towards  the  end  of  that  period 
that  the  First  Epistle  was  written. 

Authenticity  of  the  Epistles. — Little  need  be  said  on 
this  point.  The  historical  and  internal  evidence  that 
they  were  written  by  St.  Paul  is  so  overwhelmingly 
strong  that  their  authenticity  has  been  frankly  ad- 
mitted by  every  distinguished  writer  of  the  most  ad- 
vanced critical  schools.  They  were  contained  in  the 
first  collections  of  St.  Paul's  Epistles,  and  were  quoted 
as  Scripture  by  early  Christian  writers.  They  were 
referred  to  as  authorities  by  the  early  heretics  and 
translated  into  many  languages  in  the  middle  of  the 
second  century.  The  unique  personality  of  St.  Paul 
is  impressed  upon  their  every  page.  Baur,  the  ration- 
alistic founder  of  the  Tubingen  School,  and  his  fol- 
lowers, held  the  two  to  the  Corinthians,  Galatians,  and 
Romans  to  be  unassailable.  One  or  two  hypercritical 
writers,  of  little  weight,  brought  some  futile  objec- 
tions against  them;  but  these  were  scarcely  meant  to 
be  taken  seriously;  they  were  refuted  and  brushed 
aside  by  such  an  ultra  writer  as  Kuenen.  Schmiedel,  one 
of  the  most  advanced  modern  critics,  says  (Hand- 
Kommentar,  Leipzig,  1893,  p.  51)  that  unless  better 
arguments  can  be  adduced  against  them  the  two 
Epistles  must  be  acknowledged  to  be  genuine  writings 
of  St.  Paul.  The  Second  Epistle  was  known  from  the 
very  earliest  times.  There  is  a  trace  of  it  in  that 
portion  of  "The  Ascension  of  Isaiah"  which  dates 
back  to  the  first  century  (Knowling,  "The  Testi- 
mony of  St.  Paul  to  Christ",  p.  58;  Charles,  "The 
Ascension  of  Isaiah  ",  pp.  34, 150).  It  was  known  to 
St.  Polycarp,  to  the  writer  of  the  Epistle  to  Diognetus, 
to  Athenagoras,  Theophilus,  the  heretics  Basilides 
and  Marcion.  In  the  second  half  of  the  second  cen- 
tury it  was  so  widely  used  that  it  is  unnecessary  to 
give  quotations. 

The  First  Epistle. — Why  Written. — During  the 
years  that  St.  Paul  was  at  Ephesus  he  must  have  fre- 
quently heard  from  Corinth,  as  it  was  distant  only  250 
miles,  and  people  were  constantly  passing  to  and  fro. 
A  ship  sailing  at  the  rate  of  four  miles  an  hour  would 
cover  the  distance  in  three  days,  though  on  one  un- 
propitious  occasion  it  took  Cicero  over  a  fortnight 
(Ep.  vi,  8,  9).  By  degrees  the  news  reached  Ephesus 
that  some  of  the  Corinthians  were  drifting  back  into 
their  former  vices.  Alford  and  others  infer  from  the 
words  of  II  Cor.,  xii,  20,  21;  xiii,  1,  "Behold  this  is 
the  third  time  that  I  come  to  you",  that  he  made  a  fly- 


ing visit  to  check  these  abuses.  Others  suppose  that 
this  coming  meant  by  letter.  Be  this  as  it  may,  it  is 
generally  held  that  he  wrote  them  a  brief  note  (now 
lost)  telling  them  "  not  to  associate  with  fornicators", 
asking  them  to  make  collections  for  the  poor  brethren 
at  Jerusalem,  and  giving  them  an  account  of  his  inten- 
tion of  visiting  them  before  going  on  to  Macedonia, 
and  of  returning  to  them  again  from  that  place. 
News  which  he  neard  later  from  the  household  of 
Chloe  and  others  made  him  change  this  plan,  and  for 
this  he  was  accused  by  his  enemies  of  want  of  steadi- 
ness of  purpose  (II  Cor.,  i,  17).  The  accounts  which  he 
received  caused  him  great  anxiety.  Abuses,  bicker- 
ings, and  party  strife  had  grown  up  amongst  them. 
Hie  party  cries  were:  "I  am  of  Paul;  I  am  of  Apollo 
[Apollosj;  I  am  of  Cephas;  I  am  of  Christ."  These 
parties,  in  all  likelihood,  originated  as  follows:  During 
St.  Paul's  circular  tour  from  Ephesus  to  Jerusalem, 
Antioch,  Galatia,  Phrygia,  and  back  to  Ephesus,  "a 
certain  Jew,  named  Apollo,  born  at  Alexandria,  an  elo- 
quent man,  came  to  Ephesus,  one  mighty  in  the 
scriptures,  and  being  fervent  in  spirit,  spoke,  and 
taught  diligently  the  things  that  are  of  Jesus,  knowing 
only  the  baptism  of  John."  Priscilla  and  Aquila 
fully  instructed  him  in  the  Christian  Faith.  In  accord- 
ance with  his  desire  he  received  letters  of  recommen- 
dation to  the  disciples  at  Corinth.  "  Who,  when  he  was 
come,  helped  them  very  much  who  had  believed.  For 
with  much  vigour  he  convinced  the  Jews  openly,  shew- 
ing by  the  scriptures  that  Jesus  is  the  Christ  (Acts, 
xviii,27,28).  He  remained  at  Corinth  about  two  years, 
but,  being  unwilling  to  be  made  the  centre  of  strife,  he 
joined  St.  Paul  at  Ephesus.  From  the  inspired  words 
of  St.  Luke,  no  mean  judge,  we  may  take  it  that  in 
learning  and  eloquence  Apollo  was  on  a  par  with  the 
greatest  of  his  contemporaries,  and  that  in  intellectual 
powers  he  was  not  inferior  to  Jews  like  Josephus  and 
Philo.  He  is  likely  to  have  known  the  latter,  who 
was  a  prominent  member  of  the  Jewish  community  in 
his  native  city  of  Alexandria,  and  had  died  only  four- 
teen years  before;  and  his  deep  interest  in  Holy 
Scripture  would  certainly  have  lea  him  to  study  the 
works  of  Philo.    The  eloquence  of  Apollo,  and  his 

Eowerful  applications  of  the  Old  Testament  to  the 
[essias,  captivated  the  intellectual  Greeks,  especially 
the  more  educated.  That,  they  thought,  was  true 
wisdom.  They  began  to  make  invidious  comparisons 
between  him  and  St.  Paul,  who  on  account  of  his  ex- 
perience at  Athens,  had  purposely  confined  himself  to 
what  we  should  call  solid  catechetical  instruction. 
The  Greeks  dearly  loved  to  belong  to  some  particular 
school  of  philosophy;  so  the  admirers  of  Apollo  laid 
claim  to  a  deeper  perception  of  wisdom  and  boasted 
that  they  belonged  to  the  Christian  school  of  the  great 
Alexandrian  preacher.  The  majority,  on  the  other 
hand,  prided  themselves  on  their  intimate  connexion 
with  their  Apostle.  It  was  not  seal  for  the  honour  of 
their  teachers  that  really  prompted  either  of  these 
parties,  but  a  spirit  of  pride  which  made  them  seek  to 
put  themselves  above  their  fellows,  and  prevented 
them  from  humbly  thanking  God  for  the  grace  of  being 
Christians.  About  this  time  there  came  from  the 
East  some  who  had  possibly  heard  St.  Peter  preach. 
These  regarded  the  others  as  their  spiritual  inferiors; 
they  themselves  belonged  to  Cephas,  the  Prince  of  the 
Apostles.  Commentators  are  of  opinion  that  this 
party  spirit  did  not  go  so  deep  as  to  constitute  formal 
schism  or  heresy.  They  all  met  together  for  prayer 
and  the  celebration  of  the  Sacred  Mysteries ;  but  there 
were  hot  disputes  and  many  breaches  of  fraternal 
charity.  The  Fathers  mention  only  three  parties  ; 
but  the  text  obviously  implies  that  there  was  another 
party  the  members  of  which  said,  "  I  am  of  Christ". 
This  view  is  now  held  by  several  Catholics,  and  by 
many  non-Catholics.  What  was  the  nature  of  this 
party  it  is  difficult  to  determine.  It  has  been  sug- 
gested that  a  few  of  those  who  were  specially  endowed 


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with  spiritual  gifts,  or  charismata,  boasted  that  they 
were  above  the  others,  as  they  were  in  direct  commu- 
nication with  Christ.  Another  explanation  is  that 
they  had  seen  Christ  in  the  flesh,  or  that  they  claimed 
to  follow  His  example  in  their  reverence  for  the  Law  of 
Moses.  At  any  rate,  the  statement,  "  I  am  of  Christ", 
seemed  to  make  Christ  a  mereparty  name,  and  to  im- 
ply that  the  others  were  not  Christians  in  the  genuine 
and  perfect  sense  of  the  word. 

St.  Paul,  hearing  of  this  state  of  things,  sent  Tim- 
othy together  with  Erastus  (probably  the  "  treasurer 
of  the  city"  of  Corinth — Rom.,  xvi,  23)  round  by 
Macedonia,  to  put  things  in  order.  Soon  after  they 
left,  Stephanas  and  other  delegates  came  with  a  letter 
from  the  Corinthians.  This  letter  contained  some 
self-glorification  and  requested  the  Apostle  to  give  a 
solution  to  several  serious  difficulties  which  they  pro- 
posed to  him ;  but  it  made  no  mention  of  their  short- 
comings. By  this  time  he  had  become  fully  aware  of 
the  grave  state  of  affairs  amongst  them.  Besides 
party  strife,  some  made  light  of  sins  of  impurity.  One 
man  had  gone  to  the  extent  of  marrying  his  step- 
mother, his  father  being  still  alive,  a  crime  unheard  of 
amongst  the  pagans.  So  far  Were  they  from  showing 
horror  that  they  treated  him  in  a  friendly  manner  and 
allowed  him  to  be  present  at  their  meetings.  As  mat- 
ters were  too  pressing  to  wait  for  the  arrival  of  Tim- 
othy, St.  Paul  at  once  wrote  the  First  Epistle  to  the 
Corinthians  and  sent  it  by  Titus,  about  Easter  a.  d.  57. 

Importance  of  the  First  Epistle. — This  is  generally 
regarded  as  the  greatest  of  the  writings  of  St.  Paul  by 
reason  of  the  magnificence  and  beauty  of  its  style  and 
the  variety  and  importance  of  its  contents.  So 
splendid  is  its  style  that  it  has  given  rise  to  the  con- 
jecture that  St.  Paul  took  lessons  in  oratory  at  Ephe- 
sus;  but  this  is  highly  improbable.  St.  Paul's  was 
not  the  type  of  eloquence  to  be  moulded  by  mechani- 
cal rules;  his  was  the  kind  of  genius  that  produces  lit- 
erature on  which  rules  of  rhetoric  are  based.  If  the 
Corinthians  were  impressed  by  the  eloquence  of 
Apollo,  they  could  not  help  feeling,  when  they  heard 
and  read  this  Epistle,  that  here  was  an  author  capable 
of  bearing  comparison  not  only  with  Apollo,  but  with 
the  best  that  they  could  boast  in  Greek  literature,  of 
which  they  were  so  justly  proud.  Scholars  of  all 
schools  are  loud  in  its  praise.  The  striking  similes, 
figures  of  speech,  and  telling  sentences  of  the  Epistle 
have  passed  into  the  literatures  of  the  world.  Plum- 
mer,  in  Smith's  "Diet,  of  the  Bible",  says  that  chap- 
ters xiii  and  xv  are  among  the  most  sublime  passages, 
not  only  in  the  Bible,  but  in  all  literature. 

But  this  Epistle  is  great  not  only  for  its  style  but 
also  for  the  variety  and  importance  of  its  doctrinal 
teaching.  In  no  other  Epistle  does  St.  Paul  treat  of 
so  many  different  subjects;  and  the  doctrines  which 
are  touched  upon  (in  many  cases  only  incidentally) 
are  important  as  showing  what  he  and  Silvan  us,  a  dis- 
ciple and  trusted  delegate  of  the  older  Apostles,  taught 
the  early  Christians.  In  some  of  his  letters  he  had  to 
defend  his  Apostolate  and  the  freedom  of  Christians 
from  the  Law  of  Moses  against  heretical  teachers ;  but 
he  never  had  to  defend  himself  against  his  bitterest 
enemies,  the  judaizers,  for  his  teaching  on  Christ  and 
the  principal  points  of  doctrine  contained  in  these  two 
Epistles,  the  obvious  reason  being  that  his  teaching 
must  have  been  in  perfect  harmony  with  that  of  The 
Twelve.  He  distinctly  states  in  ch.  xv,  11,  "For 
whether  I,  or  they  [TheTwelve  Apostles],  so  we  preach, 
and  so  you  have  believed." 

Divisions  of  the  First  Epistle. — Instead  of  giving 
a  formal  summary  of  the  contents  of  the  Epistle,  it 
may  be  more  useful  to  give  the  teaching  of  the  Apos- 
tle, in  his  own  words,  classified  under  various  heads, 
following,  in  general,  the  order  of  the  Creed.  With 
regard  to  arrangement,  it  may  be  stated,  in  passing, 
that  the  Epistle  is  divided  into  two  parts.  In  the  first 
six  chapters  he  rebukes  them  for  their  faults  and  cor- 


rects abuses:  (1)  He  shows  the  absurdity  of  their 
divisions  and  bickerings;  (2)  deals  with  the  scandal- 
ous case  of  incest;  (3)  their  lawsuits  before  pagans; 
and  (4)  the  want  of  sufficient  horror  of  impurity  in 
some  of  them.  In  the  second  part  (the  remaining  ten 
chapters)  he  solves  the  difficulties  which  they  pro- 
posed to  him  and  lays  down  various  regulations  for 
their  conduct.  He  deals  with  questions  relating  to 
(1)  marriage,  (2)  virginity,  (3)  the  use  of  things  offered 
to  idols,  (4)  proper  decorum  in  church  and  the  cele- 
bration of  the  Eucharist,  (5)  spiritual  gifts,  or  Charis- 
mata, (6)  the  Resurrection,  (7)  the  collections  for  the 
poor  of  Jerusalem. 

Its  Teaching. — God  the  Father  (passim).  "Yet 
there  is  but  one  God,  the  Father,  of  whom  are  all 
things,  and  we  unto  him ;  and  one  Lord  Jesus  Christ, 
by  whom  are  all  things  and  we  by  him"  (viii,  6). 
Compare  II  Cor.,  xiii,  13:  "The  grace  of  our  Lord 
Jesus  Christ,  and  the  charity  of  God,  and  the  commu- 
nication of  the  Holy  Ghost  be  with  you  all. "  (Bengel, 
quoted  by  Bernard,  calls  this  an  egregium  testimonium 
to  the  Blessed  Trinity.)^/esu«  Christ.  (1)  "Grace  to 
you  and  peace  from  God  our  Father,  and  from  the 
Lord  Jesus  Christ"  (i,  3).  "You  are  called  unto  the 
fellowship  of  his  Son,  Jesus  Christ  our  Lord"  (i,  9). 
"Christ  the  power  of  God  and  the  wisdom  of  God" 
(i,  24).  "  We  speak  the  wisdom  of  God  in  a  mystery, 
a  wisdom  which  is  hidden,  which  God  ordained  before 
the  world,  unto  our  glory,  which  none  of  the  princes  of 
this  world  knew;  for  if  tney  had  known  it,  they  would 
never  have  crucified  the  Lord  of  glory"  (ii,  7,  8). 
"But  you  are  washed,  but  you  are  sanctified,  but  you 
are  justified  in  the  name  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  and 
the  Spirit  of  our  God"  (vi,  11 — see  also  i,  2,  4,  7. 
9,  13;  iii,  5,  11;  vi,  11;  xii,  4-6).  (2)  "The  word  of 
the  cross  to  them  that  are  saved  is  the  power  of  God ' ' 
(i,  18).  "  We  preach  Christ  crucified,  unto  them  that 
are  called  Christ  the  power  of  God  and  the  wisdom  of 
God"  (i,  23,  24).  "But  of  him  are  you  in  Christ  Jesus, 
who  of  God  is  made  unto  us  wisdom,  and  justice,  and 
sanctification  and  redemption"  (i,  30).  "For  I 
judged  myself  not  to  know  any  thing  among  you,  but 
Jesus  Christ,  and  him  crucified"  (ii,  3).  "For  Christ 
our  pasch  is  sacrificed"  (v,  7).  "For  you  are 
bought  with  a  great  price"  (vi,  20 — cf.  i,  13,  17;  vii, 
23;  viii.  11,  12.)  (3)  The  following  passage  prob- 
ably contains  fragments  of  an  early  creed:  "  The  gospel 
which  I  preached  to  you,  which  also  you  have  re- 
ceived. .  .  .  For  I  delivered  unto  you  first  of  all, 
which  I  also  received:  how  that  Christ  died  for  our 
sins,  according  to  the  scriptures:  and  that  he  was 
buried,  and  that  he  rose  again  the  third  day,  according  to 
the  scriptures:  and  that  he  was  seen  by  Cephas;  and 
after  that  by  the  eleven.  Then  was  he  seen  by  more 
than  five  hundred  brethren  at  once:  of  whom  many 
remain  until  this  present,  and  some  are  fallen  asleep. 
After  that,  he  was  seen  by  James,  then  by  all  the 
apostles.  And  last  of  all,  he  was  Been  also  by  me,  as 
by  one  born  out  of  due  time"  (xv,  1-8).  "Have  not 
I  seen  Christ  Jesus  our  Lord?"  (ix,  1).  "And  if 
Christ  be  not  risen  again,  then  is  out  preaching  vain, 
and  your  faith  is  also  vain"  (xv,  14).  "But  now 
Christ  is  risen  from  the  dead,  the  firstfruits  of  them 
that  sleep"  (xv,  20— cf.  vi,  14).  (4)  "Waitingfor 
the  coming  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ"  (i,  7).  "That 
the  spirit  may  be  saved  in  the  day  of  our  Lord  Jesus 
Christ"  (v,  5).  "He  that  judgeth  me  is  the  Lord. 
Therefore  judge  not  before  the  time;  until  the  Lord 
come,  who  bom  will  bring  to  light  the  hidden  things  of 
darkness,  and  will  make  manifest  the  counsels  of  the 
hearts;  and  then  shall  every  man  have  praise  from 
God"  (iv,  4,  5).— The  Holy  Ghost.  "Now  there  are 
diversities  of  graces,  but  the  same  Spirit;  and  there 
are  diversities  of  ministries,  but  the  same  Lord;  and 
there  are  diversities  of  operations,  but  the  same  God" 
(xii,  4-6).  "But  to  us  God  hath  revealed  them,  by 
his  Spirit.   The  Spirit  searcheth  all  things,  yea,  the 


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deep  things  of  God.  .  .  .  the  things  that  are  of  God 
no  man  knoweth,  but  the  Spirit  of  God"  (ii,  10,  11 — 
cf.  ii,  12-14,  16).  "Know  you  not,  that  you  are  the 
temple  of  God,  and  that  the  Spirit  of  God  dwelleth  in 
you?"  (iii,  16).  "But  you  are  washed,  but  you  are 
sanctified  ...  in  the  name  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ, 
and  the  Spirit  of  our  God"  (vi,  11).  "Or  know  you 
not,  that  your  members  are  the  temple  of  the  Holy 
Ghost,  who  is  in  you,  whom  you  have  from  God ;  and 
you  are  not  your  own?  .  .  .  Glorify  and  bear  God  in 
your  body"  (vi,  19,  20).  "But  ail  these  things  one 
and  the  same  Spirit  worketh,  dividing  to  every  one 
according  as  he  will"  (xii,  11).  "For  in  one  Spirit 
were  we  all  baptized  unto  one  body"  (xii,  13).  "Yet 
by  the  Spirit  he  speaketh  mysteries"  (xiv,  2). — The 
Holy  Catholic  Church.  "The  head  of  every  man 
is  Christ"  (xi,  3).— Unity.  "Is  Christ  divided?" 
(i.  13).  "Now  I  beseech  you,  brethren,  by  the  name 
of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  that  you  all  speak  the  same 
thing,  and  that  there  be  no  schisms  among  you;  but 
that  you  be  perfect  in  the  same  mind,  and  in  the  same 
judgment"  (i,  10).  He  devotes  four  chapters  to  the 
reprehension  of  their  divisions,  which  did  not  really 
amount  to  anything  constituting  formal  schism  or 
heresy.  They  met  in  common  for  prayer  and  the  partici- 
pation of  the  Blessed  Eucharist.  "  Know  you  not  that 
you  [the  Christian  body]  are  the  temple  of  God  .  .  . 
but  if  any  man  violate  the  temple  of  God  rby  pulling  it 
to  pieces],  him  shall  God  destroy.  For  the  temple  of 
God  is  holy,  which  you  are"  (iii,  16, 17).  "For  as  the 
body  is  one,  and  hath  many  members,  and  all  the 
members  of  the  body,  whereas  they  are  many,  yet  are 
one  body,  so  also  is  Christ.  For  in  one  Spirit  were  we 
all  baptized  into  one  body,  whether  Jews  or  Gentiles, 
whether  bond  or  free"  (xii,  12, 13).  [Here  follows  the 
allegory  of  the  body  and  its  members,  xii,  14—25.1 
"Now  you  are  the  body  of  Christ,  and  members  of 
member"  (xii,  27).  "And  God  hath  set  some  in  the 
church;  first  apostles,  secondly  prophets  .  .  .  Are 
all  apostles?"  (xii,  28-31).  "For  God  is  not  the  God 
of  dissension,  but  of  peace:  as  also  I  teach  in  all  the 
Churches  of  the  saints"  (xiv,  33).  "I  have  sent  you 
Timothy,  who  is  my  dearest  son  and  faithful  in  the 
Lord,  who  will  put  you  in  mind  of  my  ways,  which  are 
in  Christ  Jesus:  as  I  teach  everywhere  in  every 
church  "  (iv,  17).  "  But  if  any  man  seem  to  be  con- 
tentious, we  have  no  such  custom,  nor  the  church  of 
God"  (xi,  16).  "The  gospel  which  I  preached  to  you 
.  .  .  and  wherein  you  stand;  by  which  also  you  are 
[being]  saved,  if  you  hold  fast  after  the  manner  I 
preached  unto  you,  unless  you  have  believed  in  vain" 
(xv,  l-2>.  "For  whether  I,  or  they  [The  Twelve 
Apostles],  so  we  preach,  and  so  you  have  believed" 
(xv,  11).  "The  churches  of  Asia  salute  you" 
(xvi,  19).— Old  Testament  Type*.  "Now  all  these 
things  happened  to  them  in  figure:  and  they  are 
written  for  our  correction"  (x,  11). — Authority. 
"What  will  you? shall  I  come  to  you  with  a  rod;  or  in 
charity,  and  in  the  spirit  of  meekness?"  (iv,  21). 
"Now  concerning  the  collections.  .  .  .  as  I  have  given 
order  to  the  churches  of  Galatia,  so  do  ye  also"  (xvi, 
1). — Power  of  excommunication.  "I  indeed,  absent 
in  body,  but  present  in  spirit,  have  already  judged,  as 
though  I  were  present,  him  that  hath  so  done.  In  the 
name  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  you  being  gathered  to- 
gether, and  my  spirit,  with  the  power  of  our  Lord 
Jesus  Christ,  to  deliver  such  a  one  to  Satan  for  the 
destruction  of  the  flesh,  that  the  spirit  may  be  saved" 
(v,  3-5). — Jews  and  pagans  exempt  from  Church's  jur- 
isdiction. "  For  what  have  I  to  do  to  j  udge  them  that 
are  without  .  .  .  For  them  that  are  without,  God  will 
judge"  (v,  12,  13).— Sanctity.  "For  the  temple  of 
God  is  holy,  which  you  are"  (iii,  17).  "Know  you 
not  that  your  bodies  are  the  members  of  Christ" 
(vi,  15).  "  Your  members  are  the  temple  of  the  Holy 
Ghost  .  .  .  Glorify  and  bear  God  in  your  body" 
(vi,  19,  20— cf.  vi,  11,  etc.).— Grace.    "God  is  faith- 


ful, who  will  not  suffer  you  to  be  tempted  above  that 
which  you  are  able,  but  will  make  also  with  tempta- 
tion issue,  that  you  may  be  able  to  bear  it"  (x,  13). 
"Grace  be  to  you  .  .  .  "  (i,  3).  "But  by  the  grace 
of  God,  I  am  what  I  am:  and  his  grace  in  me  hath  not 
been  void,  but  I  have  laboured  more  abundantly  than 
all  they:  yet  not  I,  but  the  grace  of  God  with  me" 
(xv,  10). — Virtuous  life  necessary  for  salvation. 
"Know  you  not  that  the  unjust  shall  not  possess  the 
kingdom  of  God?  Do  not  err:  neither  fornicators,  nor 
idolaters,  nor  adulterers,  nor  the  effeminate  .  .  .  nor 
thieves,  nor  covetous,  nor  drunkards,  .  .  .  shall  pos- 
sess the  kingdom  of  God"  (vi,  9,  10).  This,  like  a 
dominant  note,  rings  clear  through  all  the  Epistles  of 
St.  Paul  as  in  the  teaching  of  his  Divine  Master.  "But 
I  chastise  my  body,  and  bring  it  into  subjection:  lest 
perhaps  when  I  nave  preached  to  others,  I  myself 
should  become  a  castaway"  (ix,  27).  "  Wherefore  he 
that  thinketh  himself  to  stand,  let  him  take  heed  lest 
he  fall"  (x,  12).  "Therefore,  my  beloved  brethren,  be 
ye  steadfast  and  immoveable ;  always  abounding  in  the 
work  of  the  Lord,  knowing  that  your  labour  is  not  in 
vain  in  the  Lord  "  (xv,  58).  "  Watch  ye,  stand  fast  in 
the  faith,  do  manfully,  and  be  strengthened"  (xvi,  13). 
"  Do  all  to  the  glory  of  God "  (x,  31).  "  Be  without 
offence  to  the  Jews,  and  to  the  Gentiles,  and  to  the 
church  of  God"  (x,  32).  "Be  ye  followers  of  me  as  I 
am  of  Christ"  (xi,  1). — Resurrection  of  the  body  and 
life  everlasting.  "For  God  hath  raised  up  the  Lord, 
and  he  will  raise  us  up  also  by  his  power"  (vi,  14). 
"And  as  in  Adam  all  die,  so  also  in  Christ  all  shall  be 
made  alive. "  "  For  star  differeth  from  star  in  glory. 
So  also  is  the  resurrection  of  the  dead.  It  is  sown  in 
corruption,  it  shall  rise  in  incorruption.  It  is  sown  in 
dishonour,  it  shall  rise  in  glory. "  "  Behold,  I  tell  you 
a  mystery.  We  shall  all  indeed  rise  again."  "In  a 
moment,  in  the  twinkling  of  an  eye,  at  the  last  trum- 
pet: for  the  trumpet  shall  sound,  and  the  dead  shall 
rise  again  incorruptible."  (See  all  of  ch.  xv.)  "We 
see  now  through  a  glass  in  a  dark  manner:  but  then 
face  to  face.  Now  I  know  in  part  ;  but  then  I  shall 
know  even  as  I  am  known"  (xiii,  12). — Baptism. 
"  Were  you  baptized  in  the  name  of  Paul?"  (i,  13).  "  I 
baptized  also  the  household  of  Stephanus"  (i,  16). 
"For  in  one  Spirit  were  we  all  baptized  into  one  body" 
(xii,  13).  "  But  you  are  washed  [d»e\otf<r«rfi«] ,  but  you 
are  sanctified,  but  you  are  justified  in  the  name  of  our 
Lord  Jesus  Christ,  and  the  Spirit  of  our  God"  (vi,  11). 
— Eucharist.  "The  chalice  of  benediction,  which  we 
bless,  is  it  not  the  communion  of  the  blood  of  Christ? 
And  the  bread,  which  we  break,  is  it  not  the  partaking 
of  the  body  of  the  Lord?  .  .  .  But  the  things  which 
the  heathens  sacrifice,  they  sacrifice  to  devils. . . .  You 
cannot  drink  the  chalice  of  the  Lord  and  the  chalice  of 
devils"  (x,  16-21).  "  For  I  have  received  of  the  Lord 
that  which  also  I  delivered  unto  you,  that  the  Lord 
Jesus,  the  same  night  in  which  he  was  betrayed,  took 
bread,  and  giving  thanks,  said:  Take  ye,  and  eat: 
this  is  my  body  ...  In  like  manner  also  the  chalice, 
etc.  .  .  .  Therefore  whosoever  shall  eat  this  bread,  or 
drink  the  chalice  of  the  Lord  unworthily,  shall  be 
guilty  of  the  body  and  of  the  blood  of  the  Lord.  .  .  . 
For  he  that  eateth  and  drinketh  unworthily,  eateth 
and  drinketh  judgment  to  himself,  not  discerning  the 
body  of  the  Lord  (xi,  23-29).  On  the  words  of  con- 
secration see  tiie  two  able  articles  by  Dr.  A.  R.  Eagar 
in  "The  Expositor",  March  and  April,  1908.— Mar- 
riage- Its  use.  Marriage  good,  but  celibacy  better. 
— The  marriage  of  divorced  persons  forbidden. — 
Second  marriage  allowed  to  Christians;  but  single 
state  preferable  for  those  who  have  the  gift  from  God. 
(vii,  1-8.)  Pauline  Dispensation:  a  Christian  is  not 
bound  to  remain  single  if  his  pagan  partner  is  unwill- 
ing to  live  with  him  (vii,  12-15). — Virginity.  It  is  not 
wrong  to  marry;  but  preferable  to  remain  single — 
St.  Paul's  example— "He  that  giveth  his  virgin  in 
marriage  doth  well;  and  he  that  giveth  her  not  doth 


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better."  (vii,  25-40.) — Principles  of  moral  theology. 
In  ch.  vii  and  following  chapters  St.  Paul  solves  sev- 
eral difficult  cases  of  conscience,  some  of  them  of  a 
very  delicate  nature,  falling  under  what  we  should 
now  call  the  tractatus  de  sexto  (sc.  prcecepto  decalogi). 
He  would,  doubtless,  have  preferred  to  be  free  from 
the  necessity  of  having  to  enter  into  such  disagreeable 
subjects;  but  as  the  welfare  of  souls  required  it,  he 
felt  it  incumbent  upon  him,  as  part  of  his  Apostolic 
office,  to  deal  with  the  matter.  It  is  in  the  same 
spirit  that  pastors  of  souls  have  acted  ever  since.  If 
so  many  difficulties  arose  in  a  few  years  in  one  town,  it 
was  inevitable  that  numerous  complicated  cases 
should  occur  in  the  course  of  centuries  amongst  peo- 
ples belonging  to  every  degree  of  barbarism  and  civil- 
ization; and  to  these  questions  the  Church  was  rightly 
expected  to  give  a  helpful  answer;  hence  the  growth 
of  moral  theology. 

The  Second  Epistle  was  written  a  few  months 
after  the  First,  in  which  St.  Paul  had  stated  that  he 
intended  to  go  round  by  Macedonia.  He  set  out  on 
this  journey  sooner  than  he  had  anticipated,  on  ac- 
count of  the  disturbance  at  Ephesus  caused  by  Deme- 
trius and  the  votaries  of  Diana  of  the  Ephesians.  He 
travelled  northwards  as  far  as  Troas,  and  after  waiting 
some  time  for  Titus,  whom  he  expected  to  meet  on  his 
way  back  from  Corinth,  whither  he  had  carried  the 
First  Epistle,  he  set  sail  for  Macedonia  and  went  on  to 
Philippi.  Here  he  met  Titus  and  Timothy.  The 
news  that  Titus  brought  him  from  Corinth  was  for  the 
most  part  of  a  cheering  character.  The  great  major- 
ity were  loyal  to  their  Apostle.  They  were  sorry  for 
their  faults;  they  had  obeyed  his  injunctions  regard- 
ing the  public  sinner,  and  the  man  himself  had  deeply 
repented.  We  hear  no  more  of  the  parties  of  Paul, 
Apollo,  and  Cephas,  though  the  letter  appears  to  con- 
tain one  reference  to  the  fourth  party.  His  friends, 
who  had  expected  a  visit  from  himself,  were  deeply 
grieved  at  his  not  coming  as  he  had  promised;  a  few 
who  were  his  enemies,  probably  judaizers,  sought  to 
take  advantage  of  this  to  undermine  his  authority  by 
discovering  in  this  a  clear  proof  of  fickleness  of  mind 
and  instability  of  purpose;  they  said  that  his  unwill- 
ingness to  receive  support  betrayed  want  of  affection; 
that  he  used  threatening  language  when  at  a  safe  dis- 
tance, but  was  in  fact  a  coward  who  was  mild  and  con- 
ciliating when  present;  that  they  were  foolish  to  let 
themsel  ves  be  led  by  one  who  made  the  rather  enor- 
mous pretension  to  be  an  Apostle  of  Christ,  when  he  was 
nothing  of  the  kind,  and  was  in  reality,  both  naturally 
and  supernaturally,  inferior  to  men  they  could  name. 
This  news  filled  the  soul  of  St.  Paul  with  the  deepest 
emotion.  He  purposely  delayed  in  Macedonia,  and 
sent  them  this  Epistle  to  prepare  them  better  for  his 
coming  and  to  counteract  the  evil  influence  of  his  op- 
ponents. It  was  sent  by  Titus  and  two  others,  one  of 
whom,  it  is  almost  certain,  was  St.  Luke.  The  cir- 
cumstances under  which  the  Epistle  was  written  can 
be  best  gathered  from  the  text  itself.  We  can  easily 
imagine  the  effect  produced  when  it  was  read  for  the 
first  time  to  the  assembled  Christians  at  Corinth,  by 
Titus,  or  in  the  sonorous  tones  of  the  Evangelist  St. 
Luke.  The  news  that  their  great  Apostle  had  sent 
them  another  letter  rapidly  spread  through  the  city; 
the  previous  one  had  been  such  a  masterly  production 
that  all  were  eager  to  listen  to  this.  The  great  bulk  of 
the  expectant  congregation  were  his  enthusiastic  ad- 
mirers, but  a  few  came  to  criticize,  especially  one  man, 
a  Jew,  who  had  recently  arrived  with  letters  of  recom- 
mendation, and  was  endeavouring  to  supplant  St. 
Paul.  He  said  he  was  an  Apostle  (not  one  of  The 
Twelve,  but  of  the  kind  mentioned  in  the  Didache). 
He  was  a  man  of  dignified  presence,  as  he  spoke  slight- 
ingly of  St.  Paul's  insignificant  appearance.  He  was 
skilled  in  philosophy  and  polished  in  speech,  and  he 
insinuated  that  St.  Paul  was  wanting  in  both.  He 
knew  little  or  nothing  of  St.  Paul  except  by  hearsay, 


as  he  accused  him  of  want  of  determination,  of  cow- 
ardice, and  unworthy  motives,  things  belied  by  every 
fact  of  St.  Paul's  history.  The  latter  might  terrify 
others  by  letters,  but  he  would  not  frighten  him.  This 
man  comes  to  the  assembly  expecting  to  be  attacked 
and  prepared  to  attack  in  turn.  As  the  letter  is  being 
read,  ever  and  anon  small  dark  clouds  appear  on  the 
horizon;  but  when,  in  the  second  part,  the  Epistle  has 
quieted  down  into  a  calm  exhortation  to  almsgiving, 
this  man  is  congratulating  himself  on  his  easy  escape, 
and  is  already  picking  holes  in  what  he  has  heard. 
Then,  suddenly,  as  upon  the  army  of  Sisara,  the 
storm  breaks  upon  him;  lightnings  strike,  thunder 
upbraids.  He  is  beaten  down  by  the  deluge,  and  his 
influence  is  swept  out  of  existence  by  the  irresistible 
torrent.  At  any  rate,  he  is  never  heard  of  again. 
These  two  Epistles  as  effectively  destroyed  St.  Paul's 
opponents  at  Corinth,  as  the  Epistle  to  the  Galatians 
annihilated  the  Judaizers  in  Asia  Minor. 

Style. — This  Epistle,  though  not  written  with  the 
same  degree  of  care  and  polish  as  the  First,  is  more 
varied  and  spontaneous  in  style.  Erasmus  says  that 
it  would  take  all  the  ingenuity  of  a  skilled  rhetorician 
to  explain  the  multitude  of  its  strophes  and  figures. 
It  was  written  with  great  emotion  and  intensity  of 
feeling,  and  some  of  its  sudden  outbursts  reach  the 
highest  levels  of  eloquence.  It  gives  a  deeper  insight 
than  any  other  of  his  writings  into  the  character  and 
personal  history  of  St.  Paul.  With  Comely,  we  may 
call  it  his  "  Apologia  pro  Vita  Sua",  a  fact  which  makes 
it  one  of  the  most  interesting  of  the  writings  of  the 
New  Testament.  Erasmus  described  it  as  follows: 
"Now  it  bubbles  up  as  a  limpid  fountain;  soon  it 
rushes  down  as  a  roaring  torrent  carrying  all  before  it; 
then  it  flows  peacefully  and  gently  along.  Now  it 
widens  out  as  into  a  broad  and  tranquil  lake.  Yonder 
it  gets  lost  to  view,  and  suddenly  reappears  in  quite  a 
different  direction,  when  it  is  seen  meandering  and 
winding  along,  now  deflecting  to  the  right,  now  to  the 
left;  then  making  a  wider  loop  and  occasionally 
doubling  back  upon  itself." 

Divisions  of  the  Epistle. — It  consists  of  three  parts. 
In  the  first  of  these  (chapters  i  to  vii,  incl.),  after  (1) 
introduction,  (2)  the  Apostle  shows  that  his  change  of 
plan  is  not  due  to  lightness  of  purpose  but  for  the  good 
of  the  people,  and  his  teaching  not  mutable;  (3)  he 
did  not  wish  to  come  again  in  sorrow.  The  repentant 
sinner,  the  cause  of  his  sorrow,  to  be  now  reconciled. 
(4)  His  great  affection  for  them.  (5)  He  does  not  re- 
quire, like  others,  letters  of  recommendation.  They, 
as  Christians,  are  his  commendatory  letters.  (C)  He 
writes  with  authority,  not  on  account  of  arrogance, 
but  because  of  the  greatness  of  the  ministry  with 
which  he  was  entrusted,  as  compared  with  the  minis- 
try of  Moses.  Those  who  refuse  to  listen  have  the 
veil  over  their  hearts,  like  the  carnal  Jews.  (7)  He 
endeavours  to  please  Christ  Who  showed  His  love  by 
dying  for  all,  and  will  reward  His  servants.  (8)  Mov- 
ingexhortation. 

The  second  part  (chapters  viii  and  ix)  relates  to  the 
collections  for  the  poor  Christians  at  Jerusalem.  (1) 
He  praises  the  Macedonians  for  theirready  generosity  in 
giving  out  of  their  povertjr.  He  exhorts  the  Corinthians 
to  follow  their  example  in  imitation  of  Christ  Who, 
being  rich,  became  poor  for  our  sakes.  (2)  He  sends 
Titus  and  two  others  to  make  the  collections  and  to 
remove  all  grounds  of  calumny  that  he  was  enriching 
himself.  (3)  He  has  boasted  of  them  in  Macedonia 
that  they  began  before  others.  (4)  A  man  shall  reap 
in  proportion  as  he  sows.  God  loves  the  cheerful 
giver  and  is  able  to  repay.  Giving  not  only  relieves 
the  poor  brethren  but  causes  thanksgiving  to  God 
and  prayers  for  benefactors'. 

The  third  part  (last  four  chapters)  is  directed  against 
the  pseudo-Apostles.  (1)  He  is  bold  towards  some 
who  think  he  acts  from  worldly  motives.  He  has 
powerful  arms  from  God  for  humbling  such  and  pun- 


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thing  their  disobedience.  Some  »ay  he  terrifies  by 
letters  which  "are  weighty  and  strong;  but  his  bodily 
presence  is  weak,  and  his  speech  contemptible".  Let 
such  a  one  understand  that  such  as  he  is  in  his  Epistle, 
so  will  he  be  when  present.  (2)  He  will  not  pretend,  as 
they  do,  to  be  greater  than  he  is,  nor  will  he  exalt  him- 
self by  other  men's  labours.  (3)  He  asks  pardon  for 
talking  like  a  worldly-minded  man.  It  is  to  counteract 
the  influence  of  the  pseudo-Apostles.  He  jealously 
guards  the  Corinthians  lest  they  be  deceived  as  Eve 
was  by  the  serpent.  (4)  If  the  new-comers  brought 
them  anything  better  In  the  way  of  religion,  he  could 
understand  their  submission  to  their  dictatorship. 
(5)  He  is  not  inferior  to  those  superlative  Apostles. 
If  his  speech  is  rude,  his  knowledge  is  not.  He  hum- 
bled himself  amongst  them,  and  did  not  exact  support 
in  order  to  gain  them.  The  false  Apostles  profess  a 
like  disinterestedness;  but  they  are  deceitful  work- 
men transforming  themselves  into  Apostles  of  Jesus 
Christ.  And  no  wonder:  for  Satan  transformed  him- 
self into  an  angel  of  light,  and  they  imitate  their  mas- 
ter. They  make  false  insinuations  against  the  Apos- 
tle. (6)  He,  too,  will  glory  a  little  (speaking  like  a 
foolish  worldly  person,  in  order  to  confound  them). 
They  boast  of  natural  advantages.  He  is  not  inferior 
to  them  in  any;  but  he  far  surpasses  them  In  his  suf- 
ferings for  the  propagation  of  the  Gospel,  in  his  super- 
natural gifts,  ana  m  the  miraculous  proofs  of  his 
Apostleship  at  Corinth,  "in  all  patience,  in  signs,  and 
wonders,  and  mighty  deeds".  The  Corinthians  have 
all  that  other  Churches  had  except  the  burden  of  his 
support.  He  asks  them  to  pardon  him  that  injury. 
Neither  he  nor  Titus  nor  any  other  of  his  friends  over- 
reached them.  He  writes  thus  lest  he  should  come 
again  in  sorrow.   He  threatens  the  unrepentant. 

Unity  of  the  Second  Epistle. — Whilst  the  Pauline 
authorship  is  universally  acknowledged,  the  same 
cannot  be  said  for  its  unity.  Some  critics  hold  that  it 
consists  of  two  Epistles,  or  portions  of  Epistles,  by 
St.  Paul;  that  the  first  nine  chapters  belong  to  one 
Epistle,  and  the  last  four  to  another.  As  these  two 
sections  are  held  to  have  been  written  by  St.  Paul, 
there  appears  to  be  nothing  in  this  view  that  can  be 
said  to  be  in  opposition  to  the  Catholic  doctrine  of 
inspiration.  But  the  hypothesis  is  very  far  from 
being  proved.  Nay  more,  on  account  of  the  argu- 
ments that  can  be  alleged  against  it,  it  can  scarcely  be 
regarded  as  probable.  The  principal  objection  against 
the  unity  of  the  Epistle  is  the  difference  of  tone  m  the 
two  sections.  This  is  well  stated  and  answered  by  the 
Catholic  scholar  Hug  ("Introduction",  tr.  by  Wait, 
London,  1827,  p.  392):  "It  is  moreover  objected  how 
different  is  the  tone  of  the  first  part,  mild,  amiable, 
affectionate,  whereas  the  third  part  is  severe,  vehe- 
ment, and  irrespectively  castigatory.  But  who  on 
this  account  would  divide  Demosthenes'  oration  De 
Corona  into  two  parts,  because  in  the  more  general 
defence  placidity  and  circumspection  predominate 
while  on  the  other  hand,  in  abashing  and  chastizing 
the  accuser,  in  the  parallel  between  him  and  .iEschines, 
words  of  bitter  irony  gush  out  impetuously  and  fall 
like  rain  in  a  storm."  This  argument  is  referred  to 
with  approval  by  Meyer,  Comely,  and  Jacquier. 
Others  have  explained  the  difference  of  tone  by  sup- 
posing that  when  the  first  nine  chapters  were  finished 
fresh  news  of  a  disagreeable  kind  arrived  from  Cor- 
inth, and  that  this  lea  St.  Paul  to  add  the  last  four 
chapters.  In  the  same  way  the  parenthetical  section 
(vi,  14,  vii,  2),  which  seems  to  have  been  inserted  as  an 
afterthought,  can  be  explained.  It  was  added,  ac- 
cording to  Bernard,  to  prevent  a  misconception  of 
the  expression  used  in  vi,  11,  13,  "our  heart  is  en- 
larged ...  be  you  also  enlarged",  which  in  the  O.  T. 
bad  the  bad  meaning  of  being  too  free  with  infidels. 
St.  Paul's  manner  of  writing  has  also  to  be  taken  into 
account.  In  this,  as  in  his  other  Epistles,  he  speaks 
as  a  preacher  who  now  addresses  one  portion  of  his 
IV.— 24 


congregation,  now  another,  as  if  they  were  the  only 
persons  present,  and  that  without  fear  of  being  mis- 
understood. Dr.  Bernard  thinks  that  the  difference 
of  tone  can  be  sufficiently  accounted  for  on  the  sup- 
position that  the  letter  was  written  at  different  sit- 
tings, and  that  the  writer  was  in  a  different  mood  ow- 
ing to  ill-health  or  other  circumstances.  The  other 
objections  brought  against  the  unity  of  the  Epistle  are 
ablv  refuted  by  the  same  author,  whose  argument  may 
be  briefly  summarized  as  follows:  The  last  section,  it 
is  said,  begins  very  abruptly,  and  is  loosely  connected 
with  the  previous  one  by  the  particle  Si.  But  there 
are  several  other  instances  in  the  Epistles  of  St.  Paul 
where  transition  is  made  in  precisely  the  same  way. 
In  the  last  part,  it  is  objected,  people  in  open  rebellion 
are  denounced,  whereas  that  is  not  the  case  in  the  first 
portion.  Still,  there  is  clear  reference  in  the  first  sec- 
tion to  persons  who  accused  him  of  being  fickle,  arro- 
gant, brave  at  a  distance,  etc.  One  of  the  strongest 
arguments  against  the  integrity  is  that  there  are  sev- 
eral verses  in  the  first  nine  chapters  which  seem  to 
presuppose  an  equal  number  of  passages  in  the  second, 
and  the  contention  is  that  the  last  section  is  a  portion 
of  an  earlier  Epistle.  But  on  closer  examination  of 
each  passage  this  connexion  is  seen  to  be  only  appar- 
ent. On  the  other  hand,  there  are  at  least  as  many 
passages  in  the  last  part  which  clearly  and  unmistak- 
ably look  back  to  and  presuppose  verses  in  the  first. 
It  is  remarkable,  moreover,  that  the  only  extant  frag- 
ments of  the  supposed  two  Epistles  should  fit  so  wcu. 
It  has  also  been  urged  that  the  First  Epistle  is  not 
"painful"  enough  to  account  for  statements  in  the 
Second.  But  a  close  examination  of  i,  11, 14;  ii,  6; 
iii,  1,  2,  3,  4,  18;  iv,  8,  9,  10,  18,  19;  v,  etc.,  of  the 
First  Epistle,  will  show  that  this  objection  is  quite  un- 
founded. The  linguistic  unity  between  the  two  por- 
tions of  the  Epistle  is  very  great;  and  many  examples 
can  be  given  to  show  that  the  two  sections  were  always 
integral  portions  of  one  whole.  The  evidence  afforded 
by  early  manuscripts,  translations,  and  quotations 
points  strongly  in  the  same  direction. 

Organization  of  thb  Church  at  Corinth  as  Ex- 
hibited in  the  Two  Epistles. — There  is  nothing  in 
either  Epistle  which  enables  us  to  say  what  was  the 
precise  nature  of  the  organization  of  the  Church  at 
Corinth.  In  I  Cor.,  xii,  28,  we  read:  "And  God  in- 
deed hath  set  some  in  the  church ;  first  apostles,  sec- 
ondly prophets,  thirdly  doctors;  after  that  [the  gift  of] 
miracles;  then  the  graces  [charismata]  of  healings, 
helps,  governments  [or  wise  counsels],  kinds  of  tongues, 
interpretations  of  speeches.  Are  all  apostles?  . .  .  Are 
all  workers  of  miracles?  Have  all  the  grace  of  heal- 
ing?" From  the  whole  context  it  is  clear  that  this 
passage  is  nothing  else  than  an  enumeration  of  extraor- 
dinary gifts,  and  that  it  has  no  bearing  whatsoever 
on  church  government.  The  word  apostle  is  probably 
used  here  in  its  broad  sense,  not  as  meaning  the  Apos- 
tles of  Jesus  Christ,  but  the  apostles  of  the  Church.  If 
it  is  meant  to  include  the  former,  then  the  reference  is- 
not  to  their  ruling  power,  but  to  their  supernatural 
gifts,  upon  which  the  whole  argument  turns.  St. 
Paul  thanked  God  that  he  spoke  with  all  their  tongues. 
Barnabas  is  called  an  apostle  (Acts,  xiv,  4,  13).  In 
II  Cor.,  viii,  23,  St.  Paul  calls  his  messengers  "the  apos- 
tles of  the  churches".  (Compare  Rom.,  xvi,  7;  Apoc., 
ii,  2.)  The  Didache,  or  "Teaching  of  the  Twelve 
Apostles",  which  is  probably  a  work  of  the  first  cen- 
tury, has  the  statement  that  if  an  apostle  remains  till 
the  third  day  claiming  support,  he  is  to  be  regarded  as 
a  false  prophet.  It  also  says  that  every  true  teacher 
and  true  prophet  is  worthy  of  his  support;  and  it 
gives  one  of  the  rules  for  detecting  a  false  prophet. 
"Prophets  and  doctors"  are  referred  to  in  Acts,  xiii, 
1.  It  is  extremely  probable  that  St.  Paul  had  organ- 
ized the  Church  at  Corinth  during  his  kmg  stay  there 
as  carefully  as  he  had  previously  done  in  Galatia 
("and  when  they  had  ordained  to  them  priests  in 


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every  church" — Acts,  xiv,  22)  and  in  Epheaiis 
("wherein  the  Holy  Ghost  hath  placed  you  bishops" 
^-ActSj  xx,  7,  28).  We  have  these  statements  on  the 
authority  of  the  author  of  the  Acts,  now  admitted, 
even  by  Harnack,  to  be  St.  Luke,  the  companion  of 
the  Apostle.  St.  Paul  had  spent  six  or  eight  times  as 
long  at  Corinth  as  he  had  at  Philippi,  yet  we  find  him 
writing  to  the  latterplace:  "Paul  and  Timothy  .  .  . 
to  all  the  saints  in  Christ  Jesus,  who  are  at  Philippi, 
with  the  bishops  and  deacons"  (Phil.,  i,  1 — cf.  I 
Thess.,  v,  12).  The  principal  office  of  the  bishops  and 
deacons  was,  according  to  the  Didache,  to  consecrate 
the  Blessed  Eucharist.  It  is  only  by  accident,  as  it 
were,  on  account  of  abuses,  that  St.  Paul  speaks,  in 
the  First  Epistle,  of  the  form  of  consecration  used  at 
Corinth,  and  which  is  substantially  the  same  as  that 
given  in  the  Gospels.  Had  the  abuses  not  arisen,  it 
seems  clear  that  he  would  not  have  referred  to  the 
Eucharist.  He  says  nothing  of  it  in  the  Second  Epis- 
tle. In  that  case  there  would  not  be  wanting  those 
who  would  have  loudly  asserted  that  the  Corinthians 
"knew  nothing  of  it",  and,  by  implication,  that  the 
Apostle's  mind  had  not  yet  developed  to  that  extent. 
But  as  he  speaks  so  clearly  we  may  take  it  as  certain, 
too,  that  the  ministers  of  the  Eucharist  were  the  same 
as  in  other  places.  There  is  no  evidence  that  it  was 
ever  consecrated  without  a  bishop  or  priest.  These, 
with  the  deacons,  were  the  regular  ministers  in  each 
place,  under  the  immediate  jurisdiction  of  the  Apos- 
tles of  Jesus  Christ.  From  all  this  we  may  conclude 
that  the  Church  in  Achaia  was  as  regularly  organized 
as  the  earlier  Churches  of  Galatia,  Ephesus,  and  the 
neighbouring  Province  of  Macedonia,  or  as  in  the 
Church  of  Crete  (Tit.,  i,  5).  There  were  "bishops" 
(which  word  certainly  meant  priests  and  perhaps  also 
our  modern  bishops)  and  deacons.  Later  on,  Tim- 
othy, and  Titus,  and  others  were  appointed  over  these 
"  bishops",  priests,  and  deacons,  ana  were  monarchical 
bishops  in  the  modern  sense  of  the  word.  Other  such 
bishops  succeeded  the  Apostles.    (See  Bishop.) 

The  usual  Introduction*,  such  as  Cornely,  Jacqoier,  Salmon, 
Belser,  Zahn;  Bernard,  Second  Corinthians  in  Expositor's 
Greek  Testament  (London,  1903);  Findlay,  First  Epistle  to  the 
Corinthians  in  Exp.  Or.  Test.  (London,  1900);  Rickabt,  Ro- 
mans, Corinthians,  Galatians  (London.  1898);  Kennedy,  Sec- 
ond and  Third  Corinthians  (London,  1900):  Alford,  The  Greek 
Test.  (London,  1855),  II;  Robertson  in  Hastings,  Diet,  of  the 
Bible;  Lives  of  St.  Paul  by  Farrar,  Conybearb  and  How- 
son,  Lewin,  Fouard;  McEvilly,  An  Exposition  of  the  Epistles 
of  St.  Paul  (3rd  ed.,  Dublin,  1875);  Cornelt,  Commentaries 
(Paris,  1890).  See  also  the  commentaries  of  Ebtidb,  Bispino, 
Maier,  Loch,  Reischl,  Drach,  Steenkistb.  The  critical 
commentary  of  Schmieden,  Die  Briefe  an  die  Korinther  in 
Hand  Kommentar  (Leipzig,  1893);  Liohtfoot,  Biblical  Essays, 
Notes  on  Epistles  of  St.  Paul  (notes  on  seven  chapters  of  First 
Cor. — London,  1895);  Robertson,  Corinthians  in  The  Inter- 
national Critical  Commentary  (Cambridge,  1908). 

C.  Aherne. 

Ooriolis,  Gaspard-Gustave  de,  French  mathema- 
tician, b.  at  Paris,  in  1792;  d.  in  the  same  city,  1843. 
He  entered  the  Ecole  Polytechnique  in  1808,  and  later 
continued  his  studies  at  the  Ecole  des  Ponts  et  Chaus- 
sees.  Though  determined  to  become  an  engineer,  he 
did  not  enter  upon  the  practice  of  his  profession,  but 
became  instead,  in  the  year  1816,  a  tutor  in  mathe- 
matical analysis  and  mechanics  at  the  Ecole  Poly- 
technique. In  1838  he  succeeded  Dulong  as  director 
of  studies  in  the  same  school.  He  became  a  member 
of  the  Acad^mie  des  Sciences  in  1836.  Coriolis  was 
a  man  of  much  ability,  but  his  delicate  health  pre- 
vented him  from  doing  justice  to  his  powers.  He  was 
a  successful  educator  and  together  with  Gen.  Ponce- 
let  was  one  of  the  pioneers  of  reform  in  the  methods 
of  teaching  mechanics.  While  engaged  in  teaching, 
he  at  the  same  time  carried  on  his  researches  in 
theoretical  and  applied  mechanics.  The  theorem 
enunciated  by  him  regarding  relative  motions  has 
found  numerous  applications,  particularly  in  the  case 
of  motions  taking  place  on  the  surface  of  the  earth: 
as,  for  example,  the  deviation  towards  the  east  of 


falling  bodies,  the  apparent  rotation  of  the  plane  of 
vibration  of  a  pendulum,  etc.  Coriolis  was  the  author 
of  "Calcul  de  l'effet  des  machines"  (1829),  which  was 
reprinted  in  1844  with  the  title  "Traits  de  la  mecani- 
que  des  corps  solides",  and  of  "Theorie  mathe- 
matique  du  leu  de  billard"  (1835).  He  also  pub- 
lished a  number  of  articles,  notably  in  the  "  Diction- 
naire  de  l'industrie  ". 

Marti,  Hist,  dee  sciences  math,  et  phys.  (Paris,  1888),  XII, 
190. 

Henry  M.  Brock. 

Cork  (Corcaqia),  Diocese  of  (Corcaoienbis),  in 
Ireland,  suffragan  of  Cashel.  St.  Finbarr  was  the 
founder  and  first  bishop  of  this  see.  He  was  born 
about  the  middle  of  the  sixth  century  at  Rathculleen, 
six  miles  north  of  Bandon,  and  educated  in  Leinster. 
Having  spent  some  time  on  "a  green  island"  in 
Gougane  Barra,  he  founded  a  monastery  and  a  school 
at  Lough  Eire,  the  name  given  to  the  marshy  expan- 
sion of  the  river  Lee,  on  which  the  city  is  built,  and 
from  which  both  city  and  diocese  derive  the  name 
Cork  (corcagh,  "marsh").  This  monastery  seems  to 
have  been  erected  on  the  elevated  plateau  to  the 
south  of  the  city,  now  known  as  the  Rock,  close  by 
the  palace  of  the  Protestant  bishop.  Soon  many 
students  flocked  thither  from  various  parts.  They 
and  those  interested  in  them  rapidly  took  possession 
of  the  large  island  in  the  marsh  beneath,  built  on  it, 
and  so  gave  birth  to  a  city  which  now  numbers  over 
70,000  inhabitants,  and  is  the  residence  of  the  saint's 
episcopal  successor. 

The  limits  of  the  territory  over  which  St.  Finbarr 
ruled  cannot  be  accurately  defined  to-day.  A  fact, 
however,  not  generally  recognized  by  historians  en- 
ables us  to  conclude  that  the  boundaries  were  suffi- 
ciently clear  even  in  the  most  ancient  times.  Finbarr's 
father  was  chief  metal-worker  to  Tigherneach,  chief 
of  Ui  Eachach  Mumhan.  As  the  saint  advanced  in 
years  he  was  venerated  as  a  patron  by  the  entire 
sept,  and  so  obtained  spiritual  jurisdiction  over  their 
wide  territories.  The  eastern  and  western  limits  were 
respectively  Cork  and  Mizzen  Head,  and  there  are 
arguments  to  show  that  the  northern  and  southern 
were  the  Avonmore  (Blackwater)  and  the  ocean.  In 
the  Synod  of  Rathbreasail  (1110)  these  are  also  named 
as  the  limits  of  the  Diocese  of  Cork,  whence  it  would 
appear  that  the  sept  lands  and  the  diocese  were  coter- 
minous, as  was  the  case  with  St.  Faughnan's  Diocese 
of  Ross,  which  coincides  with  the  lands  of  the  O'Dris- 
colls;  and  that  of  St.  Munchin,  Limerick,  with  those 
of  Ui  Fighente,  in  later  times  O'Donovans.  At  some 
period  after  the  twelfth  century  part  of  the  territory 
between  the  Lee  and  Blackwater  to  the  north  was 
detached  in  favour  of  the  neighbouring  Diocese  of 
Cloyne;  the  land  of  the  O'Driscolls  had  been  already 
erected  into  the  Diocese  of  Ross ;  and  to-day  Cork  is 
approximately  bounded  on  the  north  by  the  city  and 
suburbs,  and  the  River  Lee  as  far  as  Gougane  Barra, 
on  the  east  by  Cork  Harbour,  on  the  south  by  the 
Diocese  of  Ross  and  the  ocean,  and  on  the  west  by 
Bantry  Bay. 

The  church  and  monastery  founded  by  8t.  Finbarr 
were  naturally  the  centre  of  the  diocese  till  the  six- 
teenth century.  For  many  years  the  successor  to  the 
first  abbot  was  also  bishop  of  the  diocese.  Other 
churches  and  monasteries,  however,  grew  up  in  the 
city  itself  and  in  the  territories  over  which  he  ruled. 
In  a  document  dated  1 199,  in  which  Innocent  III  con- 
firms to  the  Bishop  of  Cork  his  various  privileges, 
mention  is  made  of  eight  churches  in  the  city,  the 
first  being  Sancta  Maria  in  Monte,  doubtless  St. 
Mary's,  Shandon,  close  by  which  stands  the  Catholic 
cathedral  of  to-day.  Two  centuries  later  (1309),  in 
the  will  of  John  de  Wychedon,  we  find  the  names  of 
no  fewer  than  fifteen  churches,  all  in  the  city,  four  of 
them  bearing  names  such  as  "Lepers  of  Dilby", 
"Lepers  of  Glenamore";  but  a  hundred  years  alter 


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this  (1462),  in  a  cbartei  of  Edward  IV,  we  find  only 
eleven  churches  mentioned.  Of  the  churches  in  coun- 
try districts  during  this  long  period  we  have  no 
definite  account.  The  Carmelites  were  introduced 
into  Kinsale  in  1334  by  Robert  Balrain;  much  earlier, 
in  the  seventh  century,  we  find  mention  of  Saint 
Gobban,  abbot  of  a  monastery  of  regular  canons  in 
the  same  town.  In  Bantry  Dermot  CTSullivan  Beare 
built  a  convent  for  Franciscans  about  1463,  and 
McCarthy  Lauder  had  done  likewise  at  Balymacadane 
on  the  Bandon  Road  in  1460.  Tracton  Abbey,  two 
miles  west  from  Carrigaline,  was  begun  in  1224,  and 
the  great  monastery  of  Kilcrea,  five  miles  west  of 
Cork,  was  founded  by  MacCarthy  Mor  in  1466,  who 
is  interred  in  the  middle  of  the  choir. 

At  the  Reformation,  when  Bishop  Bennett  was  de- 
prived of  the  temporalities  of  the  see  (1535),  such  of 
the  churches  as  remained  passed  into  Protestant 
hands.  Among  others  the  old  church  of  St.  Finbarr, 
called  Gill  Abbey,  after  a  famous  bishop  ,  of  the 
twelfth  century  (1152-72),  seems  to  have  remained 
in  some  form  till  1725.  At  that  date  it  was  removed 
to  make  room  for  a  more  modern  building,  which  in 
turn  has  been  succeeded  by  the  present  Protestant 
cathedral.  After  the  Sequestration  the  Catholics  had 
perforce  to  rest  contented  with  very  humble  "  Mass- 
nouses  ",  as  contemporary  accounts  describe  them.  In 
the  reports  given  by  government  officials  in  1731  we 
find  many  ofthem  put  down  as  huts;  and  the  addi- 
tion "built  since  George  the  1st"  applied  to  the 
names  of  many  more.  The  existing  churches  of  the 
diocese  have  been  erected  in  recent  years  on,  or  near, 
the  sites  of  these  last  monuments  of  persecution.  In 
the  five  parishes  into  which  the  city  is  divided  there 
are  thirteen  public  churches,  besides  private  orato- 
ries and  chapels  attached  to  institutions.  In  each  of 
the  thirty  parishes  in  country  districts  there  are  one, 
two,  or  three  churches,  according  to  the  population, 
all  of  recent  erection,  and  built  in  a  manner  that  befits 
the  great  mysteries  they  enclose.  Of  the  city  par- 
ishes two — that  called  the  North,  or  St.  Mary  s,  and 
that  of  Sts.  Peter  and  Paul — are  held  by  the  bishop. 
In  the  former  stands  the  pro-cathedral,  begun  by  Dr. 
Moylan  in  1729,  a  red  sandstone  structure,  overlooked 
by  a  magnificent  tower  of  the  same  material,  due  to 
the  energy  of  a  well-known  Cork  priest. 

The  lists  of  successors  to  St.  Finbarr  in  the  bishop- 
ric vary  considerably  with  the  different  authorities. 
The  present  (1908)  occupant  of  the  see  is  described  as 
the  59th,  or  the  105th,  from  the  first  bishop.  The 
latter  number  seems  to  be  the  more  correct,  though 
somewhat  too  large.  Two  have  been  raised  to  the 
altars  of  the  Church — St.  Nessan  and  Blessed  Thad- 
deus  McCarthy.  The  veneration  of  the  former  dates 
from  ancient  times,  that  of  the  latter  from  1492,  when 
he  died  a  pilgrim  at  Ivrea  in  Piedmont,  Italy.  First 
appointed  Bishop  of  Ross,  and  expelled  therefrom  on 
a  false  charge,  he  was  nominated  to  the  united  Dio- 
ceses of  Cork  and  Cloyne.  Unable  to  occupy  the  see 
owing  to  the  opposition  of  the  Geraldines,  etc.,  he 
journeyed  to  Rome,  won  his  cause,  but  died  amid 
wonderful  evidences  of  sanctity  on  the  return  journey. 
The  decree  of  his  beatification  was  published  in  1895. 
Giolla  Aedh  O'Muighin  ( 1 1 52-72)  was  a  famous  bishop. 
He  practically  refounded  the  old  monastery  of  St. 
Finbarr;  like  his  great  predecessor  he  belonged  to  a 
Connacht  clan.  The  Four  Masters  speak  of  him  as 
"the  tower  of  the  virginity  and  wisdom  of  the  time". 

Three  centuries  after  his  death  (1430),  at  the  in- 
stance of  the  Bishop  of  Cloyne,  the  two  Dioceses  of 
Cork  and  Cloyne  were  united,  and  remained  thus  for 
three  hundred  years  (1747).  During  the  seventeenth 
century  the  united  bishoprics  were  more  than  once 
governed  by  vicars  apostolic.  This  occurred  in  1614- 
22,  and  again  in  1666-76.  During  the  same  period 
Catholic  citizens  of  Cork  were  more  than  once  expelled 
lor  their  religion;  frequently  the  Catholics  of  the 


province  were  forbidden  to  live  in  walled  towns  or 
fortified  places  (1644,  56,  72).  In  1693,  on  the  repre- 
sentation of  King  James,  the  administration  of  Ross 
was  given  to  the  reigning  Bishop  Sleyne.  It  seems 
to  have  remained  in  the  hands  of  his  successors  until 
1747,  when  it  passed  into  the  jurisdiction  of  the 
newly  enfranchised  Bishopric  of  St.  Colman. 

The  Diocese  of  Cork  possessed  a  chapter,  with 
twelve  prebendaries  and  the  usual  dignitaries. 
Though  re-established  by  Dr.  Delaney  in  1858-59,  it 
dates  from  the  twelfth  century;  naturally  it  ceased 
to  exist  during  the  years  of  persecution.  The  relig- 
ious orders  and  congregations  in  the  diocese  are  eight 
in  number:  Augustinians  (second  foundation,  Red 
Abbey,  in  fifteenth  century)  ;  Dominicans  (first 
foundation  Abbey  of  the  Island,  1229) ;  Friars  Minor 
(first  foundation  near  Wise's  Hill,  1214);  Carmelites 
(Kinsale);  Franciscan  Capuchins;  Vincentians;  Fath- 
ers of  Charity;  Society  of  African  Missions,  the  last 
four  being  quite  modern  foundations.  There  are  in 
addition  two  teaching  orders  of  men,  the  Christian  and 
Presentation  Brothers,  besides  1 1  communities  of  nuns; 
the  latter  are :  Presentation  (4  houses),  Ursulines  (2 
houses),  Sisters  of  Mercy  (4  houses),  Sisters  of  Charity 
(4  houses),  Good  Shepherd  (1  house),  French  Sisters  of 
Charity  (2  houses),  Sisters  of  Marie  Reparatrice  (1 
house),  Bon  Secours  (1  house).  Sisters  of  the  Poor  (1 
house),  Sisters  of  the  Assumption  (1  house),  the  last 
nursing  the  poor  in  their  own  homes. 

At  the  census  of  1891  the  Catholic  population  of 
the  diocese  numbered  178,461.  They  are  attended 
by  one  bishop  and  114  priests,  who  administer  35 
parishes,  of  which  5  are  in  the  city.  Kilcrea  Abbey 
and  Gougane  Barra  are  the  best  preserved  among  the 
early  monuments  of  the  diocese.  A  great  part  of  the 
former  still  stands.  The  latter  is  an  island  on  which 
are  the  ruins  of  a  square  court,  with  walls  fourteen 
feet  thick,  in  which  are  eight  cells  or  cloisters  rudely 
arched  over.  Each  of  the  cells  is  ten  feet  deep  by 
seven  broad,  and  the  court  fifty  feet  square.  It  was 
here  that  St.  Finbarr  prepared  himself  by  prayer  and 
seclusion  in  the  lonely  shadows  of  the  mountains  that 
surround  the  lake  for  the  great  work  of  founding  a 
city  and  a  diocese. 

Brady,  Episcopal  Succession  in  Em/land,  Ireland,  and  Scot- 
land (Rome,  1876),  II,  78-08;  Archaeological  Journal  (Cork), 
passim;  Smith,  Cork  (1750,  new  ed.  1815),  with  Notes  by 
Choicer  and  Caolfield  (Cork,  1893);  Tdckct,  Cork  Remem- 
brance* (Cork,  1837):  Lynch,  Cambremi*  Eversu*  (1662), 
passim;  O' Donovan  (ed.).  Annals  of  the  Four  Matter*,  passim; 
Cdsack,  History  of  the  City  and  County  (Dublin,  1876);  Gib- 
son, Hist,  of  the  County  and  City  of  Cork  (London,  1861). 

P.  Sexton. 

Cork,  School  of. — The  monastic  School  of  Cork 
had  a  wide  reputation,  especially  in  the  seventh  and 
eighth  centuries.  The  name  is  derived  from  the  Irish 
corcagh,  which  means  a  marsh,  for  in  ancient  times  the 
floods  of  the  River  Lee  covered  the  low  ground  on 
which  most  of  the  present  city  of  Cork  was  afterwards 
built.  The  founder  of  the  School  and  Diocese  of  Cork 
was  Barra  or  Bairre  (Barry),  more  commonly  called 
Finbarr  the  Fair-haired.  His  family  belonged  to  the 
Hy  Brinin  Ratha,  a  tribe  that  dwelt  on  the  eastern 
shore  of  Lough  Corrib,  in  the  County  Galway ;  but 
his  father,  a  skilful  cerd,  or  certified  worker  in  brass, 
was  forced  to  migrate  to  Hy  Liathain,  in  the  west  of 
the  County  Cork,  where  the  saint  was  born  about  the 
middle  of  the  sixth  century.  His  chief  teacher  was  a 
certain  MacCuirp,  or  Curporius,  who  himself,  it  is 
said,  had  been  a  student  under  St.  Gregory  the  Great 
in  Rome.  To  perfect  himself  in  the  science  of  the 
saints,  Barra  retired  to  a  hermitage  in  a  small  island 
of  the  lonely  lake  which  still  bears  his  name,  Gougane 
Barra.  Callanan's  splendid  poem  in  praise  of  the 
romantic  beauty  of  this  lake  has  made  its  name 
familiar  to  all  Irishmen.  From  Gougane  Barra,  it 
would  appear,  Barra  returned  to  his  native  territory, 
where  he  founded  some  dozen  churches  before  he 


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finally  established  himself  near  the  marsh  of  Lough 
Eire  (Eirce),  which  appears  to  have  been  the  original 
name  of  the  place.  There  he  founded  a  monastic 
school  about  620,  which  in  a  short  time  attracted  a 
multitude  of  students  and  produced  many  great 
scholars.  The  Irish  "  Life 
of  Finbarr"  gives  the 
names  of  a  dozen  of  these 
holy  and  learned  men,  who 
in  turn  became  founders 
of  churches  and  schools 
in  the  South  of  Ireland. 
The  most  distinguished  of 
them  was  St.  Colman  Mac 
Ua  Cluasaigh,  Ferlegind  or 
professor  in  the  School  of 
Cork  about  the  year  664. 

At  that  time  all  Ireland 
was  devastated  by  a  terri- 
ble yellow  plague  which 
carried  off  two-thirds  of 
the  population.  There 
was  a  prevalent  idea  that 
the  pestilence  could  not, 
or  at  least  did  not,  extend 
beyond  nine  waves  from 
the  shore.  So  Colman  and 
his  pupils  wisely  resolved  to  migrate  from  their  monas- 
tery in  the  marshes  of  Cork  to  one  of  the  islands  in  the 
high  sea.  Being  a  poet  and  a  holy  man  he  composed  a 
po-m,  mostly  in  Irish,  committing  himself  and  his 
pupils  to  the  protection  of  God  and  His  saints,  espe- 


lines  themselves  do.  The  School  of  Cork  continued 
to  flourish  for  many  centuries,  even  after  the  Danes 
had  established  themselves  there;  in  874  we  find 
recorded  the  death  of  a  "Scribe  of  Cork",  and  in  891 
we  are  told  of  the  death  of  a  certain  son  of  Connudh, 
"  a  scribe,  wise  man,  bishop 
and  abbot  of  Cork".  In 
1134  the  ancient  monas- 
tery and  School  of  Cork, 
which  had  fallen  into  de- 
cay, were  refounded  by  the 
celebrated  Cormac  Mac- 
Cart  hy,  King  of  Minister. 
(See  Finbarr,  Saint.) 

Todd,  ISmk  of  Hymns  (Dub- 
lin, 1869).  II;  Hbalt,  Inland '» 
Ancient  School*  and  Scholars 
(Dublin.  1890):  Latin  Liven  of 
SL  Finbarr,  ed.  Caitlfield 
(London.  1864);  O'H^nlon, 
Live*  of  the  Irish  Saints,  25 
Sept.;  froRBKBin  Diet,  of  Christ. 

BlOO.,    I.    266    Bq.J  l.AMr.AN, 

Ecd.  Hist,  of  Ireland  (Dublin, 
1829).  II,  314  sqq. 

John  Healy. 


St.  Mary's  Cathedral,  Cork 


Corker,  Maurus,  an 
English  Benedictine,  b.  in 
1636  in  Yorkshire;  d.  22  December,  1715,  at  Padding- 
ton  near  London.  His  baptismal  name,  James,  he  ex- 
changed for  Maurus  when  he  entered  the  order.  On 
23  April,  1656,  he  took  vows  at  the  English  Benedic- 
tine Abbey  of  Lamspringe  near  Hildesheim,  in  Ger- 


cially  the  patron  saints  of  Erin.    As  they  sought  their  many,  and  returned  to  England  as  missionary  in  1665 

island  refuge  the  students  chanted  the  poem  verse  by  Being  accused  by  Titus  Oates  of  implication  in  "  the 

verse,  each  one  reciting  his  own  stanza  until  it  was  Popish  Plot"  he  was  imprisoned  in  Newgate,  but  was 

finished,  and  then  they  began  again.    Fortunately  acquitted  of  treason  by  a  London  jury,  18  July,  1679. 


QCKENSTOWN  HARBOUR,  CORK 


most  of  this  poem  still  survives,  and  is  printed  in  the 
"Leabhar  Imuin"  or  "Book  of  Hymns"  (edited  by 
J.  H.  Todd,  Dublin,  1855-69).  The  language  is  of 
the  most  archaic  type  of  Gaelic,  and  is  interspersed 
here  and  there  with  phrases  mostly  taken  from  Scrip- 
ture, but  made  to  rhyme  with  each  other  as  the  Gaelic 


Hereupon  he  was  arraigned  for  being  a  priest  and  sen- 
tenced to  death,  17  January,  1680.  Through  influ- 
ential friends  he  was  granted  a  reprieve  and  detained 
in  Newgate.  While  thus  confined  he  is  said  to  have 
reconciled  more  than  a  thousand  Protestants  to  the 
Faith.    One  of  his  fellow-prisoners  at  Newgate  was 


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the  saintly  Oliver  Plunket,  Archbishop  of  Armagh, 
with  whom  he  formed  an  intimate  friendship,  and 
whom  he  prepared  for  his  martyrdom,  which  took 
place,  15  June,  1681.  Some  very  interesting  corre- 
spondence which  was  carried  on  in  prison  between 
these  two  confessors  of  the  Faith  was  published  in  the 
"Irish  Ecclesiastical  Record"  (Sept.,  1883).  On  the 
accession  of  James  II  in  1685,  Father  Corker  was  re- 
leased and  kept  at  the  court  as  resident  ambassador 
of  Prince-Bishop  Ferdinand  of  Bavaria,  the  Elector  of 
Cologne.  In  1687  he  erected  the  little  convent  of  St. 
John  at  Clerkenwell,  where  religious  services  were  held 
for  the  public,  but  which  was  destroyed  by  a  mob,  1 1 
November,  1688,  during  the  revolt  against  King 
James.  Father  Corker  himself  was  obliged  to  seek 
refuge  on  the  continent.  In  1691  he  was  made  Abbot 
of  Cismar  near  Lubeck  and,  two  years  later,  of  Lam- 
springe,  where  he  had  made  his  religious  profession. 
In  1696  he  resigned  as  abbot  and  returned  to  England 
to  continue  his  missionary  labours.  He  is  the  author 
of  various  pamphlets  proving  the  innocence  of  those 
condemned  for  implication  in  the  fictitious  "Popish 
Plot." 

Gillow,  BM.  Diet,  of  Eng.  Calk.  s.  v.;  Weldon,  Chron- 
icle of  the  English  Benedictine  Monks  (London,  1881),  210,  etc.; 
Challoneb,  Memoir*  of  Missionary  Priests  (Derby,  1843),  II; 
Moran,  in  Irish  Keel.  Record,  IV,  813  sq.;  Taunton,  The  Eng- 
lish Black  Monks  of  St.  Benedict  (London,  1808),  II.  passim; 
Spilluann,  Die  Blutzeugen  aus  den  Tagen  der  Titut  Oojes 
Verschworung  (Freiburg  im  Br.,  1001),  135  sq. 

Michael  Ott. 

Oorm&c  MacOuilenan  (836-908),  an  Irish  bishop 
and  King  of  Cashel,  was  of  the  race  of  Eoghanact,  of 
Southern  Ireland,  and  in  his  early  years  received  a 
good  education  in  one  of  the  Irish  schools.  He  was 
ordained  priest,  and  afterwards  appointed  Bishop  of 
Cashel.  In  the  year  900  he  became,  on  account  of  his 
descent,  King  of  Cashel,  and  thus  were  combined  in 
his  person  the  two  offices  of  spiritual  and  temporal 
ruler  of  Leth  Moga,  as  the  southern  portion  of  Ireland 
was  called.  The  ardri  (high  king),  Flann,  assisted  by 
the  King  of  Leinster,  led  his  forces  into  the  Southern 
Province  (906),  and  was  met  by  the  Munstermen  un- 
der Cormac  at  Moylena  (Tullamore).  The  ardri  suf- 
fered a  signal  defeat.  Later  on,  however  (908) 
Flann,  assisted  by  Ceorbhall,  King  of  Leinster,  and 
Cathal,  King  of  Connaught,  returned  to  the  attack, 
apparently  because  Cormac,  instigated  by  Flaherty, 
Abbot  of  Inniscathay,  had  claimed  tribute  from  Lein- 
ster, and  had  even  signified  his  intention  of  assuming 
the  position  of  ardri.  The  battle  was  fought  at  the 
present  Ball ymoon ;  the  Munstermen  suffered  a  com- 
plete defeat  and  Cormac  was  killed  in  the  battle.  An 
Irish  Glossary  called  "  Sanaa  Chormaic",  containing 
etymologies  and  explanations  of  over  1400  Irish  words 
has  come  down  to  us.  Though,  etymologically,  the 
work  is  of  little  value,  yet  on  account  of  the  light  it 
throws  upon  many  ancient  Irish  customs  and  institu- 
tions it  is  of  great  importance  to  the  historian.  The 
"  Glossary  of  Cormac  "  is  said  to  be  only  a  part  of  the 
"Saltair  Chaisil",  also  attributed  to  Cormac.  This 
work,  if  it  ever  existed,  has  disappeared,  or,  as  W. 
Stokes  thinks,  it  is  more  likely  that  at  best  the 
"Saltair  Chaisil"  was  only  a  collection  of  transcripts 
of  manuscripts  from  the  hands  of  different  writers. 
The  above-mentioned  "Sanaa  Chormaic",  or  "Cor- 
mac's  Glossary ' ',  was  translated  and  annotated  by  J ohn 
O'Donovan  and  edited  by  W.  Stokes  (Calcutta,  1868). 
See  Stokes,  "Three  Irish  Glossaries"  (London,  1862). 

O'Donovan,  The  Annals  of  Ireland  (Dublin),  I,  II:  O'Ccrry, 
Manuscript  Material*  of  Irak  History  (Dublin,  1873);  O'Dono- 
van ed.,  Book*  at  Right*  in  Publication*  of  Celtic  Society;  Webb, 
Compendium  of  Irish  Biogravhy  (Dublin,  1878);  D' Alton,  His- 
tory of  Ireland  (Dublin,  1003),  I. 

James  MacCapfrey. 

Cornaro,  Elena  Ltjcrezia  Piscopia,  a  learned 
Italian  woman  of  noble  descent,  b.  at  Venice,  5  June, 
1646;  d.  at  Padua,  25  July,  1R84.    Her  father,  Gio- 


vanni Battista  Cornaro,  was  Procurator  of  St.  Mark's. 
At  the  age  of  seven  she  began  the  study  of  Latin  and 
Greek  under  distinguished  instructors,  and  soon  be- 
came proficient  in  these  languages.  She  also  mas- 
tered Hebrew,  Spanish,  French,  and  Arabic,  earning 
the  title  of  "  Oraculum  Septilingue ' '.  Her  later  studies 
included  mathematics,  philosophy,  and  theology.  In 
1665  she  took  the  habit  of  a  Benedictine  Oblate  with- 
out, however,  becoming  a  nun.  In  compliance  with 
her  father's  wishes  she  entered  the  University  of 
Padua  and  after  a  brilliant  course  of  study  received 
the  doctorate  in  philosophy.  The  degree  was  con- 
ferred 25  June,  1678,  in  the  cathedral  of  Padua  in 
presence  of  many  persons  eminent  for  learning  and 
rank.  Elena  was  a  member  of  various  academies  and 
was  esteemed  throughout  Europe  for  her  attainments 
and  virtues.  The  last  seven  years  of  her  life  were  de- 
voted to  study  and  charity.  She  was  buried  in  the 
church  of  Santa  Giustina  at  Padua  and  her  statue 
was  placed  in  the  university.  Her  writings,  pub- 
lished at  Parma  in  1688,  include  academic  discourses, 
translations,  and  devotional  treatises.  In  1685  the 
University  of  Padua  caused  a  medal  to  be  struck  in 
her  honour.  In  1895  Abbess  Mathilda  Pynsent  of 
the  English  Benedictine  Nuns  in  Rome  had  Elena's 
tomb  opened,  the  remains  placed  in  a  new  casket,  and 
a  suitable  tablet  inscribed  to  her  memory. 

Biographies  (in  Italian)  by  Deza  (Venice,  1686);  Lupis 
(Venice,  1680);  Bacchini  (Parma,  1688);  more  recently,  Db 
banti  (Rome,  1800);  Abbess  Pynsent,  Life  of  Helen  Lucretia 
Cornaro  (Rome,  1806).  For  an  account  of  the  bibliography  see 
CivUla  CaUolica  (Rome,  1808-1800),  17th  series,  vols.  IV,  V; 
Bailet,  A  Daughter  of  the  Doge*  in  Amer.  Cath.  Quart.  Review 
(Philadelphia,  1806),  XXI,  820. 

E.  A-  Pace. 

Oorneille,  Jean-Baptkte,  French  painter,  etcher, 
and  engraver,  b.  at  Paris  between  1646  and  1649; 
d.  there,  12  April,  1695.  He  was  the  youngest  son 
of  Michel  Corneille  of  Orleans,  and  brother  of  the 
younger  Michel.  He  is  known  as  "the  younger 
Corneille".  His  devoted  father  was  his  teacher 
and  painstakingly  prepared  the  youth  for  his  future 
successes  as  an  historical  painter.  In  1664  he  won 
the  second  prize  and  in  1668  the  first  prize  of  the 
academy.  He  then  went  to  study  in  Rome  and, 
on  his  return  in  1675  was  received  into  the  Royal 
Academy,  painting  for  his  reception-picture  the 
"Punishment  of  Busiris  by  Hercules",  now  one  of 
the  notable  canvases  in  the  Louvre.  He  painted 
in  some  of  the  Paris  churches  and  in  1679  finished 
his  "Deliverance  of  St.  Peter  from  Prison"  for  the 
Cathedral  of  Notre-Dame.  With  Jacques  Vouet 
he  was  employed  on  the  decorations  of  the  Tuiieries. 
In  1692  he  was  appointed  professor  in  the  academy. 

His  style;  like  his  brother's,  was  that  of  the  school 
of  the  Desiderosi,  but  Jean  was  somewhat  inferior 
to  the  younger  Michel  in  composition  and  drawing. 
Many  of  the  paintings  of  this  excellent  artist  were 
engraved  by  contemporaries,  a  few  by  the  great 
Mariette,  and  Jean  himself  engraved  and  etched 
plates  after  his  own  designs  ana  finished  pictures, 
and  after  the  Carracci.  His  work  with  acid  and 
the  burin  was  spirited  and  exhibited  his  thorough 
mastery  of  technic.  He  commenced  and  finished 
his  plates  after  the  manner  of  Agostino  Carracci. 
His  most  important  plates  were:  "Bust  of  Michel- 
angelo", "St.  Bernard",  "Mercury  in  the  Air",  and 
"St.  John  in  the  Wilderness"  (after  Annibale  Car- 
racci). 

For  bibliography,  see  article  Corneille,  Michel  (the 
Younger). 

Leigh  Hunt. 

Oorneille,  Michel,  a  French  painter,  etcher  and 
engraver,  b.  in  Paris  in  1642;  d.  at  the  Gobelins 
manufactory  at  Paris,  16  August,  1708.  He  was  the 
son  of  an  artist,  Michel  Corneille  of  Orleans,  and  on 
this  account  is  sometimes  called  the  "younger  Mi- 
chel".   He  is  also  and  more  commonly  known  as 


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OORNHLLX 


the  "elder  Corneille*'  (Corneille  I'Aittf),  to  distin- 
guish him  from  a  younger  brother,  Jean-Baptiste 
Corneille,  also  a  painter.  His  father  was  the  first 
and  the  most  indefatigable  of  his  teachers;  his  other 
masters  were  Mignard  and  the  celebrated  Lebrun. 
Devoting  himself  wholly,  to  historical  painting,  Mi- 
chel won  the  Academy  Prize  and  went  to  Rome  on 
the  king's  pension ;  but  feeling  his  genius  hampered 
by  the  restrictions  of  the  prize,  he  gave  up  the 
money  so  that  he  might  study  the  antique  in  his  own 
way.  Coming  under  the  then  powerful  influence  of 
the  Eclectics/ne  studied  with. the  Carracci  and  mod- 
elled his  style  on  theirs.  In  1663  he  returned  to 
Paris  and  was  elected  a  member  of  the  Royal  Acad- 
emy, his  picture  on  entering  being  "Our  Lord's  Ap- 
pearance to  St.  Peter  after  His  Resurrection".  In 
1673  he  became  an  adjunct,  and,  in  1690,  a  full,  pro- 
fessor in  the  Academy. 

Corneille  painted  for  the  king  at  Versailles,  Meudon, 
and  Fontainebleau,  and  decorated  in  fresco  many  of 
the  great  Paris  churches,  notably  Notre-Dame,  the 
church  of  the  Capuchins,  and  the  chapel  of  Saint- 
Gregoire  in  the  Invalides.  His  style,  reminiscent  of 
the  old  masters,  is  the  conventional  style  of  the  Ec- 
lectics; his  drawing  is  remarkably  careful  and  exact, 
the  expression  on  the  faces  of  his  religious  subjects 
is  dignified  and  noble,  the  management  of  chiar- 
oscuro excellent,  and  the  composition  harmonious,  but 
suggestive  of  the  Venetian  school.  From  his  insuf- 
ficient knowledge  of  the  composition  of  pigments,  the 
colour  in  many  of  his  pictures  has  suffered  such  a 
change  that  it  is  to-day  disagreeable;  but  the  artist 
possessed  a  good  colour-sense,  and  contemporary 
records  go  to  prove  that  his  colour  was  refined  and 
pleasing.  He  etched  and  engraved  over  a  hundred 
plates  m  a  bold  and  free  style,  for  he  was  a  master 
of  the  line;  but  he  subsequently  spoiled  the  effect  by 
too  much  and  too  precise  work  with  the  graver.  A 
dishonest  dealer  put  Raphael's  name  on  some  of 
Michel  Corneille's  plates,  and  for  a  long  time  no  one 
disputed  their  attribution  to  the  great  master.  For 
many  years  Corneille  resided  at  the  Gobelins  manu- 
factory, and  was  sometimes  called  "Corneille  des 
Gobelins".  Among  his  paintings  are  a  "Repose  in 
Egypt",  now  in  the  Louvre,  and  a  "  Baptism  of  Con- 
stantine",  in  the  museum  at  Bordeaux.  Among  his 
more  important  etched  and  engraved  works  are: 
"The  Nativity";  "Flight  into  Egypt";  "Abraham 
journeying  with  Lot"  (wrongly  ascribed  to  Raphael), 
and  "Jacob  wrestling  with  the  Angel",  a  plate  after 
Annibale  Carracci. 

Mhnoiree  intdita  kut  la  vie  et  lea  ouvrogea  de  V  Acodtmie 
royale  de  peinture  (Paris,  1884);  Attgemeinea  KUnttlerlaikon 
(Berlin,  1870);  Durrien,  La  pemlurea  I'expoeilion  de  primi- 
tife  francait  (Paris,  1904). 

Leigh  Hunt. 

Corneille,  Michel,  the  eldei  Michel,  a  French 
painter,  etcher,  and  engraver,  b.  in  Orleans  about 
1601;  d.  at  Paris,  1664.  He  was  one  of  many  who 
studied  with  that  celebrated  master,  Simon  Vouet, 
who  exerted  a  despotic  influence  over  the  French 
School,  and  impressed  his  artistic  personality  so 
strongly  on  all  his  pupils.  Michel  devoted  himself 
to  historical  paintings,  and  was  one  of  the  twelve 
original  members  of  the  Royal  Academy  at  its  founda- 
tion in  1648.  He  became  its  rector  in  1656.  He  was 
an  excellent  colourist — in  this  more  Venetian  than 
French— and  his  early  style  resembled  that  of  Simon 
Vouet;  later  his  work  had  all  the  merits  and  all  the 
faults  of  the  post-Raphaelite,  or  decadent,  "sweet", 
school  of  Italian  art,  showing  the  far-reaching  in- 
fluence of  the  Carracci.  He  was  long  employed  in 
the  decoration  of  churches  in  Paris,  his  masterpiece 
being  the  celebrated  "St.  Paul  and  St.  Barnabas  at 
Lystra",  painted  for  the  Cathedral  of  Notre-Dame. 
His  etched  and  engraved  work  differed  very  little 
from  that  of  the  Carracci  and  of  his  two  sons.    It  was 


chiefly  reproductive.  Notable  examples  are  the 
"Murder  of  the  Innocents",  after  Raphael,  and  the 
"Virgin  Suckling  the  Infant  Jesus",  after  Lodovioo 
Carracci. 

Meter,  Geschichte  der  framdeiechen  MaUrei  (Leipzig;,  1807) ; 
see,  also,  bibliography  under  Corneille,  Michel  (the  Younger). 

Leigh  Hunt. 

Corneille,  Pierre,  a  French  dramatist,  b.  at 
Rouen,  6  June,  1606;  d.  at  Paris,  1  October,  1684. 
His  father,  Pierre  Corneille,  was  avocat  du  rot  and 
mattre  des  eaux  et  forHs  in  the  Vicomte  of  Rouen. 
His  mother,  Marthe  Lepesant,  belonged  to  an  old 
family  of  Normandy.  He  was  educated  at  the  Jesuit 
college  in  Rouen,  studied  law  at  Caen,  and  was  ad- 
mitted to  the  Bar  in  1624.  Four  years  later  he  was 
granted  the  office  of  Advocate  to  the  Admiralty. 
Although  the  duties  of  his  charge  allowed  him  leisure 
enough  to  follow 
his  poetical  voca- 
tion, he  soon  quitted 
the  Bar  and  went 
to  Paris,  in  1629. 
The  first  comedy 
he  produced,  "M6- 
lite5'  (1629),  met 
with  so  great  a  suc- 
cess that  he  resolved 
to  write  for  the 
stage.  Other  plays 
followed  rapidly: 
"Clitandre"(1632), 
"La  Veuve",  "La 
galerie  du  palais' 
(1633),  "La  sui- 
vante",  "La  place 
royale"  (1634), 
"Medee"  (1635), 
"  L'illusion  comique 


Pierre  Corneille 

(1636).  Cardinal  Richelieu, 
who  took  a  great  interest  in  dramatic  matters  and 
was  even  the  writer  of  several  plays,  realized  that 
the  young  author  had  some  talent  and  enrolled  him, 
in  1633,  among  "the  five  authors",  whose  functions 
consisted  in  revising  and  polishing  the  plays  written 
by  the  great  politician.  Corneille  was  too  indepen- 
dent a  genius  to  get  along  easily  with  the  autocratic 
playwright;  he  was  dismissed,  in  1635,  because  he 
had  no  esprit  de  suite,  and  returned  to  Rouen. 

The  year  1636  saw  the  production  of  "Le  Cid", 
which  marked  the  beginning  of  a  new  epoch  in  the 
French  drama.  Its  remarkable  success  aroused 
Richelieu's  anger  and  jealousy  to  such  a  degree  that 
the  French  Academy,  which  was  so  much  indebted  to 
the  great  cardinal,  was  obliged  to  criticize  the  play  in 
a  public  pamphlet,  known  as  "Les  sentiments  de 
l'Acadeinie  sur  le  Cid",  written,  under  command,  by 
Chapelain.  The  public,  however,  admired  "Le  Cid 
none  the  less,  and,  as  Boileau  said,  "all  Paris  saw 
Rodrigue  with  the  same  eyes  as  Chimene".  After  a 
silence  of  four  years  Corneille  brought  out  "Horace" 
and  "  Cinna  "  (1640) .  The  poet  was  then  in  full  pos- 
session of  his  talent  and  from  this  time  to  the  year 
1651  produced  a  series  of  plays,  most  of  which  are 
masterpieces:  "Polyeucte,  a  Christian  tragedy, 
perhaps  the  most  perfect  of  Corneille's  plays:  "  Pom- 
p6e";  "Le  Menteur"  (1643),  a  comedy;  "Theodore, 
vierge  et  martyre",  a  very  poor  drama  which  failed; 
"La  suite  du  menteur"  (1645);  "Rodogune"  (1646); 
"Heraclius"  (1647);  "Andromede"  (1650);  "Don 
Sanche  d'Aragon"  (1650);  "Nicomede*  (1651).  Cor- 
neille was  elected  to  the  French  Academy  in  1647.  After 
"Pertharite"  (1653),  which  was  a  decided  failure,  he 
resolved  to  quit  the  stage,  and  in  his  retreat  at  Rouen 
began  to  translate  the  " Imitation- of  Christ"  at  the 
solicitation  of  Queen  Anne  of  Austria.  A  few  years 
later,  yielding  to  Fouquet's  entreaties,  he  began  again 
to  write  plays:  "QSdipe"  (1659),  "Sertorius"  (1662), 


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OOBKXLIUS 


"Sophonisbe"  (1663),  "Othon"  (1664),  "Agesilas" 
(1666),  "Attila"  (1667),  "Tite  et  Berenice"  (1670), 
"Pulch6rie"  (1672),  "Surena"  (1674),  which,  in 
spite  of  a  few  sparks  of  genius,  show  too  well  the  de- 
cline of  a  once  powerful  playwright.  Besides  his 
plays  Comeille  wrote  in  prose  "  Discoura  sur  l'art 
aramatique  et  examens"  (1660),  and  contributed 
several  poems  to  the  "Guirlande  de  Julie". 

Comeille  was  a  true  Christian.  For  years  he 
served  as  churchwarden  of  the  church  of  Saint-Sau- 
veur  in  Rouen,  and  discharged  his  duties  most  relig- 
iously. Towards  the  end  of  his  life  he  sold  the 
house  in  which  he  was  born  to  give  a  dowry  to  his 
daughter,  who  entered  the  Order  of  Saint  Dominic. 
In  all  his  dramas  he  constantly  pursued  a  lofty  ideal, 
showing  men  "as  they  should  be",  and  representing 
characters  whose  heroism,  sense  of  duty,  and  readi- 
ness to  self-sacrifice  contain  lessons  of  highest  moral- 
ity. The  standard  text  of  Comeille's  works  is  the 
edition  of  Marty-Laveaux  (2  vols.,  Paris,  1862-68). 

Pi  COT,  La  bibliographic  cornilimne  (Paris,  1876);  Tasche- 
rbatt,  Hist  aire  de  to  vU  et  dee  outrages  de  Pierre  Comeille 
(Paris,  1855);  Sainte-Becve,  Portrait  litUrairee  (1829),  I; 
Nisakd,  Hittoirt  de  to  literature  francaiee  (1844).  II;  Guizot, 
Comeille  et  eon  temps  (18S2);  Godefrot,  Lexique  compare  de 
la  tongue  de  Corneule  (Paris,  1882);  Faouet,  he  dix-septieme 
eietli  (1880);  Bbunetiebb  in  La  grande  encyc,  s.  v.;  Idem, 
Lee  epoaues  du  theatre  francais;  Petit  de  Julleville.  Histoire 
de  la  langue  et  de  la  littirature  {rancaise  (Paris,  1807),  IV, 
863-94S. 

Louis  N.  Delamarre. 

Cornelias,  Jacob,  also  called  Jacob  van  Amster- 
dam or  van  Oostzann,  and  at  times  confounded  with 
a  Walter  van  Assen,  a  Dutch  painter  of  the  first  third 
of  the  sixteenth  century.  Nothing  certain  is  known 
regarding  the  life  of  Cornelisz  nor  of  his  relations  to 
other  artists.  He  was  one  of  the  last  painters  of  the 
Netherlands  who  showed  no  traces  of  Italian  influ- 
ence; however,  his  pupil,  Jan  van  Scorel,  is  regarded 
as  the  first  "Romanist".  In' composition  Cornelisz 
was  natural  and  expressed  agreeable  feeling  in  the 
manner  of  the  old  Flemish  school;  his  colours  are 
rich  and  warm;  his  backgrounds  display  an  attractive 
landscape.  But  besides  mistakes  in  drawing,  an  ugly 
realism  often  detracts  from  his  work.  Pictures  are 
extant  which  it  is  certain  he  painted  in  the  years 
1506-30.  A  small  yet  attractive  altar-piece  in  Berlin 
represents  in  the  foreground  the  Madonna  and  Child 
with  angels  playing  musical  instruments,  while  the 
background  shows  a  landscape;  on  the  wings  are 
depicted  St.  Augustine,  St.  Barbara,  and  the  donor; 
the  outer  sides  of  the  wings  show  St.  Anne  and  St. 
Elizabeth.  An  altar-piece  in  the  Belvedere  at  Vienna, 
representing  St.  Jerome,  is  full  of  force,  variety, 
and  religious  feeling.  St.  Jerome  is  drawing  a  thorn 
out  of  the  foot  of  a  lion;  the  landscape  in  the  back- 
ground shows  scenes  from  the  life  of  the  saint;  on  the 
outside  of  the  doors  is  the  Mass  of  St.  Gregory.  One 
of  the  most  important  works  of  Cornelisz  is  the  "Tri- 
umph of  Religion",  or  the  "Adoration  of  the  Trinity", 
at  Cassel.  At  Antwerp  there  is  an  altar-piece  of  the 
Virgin  with  angels;  another,  representing  the  Cruci- 
fixion, is  at  Cologne.  A  "Nativity"  at  Naples  and 
an  "Adoration  of  the  Magi"  at  Verona  are  carefully 
executed  paintings.  Both  Berlin  and  the  archiepisco- 
pal  museum  at  Antwerp  possess  canvases  representing 
the  Adoration  of  the. Magi;  a  painting  of  the  same 
subject  is  in  private  possession  at  The  Hague.  The 
figure  of  Christ  and  the  drapery  of  Mary  Magdalen  are 
not  pleasing  in  a  picture  at  Cassel  of  the  Risen  Christ, 
painted  by  Cornelisz  in  his  earliest  period.  Another 
canvas  of  a  later  date  shows  Saul  and  the  Witch  of 
Endor. 

Waaoen,  Handbuch  der  deutschen  und  niederlandischen  Ma- 
lereehulm  (Stuttgart,  1882),  I;  Schmidt,  Kunstchronik,  XV; 
Bode,  Repertorium,  IV;  Scheiblxr,  Oemalde  dee  Jakob  Cor- 
nelisz von  Amsterdam  in  Jahrbuch  der  preussischen  Kunstsamm- 
iungen  (1882):  Fbactz,  Getchichte  der  christlichen  Malerei 
(Fraiburc  im  Br.,  1804),  II. 

G.  GlKTUANN. 


Cornelius  (Kosr^Xwt),  a  centurion  of  the  Italic 
cohort,  whose  conversion  at  Csjsarea  with,  his  house- 
hold is  related  in  Acts,  x.  The  Roman  name  Cornelius 
would  indicate  that  he  was  either  a  member  of  the 
distinguished  gens  Cornelia,  or  a  descendant  of  one  of 
its  freedmen — most  likely  the  latter.  The  cohort  in 
which  he  was  centurion  was  probably  the  Cohort  II 
Italica  civium  Romanorum,  which  a  recently  discovered 
inscription  proves  to  have  been  stationed  in  Syria  be- 
fore a.  d.  69.  The  description  of  Cornelius  as  "a  re- 
ligious man,  and  fearing  God  giving  much  alms 

to  the  people"  [i.  e.  the  Jews  (cf.  x,  22)],  shows  that 
he  was  one  of  those  gentiles  commonly,  though  incor- 
rectly, called  proselytes  of  the  gate,  who  worshipped 
the  one  true  God  and  observed  some  of  the  prescrip- 
tions of  the  Mosaic  Law,  but  who  were  not  affiliated 
to  the  Jewish  community  by  circumcision.  He  was 
certainly  not  a  full  proselyte  (Acts,  x,  28,  34  sq.,  45; 
xi,  3).  The  baptism  of  Cornelius  is  an  important 
event  in  the  history  of  the  Early  Church.  The  gates 
of  the  Church,  within  which  thus  far  only  those  who 
were  circumcised  and  observed  the  Law  of  Moses  had 
been  admitted,  were  now  thrown  open  to  the  uncir- 
cumcised  Gentiles  without  the  obligation  of  submit- 
ting to  the  Jewish  ceremonial  laws.  The  innovation 
was  disapproved  by  the  Jewish  Christians  at  Jeru- 
salem (Acts,  xi,  2,  3);  but  when  Peter  had  related  his 
own  and  Cornelius's  vision  and  how  the  Holy  Ghost 
had  come  down  upon  the  new  converts,  opposition 
ceased  (Acts,  xi,  4-18)  except  on  the  part  of  a  few 
extremists.  The  matter  was  finally  settled  at  the 
Council  of  Jerusalem  (Acts,  xv).  According  to  one 
tradition  Cornelius  became  Bishop  of  Caesarea;  accord- 
ing to  another,  Bishop  of  Scepsis  in  Mysia. 

Rams  at,  Cornelius  and  the  Italic  Cohort  in  Expositor  (1898), 
194  sq.;  Acta  SS.,  Feb.,  I,  279  sq.;  Bahonius,  Annates  ad  an. 
41,  n/2;  P.  O.,  I.  1049;  CXIV,  1287;  P.  L..  XXIII,  265. 

F.  Bechtel. 

Cornelius,  Pope,  Martyr  (261  to  263).  We  may 
accept  the  statement  of  the  Liberian  catalogue 
that  he  reigned  two  years,  three  months,  and  ten 
days,  for  Lipsius,  Lightfoot,  and  Hamack  have  shown 
that  this  list  is  a  first-rate  authority  for  this  date. 
His  predecessor,  Fabian,  was  put  to  death  by  Decius, 
20  January,  250.  About  the  beginning  of  March,  251 
the  persecution  slackened,  owing  to  the  absence  of 
the  emperor,  against  whom  two  rivals  had  arisen. 
It  was  possible  to  assemble  sixteen  bishops  at  Rome, 
and  Cornelius  was  elected,  though  against  his  will 
(Cyprian,  Ep.  lv,  24),  "by  the  judgment  of  God  and 
of  Christ,  by  the  testimony  of  almost  all  the  clergy, 
by  the  vote  of  the  people  then  present,  by  the  consent 
of  aged  priests  and  of  good  men,  at  a  time  when  no  one 
had  been  made  before  him,  when  the  place  of  Fabian, 
that  is  the  place  of  Peter,  and  the  step  of  the  sacer- 
dotal chair  were  vacant".  "What  fortitude  in  his 
acceptance  of  the  episcopate,  what  strength  of  mind, 
what  firmness  of  faith,  that  he  took  his  seat  intrepid 
in  the  sacerdotal  chair,  at  a  time  when  the  tyrant  in 
his  hatred  of  bishops  was  making  unspeakable  threats, 
when  he  heard  with  far  more  patience  that  a  rival 
prince  was  arising  against  him,  than  that  a  bishop  of 
God  was  appointed  at  Rome"  (ibid.,  9).  Is  he  not, 
asks  St.  Cyprian,  to  be  numbered  among  the  glorious 
confessors  and  martyrs  who  sat  so  long  awaiting  the 
sword  or  the  cross  or  the  stake  and  every  other  tor- 
ture? 

A  few  weeks  later  the  Roman  priest  Novatian 
made  himself  anti-pope,  and  the  whole  Christian 
world  was  convulsed  by  the  schism  at  Rome.  But  the 
adhesion  of  St.  Cyprian  secured  to  Cornelius  the  hun- 
dred bishops  of  Africa,  and  the  influence  of  St.  Diony- 
sius  the  Great,  Bishop  of  Alexandria,  brought  the 
East  within  a  few  months  to  a  right  decision.  In 
Italy  itself  the  pope  got  together  a  synod  of  sixty 
bishops.  (See  Novatianism.)  Fabius,  Bishop  of 
Antioch,  seems  to  have  wavered.   Three  letters  to 


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him  from  Cornelius  were  known  to  Eusebius,  who 
gives  extracts  from  one  of  them  (Hist.  Eccl.,  VI, 
xliii),  in  which  the  pope  details  the  faults  in  Nova- 
tion's election  and  conduct  with  considerable  bitter- 
ness. We  incidentally  learn  that  in  the  Roman 
Church  there  were  forty-six  priests,  seven  deacons, 
seven  subdeacons,  forty-two  acolytes,  fifty-two  os- 
tiarii,  and  over  one  thousand  five  hundred  widows 
and  persons  in  distress.  From  this  Burnet  estimated 
the  number  of  Christians  in  Rome  at  fifty  thousand, 
so  also  Gibbon;  but  Benson  and  Harnack  think  this 
figure  possibly  too  large.  Pope  Fabian  had  made 
seven  regions;  it  appears  that  each  had  one  deacon, 
one  subdeacon  ana  six  acolytes.  Of  the  letters  of 
Cornelius  to  Cyprian  two  have  come  down  to  us, 
together  with  nine  from  Cyprian  to  the  pope.  Mgr. 
Mercati  has  shown  that  in  the  true  text  the  letters 
of  Cornelius  are  in  the  colloquial  "vulgar  Latin  "of 
the  day,  and  not  in  the  more  classical  style  affected 
by  the  ex-orator  Cyprian  and  the  learned  philosopher 
Novatian.  Cornelius  sanctioned  the  milder  measures 
proposed  by  St.  Cyprian  and  accepted  by  his  Car- 
thaginian council  of  251  for  the  restoration  to  com- 
munion, after  varying  terms  of  penance,  of  those 
who  had  fallen  during  the  Decian  persecution  (see 
Cyprian). 

At  the  beginning  of  253  a  new  persecution  sud- 
denly broke  out.  Cornelius  was  exiled  to  Centum- 
cellaj  (Civita  Vecchia).  There  were  no  defections 
among  the  Roman  Christians,  all  were  confessors. 
The  pope  "led  his  brethren  in  confession",  writes 
Cyprian  (Ep.  lx,  ad  Cora.),  with  a  manifest  reference 
to  the  confession  of  St.  Peter.  "  With  one  heart  and 
one  voice  the  whole  Roman  Church  confessed.  Then 
was  seen,  dearest  Brother,  that  faith  which  the  blessed 
Apostle  praised  in  you  (Rom.,  i,  8);  even  then  he 
foresaw  in  spirit  your  glorious  fortitude  and  firm 
strength."  In  June  Cornelius  died  a  martyr,  as  St. 
Cyprian  repeatedly  calls  him.  The  Libenan  cata- 
logue has  ibi  cum  gloriA  dormicionem  accejrit,  and 
this  may  mean  that  he  died  of  the  rigours  of  his 
banishment,  though  later  accounts  say  that  he  was 
beheaded.  St.  Jerome  says  that  Cornelius  and  Cyp- 
rian suffered  on  the  same  day  in  different  years,  and 
his  careless  statement  has  been  generally  followed. 
The  feast  of  St.  Cyprian  was  in  fact  kept  at  Rome 
at  the  tomb  of  Cornelius,  for  the  fourth  century 
"  Depositio  Martirum"  has  " XVIII  kl  octob  Cypriani 
Africa  Romas  celebratur  in  Callisti".  St.  Cornelius 
was  not  buried  in  the  chapel  of  the  popes,  but  in  an 
adjoining  catacomb,  perhaps  that  of  a  Dranch  of  the 
noble  Cornelii.  His  inscription  is  in  Latin:  Corne- 
lius* martyr*  whereas  those  of  Fabian  and  Lucius 
are  in  Greek  (Northcote  and  Brownlow,  "Roma 
sotteranea",  I,  vi).  His  feast  is  kept  with  that  of 
St.  Cyprian  on  14  September,  possibly  the  day  of  his 
translation  from  Centumcellte  to  the  catacombs. 

The  two  Latin  letters  will  be  found  in  all  editions  of  Cyprian. 
A  better  text  is  in  Mercati,  D'alcuni  nuovi  sussidi  per  la  criiica 
del  teslo  di  S.  Cipriano  (Rome,  1899).  They  will  be  found  with 
Ihe  fragments  in  Constant,  Epp.  Rom.  Pontt.  and  in  Routh, 
Reliquite  Sacra.  There  is  a  spurious  letter  to  St.  Cyprian  in 
the  appendix  to  his  works,  another  to  Lupicinus  of  Vienne,  and 
two  more  were  forged  by  Pseudo-Iridore.  All  these  will  be 
found  in  the  collections  of  councils  and  in  Miom.  The  pseudo- 
Cyprianie  Ad  Nomtianum  is  attributed  to  Cornelius  by  Nelkb, 
Dir  Chronol.  iter  Correspondent  Cyprians  (Thorn,  1902);  but  it 
i*  by  an  unknown  contemporary.  On  Cornelius  see  Tti.lemovt, 
III;  AdaSS.  14  Sept.;  Benson.  Cyprian  (London,  1897).  The 
Act,  of  St.  Cornelius  are  valueless.        John  Chapman. 

Cornelius,  Peter,  later  when  ennobled,  von  Cor- 
nelius, b.  at  DQsseldorf,  23  September,  1783;  d.  at 
Berlin,  6  March,  1867.  In  1811  he  went  to  Rome, 
where  he  stayed  until  1819.  Returning  home  he  be- 
came director  of  the  Academy  of  Fine  Arts  at  DQssel- 
dorf; while  at  Dusseldorf  he  also  executed  works  on 
a  large  scale  for  the  Crown-Prince  of  Bavaria,  later 
Louis  I.  In  1825  Cornelius  was  appointed  director 
of  the  Academy  at  Munich,  and  for  a  long  time 


V 


Louis  I  of  Bavaria  was  his  liberal  patron.  After  fif- 
teen years,  however,  misunderstandings  and  the 
envy  of  detractors  obliged  Cornelius  to  accept  the 
position  offered  him  by  Frederick  IV  of  Prussia  as 
director  of  the  Academy  of  Fine  Arts  at  Berlin, 
which  office  he  retained  until  his  death.  Cornelius 
early  developed  poetic  imagination,  great  ene  . 
courage  for  large  undertakings,  and  technical  sk 
He  felt  himself  called  to  accomplish  great  tasks,  and 
soon  occupied  himself  with  a  large  theme,  the  illus- 
tration of  Goethe's  "Faust".  The  publication  of 
the  first  six  sheets  furnished  Cornelius  with  the 
means  for  his  first  visit  to  Rome.  Here  he  joined 
the  Italian  colony 
of  German  artists, 
the  so-called  "Naz- 
arene  painters", 
and  "Was  power- 
fully stimulated 
both  by  working 
with  them  and  by 
their  enthusiasm 
for  a  new  school 
of  German-Chris- 
tian art.  This  in- 
tercourse, how- 
ever, entailed  no 
loss  of  his  inde- 
pendence and  na- 
tive force.  He 
drew  the  remain- 
ing six  pictures 
for  "Faust",  illus- 
trated the  "  Romeo  Peter  von  Cornel™ 
and  Juliet"  of  Shakespeare,  whose  works  just  at  this 
period  were  becoming  better  known  in  Germany, 
and  filled  by  the  rising  national  spirit  of  his  country 
made  drawings  for  the  old  German  epic,  the  "Niebel- 
ungenlied". 

While  at  Rome  his  longing  to  express  great  con- 
ceptions in  fresco-painting  on  a  large  scale  had  its 
first  opportunity  of  fulfilment.  The  Prussian  am- 
bassador, Bartholdy,  gave  a  commission  to  the  Ger- 
man painters  for  the  decoration  of  his  house  on 
Monte  Pincio  with  frescoes  from  the  Old-Testament 
story  of  Joseph;  through  Bartholdy's  influence  the 
same  painters  received  an  order  from  the  Marchese 
Massimi  to  paint  frescoes  from  the  works  of  Ariosto, 
Tasso,  and  Dante  in  his  villa  near  the  Lateran. 
Some  of  these  frescoes  have  a  deservedly  high  repu- 
tation, as:  "Joseph  before  Pharao",  "Joseph  and  his 
Brethren",  "  Dante  before  Peter,  James,  and  John", 
as  well  as  other  groups  in  the  cartoons  for  scenes  in 
Paradise.  Three  of  the  Dante  cartoons  were  com- 
pleted, but  one  of  them  has  since  vanished.  The 
superiority  of  Cornelius  to  the  entire  circle  of  his 
artist-friends,  Overbeck  included,  became  so  clear  to 
men  like  Niebuhr  and  Prince  Louis  of  Bavaria  that 
the  two  positions  above-mentioned,  at  Dusseldorf 
and  Munich,  were  offered  him.  No  longer  hampered 
by  material  cares  or  artistic  limitations,  Cornelius 
had  now  full  opportunity  and  a  fine  field  for  the 
carrying  out  of  nis  ideals.  A  commanding  place  in 
the  artistic  world  of  his  own  country  was  a  long 
time  assured  him,  and  the  attainment  of  his  hopes 
for  the  development  of  art  on  a  heroic  scale  in  Ger- 
many seemed  near.  The  first  ten  years  of  his  life  in 
Dusseldorf  and  Munich  as  a  professor  and  working 
artist  formed  a  period  of  great  renown  and  success. 

As  director  Cornelius  took  up  with  vigour  the  re- 
organization of  the  art  academies  of  Munich  and 
Dusseldorf,  but  his  influence  in  the  latter  city  was 
not  permanent.  After  he  had  made  Munich  his  per- 
manent residence  and  most  of  his  friends  had  fol- 
lowed him  there,  the  academy  at  Dusseldorf,  under 
the  direction  of  Schadow,  pursued  other  aims,  one  of 
the  main  differences  being  that  the  scheme  of  de- 


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0OBMSLIU8 


veloping  painting  in  fresco  on  a  heroic  scale  was 
abandoned.  At  the  same  time  Cornelius  did  not 
find  at  Munich  all  the  assistants  he  had  wished; 
above  all  Ovcrbeck  had  not  followed  him.  Besides 
this  the  pupils  did  not  meet  the  great  problems  of 
painting  in  fresco  with  skill  equal  to  his;  he  was  also 
not  able  to  obtain  in  every  case  competent  teachers 
for  the  theoretical  instruction  in  the  subsidiary 
sciences  which  at  that  time  he  held  to  be  absolutely 
essential.  Moreover,  the  favour  of  the  king  was  too 
extreme  to  be  permanent,  nor  could  it  fail  to  arouse 
envy.  After  1820  Cornelius  and  his  pupils  decorated 
two  halls  and  an  entrance  chamber  of  the  Glyptothek 
at  Munich,  a  building  intended  for  the  exhibition  of 
ancient  sculpture.  The  subjects  were,  for  the  two 
halls,  the  gods  and  heroes  of  classic  antiquity  and, 
for  the  entrance  chamber,  the  history  of  primitive 
man,  the  compositions  being  based  on  Greek  my- 
thology. The  selection  gave  the  artist  the  oppor- 
tunity of  presenting  beautiful  forms,  strong  action, 



The  Four  Kni 


I't.TKH  VON 


and  lofty  ideals;  at  the  same  time  he  could  make  use 
of  symbolical  allusions  as  they  are  conceived  by 
Dante. 

Cornelius  has  been  called  a  poet  and  thinker;  the 
loftiness  and  unity  of  conception  displayed  by  these 
frescoes  justify  the  assertion.  The  mastery  of  the 
difficult  proportion  of  space  shown  is  astonishing; 
the  surfaces  seem  to  have  been  planned  for  the  fres- 
coes and  not  the  frescoes  for  the  spaces.  On  the 
other  hand,  the  inequality  of  execution  especially  in 
regard  to  colour  is  very  striking.  Cornelius  allowed 
great  liberty  to  his  unequally  gifted  pupils;  still 
much  of  the  work,  especially  what  he  painted  him- 
self, is  excellently  carried  out,  as:  "The  Fall  of  Troy", 
"The  Judges  of  the  Lower  World",  "Eros  with  an 
Eagle",  and '  'Eros  with  Cerberus".  It  must  be  acknowl- 
edged that  Cornelius  was  not  strong  in  colour,  although 
his  frescoes  from  the  life  of  Joseph  in  the  Villa  Bar- 
tholdy  are  in  all  particulars  satisfactory.  King 
Louis  I  allowed  him  to  make  only  the  drawings  for 
the  loggias  of  the  Pinakothek;  the  execution  of  the 
work  was  entrusted  to  Clemens  Zimmermann.  In 
these  designs  Cornelius  gave  in  an  unconstrained 
manner,  yet  one  full  of  thought  and  imagination, 
the  history  of  German  and  Italian  painting.  He 
hoped  to  have  an  opportunity  in  the  new  church, 
the  "  Ludwigskirche  ,  to  create  a  Christian  epic 
which  should  be  a  Divine  Comedy  in  colour,  but  to 
his  bitter  disappointment  he  was  only  commissioned 
to  decorate  tne  choir  and  transept.  The  subject 
chosen  for  delineation  was  the  Christian  conception 
of  the  Creation,  Redemption,  and  the  Last  Judg- 
ment; the  gigantic  fresco  of  the  Judgment,  contain- 
ing 2500  square  feet,  was  painted  by  Cornelius  him- 
self (1836-39).  Farts  of  the  fresco  show  great  merit 
in  composition  and  drawing;  a  reverent  composure 


and  the  avoidance  of  repellent  nudity  distinguish  the 
painting  from  Michelangelo's  "Judgment  on  the 
altar  wall  of  the  Sistine  Chapel.  The  colour  scheme, 
it  must  be  acknowledged,  is  somewhat  lacking  in 
harmony,  and  the  light  in  the  church  is  unfavourable. 
King  Louis  saw  the  fresco  under  peculiarly  unfor- 
tunate circumstances,  and  Cornelius  fell  into  dis- 
grace. 

In  1841  he  went  to  Berlin  where  the  art-loving 
Frederick  William  IV  became  his  unwavering  patron. 
While  at  Berlin  he  drew  for  the  royal  mausoleum 
planned  by  the  king  the  celebrated  cartoons:  "Christ 
Conquering  Sin",  intended  for  the  east  wall  of  a 
cloister  designed  in  connexion  with  a  new  cathedral; 
"Christ  Conquering  Death",  for  the  west  wall  of  the 
cloister;  "Christ  in  His  Church",  for  the  south  wall, 
and  "Christ  at  the  End  of  the  World",  taken  from 
the  imagery  of  the  Apocalypse,  for  the  north  wall. 
In  harmony  with  the  scheme  of  the  cartoons  is  the 
painting  for  the  apse  of  the  intended  cathedral, 

Mankind  Awaiting  the  Day  of  Judgment",  com- 

Sleted  by  Cornelius  in  1856.  During  his  residence  at 
«rlin  Cornelius  produced  his  most  mature  work  as 
a  draughtsman;  his  designs  were  at  all  times  so  com- 
plete that  they  were  not  certain  to  gain  by  execu- 
tion in  colour.  The  cartoons  for  the  royal  mauso- 
leum, of  which  the  one  for  the  north  wall  was  on  the 
scale  of  the  intended  fresco,  met  fairly  undisputed 
approval.  His  work  as  head  of  the  German  School 
at  Rome  and  as  leader  in  Germany  of  aspiring 
artists  gives  Cornelius  the  position  of  a  pioneer  of  the 
nineteenth  century  in  asserting  high  ideals  and  in 
developing  technic  on  the  heroic  scale. 

H.  Grimm.  Neue  £mi)  (Berlin,  1865);  Von  Wolzooen, 
Peter  von  Cornelius  (Berlin,  1867);  Rieoel,  Cornelius,  dar 
Meisler  der  deutschen  Malerei  (Hanover,  1870);  FSrsteh, 
Peter  von  Cornelius,  ein  Gedmkbuch  (Berlin,  1874);  Carriers 
in  Neuer  Plutarch  (Leipzig,  1880);  Eckebt,  Peter  Cornelius 
(Bielefeld,  1906),  gives  on  p.  131  a  complete  bibliography. 

G.  GlETMANN. 

Cornelius  Oornelii  a  Lapide  (Corn  el  is  Corne- 
H88EN  van  den  Steen),  Flemish  Jesuit  and  exegete, 
b.  at  Bocholt,  in  Flemish  Limburg,  18  December, 
1567;  d.  at  Rome,  12  March,  1637.  He  studied  hu- 
manities and  philosophy  at  the  Jesuit  colleges  of 
Maastricht  and  Cologne,  theology  first,  for  half  a  year, 
at  the  University  of  Douai,  and  afterwards  for  four 
years  at  Lou  vain;  he  entered  the  Society  of  Jesus,  11 
June,  1592,  and,  after  two  years'  novitiate  and  another 
year  of  theology,  was  ordained  priest  24  December, 
1595.  After  teaching  philosophy  for  half  a  year,  he  was 
made  professor  of  Holy  Scripture  at  Louvain  m  1596 
and  next  year  of  Hebrew  also.  Twenty  years  later, 
in  1616,  he  was  called  to  Rome  in  the  same  capacity, 
where,  on  the  3rd  of  November,  he  assumed  the  office 
which  he  filled  with  such  renown  for  many  years  after. 
The  latter  years  of  his  life,  however,  he  seems  to  have 
devoted  exclusively  to  finishing  and  correcting  his 
celebrated  commentaries.  He  was  a  sincerely  pious 
and  zealous  priest  and  an  exemplary  religious.  Dur- 
ing his  professorship  at  Louvain  he  liked  to  spend  his 
holidays  preaching  and  administering  the  sacraments, 
especially  at  the  pilgrimage  of  Scherpenheuvel  (Mon- 
taigu).  With  moving  simplicity  and  truth  he  por- 
trayed himself  in  an  emotional  prayer  to  the  Prophets 
at  the  end  of  his  commentary  on  Daniel:  "For 
nearly  thirty  years  I  suffer  with  and  for  you  with 
gladness  the  continual  martyrdom  of  religious  life, 
the  martyrdom  of  illness,  the  martyrdom  of  study  and 
writing;  obtain  for  me  also,  I  beseech  you,  to  crown 
all,  the  fourth  martyrdom,  of  blood.  For  you  I  have 
spent  my  vital  and  animal  spirits;  I  will  spend  my 
blood  too."  With  his  brethren  in  religion  at  Rome 
he  enjoyed  so  high  a  reputation  for  sanctity  that, 
when  he  died,  they  gave  him  a  separate  burial  place, 
in  order  to  be  the  more  certain  of  finding  his  bones 
when  eventually,  as  they  hoped,  he  should  receive  the 
honour  of  beatification. 


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Cornelius  a  Lapide  wrote  ample  commentaries  on  all 
the  books  of  the  Catholic  Canon  of  Scripture,  with  the 
exception  onlv  of  Job  and  the  Psalms.  Even  before 
leaving  Flanders,  he  edited  the  "Commentarius  in 
omnes  divi  Pauk  epistolas"  (1614)  and  "in  Penta- 
teuchum"  (1616),  both  at  Antwerp.  The  commen- 
taries on  the  Greater  and  Lesser  Prophets,  on  the 
Acts  of  the  Apostles,  the  Canonical  Epistles  and  the 
Apocalypse,  Ecclesiasticus  and  the  Proverbs,  fol- 
lowed later  on.  The  rest  were  edited  only  after  his 
death;  but  all  of  them  have  been  several  times  re- 
edited,  both  separately  and  collectively.  Of  the 
Commentary  on  the  Epistles  of  St.  Paul  he  himself 
was  permitted  to  see  at  least  eleven  editions.  The 
complete  series,  with  Job  and  the  Psalms  added  by 
other  hands,  appeared  at  Antwerp,  1681,  1714;  at 
Venice,  1717,  1740,  1798;  at  Cologne,  1732;  at  Turin, 
1838;  at  Lyons,  1839-42,  1865  and  1866;  at  Malta, 
1843-46;  at  Naples,  1854;  at  Lyons  and  Paris,  1855 
and  1856;  at  Milan,  1857;  at  Paris,  1859-63.  The 
last-mentioned  edition  has  been  enriched  by  Crampon 
andPeronne  with  many  annotations  from  more  recent 
interpreters.  All  these  commentaries  are  on  a  very 
large  scale.  They  explain  not  only  the  literal,  but  also 
the  allegorical,  tropological,  and  anagogical  sense  of  the 
sacred  text,  and  furnish  a  large  number  of  quotations 
from  the  Fathers  and  the  later  interpreters  of  Holy 
Writ  during  the  Middle  Ages.  Like  most  of  his  pre- 
decessors and  contemporaries,  a  Lapide  intends  to 
serve  not  only  the  historical  and  scientific  study  of 
the  Bible,  but,  even  more,  the  purposes  of  pious  medi- 
tation, and  especially  of  pulpit  exposition.  An  ex- 
tract from  the  commentary  on  the  Acts  appeared 
in  1737  at  Tvrnau,  under  the  title:  "Effigies  Sancti 
Pauli,  sive  idea  vitte  apostolicte".  A  large  work  in 
4  vols.,  "Lea  tresors  de  Cornelius  a  Lapide:  ex- 
traits  de  ses  commentaires  de  l'ecriture  sainte  a 
1 'usage  des  pretiicateurs,  des  communautes  et  des 
families  chrgtiennes  ",  by  the  Abb6  Barbier,  was  pub- 
lished at  Le  Mans  and  Paris,  1856,  re-edited  at  Paris, 
1859,  1872,  1876,  1885,  1896;  and  an  Italian  transla- 
tion of  the  same,  by  F.  M.  Faber,  appeared  at  Parma, 
1869-70,  in  10  vols.,  16  mo. 

These  numerous  editions  show  how  highly  these 
works  are  estimated  by  Catholics.  But  Protestant 
voices  have  joined  in  the  appreciation.  G.  H.  Goe- 
tzius  (Leipzig,  1699)  wrote  an  academical  disserta- 
tion, "Exercitatio  theologica  de  Cornelii  a  Lapide 
Commentariis  in  Sac  ram  Scripturam",  in  which  he 
praises  the  Jesuit  author  as  the  most  important  of 
Catholic  Scriptural  writers.  An  English  translation 
of  the  complete  commentaries  was  undertaken  by  the 
Rev.  Thomas  W.  Mossman,  an  Anglican  clergyman, 
under  the  title,  "The  great  Commentary  of  Cornelius 

a  Lapide"  (London,  1876  ).   A  manuscript  in  the 

Vatican  Library  contains  an  Arabic  translation  of  the 
Commentary  on  the  Apocalypse,  by  Yusuf  ibn  Girgis 
(beginning  of  the  eighteenth  century).  The  same 
Maronite  writer  is  said  to  have  translated  the  Com- 
mentary on  the  Epistles  of  St.  Paul. 

Terwecorf.n,  Corneliue  a  Lapide  in  Collection  de  pride  hie- 
toriqua  (Brussels,  1857),  810-14,  630-46;  De  Backer  and 
Sommervogel.  Bibl.  de  la  c.  de  J.  (Brussels  and  Paris,  1893), 
IV,  1511-26,  IX  (1900),  573. 

John  P.  van  Kasteren. 

Oornely,  Karl  Josef  Rudolf,  German  Biblical 
scholar  and  Jesuit,  b.  19  April,  1830,  at  Breyell  in 
Germany;  d.  at  Treves,  3  March,  1908.  On  the  com- 
pletion of  his  classical  studies  he  matriculated  at 
Monster  in  Westphalia  to  study  philology  and  theol- 
ogy. In  1852  he  joined  the  Society  of  Jesus.  Re- 
cognizing his  abilities,  his  superiors  determined  to  give 
him  the  best  possible  training  both  practical  and  theo- 
retical. Consequently,  his  novitiate  finished,  he  took 
a  two  years'  course  of  Scholastic  philosophy  at  Pader- 
born  and  Bonn  and  another  year  of  sacred  and  profane 
oratory.    Then  he  was  sent  to  Feldkirch  to  teach 


Latin,  Greek,  and  German,  and  to  preside  at  the  dispu- 
tations of  the  students  of  philosophy  from  1857  to 
1859.  After  this  practical  experience  he  returned  to 
Paderborn  to  go  through  the  necessary  course  of  dog- 
matic and  moral  theology  previous  to  his  ordination 
in  1860.  The  next  years  he  devoted  to  special  study 
of  the  Scriptural  sciences  and  languages  in  Germany, 
at  Ghazir  near  Beirut,  in  Egypt,  and  in  Paris,  and  by 
dint  of  hard  labour  acquired  an  extensive  knowledge 
of  Syriac,  Arabic,  Samaritan,  and  Aramaic.  After 
five  years  thus  spent  in  special  work,  he  was  recalled 
to  Maria-Laach,  the  theologate  of  the  Society,  to 
review  his  varied  acquirements  in  the  light  of  dog- 
matic theology  and  to  prepare  his  theses  for  the  final 
examination  and  the  degree  of  Doctor  in  the  Society. 
After  the  customary  third  year  of  probation  spent  in 
study  and  practice  of  the  exercises  and  the  Institute 
of  St.  Ignatius,  he  was  appointed  professor  of  Scrip- 
ture and  Oriental  languages  at  Maria-Laach. 

When  the  Jesuits  founded  the  periodical  "Stimmen 
aus  Maria-Laach",  Father  Comely  became  at  first  a 
regular  contributor  and  then  its  editor  from  1872  to 
1879.  His  style  is  remarkable  for  clearness  and 
vigour  and  compares  favourably  with  the  great  Ger- 
man classics.  The  ring  of  indignation  and  irony  in 
his  articles  against  the  Old  Catholics,  on  the  Protes- 
tant Association,  and  on  political  hypocrisy  finds  its 
explanation  in  the  unwarranted  attacks  and  in  the 
relentless  persecution  of  the  Church  and  of  the  order 
to  which  he  belonged.  The  expulsion  of  the  Jesuits 
from  Germany  in  1872  interrupted  his  career  as  a  pro- 
fessor and  rendered  the  task  of  the  editor  extremely 
difficult.  With  three  or  four  of  his  brethren  he  took 
up  his  residence  at  Tervueren  near  Brussels,  and 
though  many  of  his  collaborators  and  the  rich  library 
of  Maria-Laach  were  scattered  about  in  different 
places,  he  succeeded  not  only  in  maintaining  the  peri- 
odical on  its  former  level  but  also  in  strengthening  and 
widening  its  influence  on  Catholic  Germany.  Most  of 
the  men  who  from  that  time  on  contributed  to  the 
"Stimmen"  were  won  and  trained  by  the  magnetic 
personality  of  Comely,  who  frequently  inspired  and 
always  carefully  revised  their  papers,  thus  securing 
uniformity  of  tone  and  tendency.  An  important 
stage  in  the  development  of  the  "Stimmen"  was 
marked  by  the  appearance  of  the  first  supplements 
(Erganzungshefte),  in  1876.  This  new  departure  was 
occasioned  by  the  numerous  philosophic  writings  of 
Father  Tilmann  Pesch.  They  could  not  all  be  pub- 
lished in  the  "Stimmen"  without  altering  the  general 
character  of  the  periodical  and  sacrificing  the  interest 
of  some  classes  of  readers.  They  might,  of  course, 
have  been  separately  published  in  book  form.  But 
Comely  was  of  opinion  that  a  series  of  supplements  to 
a  widely  read  review  would  reach  larger  numbers  and 
would  m  a  manner  offset  the  numerous  non-Catholic 
publications  of  a  similar  character.  The  supplements 
embody  the  most  varied  scholarship:  theology,  philo- 
sophy, literature,  and  science. 

To  quicken  the  interest  of  his  countrymen  in  the 
missionary  work  of  the  Church,  FatherCornelyfounded 
in  1873  'Die  katholischen  Missionen".  Intended 
for  German  readers  this  magazine  was  above  all  to 
describe  the  labours  and  successes  of  the  German  mis- 
sionary and  to  give  the  history,  the  geography,  and 
the  ethnographic  features  of  the  German  missions  in 
foreign  countries.  In  the  beginning  Comely  took  the 
lion's  share  of  the  work  upon  himself.  Soon,  how- 
ever, the  labour  was  thus  divided:  Comely  wrote  the 
reports  on  Europe  and  Australia;  Baumgartner  re- 
ported on  Asia;  Kreiten  on  Africa;  and  von  Hum- 
melauer  on  America.  In  1879  Comely  was  appointed 
professor  of  exegesis  at  the  Gregorian  University  in 
Rome.  Here  he  planned  and  wrote  the  first  volumes 
of  the  "Cursus  Scriptuwe  Sacra",  a  complete  Biblical 
encyclopedia,  the  largest  publication  of  its  kind  in 
modem  Catholic  literature.   To  carry  out  a  plan  so 


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vast  required  the  combined  efforts  of  many  scholars. 
Comely  himself  undertook  to  write  the  general  and 
special  introductions  and  the  commentaries  on  the 
Epistles  of  St.  Paul.  Even  this  task  he  could  not 
complete,  although  he  discontinued  lecturing  in  1889 
to  devote  all  his  energies  to  the  greatest  work  of  his 
laborious  life.  Among  his  writings  are:  "  Introductio 
generalis  in  U.  T.  libroe  sacros"  (Paris,  1893) :  "  Intro- 
ductio specialis  in  historioos  V.  T.  libros  (Paris, 
1897) ;  "  Introductio  specialis  in  didacticos  et  propheti- 
cos  V.  T.  hbros"  (Pans.  1897);  "Introductio  specialis 
in  singulos  N.  T.  libros''  (Paris,  1897);  "Histories  et 
critics  Introductions  in  U.  T.  libros  Compendium" 
(Paris,  1900);  "Synopses  omnium  librorum  sacro- 
rum"  (Paris,  1899);  "Psalmorum  synopses"  (Paris, 
1899);  "Analyses  librorum  sacrorum  N.  T."  (Paris, 
1888);  "Commentarius  in  priorem  ep.  ad  Corinthios" 
(Paris,  1890);  "Commentarius  in  epistolas  ad  Cor. 
alteram  et  ad  Galatas"  (Paris,  1892);  "Commenta- 
rius in  ep.  ad  Romance"  (Paris,  1896);  "Leben  des 
sel.  Petrus  Faber"  (Freiburg,  1900);  "Leben  des  sel. 
Spinola"  (Mains,  1868). 

Baumoajctneb,  Stimmen  am  Marim-Laach,  LXXIV,  IV,  357. 

Peter  Schweitzer. 

Cornet,  Nicolas,  a  French  theologian,  b.  at 
Amiens,  1572;  d.  at  Paris,  1663.  He  studied  at  the 
Jesuit  college  of  his  native  place,  took  the  doctorate 
of  theology  at  the  University  of  Paris,  1626,  and  soon 
became  president  of  the  College  de  Navarre  and 
syndic  of  the  Sorbonne  or  faculty  of  theology.  In 
this  latter  capacity  he  reported  to  the  assembly  of  the 
Sorbonne,  1649,  seven  propositions,  two  taken  from 
Arnauld's  "Fr4quente  Communion"  and  five  from 
the  "Augustinus"  of  Jansenius.  In  spite  of  strong 
opposition  created  by  members  of  the  faculty  who, 
with  Saint-Amour,  appealed  to  Parliament  and  by 
Jansenists  like  De  Bourseis  in  "  Propositiones  de 
gratia  in  Sorbonnse  facilitate  prope  diem  examin- 
andae,  propositte  Cal.  Junii  1649",  and  Arnauld  in 
"  Considerations  sur  I'entreprise  faite  par  M.  Cornet, 
syndic  de  la  faculty,  en  1' assembled  de  Juillet  1649", 
he  succeeded  in  having  the  Assembly  of  the  Clergy  of 
1650  denounce  the  five  propositions  of  the  "  Augus- 
tinus" to  Pope  Innocent  X,  who  condemned  them, 
31  May,  1653  (Denzinger,  Enchiridion,  nos.  1092  (966) 
sqq.).  Maligned  by  Jansenist  writers  like  Hermant, 
Cornet  was  held  in  high  esteem  by  Richelieu  and 
Mazarin.   His  eulogy  was  pronounced  by  no  less  a 

STBonage  than  Bossuet  himself  (Oraison  funehre  de 
essire  Nicolas  Cornet).  He  left  no  writings,  but  is 
said  to  have  collaborated  with  Richelieu  on  the 
"Methbdes  de  controverae". 

Rapin,  Mtmoiret  (Paris,  1865):  Sainte-Bedve,  Port- 
Royal  (Paris,  1871);  Rohbbacheb,  Hietoire  univmelle  (Paris, 
1885),  XI.  9.  160.  J.  F.  SOLLIER. 

Oorneto-Tarquinia,  Diocese  of.  See  Civitavec- 
chia AND  CORNETO. 

Cornice,  the  uppermost  division  of  the  entabla- 
ture, the  representative  of  the  roof,  of  an  order,  con- 
sisting of  projecting  mouldings  and  blocks,  usually 
divisible  into  bed-moulding,  corona,  and  gutter.  In 
classic  architecture  each  of  the  orders  has  its  peculiar 
cornice.  Any  moulded  projection  which  crowns  or 
finishes  the  part  to  which  it  is  affixed,  as  the  coping 
of  a  facade,  the  moulding  that  runs  round  an  apart- 
ment under  the  ceiling,  or  surmounts  a  door,  window, 
etc. 

AMDEBaoN  and  Spiers,  Arch,  of  Greece  and  Rome  (London, 
1908);  Rosen gakten.  Architectural  Stylet  (New  York,  1901); 
Ron,  Ancient  Art  (New  York,  London,  1904) ;  Stcrgis,  Dirt, 
of  Arch,  and  Building  (New  York,  1904) ;  Pabkkr,  Glouary  of 
Arch.  (London,  1845);  Qwii/r.  Ency.  of  Arch.  (New  York, 
Bombay,  1903).  THOMAS  H.  POOLE. 

Oomillon,  Abbey  or,  founded  by  Albert),  Bishop  of 
Liege,  in  1124,  three  years  after  St.  Norbert  had 
formed  the  Premonstratensian  Order.   The  abbey 


was  intended  for  Canons  Regular  of  Premontre'  who 
had  been  sent  from  the  Abbey  of  Floreffe  near  Namur; 
it  stood  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Meuse  on  an  elevation 
called  Mont  Comillon  which  overlooked  the  city  of 
Liege.  In  the  early  years  of  the  order  all  Norbertine 
abbeys  were  double  abbeys,  that  is  to  say,  the  canons 
lived  on  one  side  of  the  church  and  the  Norbertine 
nuns,  who  had  charge  of  the  hospital  for  women, 
dwelt  on  the"  other  side.  Where  an  abbey  stood  on  an 
elevation,  as  was  the  case  at  Comillon,  both  the  nun- 
nery and  the  hospital  were  erected  at  the  foot  of  the 
hill.  St.  Juliana  of  Comillon  (b.  ll93;  d.  1258), 
whose  name  is  connected  with  the  institution  of  the 
feast  of  Corpus  Christi,  was  a  nun  of  this  convent. 
The  first  abbot  of  Comillon  was  Blessed  Lucas,  one  of 
St.  Norbert's  disciples,  a  learned  and  holy  religious, 
some  of  whose  writings  have  been  published  in  the 
"Bibliotheca  Magna  Patrum",  and  also  by  Migne. 
The  Bishop  of  Liege,  wishing  to  build  a  fortress  on  the 
heights  of  Comillon,  gave  in  1288,  in  exchange  to  the 
Norbertine  canons,  another  place  in  his  episcopal  city 
where  the  abbey,  now  called  Beaurepart  (Bellus  Redi- 
tus),  stood  until  it  was  suppressed  by  the  French  Re- 
public in  1796.  All  the  religious  refused  to  take  the 
oath  of  allegiance  to  the  Republic:  some  were  exiled 
and  one  was  put  to  death.  The  abbey  was  declared 
to  be  of  public  utility,  consequently  it  was  not  sold; 
for  a  time  it  served  as  an  arsenal  and  for  other  govern- 
ment purposes,  but  by  decree  of  11  June,  1809,  Napo- 
leon gave  the  abbey  to  the  Bishop  of  Liege,  as  the 
bishop's  residence  and  diocesan  seminary.  Where 
the  Abbey  of  Mont  Comillon  originally  stood  the 
Little  Sisters  of  the  Poor  have  erected  a  home  for  old 
people,  and  close  to  the  home,  but  below,  at  the  foot  of 
the  hill,  the  former  convent  is  now  inhabited  by  Car- 
melite nuns.  Part  of  the  church  of  the  nuns  has  re- 
mained as  it  was  when  St.  Juliana  of  Comillon  prayed 
in  it  and  was  favoured  with  visions  which  led  to  the 
institution  of  the  feast  of  Corpus  Christi. 

Huoo,  Annal.  Pram.  (Nantes,  1734-36);  Dahis,  Hittoire  de 
Liege  (Liege,  1868-85). 

F.  M.  Geudens. 

Oornoldi,  Giovanni  Maria,  professor,  author,  and 
preacher,  bom  at  Venice,  29  Sept.,  1822;  d.  at  Rome, 
18  Jan.,  1892.  He  entered  the  Society  of  Jesus  in 
1840  and  taught  philosophy  at  Bressanone  and  Padua 
for  many  years.  From  1880  until  his  death  he  be- 
longed to  the  editorial  staff  of  the  "Civilta  Cattolica", 
at  Rome  and  often  preached  at  the  church  of  the  Gesu. 
He  was  an  ardent  disciple  of  St.  Thomas  and  wrote 
many  works  in  explanation  of  his  doctrine  and  in  refu- 
tation of  Rosmimanism.  His  "Lezioni  di  Filosofia" 
(Rome,  1872)  was  translated  into  Latin  by  Cardinal 
Agostini  under  the  title  "  Institutiones  Philosophies 
ad  mentem  divi  Thomse  Aquinatis".  In  addition  to 
his  purely  philosophical  writings  he  published  a  com- 
mentary on  the  "Divina  Commedia  of  Dante,  illus- 
trated from  philosophy  and  theology.  He  founded 
academies  in  honour  of  St.  Thomas  at  Bologna  and  at 
Rome  and  established  two  periodicals,  "La  Scienza 
Italiana"  and  the  journal  of  the  "Accademia  di  S. 
Tommaso  ".  He  was  a  man  of  great  amiability,  zeal- 
ous and  fervent  in  religious  life. 

CivUla  Cattolica,  1892, 1,  348-352,  gives  a  full  list  of  his  writ- 
ings; Huhter,  Nomenclator. 

John  Corbett. 
Oornonailles,  Diocese  or.   See  Quimper. 
Ooro.   See  Caracas. 

Ooronado,  Francisco  Vasquez  de,  explorer,  b.  at 
Salamanca,  Spain,  1500;  d.  in  Mexico,  1553.  He 
went  to  Mexico  before  1538,  and  is  said  to  have 
been  a  favourite  of  the  viceroy  Don  Antonio  de  Men- 
doza,  who  appointed  him  Governor  of  New  Galicia  in 
1538.    In  the  year  following,  on  the  strength  of  the 


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statements  of  Cabeza  de  Vaca  and  other  vague  re- 
ports, the  viceroy  sent  Father  Marcos  of  Nizza  with 
the  negro  or  Moor  EsteVanico  to  reconnoitre  towards 
the  north.  The  friar  coming  back  with  the  news  that 
sedentary  Indians  had  been  met  beyond  what  are  now 
the  limits  of  Mexico,  an  expedition  was  determined 
upon  and  Coronado  was  made  commander. 

One  of  the  chief  objects  of  this  expedition  seems  to 
have  been  to  free  Mexico  from  an  idle  and  unruly  ele- 
ment. Hence  exaggerated  accounts  of  the  northern 
regions,  of  the  culture  of  their  inhabitants,  and  of  their 
mineral  resources,  were  purposely  spread  abroad. 
Whether  or  not  Coronado  knew  of  this  object  is  not 
stated.  The  expedition  collected  at  Compos  tella  on 
the  Pacific  coast,  and  consisted  of  about  300  Spaniards 
and  1000  Indians,  with  1000  horses  and  six  swivel 
guns  (pedereros).  There  were  also  a  number  of  sheep 
and  some  cattle,  and  everything  indicated  that  the 
intention  was  not  only  to  explore  but  to  colonize.  In 
the  course  of  two  years  Coronado  visited  almost  every 
New  Mexican  pueblo  then  inhabited.  The  first  of  the 
pueblo  groups  touched  was  what  is  now  called  Zufii, 
which  had  become  known  to  the  Spaniards  through 
Father  Marcos  of  Nizza  the  year  previous  under  the 
name  of  "Cibola".  The  first  engagement  took  place 
about  7  July,  at  the  village  of  Hauicu  of  the  Zufii 
group.  Coronado  was  wounded,  but  the  pueblo  taken. 
After  that,  only  one  other  conflict  with  Pueblo  Indians 
occurred,  viz._,  near  Bernalillo,  in  New  Mexico,  on  the 
Rio  Grande,  in  March,  1541.  The  conduct  of  Coro- 
nado towards  the  Indians  during  the  whole  campaign 
was  humane  and  he  secured  their  respect  and  sym- 
pathy. New  Mexico  and  Arizona  (which  he  explored 
as  far  as  the  Colorado  River)  disappointed  the  expec- 
tations of  the  Spaniards.  The  wealth  in  metals  sup- 
posed to  exist  there  was  not  found,  the  inhabited 
regions  were  partly  barren,  and  the  population  less 
numerous  than  it  had  been  represented.  While  Coro- 
nado was  establishing  himself  at  Zufii,  another  expe- 
dition, by  sea,  under  the  command  of  Hernando  de 
Alarcon,  reached  the  mouth  of  the  Colorado  and  ex- 
plored the  course  of  the  river  for  about  two  hundred 
miles  inland,  but  found  it  impossible  to  communicate 
with  Coronado,  and  returned  to  the  Mexican  coast. 

While  at  the  pueblo  of  Pecos,  south-east  of  the  pres- 
ent city  of  Santa  F6,  the  Spaniards  had  been  told 
glowing  stories  of  metallic  riches  among  a  tribe  called 
Quivira,  said  to  dwell  beyond  the  great  eastern  plains. 
These  tales  were  reported  by  an  Indian  from  the 
plains,  a  captive  among  the  Pecos  tribe.  Coronado 
set  out  for  Quivira  on  23  April,  1541,  with  part  of  his 
forces,  and  wandered  as  far  as  the  confines  of  Arkan- 
sas, then  northward  as  far  as  southern  Nebraska,  find- 
ing none  but  nomadic  Indians,  except  at  the  farthest 
point  reached  by  him,  where  the  Quivira  Indians  lived 
in  more  stable  settlements  of  houses,  round  in  shape 
and  built  of  wood,  with  roofs  of  grass.  They  culti- 
vated corn,  and  the  only  trace  of  metal  was  a  piece  of 
native  copper  which  they  had  obtained  from  afar. 
After  an  absence  of  six  months  Coronado  returned 
to  New  Mexico  on  the  Rio  Grande,  and  while  there 
suffered  a  fall  from  his  horse,  which  injured  his 
head  seriously.  Henceforward  he  lost  energy.  His 
people  also  were  discouraged  and,  while  some  were  in 
favour  of  remaining  in  New  Mexico,  the  majority 
clamoured  to  return  to  New  Spain.  In  April,  1542, 
the  homeward  march  was  resumed.  There  remained 
in  the  country  only  Fray  Juan  de  Padilla,  a  lay 
brother,  Fray  Luis,  and  a  Portuguese  soldier,  Do- 
campo.  Coronado  reported  to  the  Viceroy  Mendoza, 
who  was  highly  incensed  at  the  failure  of  his  plan  to 
rid  New  Spain  of  undesirable  elements.  Although 
Coronado  was  not  punished  for  what  was  looked  upon 
as  disobedience  to  orders,  he  fell  into  a  mild  dis- 
grace and  died  in  comparative  obscurity,  leaving 
a  widow  and  eight  children.  The  reports  on  his 
expedition  are  of  the  greatest  importance  for  the  geog- 


raphy, and  more  particularly  ethnography,  of  the 
south-western  part  of  North  America.  They  were 
not  so  well  appreciated  at  the  time  as  they  are  now, 
when  the  "March"  of  Coronado  is  looked  upon  as  one 
of  the  most  important  explorations  in  America  during 
the  sixteenth  century. 

For  documentary  material  see  Winbhip  in  Fourteenth  An- 
nual Report  of  the  U.  8.  Bureau  of  Ethnology  (Washington, 
1906),  with  Sp.  texts  and  tr.;  Idem,  The  Journey  of  Coronado 
in  The  Trailmakere  (New  York,  1904):  Oomaka,  Htetoria  gen- 
eral de  lax  Indiae  (Medina  del  Campo,  1653);  Ovibdo,  Hittoria 
general  y  natural  (Madrid,  1850);  Hxbreka,  Hittoria  general 
(Madrid,  1601);  Mot  a  Padilla,  Hietoria  de  la  Nueva  Galicia 
(Mexico,  1870,  though  written  in  1742);  Davis,  Coronado' e 
March;  Bandbubb,  Introduction  to  Studtet  Among  the  Seden- 
tary Jndiant  of  New  Mexico;  Idsh,  Report  on  the  Ruine  of  the 
Pueblo  of  Pecoe  (Boston,  1883);  Idem,  Final  Report  (Boston, 
1888  and  1890);  Idem,  Documentary  History  of  Zufii. 

Ad.  F.  Bandelier. 

Coronation. — The  subject  will  be  treated  under 
the  following  headings:  (I)  The  Emperors  at  Con- 
stantinople; (II)  Visigothic  and  Celtic  Elements;  (III) 
The  English  Coronation  Orders;  (IV)  The  Western 
Empire  and  the  Roman  Pontifical ;  (V)  Other  Cere- 
monials. 

I.  The  Emperors  at  Constantinople. — "A  cor- 
onation rite",  it  has  been  well  said,  "is  ideally  the 
process  of  the  creation  of  the  monarch,  even  though 
in  course  of  time,  through  a  change  in  the  theory  of 
succession,  it  may  come  to  be  rather  the  ratification 
of  an  accomplished  fact  than  the  means  of  its  accom- 
plishment" (Brightman,  Byzantine  Coronations,  359). 
In  the  light  of  this  very  true  remark  it  will  be  needful 
to  trace  the  coronation  ceremonies  back  to  a  time  ear- 
lier than  the  introduction  of  any  ecclesiastical  ritual. 
Down  to  the  reign  of  Cone  tan  tine  it  may  be  said  that 
coronation,  properly  speaking,  there  was  none,  for  it 
was  he  who  first  brought  the  regal  diadem  into  promi- 
nence. Yet  certain  features  about  the  accession  of 
the  emperors  in  this  early  period  deserve  attention. 
In  the  first  place,  theoretically  at  least,  the  emperor 
was  elected.  Normally,  the  senate  voted  and  the  peo- 
ple, or  more  commonly  the  army,  acclaimed  and  in 
that  way  ratified  the  choice.  No  doubt  this  procedure 
was  often  anticipated  and  the  result  was  assured  be- 
fore any  forms  were  gone  through.  But  the  forms 
were  not  dispensed  with,  and  even  when  the  senate  or 
the  army  had  exercised  an  influence  which  was  deci- 
sive, the  people  met  and  acclaimed  in  more  or  less 
formal  comitia.  In  spite,  however,  of  the  principle  of 
election,  the  emperor  was  often  able  to  exercise  a  pre- 
dominant voice  in  the  election  of  his  successor  or  his 
colleague,  as  he  could  also  create  his  wife  "Augusta". 
At  this  period  the  more  distinctive  imperial  insignia 
were  "tne  purple",  that  is  the  paludamentum  (or 
chlamys)  of  the  general  in  the  field,  emblematic  of  the 
supreme  military  authority,  for  the  emperor  was  sole 
imperator;  and  secondly,  the  laurel  wreath.  The 
more  or  less  violent  clothing  of  the  new  emperor  in  the 
paludamenlum  often  constituted  a  sort  of  investiture. 
On  his  part  the  promise  of  a  largess  to  the  soldiers,  and 
sometimes  to  the  people,  became  the  equivalent  of  a 
formal  acceptance  of  the  election. 

A  new  order  of  things  was  brought  about  by  Con- 
stantine's  assumption  of  the  diadem  (see  Sickel,  in 
Byzantinische  Zeitschrift,  VII,  513-534).  Constan- 
tine  wore  it  habitually  during  life  (caput  exornang  per- 
petuo  diademate,  says  Aurelius  Victor,  Ep.  lx),  and 
after  death  it  adorned  his  corpse.  In  this  way  the 
diadem  became  the  primary  symbol  of  sovereignty, 
but  without  at  first  any  prescription  of  forms  accord- 
ing to  which  it  should  be  conferred.  When  Julian 
was  proclaimed  emperor  by  his  troops  in  360,  they 
hoisted  him  standing  upon  a  shield,  a  ceremony  they 
seemed  to  have  learned  from  the  German  recruits  in 
their  ranks,  and  then  a  standard-bearer  took  off  the 
torque,  or  gold  necklace,  which  he  wore  and  set  it  upon 
Julian's  head.  No  other  crowning  seems  to  have  taken 
place,  but  soon  after  we  find  the  emperor  at  Vienne 


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wearing  a  gorgeous  diadem  set  with  jewels.  In  the  ease 
of  Valentinian  (364)  and  his  son  Oratian  (367)  we  have 
equally  mention  of  a  crown  assumed  amid  profuse 
acclamations  of  the  assembled  army.  In  each  case, 
also,  the  newly-elected  sovereign  made  a  speech  and 
promised  a  largess  to  the  troops,  which  Julian  fixed  at 
five  gold  pieces  and  a  pound  of  silver  to  each  man. 
Informal  as  the  proceedings  in  all  these  cases  seem  to 
have  been,  most  of  the  elements  so  far  mentioned  took 
a  permanent  place  in  the  coronation  ceremonial  which 
was  ultimately,  evolved.  Even  the  Teutonic 
practice  of  hoisting  upon  a  buckler  (see 
Tacitus,  Ann.,  XV,  29)  though  rarely 
mentioned  explicitly,  was  probably 
maintained  for  a  considerable 
time,  for  it  certainly  was 
observed  in  the  election  of 
Anastasius  (491)  and 
Justin  II  (565),  and 
the  miniature  of 
the  election  of 
David  in  a 
tenth-century 
)salter  at 
Paris,  in 
which  he 
isrepre- 


the  selection  of  the  patriarch  may  possibly  have  been 
due  simply  to  the  desire  to  preclude  jealousy  and  to 
avoid  giving  offence  to  more  powerful  claimants  of  the 
honour.  But  already  in  473,  when  Leo  II  was  crowned 
in  the  lifetime  of  his  grandfather,  we  find  the  Patriarch 
Acacias  not  only  figuring  in  the  ceremony  but  reciting 
a  prayer  before  the  imposition  of  the  diadem.  If  it 
was  Leo's  grandfather  and  not  Acacius  who  actually 
imposed  it,  that  is  only  on  account  of  the  accepted 
rule,  that  the  reigning  emperor  in  his  lifetime  is  alone 
the  fount  of  honour  whenever  he  chooses  to 
commit  any  portion  of  his  authority  to 
colleague  or  consort.  Following  close 
upon  the  first  intervention  of  the 
patriarch,  the  ecclesiastical 
element  in  the  coronation 
remonial  rapidly  de- 
velops. At  the  elec- 
tion of  Anastasius 
(491)  the  patri- 
arch is  present 
t  the  assem- 
bly of  the 
senate  and 
notables 
when 
they 


Coronation  of  Charlemaone  by  I,eo  111    lKathau»,  Aarhen) 


sented  standing  upon  a  buckler  supported  by  young 
men  while  another  sets  a  diadem  on  his  head,  im- 

Elies  that  this  ceremony  was  generally  familiar  at  a 
iter  date.  The  diadem,  though  the  military  torque 
after  the  analogy  of  Julian's  election  was  often  re- 
tained as  well,  was  and  continued  to  be  the  symbol  of 
supreme  power,  and  along  with  it,  from  the  time  of 
Cons  tan  tine  onward,  went  the  ceremony  of  "adora- 
tion" of  the  monarch  by  prostration. 

The  next  epoch-making  change  seems  to  have  been 
the  introduction  of  the  Patriarch  of  Constantinople  to 
set  the  diadem  upon  the  head  of  the  elected  sovereign. 
The  date  at  which  this  first  took  place  is  disputed, 
for  we  cannot  altogether  ignore  the  alleged  dream  of 
Theodosius  I  who  saw  himself  crowned  by  a  bishop 
(Theodoret,  Hist.  Eccl.,  VI,  vi),  but  Sickel  (loc.  cit., 
p.  517;  cf.  Gibbon,  ch.  xxxvi)  holds  that  the  Pa- 
triarch Anatolius  in  450  crowned  Marcian  and  by 
that  act  originated  a  ceremony  which  became  of  the 
greatest  possible  significance  in  the  later  conception  of 
kingship.  At  first  there  seems  to  have  been  no  idea  of 
lending  any  religious  character  to  this  investiture ;  and 


make  their  formal  choice,  and  the  book  of  the  Holy 
Gospels  is  exposed  in  their  midst  (Const.  Porph., 
De  Cffir.,  I,  92).  The  coronation  does  not  take 
place  in  a  sacred  building,  but  an  oath  is  taken  by 
the  emperor  to  govern  justly  and  another  written 
oath  is  exacted  of  him  by  the  patriarch  that  he 
will  keep  the  Faith  entire  and  introduce  no  novelty 
into  the  Church.  Then  after  the  emperor  had 
donned  a  portion  of  the  regalia,  the  patriarch  made  a 

firayer,  and  the  "  Kyrie  eleison  "  (possibly  an  ektene  or 
itany)  being  said,  put  upon  his  sovereign  the  imperial 
chlamys  and  the  jewelled  crown.  The  acclamations 
also  which  accompany  and  follow  the  emperor's  speech 
with  its  promises  of  the  usual  largess,  are  pronouncedly 
religious  in  character;  for  exami  Die  "God  will  pre- 
serve a  Christian  Emperor!  These  are  common 
prayers!  These  are  the  prayers  of  the  world!  Lord 
nelp  the  pious!  Holy  Lord  uplift  Thy  world!  .  .  . 
God  be  with  you! ' '  Moreover  at  the  conclusion  of  the 
ceremony  the  emperor  went  straight  to  St.  Sophia, 
putting  off  his  crown  and  offering  it  at  the  altar. 
The  first  emperor  to  be  crowned  in  church  was  Pho- 


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cas  in  602,  and  although  our  records  of  procedure  are 
somewhat  defective,  no  doubt  can  be  felt  that  from 
this  time  forth  the  whole  ceremonial  assumed  a  formal 
and  religious  character.  The  rite  is  contained  in  the 
"EuchoTogium",  the  earliest  extant  manuscript,  dat- 
ing from  about  795.  There  is  a  partial  clothing  with 
the  insignia  in  the  metatorium  before  the  ceremony 
begins,  but  the  ritual  centres  in  the  conferring  of  the 
chlamys  and  crown.  Before  each  of  these  is  imposed 
the  patriarch  reads  in  silence  an  impressive  prayer 
closely  analogous  in  spirit  to  what  we  find  in  the  West- 
ern orders  at  a  later  date.  For  example  the  prayer 
over  the  chlamys  begins  thus:  "  O  Lord,  our  God,  the 
King  of  kings  and  Lord  of  lords,  who  through  Sam- 
uel the  prophet  didst  choose  David  Thy  servant  to  be 
king  over  Thy  people  Israel ;  do  Thou  now  also  hear 
the  supplication  of  us  unworthy  and  behold  from 
Thy  dwelling  place  Thy  faithful  servant  N.  whom 
Thou  hast  been  pleased  to  set  as  king  over  Thy  holy 
nation,  which  Thou  didst  purchase  with  the  precious 
blood  of  Thine  only-begotten  Son:  vouchsafe  to 
anoint  him  with  the  oil  of  gladness,  endue  him  with 
power  from  on  high,  put  upon  his  head  a  crown 
of  pure  gold,  grant  him  long  life,"  etc.  After  the 
crowning  the  people  cry  out,  "Holy,  holy, holy"  and 
"Glory  to  God  in  the  highest  and  on  earth  peace", 
three  times.  Then  Holy  Communion  is  given  to  the 
emperor  from  the  reserved  Sacrament,  or  perhaps  even 
the  Mass  of  the  Presanctified  is  celebrated.  After 
which  all  the  standards  and  halberds  are  dipped  and 
raised  again,  and  the  senators  and  clergy  prostrate  in 
adoration. 

One  cannot  help  suspecting  that  the  choice  of  this 
particular  moment,  when  the  emperor  has  just  re- 
ceived the  Sacred  Host,  for  the  act  of  adoration  may 
have  been  motived  by  some  foresight  of  possible  con- 
scientious objections  about  performing  such  adoration 
merely  to  the  emperor's  person.  The  rite  of  prostra- 
tion, though  introduced  by  Constantine,  was  probably 
not  unaffected  by  lingering  memories  of  the  pagan 
apotheosis  of  the  Cajsars.  Finally,  after  the  adoration 
came  the  laudes  (see  Acclamations)  or  acta  as  they 
were  called  in  the  East  {ixrokoytir  was  the  technical 
word).  The  cantors  cried  "Glory  be  to  God  in  the 
highest.  .  .  .  This  is  the  great  day  of  the  Lord.  This 
is  the  day  of  the  life  of  the  Romans",  and  so  on  for 
many  verses,  the  people  repeating  each  once  or  thrice. 
After  which  "Many,  many,  many".  R.  "Many  years, 
for  many  years". "  Long  years  to  you,  N.  and  N.,  auto- 
crats of  the  Romans".  R.  "Many  years  to  you"  and 
go  forth  with  much  repetition.  Finally,  the  emperor 
leaves  the  church  wearing  his  crown  and  going  to  the 
metatorium  seats  himself  upon  his  throne  while  the 
dignitaries  (4fi<iM"Ta)  come  and  do  homage  by  kissing 
his  knees.  Although  the  prayer  over  the  chlamys  begs 
God  to  "anoint  him  with  the  oil  of  gladness"  the  early 
euchologia  contain  no  mention  of  any  rite  of  unction, 
and  it  seems  tolerably  certain  that  this  was  not  intro- 
duced in  the  East  until  the  twelfth  century  (Bright- 
man,  loc.  cit.,  383-386).  Even  when  adopted,  the 
unction  was  confined  to  making  the  sign  of  the  cross 
with  chrism  upon  the  monarch's  head.  The  introduc- 
tion of  this  new  feature  seems  to  have  been  accom- 
panied with  other  changes  which  are  found  in  the  later 
Byzantine  coronations.  The  investiture  with  the  pur- 
ple chlamys  altogether  disappears,  but  two  distinct 
prayers  or  blessings  are  retained,  between  which  are 
inserted  both  the  unction  and  the  crowning.  Finally, 
we  may  notice  that  the  emperor  is  to  some  extent 
treated  as  an  ecclesiastic,  for  hewears  a  mandyas,  or 
cope,  and  discharges  the  functions  of  a  deputatus, 
which  is,  or  was,  the  Greek  equivalent  of  one  of  our 
minor  orders. 

II.  Visiqothic  and  Celtic  Elements. — Turning 
now  to  the  inauguration  rite  of  early  kingships  in  the 
West  the  first  traces  of  a  coronation  order  seem  to  be 
found  in  Spain  and  in  Great  Britain.   Some  of  the 


Spanish  councils  speak  copiously,  though  vaguely,  of 
the  election  of  kings  (Migne,  P.  L.,  LXXXI V,  385, 396, 
426),  and  while  in  the  first  half  of  the  seventh  century 
there  is  no  mention  of  unction  but  only  of  a  profession 
of  faith  and  promise  of  just  government  on  the  part  of 
the  king  with  a  corresponding  oath  of  fealty  on  the 
part  of  his  subjects,  towards  the  close  of  the  same  cen- 
tury we  have  the  clearest  evidence  that  the  Visigothic 
kings  on  their  accession  were  solemnly  anointed  by  the 
Bishop  of  Toledo.  When  in  672  the  oil  was  poured 
upon  the  head  of  the  kneeling  King  Wamba  a  cloud  of 
vapour  arose  (evaporatio  qucedam  fumo  simUis  in 
modum  columnce,  Julian,  Historia,  c.  iv;  Migne,  P.  L., 
XCVI,  766)  which  was  regarded  by  those  present  as  a 
supernatural  portent.  For  the  rest  we  know  little  of 
this  early  Spanish  coronation  rite  beyond  the  fact  that 
it  was  a  religious  ceremony  and  that  the  king  under- 
took certain  obligations  towards  his  people.  It  is 
chiefly  interesting  as  supplying  the  earliest  Known  ex- 
amples of  the  unction.  Whether  this  ceremony  was 
instituted  by  the  Spanish  bishops  in  imitation  of  what 
they  read  in  the  Old  Testament  concerning  the  unction 
of  Saul,  David,  and  Solomon  (I  Kings,  x  and  xvi;  III 
Kings,  i)  or  whether  they  themselves  derived  it  from 
some  early  Christian  tradition  it  seems  impossible  now 
to  decide. 

In  view  of  what  has  been  written  of  late  about  the 
close  liturgical  relations  between  Spain  and  England, 
via  Celtic,  i.  e.  probably  Irish,  channels  (see  Bishop  in 
Joum.of  Theol.  Stud.,  VIII,  278),  it  is  natural  to  pass 
from  Spain  to  the  earliest  coronations  in  the  British 
Isles.  The  statement  of  Gildas  (c.  530?)  cannot  be  ig- 
nored, when,  speaking  of  the  desolation  and  corruption 
of  manners  in  Britain,  he  says:  "  ungebantur  reges  non 
per  Deum,  sed  qui  ceteris  crudehores  exstarent,  et 
paulo  post  ab  unctoribus  non  pro  veri  examinatione 
trucidahantur,  aliis  electis  trucioribus"  (De  Excidio, 
ch.  xxi ;  Mommsen,  37).  Again,  in  his  commentary  on 
the  First  Book  of  Kings  (x,_  1)  St.  Gregory  the  Great 
certainly  seems  to  speak  as  if  the  rite  of  the  unction  of 
kings  was  practised  in  his  time  (Migne,  P.  L.,  LXXIX, 
278).  "  Ungatur  caput  regis ' ',  he  says,  "quia spiritual! 
gratia  mens  est  replenda  doctoris  ".  It  may  conceiva- 
bly be  that  these  passages  are  only  metaphorical,  but 
they  at  least  show  a  familiarity  with  the  conception 
which  might  at  any  moment  find  expression  in  actual 
practice.  At  the  same  time  no  record  exists  of  the  use 
of  unction  in  the  earliest  Scottish  coronations.  Gath- 
ering up  scattered  traditions,  the  Marquess  of  Bute 
gives  the  following  ceremonial  as  representing  in  all 
probability  the  rite  of  "ordination"  of  a  Celtic  king, 
say  the  Lord  of  the  Isles,  in  the  seventh  and  eighth 
centuries.  There  was  a  gathering  of  the  principal 
people  of  the  nation  including,  if  possible,  seven 
priests.  The  new  ruler  was  elected  unless  a  tanisi 
(a  lieutenant  with  right  of  succession)  had  been  elected 
already.  The  king  was  clad  in  white  and  Mass  was 
celebrated  down  to  the  Gospel.  After  the  Gospel  the 
king  was  made  to  set  his  right  foot  in  the  foot-print  of 
Fergus  Mor  Mac  Erca,  the  impression  of  which  was 
cut  in  stone;  there  he  took  an  oath  to  preserve  all  the 
ancient  customs  of  the  country  and  to  leave  the  suc- 
cession to  the  tanist.  His  father's  sword  or  some 
other  sword  was  then  placed  in  one  of  his  hands  and  a 
white  rod  in  the  other,  with  suitable  exhortations. 
After  this  a  bard  or  herald  rehearsed  his  genealogy. 
Re-entering  the  church  seven  prayers  were  recited 
over  him  by,  if  possible,  as  many  priests,  one  at  least  of 
these  prayers  being  called  the  Benediction,  during 
which  he  who  offered  it  laid  his  hand  upon  the  king's 
head.  The  Mass  was  then  finished  and  the  king  prob- 
ably Communicated.  At  the  conclusion  of  the  whole 
he  gave  a  feast  and  distributed  a  largess  (Bute, 
Scottish  Coronations,  34) .  It  will  be  noticed  that  here, 
as  in  theearlier  Spanish  ritual,  there  is  no  mention  of  a 
crown  or  diadem,  and  though  the  unction  which  is  so 
prominent  a  feature  in  the  Spanish  ceremony  is  ap- 


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patently  lacking,  still  qjir  information  is  too  fragmen- 
tary to  enable  us  to  speak  with  confidence,  more  espe- 
cially in  view  of  the  casual  utterance  of  Gildas. 

in.  The  English  Coronation  Orders. — But  of 
all  detailed  ceremonials  for  the  investiture  of  a  mon- 
arch the  earliest  which  has  been  preserved  to  us  in  a 
complete  form  is  one  of  English  origin.  It  is  known 
as  the  Egbertine  Order,  because  the  best-known 
manuscript  in  which  it  is  contained  is  an  Anglo-Saxon 
codex  which  professes  to  be  a  copy  of  the  Pontifical  of 
Archbishop  Egbert  of  York  (732-766).  We  cannot  in 
such  a  case  be  secure  against  the  possibility  of  subse- 
quent interpolations,  for  the  Egbert  Pontifical,  now 
at  Paris  (MS.  Latin  10,575),  is  only  of  the  tenth  cen- 
tury, but  the  character  of  the  coronation  order  itself  is 
quite  consistent  with  an  early  date.  Moreover  the 
same  ritual  occurs  in  other  early  manuscripts,  and  frag- 
ments of  it  are  found  embedded  in  Continental  orders, 
such  as  that  for  the  coronation  of  Queen  Judith  (856). 
Nearly  everything  in  this  Egbertine  Order  is  of  in- 
terest and  we  may  analyse  it  rather  closely.  At  the 
head  we  find  the  title:  Missa  pro  regibus  in  die  bene- 
diction.it  ejus  (sic).  Being,  as  the  title  says,  a  Mass,  it  be- 
gins with  a  "proper"  Introit,  collect,  lesson  from  Leviti- 
cus (xxvi,6-0),  Gradual,  and  Gospel  (Matt.,  xxii,  15  sa .). 
Then  occurs  the  rubric:  "the  blessing  upon  a  newly- 
elected  king",  upon  which  follow  three  prayers  of  mod- 
erate length  beginning  respectively:  Te  invocamus, 
Domine  sancte  ,  etc.;  "Deus  qui  populis  tuis",  etc.; 
and  "In  diebus  ejus  oriatur  omnibus  sequitas  ,  etc. 
The  second  of  these  prayers,  which  still  remains  prac- 
tically unchanged  in  the  coronation  order  used  at  the 
accession  of  King  Edward  VII,  may  be  quoted  here  as 
a  specimen: — 

"O  God,  who  providest  for  Thy  people  by  Thy 
power  and  rulest  over  them  in  love;  grant  unto  this 
Thy  servant  Edward  our  King,  the  spirit  of  wisdom 
ana  government,  that  being  devoted  unto  Thee  with 
all  his  heart,  he  may  so  wisely  govern  this  kingdom, 
that  in  his  tune  Thy  Church  and  people  may  continue 
in  safety  and  prosperity,  and  that,  persevering  in 
good  works  unto  the  end,  he  may  through  Thy  mercy 
come  to  Thine  everlasting  Kingdom;  through  Jesus 
Christ  Thy  Son  our  Lord.  Amen." 

It  is  worth  noting  that  we  have  no  reason  to  believe 
that  this  prayer  or  others  occurring  in  the  Egbertine 
Order  is  necessarily  of  English  origin.  Onth  e  con- 
trary it  seems  to  have  been  adapted  out  of  one  for 
the  pope  occurring  in  the  Gregorian  Sacramentary 
which  begins:. Deus  qui  populis  tuis  indulgentiA  con- 
sulis,  and  an  intermediate  form  was  used  at  the  coro- 
nation of  Charles  the  Bald  as  King  of  Lotharingia  in 
869.  After  the  three  prayers  we  meet  the  rubric: 
"Here  he  shall  pour  oil  upon  his  head  from  a  horn, 
with  the  antiphon:  Unxerunt  Salomonem,  etc.,  and  the 
Psalm  Domine  in  virtute  tuA,  etc  (Ps.  zx).  Let  one  of 
the  bishops  say  the  prayer  while  the  others  anoint  him. " 

The  prayer  referred  to  is  the  Deus  electorum  forti- 
tudo,  some  phrases  of  which  still  remain  in  the  prayer 
now  said  immediately  before  the  unction.  The  same 
Deus  electorum  fortitude  is  found  in  the  coronation 
order  of  Queen  Judith,  who  was  anointed  queen  by 
Hincmar,  Bishop  of  Reims,  in  856.  It  contains  al- 
lusions to  the  olive-branch  brought  by  the  dove  to  the 
ark  and  to  the  anointing  of  Aaron  and  of  the  kings  of 
Israel  and  thus  shows  itself  to  have  been  originally  de- 
signed for  some  such  purpose  as  a  prayer  of  unction. 
Then  follows  another  rubric:  "Here  all  the  bishops 
with  the  magnates  fvrincipibus]  put  the  sceptre  into 
his  hand. "  Borne  of  the  texts,  however,  omit  this  last 
rubric  and  write  simply  Benedictio;  and  to  say  the 
truth  the  short  sentences  which  follow  are  very  much 
of  the  nature  of  acclamations  of  benediction,  such  as 
We  have  already  quoted  from  some  of  the  Byzantine 
orders,  though  they  are  a  little  longer  in  form  and 
could  certainly  not  nave  been  repeated  in  Latin  by  the 
Anglo-Saxon  populace  or  even  the  .magnates.  The 


people's  share  In  this  function  is  probably  indicated  by 
the  simple  "Amen"  which  follows  each  clause.  There 
are  sixteen  of  these  brief  clauses  and  then  the  rubric 
announces:  "  Here  a  staff  is  put  into  his  hand",  where- 
upon another  prayer  of  moderate  length  is  said  which 
is  followed  by  a  prayer  of  blessing,  vague  and  some- 
what extravagant  in  language,  preceded  by  the  rubric: 
"Here  let  all  the  bishops  take  the  helmet  and  set  it 
upon  his  head."  The  simultaneous  crowning  by  sev- 
eral hands  is  rather  a  noteworthy  feature  in  the  cere- 
mony and  it  is  curious  that  although  in  the  later  "  Liber 
Regalis"  and  other  orders  the  archbishop  is  named  as 
alone  imposing  the  crown,  the  illuminations  in  medie- 
val chronicles  and  romances  almost  invariably  repre- 
sent the  crown  as  being  put  on  by  at  least  two  bishops 
standing  on  either  side.  After  this  prayer  follows 
what  is  perhaps  the  most  interesting  rubric  of  the 
whole  order,  though  unfortunately  even  with  the  aid 
of  our  three  different  manuscripts  we  cannot  restore 
the  text  of  the  latter  part  with  any  great  degree  of  con- 
fidence. "And  all  the  people  snail  say  three  times 
with  the  bishops  and  priests:  'May  King  N.  live  for 
ever.  Amen,  Amen,  Amen.'  Then  shall  the  whole 
people  come  to  kiss  the  prince;  and  he  shall  be 
strengthened  on  his  throne  by  this  fi.  e.  the  following] 
blessing. "  Accordingly  before  the  Mass  is  suffered  to 
proceed  another  solemn  prayer  is  said,  Deus  perpe- 
tuitatis  auctor,  which  in  the  Egbert  Pontifical  is 
emphasized  by  a  preceding  rubric:  "  Let  them  say  the 
seventh  prayer  over  the  King."  Now  the  prayer  in 
question  is  really  the  eighth,  and  undoubtedly  this  fact 
coupled  with  traces  of  marginal  numbering  which 
reveal  themselves  in  the  Egbert  Pontifical  lends 
probability  to  Lord  Bute's  theory  that  this  series  of 
prayers  betrays  Celtic  influences  and  was  originally 
destined  for  the  seven  priests  whose  presence  was  sup- 
posed in  the  Celtic  ritual  The  eighth  prayer,  as  he 
thinks  that  of  the  unction,  is  shown  on  this  hypothe- 
sis to  be  an  interpolation  of  somewhat  later  date. 
After  this  last  prayer,  Deus  perpetuitatis  auctor,  the 
Mass  is  resumed.  The  Mass  prayers  are  Roman  and 
the  same  Mass  prayers  are  attached  to  the  very  early 
coronation  order  which  Mgr.  Magistretti  has  printed 
from  an  Ambrosian  pontifical  of  the  ninth  century  and 
which  he  pronounces  to  be  also  indisputably  Roman. 
It  seems  probable  enough  that  we  are  here  again  in  the 
presence  of  the  same  sort  of  compromise  between  Celtic 
and  Roman  elements  which  we  find  in  the  Stowe  Mis- 
sal (see  Celtic  Rite).  At  the  conclusion  of  the 
Mass  we  find  the  following  rubric — it  may  perhaps  be 
an  interpolation  of  later  date  than  the  rest  of  the  order 
— and  we  may  here  see  the  King's  first  proclamation 
to  his  people: — 

"It  is  rightful  conduct  in  a  king  newly  ordained  to 
make  these  three  behests  [prcecepta]  to  his  people. 

"First,  that  the  Church  of  God  and  all  Christian 
folk  should  keep  true  peace  at  all  times.  Amen. 

"The  second  is  that  he  should  forbid  all  robbery  and 
all  unrighteous  things  to  all  orders.  Amen. 

"The  third  is  that  he  should  enjoin  in  all  dooms  jus- 
tice and  mercy,  that  the  gracious  and  merciful  Go4,  of 
His  everlasting  mercy,  may  show  pardon  to  us  all. 
Amen." 

It  is  probable  that  in  this  triple  division  of  the  primi- 
tive oath  we  have  the  explanation  of  a  feature  which 
still  survives  in  the  English  coronation  service.  Be- 
fore the  king  three  naked  swords  are  carried,  two 
pointed  and  one  without  a  point,  which  is  hence  known 
as  curtana,  the  sword  cut  short.  The  first  two 
swords  were  known  to  medieval  writers  as  the  sword  of 
the  clergy  and  the  sword  of  justice.  They  represent 
the  king's  two  promises,  to  defend  the  Church  (not,  as 
certain  Anglican  writers  have  unwarrantably  sup- 
posed, to  coerce  and  punish  the  Church)  and  to  punish 
evildoers.  The  third,  without  a  point,  most  aptly 
symbolizes  the  mercy  with  which,  as  the  sovereign 
himself  is  taught  to  hope  for  mercy,  all  his  justiee  is  to 


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be  tempered.  We  have  evidence  that  these  three 
swords  were  known  in  English  ceremonial  as  early  as 
Richard  I  (1189),  while  the  form  of  oath  just  cited  re- 
mained in  use  until  a  century  later.  Upon  this  oath 
something  more  will  need  to  be  said. 

Towards  the  end  of  the  tenth  century  we  find  that  a 
new  coronation  order  was  in  use  in  England.  It  incor- 
porated most  of  the  Egbertine  Order  but  it  added 
much  new  matter.  Various  considerations  show  that 
it  was  an  attempt  to  imitate  the  imperial  coronation  of 
the  Carlovingian  monarchs  on  the  Continent,  and  our 
knowledge  of  the  imperial  state  assumed  by  King 
Eadgar  strongly  suggests  that  it  is  to  be  assigned  to  the 
date  of  his  deferredcoronation  (973).'  Another  modi- 
fication took  place  shortly  after  the  Conquest  and  is 
probably  to  be  traced  to  Norman  influences  which 
made  themselves  felt  in  Church  and  State.  But  the 
most  important  English  order  is  that  introduced  at  the 
coronation  of  Edward  II,  in  1307,  and  known  as  that 
of  the  "  liber  Regalis  ".  It  lasted  practically  unaltered 
through  the  Reformation  period  and  though  translated 
into  English  upon  the  accession  of  James  I  it  was  not  sub- 
stantially modified  until  the  coronation  of  his  grand- 
son James  II,  and  it  may  be  said  even  at  the  present 
day  to  form  the  substance  of  the  ritual  by  which  the 
monarchs  of  Great  Britain  are  crowned.  While  it  con- 
tained many  prayers  in  common  with  those  used  in  the 
imperial  coronation  of  the  Western  Empire  and  those 
of  the  existing  "  Pontificate  Romanum  "  it  also  pre- 
served many  distinctive  features.  A  short  synopsis 
of  it  will  be  serviceable. 

After  the  sovereign  had  been  solemnly  brought  to 
Westminster  Abbey  church  and  had  made  an  offering 
at  the  altar,  he  was  conducted  to  a  raised  platform 
erected  for  the  purpose  and  there  he  was  presented  to 
the  people,  who,  on  a  short  address  from  one  of  the 
bishops,  signified  by  acclamations  their  assent  to 
the  coronation.  Then  the  king  was  interrogated  by  the 
archbishop  as  to  his  willingness  to  observe  the  laws, 
customs,  and  liberties  granted  by  St.  Edward  the  Confes- 
sor, and  he  was  required  to  promise  peace  to  the  Church 
and  justice  to  his  people,  all  which  he  confirmed  by  an 
oath  taken  upon  the  altar.  Next  they  proceeded  to 
the  unction,  which  was  introduced  by  the  veni  Creator 
and  the  litanies,  during  which  the  king  remained  pros- 
trate on  his  face.  For  the  unction  the  king  was  seated 
and  his  hand,  breast,  shoulder-blades,  and  joints  of  the 
arms  were  all  anointed  with  the  oil  of  catechumens,  an 
anthem  and  several  long  prayers  being  recited  the 
while.  Finally  his  head  was  anointed,  first  with  the 
oil  of  catechumens  and  afterwards  with  chrism.  The 
next  stage  in  the  ceremony  was  the  dressing  and  inves- 
titure cf  the  monarch.  A  tunic  (colobium  gindonis) 
was  put  upon  him  with  sandals  upon  his  feet  and  spurs. 
Then  he  was  girded  with  a  sword  and  received  the 
armilhe,  a  sort  of  stole  put  about  the  neck  and  tied  to 
his  arms  at  the  elbows.  These  were  followed  by  the 
pallium,  or  cloak,  formerly  the  equivalent  of  the  chla- 
mys,  or  purple  paludamentum,  and  fastened  by  a  clasp 
over  the  right  shoulder,  but  now  represented  in  Eng- 
lish coronations  by  a  sort  of  mantle  like  a  cope.  Then 
the  crown  was  blessed  by  a  special  prayer,  Deus  tuo- 
rum  corona  fidelium,  and  imposed  by  the  archbishop 
with  two  other  prayers.  This  was  followed  by  the 
blessing  and  conferring  of  the  ring  and  finally  the  scep- 
tre and  rod  were  presented,  also  with  prayers.  A  fur- 
ther long  blessing  was  pronounced  when  the  king  was 
conducted  to  the  throne  there  to  receive  the  homage  of 
the  peers.  Then  if  there  was  no  queen  consort  to  be 
crowned,  Mass  began  immediately,  aMass  with"proper" 
prayers  and  preface  and  a  special  benediction  given  by 
the  archbishop  before  the  Agnus  Dei.  After  theCredo 
the  king  again  went  to  the  altar  and  offered  bread  and 
wine  and  a  mark  of  gold.  The  kiss  of  peace  was 
brought  to  the  king  at  his  throne  but  he  went  humbly 
to  the  altar  to  Communicate,  after  which  he  received  a 
draught  of  wine  from  St.  Edward's  stone  chalice.  At 


the  end  the  king  was  conducted  to  the  shrine  of  St 
Edward  where  he  made  an  offering  of  his  crown. 

As  already  remarked,  the  service  for  the  coronation 
of  the  King  of  England  even  in  modern  times  remains 
substantially  tbe  same,  though  English  has  been  sub- 
stituted for  Latin  and  though  many  transpositions  and 
modifications  have  been  introduced  in  the  prayers  and 
ceremonies,  all  distinctively  Roman  expressions  being 
studiously  suppressed.  The  Mass  of  course  gives 
place  to  the  communion  service  of  the  Book  of  Com- 
mon Prayer,  but  the  sovereign  still  offers  bread  and 
wine  as  well  as  gold,  and  down  to  the  coronation  of 
Queen  Victoria  even  the  "proper"  preface  was  re- 
tained. Indeed  its  omission  and  other  omissions  and 
changes  introduced  for  the  first  time  in  the  coronation 
of  King  Edward  VII  were  prompted  only  by  the  de- 
sire to  abbreviate  a  very  long  service.  The  most  seri- 
ous alteration  in  the  medieval  form  is  of  course  in  the 
oath.  Since  the  time  of  William  III  the  king  has 
sworn  to  maintain  "  the  Protestant  Reformed  Religion 
established  by  Law" — a  phrase  which  has  always  been 
a  thorn  in  the  side  of  those  advanced  Ritualists  who 
contend  that  the  Church  of  England  has  never  been 
Protestant.  Moreover  since  the  interrogative  form  is 
used,  this  description  is  uttered  by  the  Archbishop  of 
Canterbury  before  the  Lords  and  Commons  and  the 
representatives  of  the  whole  English  Church.  On  the 
other  hand  one  clause  in  the  interrogation  still  stands 
as  it  did.  The  king  is  asked,  "  Will  you  to  your  power 
cause  Law  and  Justice  in  mercy  to  be  executed  in  all 
your  judgments?"  To  which  he  replies,  "I  will" — a 
promise  which  differs  but  slightly  from  the  under- 
taking made  in  the  oldest  Egbertine  Order.  After 
the  archbishop's  questions  have  all  been  answered  the 
king  advances  to  the  "Altar",  as  it  is  still  called,  and 
takes  this  solemn  oath  upon  the  Bible  lying  there: 
"The  things  which  I  have  here  before  promised  I  will 
perform  and  keep,  so  help  me  God."  The  coronation 
oath,  it  should  be  noticed,  must  be  carefully  distin- 
guished from  "  the  Protestant  Declaration  ",  which  the 
sovereign  by  a  still  unrepealed  clause  of  the  Bill  of 
Rights  (1689)  is  required  to  make  on  the  first  day  of 
his  first  Parliament.  In  this  declaration  Transubetan- 
tiation  and  other  Catholic  doctrines  are  repudiated  and 
the  Mass  declared  idolatrous.  When,  as  sometimes 
has  happened,  the  coronation  ceremony  precedes  the 
first  meeting  of  Parliament,  the  declaration  against 
Transubstantiation  has  to  be  made  in  the  course  of  the 
coronation  ceremony.  The  only  new  element  intro- 
duced into  the  English  rite  since  the  Reformation  is 
the  presenting  of  the  Bible  tj  the  sovereign.  This 
like  the  Protestant  Declaration  dates  from  the  coro- 
nation of  William  and  Mary. 

IV.  The  Western  Empire  and  the  Roman  Pon- 
tifical.— There  is  so  much  general  similarity  be- 
tween the  English  coronation  order  in  its  perfected 
form  and  that  used  for  the  coronation  of  the  Emperor 
and  the  King  of  the  Romans  that  it  will  not  be  neces- 
sary to  treat  this  section  in  great  detail.  The  fact 
undoubtedly  is,  though  Anglican  liturgists  ignore  it 
as  far  as  possible,  that  at  each  of  the  early  modifica- 
tions of  the  English  ritual,  more  especially  that  under 
King  Eadgar,  the  imperial  ceremonial  was  freely  imi- 
tated (see  Thurston,  Coronation  Ceremonial,  18-23 
sqq.).  But  owing  to  the  accidental  preservation  of 
so  many  English  documents  there  is  no  coronation 
ceremonial  in  the  world  the  history  of  which  is  so  well 
known  to  us  as  that  of  England  and  we  have  conse- 
quently given  it  the  preference  in  order  of  treatment. 
Apart  from  Spanish  examples,  the  earliest  definite 
instance  of  unction  of  a  Christian  sovereign  seems  to 
be  that  of  Pepin,  who  was  first  crowned  by  St.  Boni- 
face, the  papal  legate  at  Soissons  in  752,  and  again, 
together  with  his  sons  Charles  and  Carloman  and  his 
wife  Bertha,  by  Pope  Stephen  at  St-Denis,  Sunday, 
28  July,  754.  Char!  ;emagne  was  solemnly  crowned  at 
St.  Peter's  in  Rome  by  Pope  Leo  III,  on  Christmas 


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CORONATION 


Day,  800.  The  statement  of  a  Greek  chronicler  that 
he  was  anointed  from  head  to  foot  is  probably  a  mere 
blunder  or  gross  exaggeration.  Despite  the  efforts  of 
Dr.  Diemand  (Das  Ceremoniell  der  Kaiserkronungen) 
to  classify  the  various  Ordines  for  the  coronation  of 
the  emperor  and  to  trace  the  stages  of  their  develop- 
ment, the  subject  remains  intricate  and  obscure.  We 
way  be  content  to  note  rapidly  the  elements  of  its 
aomplete  form. 

The  ceremony  was  assumed  to  take  place  at  Some, 
as  by  right  it  should,  and  the  first  incident  was  the 
solemn  entry  of  the  emperor  into  Rome,  which  should 
if  possible  take  place  on  a  Sunday  or  festival.  He 
was  met  in  state  outside  the  walls  and  escorted  to 
St.  Peter's.  Next  came  the  reception  by  the  pope, 
who  sat  enthroned  and  surrounded  by  his  cardinals 
at  the  head  of  the  steps  before  St.  Peter's,  and 
there  the  emperor,  after  kissing  the  pope's  foot, 
took  the  coronation  oath  (Diemand,  108-123),  which 
in  its  earliest  form  ran  as  follows:  "In  the  name  of 
Christ  I,  N.,  the  Emperor,  promise,  undertake  and 
protest  in  the  presence  of  God  and  Blessed  Peter  the 
Apostle,  that  I  will  be  the  protector  and  defender  of 
the  Holy  Roman  Church  in  all  ways  that  I  can  be  of 
help  fin  omnibus  xdilitatibus]  so  far  as  I  shall  be  sup- 
ported by  the  Divine  aid,  according  to  my  knowledge 
and  ability."  This  undertaking,  which  at  first  was 
clearly  not  an  oath  in  form,  was  afterwards  strength- 
ened by  a  number  of  added  clauses,  for  instance  by  the 
words, "  I  swear  upon  these  Holy  Gospels ' ',  or  again  by 
an  explicit  promise  of  fealty  to  the  reigning  pope  by 
name  and  to  his  successors.  There  was  here  also  per- 
haps a  prayer  of  blessing  spoken  as  the  emperor  was 
escorted  into  the  church.  At  one  time  this  was  fol- 
lowed by  a  sort  of  examination  into  the  fitness  of  the 
candidate  (scrutimum),  but  this  disappeared  in  the 
later  Ordines.  He  was  then  received  and  in  a 
sense  enrolled  among  the  canons  of  St.  Peter's  and 
prepared  for  the  anointing.  The  unction  was  intro- 
duced by  the  litany  and  performed  by  the  Bishop 
of  Ostia,  who  only  anointed  the  right  arm  and  the 
back  between  the  shoulders  with  the  oil  of  catechu- 
mens. Two  prayers  follow,  both  of  which  have 
found  their  way  into  the  English  order,  though  one 
of  them  occurs  in  a  contracted  form  and  is  used 
only  for  conferring  the  ring.  All  this  took  place 
before  the  beginning  of  Mass,  but  in  the  later  forms  of 
the  imperial  ordo  the  next  item  of  the  coronation 
service,  the  bestowal  of  the  insignia  and  notably  of  the 
crown,  took  place  after  the  Gradual,  being  thus  in- 
serted in  the  Mass  itself.  The  order  in  which  the 
.asignia  were  delivered  varied  much,  and  in  the  later 
forms  a  mitre  was  given  to  the  emperor  before  the 
crown,  and  the  sceptre  was  accompanied  with  an  orb. 
This  last  had  no  place  in  the  medieval  English  cere- 
mony. After  the  giving  of  the  insignia  the  Laudes, 
or  acclamations,  were  sung  and  then  the  Gospel  was 
chanted  and  the  Mass  resumed  its  course.  The  whole 
ceremony  concluded  with  a  solemn  procession  to  the 
Late  ran  and  a  state  banquet. 

The  form  used  in  Germany  for  the  coronation 
of  the  King  of  the  Romans  retains  much  in  com- 
mon with  the  imperial  order,  but  it  bears  a  still 
closer  resemblance  to  what  is  known  as  the  "second" 
English  ritual,  viz.:  that  used  for  the  Anglo-Saxon 
King  Eadgar.  The  fact,  as  Dr.  Diemand  points  out, 
seems  to  have  been  that  the  Egbertine  Order 
was  reinforced  by  imperial  elements  borrowed  from 
abroad,  and  thus  acquired  a  certain  reputation  as 
the  most  elaborate  form  for  the  crowning  of  a  king. 
Hence  it  came  to  be  largely  copied  on  the  Continent 
and  in  that  way  we  find  unmistakable  traces  of  prayers 
originally  written  for  Anglo-Saxon  kings  travelling 
into  Central  Europe  and  even  as  far  south  as  Milan. 
The  ordo  inscribed  "De  Benedictions  et  Coronatione 
Regis",  which  is  still  extant  in  the  "Pontificate 
Romanum",  bears  much  resemblance  to  the  forms 
IV.— 25 


i'ust  described  used  for  the  coronation  of  the  emperor, 
for  example  the  scrulinium  occurs  in  this  form: 
The  king  is  presented  to  the  consecrating  archbishop 
by  two  bishops,  who  petition  that  he  may  be  crowned, 
and  who,  when  themselves  interrogated  as  to  his  fit- 
ness, reply  that  they  know  him  to  be  a  worthy  and 
proper  person.  The  oath  follows,  also  the  litany  with 
prostration,  and  then  the  anointing  on  the  arm  and  be- 
tween the  shoulders.  Then,  after  Mass  has  been  be- 
gun and  brought  as  far  as  the  Gradual,  the  king  kneel- 
ing at  the  altar-steps  receives  successively  sword, 
crown,  and  sceptre,  each  accompanied  with  appro- 
priate prayers.  Finally  the  king  is  solemnly  en- 
throned, the  Te  Deum  sung,  and  the  remainder  of  the 
Mass  follows.  A  similar,  but  generally  somewhat 
shorter,  rite  is  observed  in  the  coronation  of  a  queen 
consort.  The  prayers  often  differ  from  those  used  for 
the  king  and  the  insignia  are  naturally  fewer. 

V.  Other  Ceremonials. — In  earlier  ages  almost 
every  country  under  monarchical  government  had  a 
coronation  ceremony  of  its  own  and  this  was  nearly 
always  distinguished  by  some  peculiar  features.  For 
example  in  Aragon  the  king  was  expected  to  pass  the 
preceding  night  in  the  church  with  a  purpose  which 
was  evidently  analogous  to  that  of  the  knight's  vigU 
spent  in  the  watching  of  his  arms.  In  Scotland  again 
the  right  of  regal  unction  and  coronation  was  accorded 
(1329)  in  a  Bull  of  Pope  John  XXII  (the  crown  having 
previously  been  regarded  rather  as  a  civil  ornament) 
m  which  the  privilege  was  burdened  with  the  condition 
that  the  king  should  take  an  oath  that  he  would  do  his 
utmost  to  extirpate  from  his  dominions  all  whom  the 
Church  should  denounce  as  heretics.  As  a  remote 
consequence  of  this  James  VI,  the  infant  son  of 
Queen  Mary,  or  rather  Morton,  the  Regent,  in  his 
name,  took  an  oath  "to  root  out  all  heresy  and  ene- 
mies to  the  true  worship  of  God  that  shall  be  convicted 
by  the  true  kirk  of  God  of  the  aforesaid  crimes";  the 
principal  among  these  crimes  being  the  "ydolatre  of 
the  odious  and  blasphemous  mass".  At  present, 
however,  the  investiture  of  sovereigns  with  the  in- 
signia of  their  office  by  a  religious  ceremony  is  by  no 
means  universal,  and  it  is  curious  that  in  Spain,  a  most 
Catholic  country  in  full  diplomatic  relations  with  the 
Holy  See,  no  such  religious  ceremony  is  now  in  use.  Of 
European  countries  we  may  note  that  the  rite  followed 
in  France  in  the  fourteenth  and  subsequent  centuries 
was  almost  identical  in  substance  with  that  of  the  Eng- 
lish "  Liber  Regans  "  (see  the  careful  comparison  in  De- 
wick's  "  The  Order  of  Coronation  of  Charles  V",  pp.  xvi 
sqq.).  The  most  important  differences  were  first  the 
privilege  of  the  French  king,  a  privilege  not  shared  by 
his  consort,  of  Communicating  under  both  species,  and 
secondly  the  use  of  the  oil  from  the  Sainte  Ampoule, 
an  oil  which  according  to  universal  belief  had  been 
miraculously  brought  from  heaven  by  an  angel,  or  a 
dove,  for  the  baptism  of  Clovis.  This  oil  down  to  the 
Revolution  was  kept  in  the  Abbey  of  Reims.  The 
abbot  brought  the  Sainte  Ampoule  to  the  corona- 
tion and  by  means  of  a  golden  needle  a  drop  of  its 
contents  was  extracted  and  mixed  with  chrism.  With 
this  mixture  the  king  was  anointed  first  on  the  head, 
then  on  the  breast,  and  finally  on  the  back  and  on  the 
joints  of  the  arms.  It  seems  clear  that  this  privilege 
of  the  French  king  provoked  imitation  in  England, 
and  a  letter  of  Pope  John  XXII  has  recently  been 
brought  to  light  returning  a  guarded  answer  to  an 
application  of  Edward  II  who  wished  to  be  anointed 
with  certain  oil  said  to  have  been  revealed  by  Our 
Blessed  Lady  to  St.  Thomas  of  Canterbury. 

It  would  take  us  too  far  to  enter  into  any  details  as  to 
the  ceremonial  formerly  observed  in  the  coronation  of 
the  Kings  of  Hungary,  Bohemia,  and  Poland,  but  a  word 
may  be  added  about  one  of  the  most  splendid  of  the 
coronation  orders  still  maintained,  namely  that  of  the 
czar,  which  always  takes  place  at  Moscow.  The  ser- 
vice begins  after  the  Proscomedy,  or  Offertory,  by  a 


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OOEPOBAL 


solemn  procession  in  which  the  emperor  enters  the 
church  and  is  conducted  to  his  throne.  The  lifting 
upon  a  shield  which  was  long  retained  in  the  old 
Greek  ritual  of  Constantinople  is  not  now  used  at 
Moscow.  After  the  emperor  has  recited  the  Nicene 
Creed  as  a  profession  of  faith,  and  after  an  invocation 
of  the  Holy  Ghost  and  litany,  the  emperor  assumes 
the  purple  chlamys  and  then  the  crown  is  presented 
to  him.  He  takes  it  and  puts  it  on  his  head  himself, 
while  the  metropolitan  says,  "In  the  name  of  the 
Father  and  of  the  Son  and  of  the  Holy  Ghost,  Amen", 
and  then  the  metropolitan  makes  the  following  short 
address:  "Most  God-fearing,  absolute  and  mighty 
Lord,  Emperor  of  all  the  Russias,  this  visible  and 
tangible  adornment  of  thy  head  is  an  eloquent  symbol 
that  thou  as  the  head  of  the  whole  Russian  people  art 
invisibly  crowned  by  the  King  of  kings,  Chnst,  with  a 
most  ample  blessing,  seeing  that  He  bestows  upon  thee 
entire  authority  over  His  people."  This  is  followed 
by  the  delivery  of  the  sceptre  and  orb,  each  with  ad- 
dresses. Then  the  queen  is  crowned,  the  emperor  for 
a  moment  putting  his  own  crown  on  the  head  of  the 
empress  before  he  invests  her  with  that  which  prop- 
erly belongs  to  her.  This  is  followed  by  the  proclama- 
tion of  the  emperor's  style  and  by  a  general  act  of 
homage.  The  Liturgy  is  then  celebrated,  and  after 
the  Communion  hymn  («otrar»ii>)  the  royal  gates 
of  the  sanctuary  are  opened,  the  emperor  is  invited  to 
approach,  and  there,  near  the  entrance,  standing  on 
the  cloth  of  gold,  the  emperor  and  empress  are  anoint- 
ed. In  the  case  of  the  emperor  the  forehead,  eyes, 
nostrils,  mouth,  ears,  breast,  and  the  hands  on  both 
sides,  are  all  touched  with  oil  but  in  the  case  of  the 
empress  the  unction  is  confined  to  the  forehead  only. 
Then  the  emperor  passes  within  the  royal  gates  and 
receives  both  the  Eucharistic  species  as  a  priest  does, 
separately.  The  empress,  however,  remains  outside, 
and  receives  only,  as  the  Greek  laity  usually  do,  by 
intinction. 

General. — Thalhofkr  in  Kirchenlex.,  s.  v.  Krfinung;  Ven- 
ables  in  Diet.  Christ.  Ant.,  a.  vv.  Coronation  and  Crown.  Mab- 
tene,  De  Antiquis  Ecdesia  Ritibus  (Venice,  1783),  II.  201-241 ; 
Catala.ni,  Ccsremoniale  Romanum  (Rome,  1750),  I,  85-145; 
Pontificals  Romanum  (Rome.  1736),  I,  369-417. 

Particular  Rites. — Bytantine. — Sick  el,  Da*  byzarUintschs 
KrOnungsrecht  bis  turn  10.  Jahrhundert  in  Byzantinisohe  Zeit- 
schrift  (Leipzig,  1898),  VII:  Bbiohtman,  Byzantine  Imperial 
Coronations  in  Journ.  of  That.  Studies  (1901),  II.  359-392. 
Spanish. — Ferotin,  Monumenta  Ecdesia)  Liturgica  (Paris, 
1904),  IV,  498-505.  Celtic. — Bute,  Scottish  Coronations  (Lon- 
don 1902);  Cooper,  Four  Scottish  Coronations  (Aberdeen,  1902, 
Eccles.  Society);  Kinloch,  Scottish  Coronations  in  The  Dublin 
Review  (1902).  English. — Mabkell,  Monumenta  Ritualia  Ec- 
desia) Anglicana  (Oxford,  1882),  II;  Wordsworth,  The  Manner 
of  Coronation  of  King  Charles  1  (London,  1892).  The  vast  num- 
ber of  publications  produced  on  the  coronation  of  Edward  VII 
cannot  be  mentioned  here,  but  among  the  more  important  are 
Wickhau-Leoo,  English  Coronation  Records  (London,  1901); 
Wordsworth.  Three  English  Coronation  Orders  (London,  1901 ); 
Macleans,  The  Great  Solemnity  (London,  1902);  Thurston,  The 
Coronation  Ceremonial  (London,  1902),  and  in  Nineteenth  Cen- 
tury (March,  1902),  and  in  The  Month  (June,  July.1902):  Wil- 
son, The  English  Coronation  Orders  in  Jour,  of  Theol.  Studies 
(July,  1901).  Imperial  Coronations. — Diemand,  Das  Cere- 
monicll  der  KaiserkrSnungen  (Munich,  1894);  Waitz,  Die  For- 
meln  der  deutschen  Kdnigs-  und  der  rdmischen  Kaiserkrdnung 
(Gfittingen,  1871);  Schwarzer,  Die  Ordines  der  Kaiserkrdnung. 
Miscellaneous. — Dewick,  The  Order  of  Coronation  of  Charles  V 
(Henry  Bradshaw  Society,  1899);  Maltzew,  Biti-  Dank-  und 
Weihe-Ootiesdienste  (Berlin,  1897).  1-61;  Haabe,  Die  Kdnigs- 
KrOnungen  in  Oberitalien  (Strasburg,  1901);  Magibtretti, 
Pontificate  Ambrosianum  (Milan,  1897). 

Herbert  Thurston. 

Coronel,  Greoorio  Ntrf? ez(  a  distinguished  theolo- 
gian, writer,  and  preacher,  b.  in  Portugal,  about  1548; 
d.  about  1620.  At  an  early  age  he  entered  the  Order 
of  St.  Augustine  in  one  of  its  many  houses  in  his  native 
land.  He  manifested,  during  the  course  of  his  stud- 
ies, great  powers  of  research  and  a  ready  grasp  of  the 
most  abstruse  problems  of  philosophy  and  theology. 
Soon  after  his  ordination  to  the  priesthood  he  became 
famous  as  a  profound  theologian  and  master  of  sacred 
eloquence.  When  his  fame  was  at  its  zenith,  he  left 
Portugal  and  was  appointed  by  the  Duke  of  Savoy 


chaplain  and  preacher  to  his  court.  He  came  to 
Rome  by  order  of  his  superiors,  and  there  took  the 
degree  of  Doctor  of  Divinity.  Coronel  taught  theol- 
ogy for  many  years  in  the  Eternal  City  with  credit 
tohimself  and  honour  to  his  order.  At  this  time  the 
controversy  about  the  efficacy  of  Divine  grace  and 
free  will  between  the  Jesuits  and  Dominicans  was  at 
its  height.  The  reigning  pontiff,  Clement  VIII,  estab- 
lished the  famous  Congregatio  de  Auxiliis  to  decide 
the  points  at  issue,  and  Coronel  was  appointed  by  the 
pope  to  the  onerous  and  invidious  position  of  secre- 
tary. He  was  continued  in  this  office  by  Pope  Clem- 
ent's successor,  Paul  V.  As  a  reward  for  his  services 
to  the  congregation,  he  was  offered  a  bishopric.  This 
he  declined,  saving  that  at  his  age — he  was  then  sixty 
— honours  and  responsibilities  were  rather  to  be  laid 
down  than  assumed.  He  attended  the  general  chap- 
ter of  his  order,  held  at  Rome  in  1620,  as  definitor  of 
the  Sardinian  province.  Coronel 's  principal  works 
are:  "Libri  decern  de  vera  Christ i  Ecclesia"  (Rome, 
1594);  "libri  sex  de  optimo  reipublicss  statu" 
(Rome,  1597);  "De  traditionibus  apostolicis"  (Rome, 
1597).  A  history  of  the  Congregatio  de  Auxiliis,  in 
manuscript,  is  preserved  in  the  Angelica  Library  in 
Rome. 

Elbsius,  Encomiasticon  Augustinianum  (Brussels,  1654); 
Osbinokr,  Bibliotheca  Augustiniana  (Ingoldatadt,  1768); 
Lanteri,  Poslrema  sacula  sex  religionis  Augustiniana!  (Rome, 

1860)  ;  Barboba  and  Nardccci,  Catalogue  manuscriptorum 
Bibliotheca  Angelica)  (Rome,  1893);  Babdon.  Monastici  Augus- 
tiniani  Crusenxi  continualio  (Valladolid,  1903). 

J.  A.  Knowles. 

Ooronel,  Juan,  b.  1569,  in  Spain;  d.  1651,  at 
Menda,  Mexico.  He  made  his  academic  studies  at 
the  University  of  Alcala  de  Henares,  and  joined  the 
Franciscans  of  the  province  of  Castile.  He  was  sent  to 
Yucatan,  Mexico,  in  1590,  and  there  so  familiarized 
himself  with  the  Maya  language  that  he  was  able  to 
teach  it,  the  historian  Cogolludo  being  one  of  his  pu- 
pils. Cogolludo  says  he  wrote  a  Maya  grammar 
(Arte)  that  was  printed  in  Mexico,  of  which,  however, 
nothing  else  is  known.  A  catechism  in  Maya:  "Doc- 
trina  cristiana  en  lengua  Maya",  was  published  at 
Mexico  in  1620,  and  in  the  same  year  there  appeared  in 
print,  also  at  Mexico,  "Discursos  predicables  y  trata- 
dos  espirituales  en  lengua  Maya".  Both  are  exceed- 
ingly rare.  Father  Coronel  was  one  of  the  foremost 
teachers  of  the  Indians  of  Yucatan  in  the  seventeenth 
century.  He  was  a  strict  Observant  for  sixty-seven 
years,  always  travelling  barefooted.  His  great  aus- 
terity impeded  his  election  to  the  office  of  Provincial 
of  the  Franciscan  Order  in  Yucatan. 

Cogolludo,  Historia  de  Yucatan  (Madrid,  1688;  Menda, 
1842);  Beribtain,  Biblu)ieca  hitpano-americana  (Mexico,  1816; 
Amecameca,  1883);  Squier,  Monograph,  etc.  (New  York, 

1861)  ;  he  merely  copies  Beribtain. 

Ad.  F.  Bandeuer. 

Corporal  (from  Lat.  corpus,  body),  a  square 
white  linen  cloth,  now  usually  somewhat  smaller  than 
the  breadth  of  an  altar,  upon  which  the  Sacred  Host 
and  chalice  are  placed  during  the  celebration  of  Mass. 
Although  formal  evidence  is  wanting,  it  may  fairly  be 
assumed  that  something  in  the  nature  of  a  corporal 
has  been  in  use  since  the  earliest  days  of  Christianity. 
Naturally  it  is  difficult  in  the  early  stages  to  distin- 
guish the  corporal  from  the  altar-cloth,  and  a  passage 
of  St.  Optatus  (c.  375),  which  asks,  "What  Christian 
is  unaware  that  in  celebrating  the  Sacred  Mysteries 
the  wood  [of  the  altar]  is  covered  with  a  linen  cloth?" 
(ipsa  ligna  linteamine  cooperiri,  Optatus,  VI,  ed. 
Ziwsa,  p.  145),  leaves  us  in  doubt  which  he  is  referring 
to.  This  is  probably  the  earliest  direct  testimony; 
for  the  statement  of  the  "Liber  Pontificalis",  "He 
[Pope  Sylvester]  decreed  that  the  Sacrifice  should  not 
be  celebrated  upon  a  silken  or  dyed  cloth,  but  only 
on  linen,  sprung  from  the  earth,  as  the  Body  of  our 
Lord  Jesus  Christ  was  buried  in  a  clean  linen  shroud" 
(Mommsen,  p.  51),  cannot  be  relied  upon.   Still,  the 


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ideas  expressed  in  this  passage  are  found  in  an  authen- 
tic letter  of  St.  Isidore  of  Pelusium  (Ep.  i,  123)  and 
again  in  the  "  Expositio ' '  of  St.  Germanus  of  Paris  in  the 
sixth  century  (P.  L.,  LXXII,  93).  Indeed  they  lasted 
through  the  Middle  Ages,  as  the  verses  attributed  to 
Hildebert  (P.  L.,  CLXXI,  1194)  sufficiently  show:— 
Ara  crucis,  tumulique  calix,  lapidisque  patena, 
Sindonis  officium  Candida  byssus  habet. 
It  is  quite  probable  that  in  the  early  centuries  only 
one  linen  cloth  was  used  which  served  both  for  altar- 
cloth  and  corporal,  this  being  of  large  size  and  doubled 
back  to  cover  the  chalice.  Much  doubt  must  be  felt 
as  to  the  original  use  of  certain  cloths  of  figured  linen 
in  the  treasury  of  Monza  which  Barbier  de  Montault 
sought  to  identify  as  corporals.  The  corporal  was  de- 
scribed as  palla  corporalis,  or  velamen  dominiae  mensw, 
or  opertonum  dominid  corporis,  etc.;  and  it  seems 
generally  to  have  been  of  linen,  though  we  hear  of 
altar-cloths  of  silk  (Greg,  of  Tours,  "Hist.  Franc", 
VII,  22;  X,  16),  or  of  purple  (Paulus  Silentiarius, 
"Descr.  S.  Sophia?",  p.  758;  a  coloured  miniature  in 
the  tenth-century  Benedictional  of  St.  iEthelwold  also 
seems  to  show  a  purple  altar-covering),  or  of  cloth-of- 
gold  (Chrysostom  in  Matt.,  Horn.  1).  In  some  of 
these  cases  it  seems  difficult  to  decide  whether  altar- 
cloth  or  corporal  is  meant.  However,  there  is  no 
doubt  that  a  clear  distinction  had  established  itself  in 
Carlovingian  times  or  even  earlier.  Thus,  in  the 
tenth  century,  Regino  of  Prum  (De  Disc.  Eccl.,  cap. 
cxviii)  quotes  a  council  of  Reims  as  having  decreed 
"that  the  corporal  [corporate]  upon  which  the  Holy 
Sacrifice  was  offered  must  be  of  the  finest  and  purest 
linen  without  admixture  of  any  other  fibre,  because 
Our  Saviour's  Body  was  wrapped  not  in  silk,  but  in 
clean  linen".  He  adds  that  the  corporal  was  never  to 
remain  on  the  altar,  but  was  to  be  put  in  the  Missal 
[Sacramentorum  libro]  or  shut  up  with  the  chalice  and 
paten  in  some  clean  receptacle.  And  when  it  was 
washed,  it  was  to  be  washed  first  of  all  by  a  priest, 
deacon,  or  subdeacon  in  the  church  itself,  in  a  place 
or  a  vessel  specially  reserved  for  this,  because  it  had 
been  impregnated  with  the  Body  and  Blood  of  Our 
Lord.  Afterwards  it  might  be  sent  to  the  laundry 
and  treated  like  other  linen.  The  suggestion  as  to 
keeping  the  corporal  between  the  leaves  of  the  Missal 
is  interesting  because  it  shows  that  it  cannot,  even  in 
the  tenth  century,  have  always  been  of  that  extrava- 
gant size  which  might  be  inferred  from  the  description 
m  the  "Second  Roman  Ordo"  (cap .  ix) ,  where  the  deacon 
and  an  assistant  deacon  are  represented  as  folding  it 
up  between  them.  Still  it  was  big  enough  at  this 
period  to  allow  of  its  being  bent  back  to  cover  the 
chalice,  and  thus  serve  the  purpose  of  our  present  pall. 
This  is  done  by  the  Carthusians  to  this  day,  who  use 
no  pall  and  have  no  proper  elevation  of  the  chalice. 
As  regards  the  size  of  the  corporal,  some  change  may 
have  taken  place  when  it  ceased  to  be  Usual  for  the 
people  to  bring  loaves  to  the  altar,  for  there  was  no 
longer  need  of  a  large  cloth  to  fold  back  over  them 
and  cover  them.  Anyway,  it  is  in  the  eleventh  and 
twelfth  centuries  that  the  practice  of  doubling  the 
corporal  over  the  chalice  gave  place  to  a  new  plan  of 
using  a  second  (folded)  corporal  to  cover  the  mouth 
of  the  chalice  when  required.  The  question  is  debated 
in  some  detail  in  one  of  the  letters  of  St.  Anselm,  who 
quite  approves  of  the  arrangement  (P.  L.,  CLVIII, 
550) ;  and  a  hundred  years  later  we  find  Pope  Inno- 
cent III  stating,  "  there  are  two  kinds  of  palls  or  cor- 
porals, as  they  are  called  [duplex  est  palla  qua  dicitur 
corporate]  one  which  the  deacon  spreads  out  upon  the 
altar,  the  (Other  which  he  places  folded  upon  the 
mouth  of  the  chalice"  (De  Sacrif.  Missse,  II,  56).  The 
essential  unity  of  the  pall  and  the  corporal  is  further 
shown  by  the  fact  that  the  special  blessing  which  both 
palls  and  corporals  must  always  receive  before  use 
designates  the  two  as  "linteamen  ad  tegendum  invol- 
vendumque  Corpus  et  Sanguinem  D.  N.  J.  C",  i.  e. 


to  cover  and  enfold  the  Body  and  Blood  of  Christ. 
This  special  blessing  for  corporals  and  palls  is  alluded 
to  even  in  the  Celtic  liturgical  documents  of  the  sev- 
enth century,  and  the  actual  form  now  prescribed  by 
the  modern  Roman  Pontifical  is  found  almost  in  the 
same  words  in  the  Spanish  "  Liber  Ordinum"  of  about 
the  same  early  date. 

According  to  existing  liturgical  rules,  the  corporal 
must  not  be  ornamented  with  embroidery,  and  must 
be  made  entirely  of  pure  white  linen,  though  there 
seem  to  have  been  many  medieval  exceptions  to  this 
law.  It  is  not  to  be  left  to  lie  open  upon  the  akar, 
but  when  not  in  use  is  to  be  folded  and  put  away  in 
a  burse,  or  "corporas-case",  as  it  was  commonly 
called  in  pre-Reformation  England.  Upon  these 
burses  much  ornamentation  is  lavished,  and  this  has 
been  the  case  since  medieval  times,  as  many  existing 
examples  survive  to  show.  The  corporal  is  now  usu- 
ally folded  twice  in  length  and  twice  in  breadth,  so 
that  when  folded  it  still  forms  a  small  square.  At  an 
earlier  period,  when  it  was  larger  and  was  used  to 
cover  the  chalice  as  well,  it  was  commonly  folded  four 
times  in  length  and  thrice  in  breadth.  This  practice 
is  still  followed  by  some  of  the  older  religious  orders. 
The  corporal  and  pall  have  to  pass  through  a  triple 
washing  at  the  hands  of  a  priest,  or  at  least  a  sub- 
deacon,  before  they  may  be  sent  to  a  laundry.  Also, 
when  they  are  in  use  they  may  not  be  handled  by  any 
but  the  clergy,  or  sacristans  to  whom  special  permis- 
sion is  given. 

Streber  in  Kirchmlexikon,  III,  1106-1107:  Thalhoter, 
Liturgik.  I,  777-781;  Van  der  Stappen,  Sacra  Litvrgia  (Mech- 
lin, 1902),  III.  102-110;  GtHR,  The  Mom,  tr.  (Freiburg,  1902), 
261-264;  Barbies  de  Montault,  he  Aiobilier  EccUsiaetiaue; 
Rohault  de  Fleubt,  La  Mesae  (Paris,  1888),  VI,  197-204; 
Diet.  Christ.  Anliq.,  s.  v.  Corporal:  Atchlet  in  Si.  Paul's 
Ecclet.  Soc.  Transactions  (1900),  IV,  156-160:  Barbier  de 
Montault  ill  Bulletin  Monumental  (1882),  683-630. 

Herbert  Thurston. 

Corporal  Works  of  Mercy.   See  Mercy. 

Corporation  (Lat.  corpus,  a  body),  an  association 
recognized  by  civil  law  and  regarded  in  all  ordinary 
transactions  as  an  individual.  It  is  an  artificial  per- 
son. Ch>ef  Justice  Marshall  of  the  Supreme  Court  of 
the  United  States  of  America,  in  the  course  of  a  formal ' 
judicial  utterance,  thus  defined  the  term  corporation: 
"  A  corporation  is  an  artificial  being,  invisible,  intan- 
gible, and  existing  only  in  contemplation  of  law.  Be- 
ing the  mere  creature  of  law,  it  possesses  only  those 
properties  which  the  charter  of  its  creation  confers 
upon  it",  either  expressly  or  as  incidental  to  its  very 
existence.  These  are  such  as  are  supposed  best  cal- 
culated to  effect  the  object  for  which  it  was  created. 
Among  the  most  important  are  immortality,  and,  if 
the  expression  may  be  allowed,  individuality;  prop- 
erties by  which  a  perpetual  succession  of  many  per- 
sons are  considered  as  the  same,  and  may  act  as  a  single 
individual.  They  enable  a  corporation  to  manage  its 
own  affairs,  and  to  hold  property  without  the  perplex- 
ing intricacies,  the  hazardous  and  endless  necessity 
of  perpetual  conveyances  for  the  purpose  of  transmits 
ting  it  from  hand  to  hand.  It  is  chiefly  for  the  pur- 
pose of  clothing  bodies  of  men,  in  succession,  with 
qualities  and  capacities,  that  corporations  were  in- 
vented, and  are  in  use.  By  these  means,  a  perpetual 
succession  of  individuals  are  capable  of  acting  for  the 
promotion  of  the  particular  object,  like  one  immortal 

Chancellor  Kent  of  New  York,  one  of  the  most 
famous  j  uristsof  modern  times,  defines  a  corporation  as 
"a  franchise  ^possessed  by  one  or  more  individuals, 
who  subsist,  as  a  body  politic,  under  a  special  denom- 
ination, and  are  vested,  by  the  policy  of  theteiw;  with 
the  capacity  of  perpetual  succession,  and  of  acting  in 
several  respects,  however  numerous  the  associations 
may  be,  as  a  single  individual.  The  object  of 
the  institution  is  to  enable  the  members  to  act 
by  one  united  will,  and  to  continue  their  joint 


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powers  and  property  in  the  same  body,  undisturbed 
by  the  change  of  members,  and  without  the  nec- 
essity of  perpetual  conveyances,  as  the  rights  of 
members  pass  from  one  individual  to  another.  All 
the  individuals  composing  a  corporation  and  their 
successors,  are  considered  in  law  as  out  one  person,  cap- 
able, under  an  artificial  form,  of  taking  and  conveying 
property,  contracting  debts  and  duties,  and  of  enjoy- 
ing a  variety  of  civil  and  political  rights.  One  of  the 
peculiar  properties  of  a  corporation  is  the  power  of 
perpetual  succession;  for,  in  judgment  of  law,  it  is 
capable  of  indefinite  duration.  The  rights  and  priv- 
ileges of  the  corporation  do  not  determine,  or  vary 
upon  the  death  or  change  of  any  of  the  individual 
members.  They  continue  as  long  as  the  corporation 
endures." 

Ancient  Corporations. — Among  the  ancient 
Greeks  a  kind  of  association  called  iratpla  corre- 
sponded in  its  characteristics  very  closely  with  the 
modern  corporation.  Solon  is  said  to  have  encour- 
aged the  formation  of  such  bodies,  and  in  his  legisla- 
tion permitted  them  to  be  instituted  freely  and  to  en- 
gage in  any  transactions  not  contrary  to  law.  The 
Roman  prototype  of  the  corporation  as  it  came  into 
existence  under  the  common  law  of  England,  and  from 
England  was  transplanted  into  America,  was  the  col- 
legium. This  kind  of  association,  called  also  corpus, 
was  required  to  consist  of  at  least  three  persons  (Dig., 
L,  tit.  xvi),  and  persons  who  had  regularly  and  legally 
constituted  a  collegium  were  said  corpus  habere  (to 
have  a  body),  i.  e.  to  have  been,  as  we  say,  duly  incor- 
porated. The  persons  who  formed  a  collegium  were 
called  colleges  or  sodales.  The  word  collegium  derived 
from  con,  "with",  and  lego,  "to  select",  had  the  lit- 
eral meaning  of  an  aggregation  of  persons  united  in 
any  office  or  for  any  common  purpose.  In  the  later 
days  of  the  Roman  Republic  corporation  was  used  in 
documents  relating  to  public  law  in  the  same  sense  as 
collegium.  The  word  societas  seems  to  have  been 
used  as  a  term  corresponding  to  our  word  partnership. 
A  collegium  possessed  the  legal  right  of  holding  prop- 
erty in  common.  Its  members  had  a  common  treas- 
ury and  could  sue  and  be  sued  by  their  syndicus  or 
actor.  According  to  the  Roman  law,  that  which  was 
due  to  the  collegium  was  not  due  to  individuals  com- 
posing it;  that  which  was  an  indebtedness  of  the  col- 
legium was  not  the  debt  of  individuals.  The  property 
ofthe  collegium  was  liable  to  be  seized  and  sold  for  its 
debts.  The  term  universitas  is  used  by  the  Roman 
law  writers  in  the  same  sense  as  collegium.  The  ap- 
plication of  universitas  to  an  academic  or  literary  in- 
stitution is  first  found  in  a  Decretal  of  one  of  the  popes 
establishing  a  medieval  university  for  the  teaching  of 
religion,  literature,  science,  and  the  arts.  A  colle- 
gium or  universitas  was,  under  the  Roman  law,  man- 
aged by  its  officers  and  agents  under  regulations  es- 
tablished by  the  corporate  body  itself,  and  these 
regulations  might  be  such  as  were  agreed  upon  by  the 
members,  subject  only  to  the  limitation  that  they 
were  not  contrary  to  the  public  law. 

A  lawfully  constituted  collegium  was  termed 
legitimum.  Associations  attempting  to  act  as  a  col- 
legium, when  not  duly  authorized,  were  called  collegia 
UUcita.  It  seems  that  no  particular  Roman  law  de- 
fined the  mode  in  which  collegia  were  regularly  to  be 
formed.  They  appear  to  have  been  formed  by  the 
voluntary  association  of  individuals  according  to  some 
general  legal  authority.  Some  of  these  ancient 
Roman  corporations  resembled  the  guilds  of  medieval 
times,  such  as  the  collegia  fabrorum,  collegia  pistorum, 
etc.;  others  were  of  a  religious  nature  such  as  the 
collegia  pontificum,  augurum.  According  to  Ulpian  a 
universitas,  though  reduced  to  a  single  member,  was 
still  considered  a  universitas;  for  the  remaining  mem- 
ber thereof  possessed  all  the  rights  and  privileges  of 
the  universitas,  and  used  the  name  by  which  it  was 
originally  known.    When  a  new  member  was  taken 


into  a  collegium,  he  was  said  co-optari,  and  the  mem  - 
bers  of  an  association  into  which  he  was  introduced 
were  said,  with  respect  to  him,  recipere  in  collegium. 
The  chief  public  corporation  of  ancient  Rome  was  the 
munidpium.  Municipia  possessed  all  of  the  charac- 
teristic powers  of  ordinary  corporations  together  with 
the  right  of  local  government.  It  is  stated  by 
Plutarch  that  corporations  were  introduced  into  the 
Roman  system  of  legislation  by  Numa.  That  sover- 
eign, upon  his  accession  to  the  throne,  noted  that 
great  public  disorder  existed  in  the  city  of  Rome  by 
reason  of  the  contentions  between  the  rival  factions 
of  Sabines  and  Romans;  and  for  the  purpose  of  pro- 
tecting the  State  against  tumult,  divided  each  of  these 
factions  into  many  smaller  ones  by  creating  collegia 
for  each  of  the  professions  and  for  each  of  the  manual 
occupations. 

Classification. — Under  the  English  law  corpora- 
tions are  distinguished  in  the  first  place  as  being 
either  aggregate  or  sole.  A  corporation  aggregate 
consists  of  several  persons  united  in  a  society  and 
maintained  by  a  perpetual  succession  of  members. 
A  corporation  sole  consists  of  one  person  only,  and 
the  successors  of  that  person  in  some  particular  sta- 
tion or  office.  The  King  of  England  is  a  corporation 
sole;  so  is  a  bishop;  and  in  the  Church  of  England 
every  parson  and  vicar  is,  in  view  of  the  law,  a  corpo- 
ration sole.  The  laws  of  the  United  States  have 
rarely  recognized  any  sole  corporation,  but  "the  Cath- 
olic Bishop  of  Chicago",  now  Archbishop,  was,  many 
years  ago,  created  a  corporation  sole  by  a  special  act 
of  the  legislature  of  the  State  of  Illinois.  In  Mary- 
land the  Archbishop  of  Baltimore  holds  all  Church 
property  as  a  corporation  sole.  Similarly  in  the  sev- 
eral Catholic  dioceses  of  California,  the  bishop  or 
archbishop  is  a  corporation  sole,  and  since  1897  such 
is  the  case  in  Massachusetts  for  the  Archdiocese  of 
Boston  (H.  J.  Desmond,  The  Church  and  the  Law, 
Chicago,  1898,  72,  73).  Under  certain  circumstances 
the  Third  Plenary  Council  of  Baltimore  (Acta  et 
Deere ta,  no.  267)  urged  each  bishop  and  archbishop 
of  the  United  States  to  have  himself  constituted  a 
corporation  sole  (see  Property,  Ecclesiastical). 

A  further  division  of  corporations,  either  sole  or 
aggregate,  recognized  by  the  law  of  England,  is  that 
ofeccleaiastical  corporations  and  lay  corporations. 
Ecclesiastical  corporations  are  those  whose  members 
are  persons  devoted  to  spiritual  affairs,  Buch  as  bish- 
ops, archdeacons,  parsons,  and  vicars.  Prior  to  the 
reign  of  Edward  VI,  deans  and  chapters,  priors  and 
convents,  abbots  and  monks  were  ecclesiastical  cor- 
porations aggregate.  Lay  corporations  are  of  two 
kinds,  civil  and  eleemosynary.  Civil  are  such  as 
exist  for  the  safeguarding  and  administration  of 
temporal  affairs.  As  Blackstone  says,  the  king  is 
made  a  corporation  to  prevent  in  general  the  possi- 
bility of  an  interregnum  and  to  preserve  the  posses- 
sions of  the  Crown  entire;  for  immediately  upon  the 
demise  of  one  king  his  successor  is  considered  in  law 
as  having  full  possession  of  the  regal  dignity  and 
privileges.  Examples  of  other  lay  corporations  are 
those  which  are  created  to  govern  towns  or  districts 
such  as  the  corporation  known  as  the  City  of  London; 
others  have  been  created  for  the  conduct  of  manufac- 
turing and  commercial  enterprises,  for  the  diffusion 
of  learning,  and  for  scientific  research.  The  Univer- 
sities of  Oxford  and  Cambridge  are  examples  of  cor- 
porations created  for  the  advancement  of  learning. 
Eleemosynary  corporations  are  defined  by  Blackstone 
to  be  such  as  are  constituted  for  the  perpetual  distri- 
bution of  free  alms  or  bounty  of  the  f ounder  thereof 
to  such  persons  as  such  founder  may  have  designated. 
Of  this  kind  are  all  hospitals  for  the  maintenance  of 
the  poor,  sick,  and  impotent. 

Creation. — Under  the  common  law  of  England 
corporations  depended  for  their  existence  upon  a 
charter  (Lat.  charta,  a  paper)  granted  by  the  king. 


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Corporations  which  had  existed  so  long  a  time  that 
"the  memory  of  man  ran  not  to  the  contrary"  were 
said  to  exist  by  prescription;  but  that  considerate 
doctrine  was  based  upon  the  theory  that  the  corpora- 
tion had  at  one  time  received  a  charter,  which,  in 
course  of  time  and  by  reason  of  the  vicissitudes  of 
human  affairs,  had  been  lost.  When  the  religious 
revolution  of  the  sixteenth  century  occurred,  most  of 
the  religious  houses  of  England  were  corporations  by 
prescription,  because  they  were  so  ancient  that  their 
original  charters,  if  there  were  any,  had  disappeared. 
The  rights  of  a  corporation  by  prescription,  however, 
are  quite  as  valid  at  common  law  as  are  the  rights  of 
those  which  can  exhibit  a  charter.  Instances  of 
corporations  interesting  to  American  people  are  those 
created  by  letters  patent  from  the  King  of  England  to 
the  London  Company,  under  which  the  original  settle- 
ments of  the  New  England  coast  were  made;  and  the 
charter  to  the  Virginia  Company,  under  which  the 
shores  of  Virginia  were  first  colonized  by  Englishmen. 

Name. — Under  the  Roman  law  as  well  as  under  the 
English  common  law  a  corporation  must,  necessarily, 
have  a  name,  and  by  that  name  alone  it  must  appear 
in  court  and  must  conduct  all  of  its  transactions. 
Such  a  name  is  said  by  Blackstone  to  be  for  a  corpora- 
tion, "  the  very  being  of  its  constitution".  The  name 
of  incorporation  is  said  by  Sir  Edward  Coke  to  be  its 
proper  name  or  name  of  baptism. 

Ecclesiastical  Corporations,  as  such,  are  not 
recognized  by  the  laws  of  the  United  States  or  of  the 
several  States  constituting  the  Union.  Under  the 
American  system  of  law,  corporations  are  either  public 
or  private,  public  corporations  being  those  that  are 
erected  for  the  purposes  of  local  government,  such  as 
municipal  corporations  for  the  government  of  cities. 
The  term  private  corporations  includes  all  others, 
religious,  literary,  charitable,  manufacturing,  insur- 
ance, banking,  and  railroad  corporations.  In  the 
various  States  of  the  Union  corporations  were  formerly 
created  by  charter  granted  by  the  legislature.  In  the 
greater  number  of  the  States  at  the  present  time 
private  corporations  are  created  by  the  voluntary  act 
of  individuals  who  associate  themselves  together  and 
make  a  public  declaration  of  their  intention  to  become 
a  body  corporate  and  take  such  action  in  conformity 
with  general  rules  laid  down  by  legislation.  Charters 
of  incorporation  granted  by  the  legislatures  of  the 
States  to  private  corporations  are  considered  as  exe- 
cuted contracts  within  the  protection  of  Article  1, 
Section  10,  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States, 
by  which  it  is  declared  that  "  no  State  shall  pass  any 
law  impairing  the  obligation  of  contracts ' '.  This  was 
decided  by  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  in 
the  case  entitled  "The  Trustees  of  Dartmouth  College 
vs.  Woodward"  fWheaton's  Reports,  Vol.  4,  p.  518). 
In  many  States  the  right  to  amend,  modify,  or  repeal 
a  charter  was  usually  reserved  in  the  charter  itself. 
Such  a  provision  is  now  incorporated  into  the  consti- 
tutions of  many  of  the  States. 

Power  or  Corporations. — The  principal  charac- 
teristic of  a  corporation  at  common  law  was  that  it 
was  vested  with  the  privilege  of  perpetuity,  that  is, 
it  was  said  to  have  perpetual  succession.  At  the 
present  time  in  the  greater  number  of  American  States 
the  general  legislation  providing  for  the  creation  of 
corporations  expressly  designates  a  fixed  term  during 
which  a  corporation  may  exist.  The  second  of  the 
original  powers  of  corporations  which  is  still  main- 
tained, is  to  sue  or  to  be  sued,  implead,  or  to  be 
impleaded,  grant  or  receive,  by  its  corporate  name 
and  to  do  all  other  acts  as  natural  persons  may.  The 
third  privilege  was  to  purchase  lands  and  to  hold  them 
for  the  benefit  of  the  members  of  the  corporation  and 
their  successors.  This  right  was  largely  modified  by 
the  statutes  of  mortmain  (q.  v.)  in  England  and  has 
been  strictly  regulated  and  greatly  limited  by  Ameri- 
can legislation.   The  fourth  original  power  possessed 


by  corporations  was  that  of  having  a  common  seal. 
As  was  said  by  the  ancient  law  writers  of  England,  a 
corporation,  being  an  invisible  body,  cannot  manifest 
its  intentions  by  any  personal  act  or  by  speech,  and 
therefore  can  act  and  speak  only  by  its  common  seal. 
In  modern  times  many  corporations  are  expressly 
authorized  by  legislation  to  act  without  using  a  seal, 
and  the  decisions  of  the  courts  have  generally  held, 
at  least  in  modern  times,  that  a  corporation  was  bound 
by  implication  in  many  cases  where  its  acts  had  not 
been  attested  by  the  corporate  seal.  The  fifth  privi- 
lege of  a  corporation,  which  has  existed  from  time 
immemorial  and  still  exists,  is  that  of  making  by-laws 
or  providing  statutes  for  the  regulation  of  its  own 
affairs;  and  these  are  binding  upon  the  corporation 
and  its  members  unless  contrary  to  the  law  of  the 
land.  This  right  was  allowed  by  the  Law  of  the 
Twelve  Tables  at  Rome. 

Privileges  and  Disabilities. — A  corporation 
must  always  appear  by  attorney  or  agent  (the  actor 
or  syndicus  of  the  Roman  law)  for  it  cannot  appear 
in  person;  being,  as  Sir  Edward  Coke  says,  invisible 
and  existing  only  in  contemplation  of  the  law.  Under 
the  strict  construction  of  its  legal  quality  the  courts 
of  England  originally  held  that  a  corporation  could 
not  be  held  liable  for  any  action  based  upon  tortious 
conduct;  that  is,  a  corporation  could  not  be  held 
liable  for  personal  injuries  inflicted  by  the  wrongful 
act  or  culpable  neglect  of  its  agents.  It  is  now  held 
however,  both  in  England  and  America,  that  a  cor- 
poration is  liable  in  damages  for  any  wrong  com- 
mitted by  its  servants  or  agents  when  acting  within 
the  scope  of  the  duties  which  properly  devolve  upon 
them.  The  doctrine  designated  r>y  the  term  ultra 
vires  is  that  which  governs  the  courts  in  limiting  the 
liability  of  a  corporation  to  acts  which  are  expressly 
authorized  by  its  charter,  or  acts  which  are  defined 
by  its  original  articles  of  institution  to  be  within  the 
scope  of  its  corporate  operations.  This  doctrine  is 
sound  because  it  would  be  contrary  to  public  policy 
to  hold  that  a  corporation  had  the  right  to  do  any 
act  or  to  undertake  any  course  of  transactions  which 
was  not  within  the  scope  of  the  powers  which  it  orig- 
inally declared  itself  as  possessing.  However,  the 
application  of  this  doctrine  is  so  restricted  by  the 
courts  as  not  to  allow  corporate  officers  to  use  the 
doctrine  as  a  cloak  for  deeds  not  equitable  in  their 
nature.  It  is  construed  strictly  by  the  courts  as  a 
shield  arid  is  not  allowed  to  operate  as  a  sword. 

Visitation. — The  necessity  of  supervision  over 
corporate  acts  being  generally  acknowledged,  it  was 
held  at  common  law  that  every  corporation  had, 
necessarily,  a  visitor.  As  Blackstone  well  says, 
"Corporations,  being  composed  of  individuals,  subject 
to  human  frailties,  are  liable  as  well  as  private  persons, 
to  deviate  from  the  end  of  their  institution.  And  for 
that  reason  the  law  has  provided  proper  persons  to 
visit,  inquire  into  and  correct  all  irregularities  that 
arise  in  such  corporations,  either  sole  or  aggregate, 
and  whether  ecclesiastical,  civil  or  eleemosynary". 
Prior  to  the  religious  revolution  of  the  sixteenth 
century  the  pope  was  the  visitor  of  the  archbishops 
and  metropolitans.  In  respect  to  all  lay  corpora- 
tions, the  founder,  his  heirs,  or  assigns  are  the  visitors 
under  the  English  system.  In  the  various  States  of 
the  American  Union  visitors  of  corporations  are  prac- 
tically unknown;  the  supervision  of  private  corpora- 
tions being  vested  in  courts  of  equity.  In  England 
the  king  is  considered  as  the  visitor  for  all  civil  cor- 
porations, and  this  jurisdiction  is  exercised  through 
the  Court  of  King's  Bench. 

Dissolution. — Any  member  of  a  corporation  may 
be  disfranchised,  that  is,  he  may  lose  his  membership 
in  the  corporation  by  acting  in  such  manner  as  to 
forfeit  his  rights  under  a  provision  of  the  by-laws:  or 
he  may  resign  from  the  corporation  by  his  own  volun- 
tary act.   A  resignation  by  parole,  if  entered  upon 


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ihe  records  and  accepted  by  the  corporation,  is  suffi- 
cient. Hie  corporation  itself  may  be  dissolved  and 
in  such  case,  at  common  law,  debts  due  from  a 
corporation  were  wholly  extinguished  ipso  facto  by 
such  dissolution;  and  in  this  respect  the  common  law 
concurred  with  the  maxim  of  the  civil  law  which 
declared  that  the  members  of  a  corporation  in  respect 
to  its  property  rights  and  credits  nad  no  individual 
rights  therein:  "si  quid  universitati  debetur;  singulis 
non  debetur;  nec,  quod  debet  universitas,  singuli 
debent"  (Pandects,  III,  4,  7). 

The  method  of  dissolution  under  the  common  law 
was  (1)  by  an  act  of  Parliament;  (2)  in  the  case  of  a 
corporation  aggregate,  by  the  death  of  all  its  members; 

(3)  by  surrender  of  its  franchise  into  the  hands  of  the 
king  through  voluntary  action  of  the  corporation; 

(4)  Dy  the  forfeiture  of  its  corporate  rights  through 
negligence  or  through  non-user  or  abuse  of  its  fran- 
chise. The  franchises,  as  the  English  law  termed  the 
privileges  which  corporations  enjoyed,  were  con- 
sidered a  trust  lodged  in  the  corporation  for  the  gen- 
eral benefit  of  society,  and  to  allow  such  privileges  to 
be  abused  or  to  discontinue  the  exercise  of  such  fran- 
chise was  held  to  be  a  fault  punishable  according  to 
its  degree  and,  in  extreme  cases,  punishable  by  extinc- 
tion of  corporate  existence.  The  regular  course 
adopted  for  the  punishment  of  corporations  or  their 
dissolution  is  to  proceed  by  what  is  termed  a  writ  of 
quo  warranto,  which  means  that  a  representative  of 
the  State  presents  to  some  competent  tribunal  a 
petition  reciting  abuses,  wrongs,  or  culpable  non- 
action of  a  corporate  body,  prays  for  its  dissolution, 
and  demands  that  a  writ  issue  from  the  court  requir- 
ing the  corporation  to  show  "by  what  warrant"  it 
presumes  to  exist  and  to  act  as  a  corporation.  Upon 
a  proper  showing  by  petition,  the  court  issues  its  writ 
quo  warranto;  that  is,  the  court  issues  a  document 
requiring  the  corporation  to  present  to  such  court 
the  facte  which  the  corporation  deems  sufficient  to 
warrant  its  continued  existence.  Upon  a  trial  of  the 
issues  involved,  if  it  be  found  that  tie  corporation  is 
amenable  to  public  discipline,  it  may  be  amerced  or 
its  extinction  may  be  decreed.  Proceedings  by  quo 
warranto  still  have  a  place  in  the  law  of  England  and 
also  in  the  laws  of  the  various  American  States, 
although  such  proceedings  have  been  greatly  modi- 
fied by  statute.  Students  of  history  will  recall  the 
great  public  agitation  caused  during  the  reign  of 
King  Charles  II  by  the  institution  of  proceedings  in 
quo  warranto  against  the  city  of  London.  Judgment, 
however,  was  rendered  by  a  competent  tribunal 
against  the  city  of  London,  and  it  is  probable  that, 
according  to  a  strict  construction  of  the  law,  the 
proceedings  were  justified.  After  the  English  revolu- 
tion which  seated  William  and  Mary  upon  the  throne, 
the  judgment  against  the  city  of  London  was  reversed 
by  an  Act  of  Parliament.  In  all  civilized  countries 
bodies  politic,  similar  in  nature  and  quality  to  Eng- 
lish and  American  corporations,  exist.  As  these  have 
many  special  characteristics  imparted  to  them  by  the 
legislation  of  the  various  countries  in  which  they  exist, 
no  attempt  to  describe  them  is  made  in  this  article. 

Baldwin,  Modem  Political  Institutions  (Boston,  1898),  141 
aqq.;  Blackbtone,  Commentaries  upon  the  Laws  of  England, 
ed.  Shabswood  (Philadelphia.,  1875),  I,  xviii;  Kent,  Commen- 
taries upon  American  Law  (Boston,  1884),  I,  525,  and  note,  II, 
268  sq.;  Mommsen,  History  of  Rome  (New  York,  1895),  II,  65, 
V,  374;  Mackenzie,  Roman  Law  (London,  1898),  160-163; 
Sohu,  Institutes  of  Roman  Law  (Oxford,  1892),  106;  Decision 
of  U.  S.  Supreme  Court,  Dartmouth  College  v.  Woodward  in 
IV  Whealonrs  Reports  (New  York,  1819),  518,  638;  Minob, 
Institutes  (Charlottesville,  Virginia,  1882),  I,  541;  Elliott, 
Corporations  (Indianapolis,  Indiana,  1900),  i;  Smith,  Diet,  of 
Greek  and  Roman  Antxq.  (London,  1875). 

John  W.  Willis. 

Corporation  Act  of  1661. — The  Corporation  Act 
of  1661  belongs  to  the  general  category  of  test  acts, 
designed  for  the  express  purpose  of  restricting  public 
offices  to  members  of  the  Church  of  England.  Though 


commonly  spoken  of  as  one  of  the  "Penal  Laws",  and 
enumerated  by  Butler  in  his  "  Historical  Account  of 
the  Laws  against  the  Roman  Catholics  of  England", 
it  was  not  directly  aimed  against  them,  but  against 
the  Presbyterians.  It  was  passed  in  December,  1661, 
the  year  after  the  Restoration,  technically  13 
Charles  II.  Parliament  was  at  that  time  entirely 
reactionary.  The  Cavaliers  were  in  power,  and  they 
aimed  at  nothing  short  of  restoring  England  to  its 
state  before  the  time  of  the  Commonwealth.  It  re- 
quired all  the  prudence  of  the  Earl  of  Clarendon,  the 
chancellor,  to  restrain  them.  The  Corporation  Act 
represents  the  limit  to  which  he  was  prepared  to  go  in 
endeavouring  to  restrict  the  power  of  the  Presbyter- 
ians. They  were  influentially  represented  in  the  gov- 
ernment of  cities  and  boroughs  throughout  the  coun- 
try, and  this  act  was  designed  to  dispossess  them.  It 
provided  that  no  person  could  be  legally  elected  to 
any  office  relating  to  the  government  of  a  city  or  cor- 
poration, unless  he  had  within  the  previous  twelve 
months  received  the  sacrament  of  "  the  Lord's  Sup- 
per" according  to  the  rites  of  the  Church  of  England. 
He  was  also  commanded  to  take  the  Oaths  of  Allegi- 
ance and  Supremacy,  to  swear  belief  in  the  Doctrine 
of  Passive  Obedience,  and  to  renounce  the  Covenant. 
In  default  of  these  requisites  the  election  was  to  be 
void.  A  somewhat  similar  act  passed  twelve  years 
later,  known  as  the  Test  Act,  prescribed  for  all  offi- 
cers, civil  and  military,  further  stringent  conditions, 
including  a  declaration  against  Transubstantiation. 
These  two  acts  operated  very  prejudicially  on  Catho- 
lics, forming  an  important  part  of  the  general  Penal 
Codo  which  kept  them  out  of  public  life.  In  later 
times  the  number,  even  of  non-Catholics,  who  quali- 
fied for  civil  and  military  posts  in  accordance  with 
their  provisions  was  very  small,  and  an  "Act  of  In- 
demnity" used  to  be  passed  annually,  to  relieve  those 
who  had  not  done  so  from  the  penalties  incurred. 
There  was  no  expression  in  this  act  limiting  its  opera- 
tion to  the  case  of  Protestants:  yet  on  the  only  oc- 
casion when  a  Catholic  ventured  to  ask  for  a  share  in 
the  Indemnity,  it  was  refused  on  the  ground  of  the 
act  not  being  applicable  to  him.  (Butler,  op.  cit., 
19.)  The  Corporation  Act  remained  nominally  in 
force  throughout  the  eighteenth  century.  It  was 
eventually  repealed  in  1828,  the  year  before  Catholic 
Emancipation.  Bernard  Ward. 

Corpus  Christ!  (Body  op  Christ),  Feast  of,  is 
celebrated  in  the  Latin  Church  on  the  Thursday  after 
Trinity  Sunday  to  solemnly  commemorate  the  institu- 
tion of  the  Holy  Eucharist.  Of  Maundy  Thursday, 
which  commemorates  this  great  event,  mention  is 
made  as  Natalia  Calicia  (Birth  of  the  Chalice)  in  the 
Calendar  of  Polemius  (448)  for  the  24th  of  March, 
the  25th  of  March  being  in  some  places  considered 
as  the  day  of  the  death  of  Christ.  This  day,  how- 
ever, was  in  Holy  Week,  a  season  of  sadness,  during 
which  the  minds  of  the  faithful  are  expected  to  be  oc- 
cupied with  thoughts  of  the  Lord's  Passion.  More- 
over, so  many  other  functions  took  place  on  this  day 
that  the  principal  event  was  almost  lost  sight  of. 
This  is  mentioned  as  the  chief  reason  for  the  introduc- 
tion of  the  new  feast,  in  the  Bull  "Transiturus". 

The  instrument  in  the  hand  of  Divine  Providence 
was  St.  Juliana  of  Mont  CornQlon,  in  Belgium.  She 
was  born  in  1193  at  Retinnes  near  Liege.  Orphaned 
at  an  early  age,  she  was  educated  by  the  Augustinian 
nuns  of  Mont  Cornillon.  Here  she  in  time  made  her 
religious  profession  and  later  became  superioress. 
Intrigues  of  various  kinds  several  times  drove  her 
from  her  convent.  She  died  5  April,  1258,  at  the 
House  of  the  Cistercian  nuns  at  Fosses,  and  was 
buried  at  Villiers. 

_  Juliana,  from  her  early  youth,  had  a  great  venera- 
tion for  the  Blessed  Sacrament,  and  always  longed 
for  a  special  feast  in  its  honour.   This  desire  is  said 


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to  have  been  Increased  by  a  vision  of  the  Church 
under  the  appearance  of  the  full  moon  having  one 
dark  spot,  which  signified  the  absence  of  such  a 
solemnity.  She  made  known  her  ideas  to  Robert  de 
Thorete,  then  Bishop  of  Liege,  to  the  learned  Domini- 
can Hugh,  later  cardinal  legate  in  the  Netherlands, 
and  to  Jacques  Pantaleon,  at  that  time  Archdeacon  of 
Liege,  afterwards  Bishop  of  Verdun,  Patriarch  of  Jeru- 
salem, and  finally  Pope  Urban  IV.  Bishop  Robert 
was  favourably  impressed,  and,  since  bishops  as  yet 
had  the  right  of  ordering  feasts  for  their  dioceses, 
he  called  a  synod  in  1246  and  ordered  the  celebra- 
tion to  be  held  in  the  following  year,  also,  that  a 
monk  named  John  should  write  the  Office  for  the  oc- 
casion. The  decree  is  preserved  in  B interim  (Denk- 
wurdigkeiten,  V,  1,  276),  together  with  parts  of  the 
Office. 

Bishop  Robert  did  not  live  to  see  the  execution  of 
his  order,  for  he  died  16  October,  1246;  but  the  feast 
was  celebrated  for  the  first  time  by  the  canons  of  St. 
Martin  at  Liege.  Jacques  Pantaleon  became  pope  29 
August,  1261.  The  recluse  Eve,  with  whom  Juliana 
had  spent  some  time,  and  who  was  also  a  fervent 
adorer  of  the  Holy  Eucharist,  now  urged  Henry  of 
Guelders,  Bishop  of  Liege,  to  request  the  pope  to  ex- 
tend the  celebration  to  the  entire  world.  Urban  IV, 
always  an  admirer  of  the  feast,  published  the  Bull 
"Transiturus"  (8  September,  1264),  in  which,  after 
having  extolled  the  love  of  Our  Saviour  as  expressed 
in  the  Holy  Eucharist,  he  ordered  the  annual  celebra- 
tion of  Corpus  Christi  on  the  Thursday  next  after 
Trinity  Sunday,  at  the  same  time  granting  many 
Indulgences  to  the  faithful  for  the  attendance  at  Mass 
and  at  the  Office.  This  Office,  composed  at  the  re- 
quest of  the  pope  by  the  Angelic  Doctor  St.  Thomas 
Aquinas,  is  one  of  the  most  beautiful  in  the  Roman 
Breviary  and  has  been  admired  even  by  Protestants. 
The  death  of  Pope  Urban  IV  (2  October,  1264), 
shortly  after  the  publication  of  the  decree,  somewhat 
impeded  the  spread  of  the  festival.  Clement  V  again 
took  the  matter  in  hand  and,  at  the  General  Council 
of  Vienne  (1311),  once  more  ordered  the  adoption  of 
the  feast.  He  published  a  new  decree  which  em- 
bodied that  of  Urban  IV.  John  XXII,  successor  of 
Clement  V,  urged  its  observance.   Neither  decree 

rks  of  the  theophoric  procession  as  a  feature  of 
celebration.  This  procession,  already  held  in 
some  places,  was  endowed  with  Indulgences  by  Popes 
Martin  V  and  Eugene  IV.  The  feast  had  been  ac- 
cepted in  1306  at  Cologne;  Worms  adopted  it  in  1315; 
Strasburg  in  1316.  In  England  it  was  introduced 
from  Belgium  between  1320  and  1325.  In  the  United 
States  and  some  other  countries  the  solemnity  is  held 
on  the  Sunday  after  Trinity. 

In  the  Greek  Church  the  feast  of  Corpus  Christi  is 
known  in  the  calendars  of  the  Syrians,  Armenians, 
Copts,  Melchites,  and  the  Ruthenians  of  Galicia, 
Calabria,  and  Sicily. 

Gogranoer,  The  Liturgical  Year  (tr.  Worcester,  ».  d.) ;  But- 
ler. Feasts  and  Fasts;  Kellner,  Heortologie  (2nd  ed.,  Freiburg. 
1906);  Der  Kathalik  (Aug.,  1898),  151;  Baumer,  Getch.  da 
Brevier*  (Freiburg,  1896). 

Francis  Mershman. 

Corpus  Juris  Oanonici. — I.  Definition. — The 
term  corpus  here  denotes  a  collection  of  documents; 
corpus  juris,  a  collection  of  laws,  especially  if  they  are 
placed  in  systematic  order.  It  may  signify  also  an 
official  and  complete  collection  of  a  legislation  made 
by  the  legislative  power,  comprising  all  the  laws 
which  are  in  force  in  a  country  or  society.  The  term, 
although  it  never  received  legal  sanction  in  either 
Roman  or  canon  law,  being  merely  the  phraseology 
of  the  learned,  is  used  in  the  above  sense  when  the 
"Corpus  Juris  Civilis"  of  the  Roman  Christian  em- 
perors is  meant.  The  expression  corpus  Juris  may 
also  mean,  not  the  collection  of  laws  itself,  but  the 
legislation  of  a  society  considered  as  a  whole,  Hence 


Benedict  XIV  could  rightly  say  that  the  collection  of 
his  Bulls  formed  part  of  the  corpus  juris  (Jam  fere  sex- 
tus,  1746).  We  cannot  better  explain  the  significa- 
tion of  the  term  corpus  juris  canonxci  than  by  snowing 
the  successive  meanings  which  were  assigned  to  it  in 
the  past  and  which  it  usually  bears  at  the  present  day. 
Under  the  name  of  "corpus  canonum"  were  desig- 
nated the  collection  of  Dionysius  Exiguus  and  the 
"Collectio  Anselmo  dedicate"  (see  Delow).  The 
"Decree"  of  Gratian  is  already  called  "Corpus  Juris 
Canonici"  by  a  glossator  of  the  twelfth  century,  and 
Innocent  IV  calls  by  this  name  the  "Decretals"  of 
Gregory  IX  (Ad  expediendos,  9  Sept.,  1253).  Since 
the  second  half  of  the  thirteenth  century,  Corpus 
Juris  Canonici  in  contradistinction  to  Corpus  Juris 
Civilis,  or  Roman  law,  generally  denoted  the  following 
collections:  (1)  the  "Decretals"  of  Gregory  IX;  (2) 
those  of  Boniface  VIII  (Sixth  Book  of  the  Decretals)  ; 
(3)  those  of  Clement  V  (Clementina),  i.  e.  the  collec- 
tions which  at  that  time,  with  the  "Decree"  of  Gra- 
tian, were  taught  and  explained  at  the  universities. 
At  the  present  day,  under  the  above  title  are  com- 
monly understood  these  three  collections  with  the 
addition  of  the  "Decree"  of  Gratian,  the  " Extra  va- 
gantes ' '  of  John  XXII,  and  the  "  Extra vagan tea  Com- 
munes". 

Thus  understood,  the  term  dates  back  to  the  six- 
teenth century  and  was  officially  sanctioned  by  Greg- 
ory XIII  (Cum  pro  munere,  1  July,  1580).  The  earli- 
est editions  of  these  texts  printed  under  the  now  usual 
title  of  "Corpus  Juris  Canonici",  date  from  the  end  of 
the  sixteenth  century  (Frankfort.  8vo,  1586;  Paris, 
fol.,  1587).  In  the  strict  sense  of  the  word  the  Church 
does  not  possess  a  corpus  juris  clausum,  i.  e.  a  collec- 
tion of  laws  to  which  new  ones  cannot  be  added.  The 
Council  of  Basle  (Sess.  XXIU,  ch.  vi)  and  the  decree  of 
the  Congregation  "Super  statu  regularium"  (25  Jan., 
1848)  do  not  speak  of  a  corpus  clausum;  the  first  refers 
to  reservationums  in  carport  juris  expresse  clausis,  that 
is,  reservations  of  ecclesiastical  benefices  contained  in 
the  "Corpus  Juris",  especially  in  the  "Liber  Sextus" 
of  Boniface  VIII,  to  the  exclusion  of  those  held  in  the 
"Extra vagan tes"  described  below,  and  at  that  time 
not  comprised  in  the  "Corpus  Juris  Canonici";  the 
second  speaks  of  cuilibet  privHegio,  licet  in  corpore 
juris  clauso  et  confirmato,  i.  e.  of  privileges  not  only 
granted  by  the  Holy  See,  but  also  inserted  in  the  offi- 
cial collections  of  canon  law. 

II.  Principal  Canonical  Collections.' — We  shall 
briefly  sketch  the  history  of  the  earliest  collections  of 
canons,  and  shall  add  a  brief  description  of  the  "  Cor- 
pus Juris  Canonici "  as  it  is  no w  understood.  The  his- 
tory of  canon  law  is  generally  divided  into  three 
periods.  The  first  extends  to  the  "Decree"  of  Gra- 
tian, i.  e.  to  the  middle  of  the  twelfth  century  (jus 
antiquum);  the  second  reaches  to  the  Council  of 
Trent  (jus  novum);  the  third  includes  the  latest  en- 
actments since  the  Council  of  Trent  inclusively  (jus 
novissimum).  _ 

(1)  Jus  antiquum. — The  most  ancient  collections  of 
canonical  legislation  are  certain  very  early  pseudo- 
Apostolic  documents:  for  instance,'  the  AtSax^i  r&r 
SiiStKa  iracrdXur  or  "Teaching  of  the  Twelve  Apos- 
tles", which  dates  from  the  end  of  the  first  or  the  be- 
ginning of  the  second  century;  the  Apostolic  Church 
Ordinance;  the  "Didascalia  ,  or  "Teaching  of  the 
Apostles"  (third  century);  the  Apostolic  Canons  (see 
Canons,  Apostolic);  and  Apostolic  Constitutions. 
These  collections  have  never  nad  any  official  value, 
no  more  than  any  other  collection  of  this  first  period. 
It  was  in  the  East,  after  the  Edict  of  Milan  (313),  that 
arose  the  first  systematic  collections.  We  cannot  so 
designate  the  chronological  collections  of  the  canons 
of  the  councils  of  the  fourth  and  fifth  centuries  (314- 
451) ;  the  oldest  systematic  collection,  made  by  an  un- 
known author  in  535,  has  not  come  down.  The  most 
important  collections  of  this  epoch  are  the  Xvrayuyit 


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Karimr,  or  the  collection  of  John  the  Scholastic  (Jo- 
annes Seholasticus),  compiled  at  Antioch  about  560, 
and  the  Nomocanons,  or  compilations  of  civil  laws 
affecting  religious  matters  (rt/iot)  and  ecclesiastical 
laws  (icawJr).  One  such  mixed  collection  is  dated  in 
the  sixth  century  and  has  been  erroneously  attri- 
buted to  John  the  Scholastic;  another  of  the  seventh 
century  was  rewritten  and  much  enlarged  by  the 
schismatical  patriarch  Photius  (883).  In  the  West- 
ern Church  three  collections  of  canons  have  exercised 
an  influence  far  beyond  the  limits  of  the  country  in 
which  they  were  composed;  they  are  the  "Collectio 
Dionysiana",  the  lengthy  Irish  collection  (Hibernen- 
sis),  and  the  "Decretals"  of  Pseudo-Isidore.  The 
"Dionysiana",  also  called  "Corpus  canonum",  "Cor- 
pus codicis  canonum",  was  the  work  of  Dionysius 
Exiguus  who  died  between  the  years  540  and  555;  it 
contains  his  Latin  translation  of  the  canons  of  the 
councils  of  the  Eastern  Church  and  a  collection  of  (38) 
papal  letters  (Epistolse  decre tales)  dating  from  the 
reign  of  Pope  Sincius  (384-398)  to  that  of  Anastasius 
II  (d.  498).  The  authority  of  this  Italian  collection, 
at  once  quite  considerable  at  R.me  and  in  Italy,  was 
greatly  increased  after  Adrian  I  had  sent  to 
Charlemagne  (774)  a  modified  and  enlarged  copy  of 
the  collection,  thenceforth  known  as  the  "Collectio 
Dionysio-Hadriana"  and  the  Synod  of  Aachen  (802) 
accepted  it  as  the  "Codex  Canonum"  of  the  immense 
Empire  of  the  Franks. 

Tne  lengthy  Irish  collection  of  canons,  compiled  in 
the  eighth  century,  influenced  both  Gaul  and  Italy. 
The  latter  country  possessed,  moreover,  two  fifth- 
century  Latin  translations  of  the  Greek  synods  (the 
collection  erroneously  called  "Isidoriana"  or  "His- 
pana",  and  the  "Collectio  Prisca") ;  also  an  important 
collection  of  pontifical  and  imperial  documents  (the 
"Avellana",  compiled  in  the  pontificate  of  Gregory 
the  Great,  590-604).  Africa  possessed  a  collection  of 
105,  or  more  exactly  94,  canons,  compiled  about  419; 
also  the  "Breviatio  Canonum",  or  digest  of  the 
canons  of  the  councils  by  Fulgentius  Ferrandus  (d. 
c.  546),  and  the  "Concordia  Canonum"  of  Cresconius, 
an  adaptation  of  the  "Dionysiana"  (about  690).  In 
Gaul  are  found,  at  the  beginning  of  the  sixth  century, 
the  "Statuta  Ecclesite  antiqua  ,  erroneously  attrib- 
uted to  Africa,  and,  among  many  other  collections, 
the  "Quesnelliana"  (end  of  the  fifth  or  beginning  of 
the  sixth  century)  and  the  "Dacheriana"  (about 
800),  both  so  called  from  the  names  of  their  editors, 
Paschase  Quesnel  and  d'AcheW.  Spain  possessed  the 
"Capitula  Martini",  compiled  about  572  by  Martin, 
Bishop  of  Braga,  and  a  "Codex  canonum  "or  "Col- 
lectio Hispana?'  dating  from  about  633,  attributed 
in  the  ninth  century  to  St.  Isidore  of  Seville.^  In 
the  ninth  century  arose  several  apocryphal  collections, 
■viz.  those  of  Benedictus  Levita,  of  Isidorus  Merca- 
tor  (also  Peccator  or  Mercatus),  and  the  "Capitula 
Angilramni".  An  examination  of  the  controversies 
which  these  three  collections  give  rise  to  will  be  found 
elsewhere  (see  False  Decretals).  The  Pseudo- 
Isidorian  collection,  the  authenticity  of  which  was 
for  a  long  time  admitted,  has  exercised  considerable 
influence  on  ecclesiastical  discipline,  without  however 
modifying  it  in  its  essential  principles.  Among  the 
numerous  collections  of  a  later  date,  we  may  mention 
the  "Collectio  Anselmo  dedicata",  compiled  in  Italy 
at  the  end  of  the  ninth  century,  the  "Libellus  de 
ecclesiasticis  disciplinis"  of  Regino  of  Prflm  (d.  915); 
the  "Collectarium  canonum"  of  Burchard  of  Worms 
(d.  1025) ;  the  collection  of  the  younger  St.  Anselm  of 
Lucca,  compiled  towards  the  end  of  the  eleventh  cent- 
ury; the  "Collectio  trium  partium",  the  "Decretum" 
and  the  "Panormia"  of  Yves  of  Chartres  (d.  1115  or 
1117);  the  "Liber  de  misericordia  et  iustitia"  of 
Algerus  of  Liege,  who  died  in  1132 — all  collections 
which  Gratian  made  use  of  in  the  compilation  of  his 
"  Decretum  ".  The  aforesaid  collections  and  others  are 


described  more  fully  in  the  article  Canons,  Collec- 
tions of  Ancient. 

(2)  Jus  novum  and  Corpus  juris  canonici. — It  was 
about  1150  that  the  Camaldolese  monk,  Gratian, 
professor  of  theology  at  the  University  of  Bologna, 
to  obviate  the  difficulties  which  beset  the  study  of 
practical,  external  theology  (theologia  practica  ex- 
terna), i.  e.  canon  law,  composed  the  work  entitled  by 
himself  "Concordia  discordantium  canonum",  but 
called  by  others  "Nova  collectio",  "Decreta",  "Cor- 

f)us  juris  canonici",  also  "Decretum  Gratiani",  the 
atter  being  now  the  commonly  accepted  name.  In 
spite  of  its  great  reputation  the  "Decretum"  has 
never  been  recognized  by  the  Church  as  an  official 
collection.  It  is  divided  into  three  parts  (ministeria, 
negotia,  sacramenta).  The  first  part  is  divided  into 
101  distinctions  (dtstinctiones),  the  first  20  of  which 
form  an  introduction  to  the  general  principles  of 
canon  law  (tractatus  deeretalium);  the  remainder  con- 
stitutes a  tractatus  ordinandorum,  relative  to  ecclesias- 
tical persons  and  functions.  The  second  part  contains 
36  causes  {causes),  divided  into  questions  (quastiones), 
and  treat  of  ecclesiastical  administration  and  mar- 
riage ;  the  third  question  of  the  33rd  causa  treats  of 
the  Sacrament  of  Penance  and  is  divided  into  7  distinc- 
tions. The  third  part,  entitled  "De  consecratione", 
treats  of  the  sacraments  and  other  sacred  things  and 
contains  5  distinctions.  Each  distinction  or  question 
contains  dicta  Gratiani,  or  maxims  of  Gratian,  and 
canones.  Gratian  himself  raises  questions  and  brings 
forward  difficulties,  which  he  answers  by  quoting 
auctoritates,  i.  e.  canons  of  councils,  decretals  of  the 
popes,  texts  of  the  Scripture  or  of  the  Fathers.  These 
are  the  canones;  the  entire  remaining  portion,  even 
the  summaries  of  the  canons  and  the  chronological 
indications,  are  called  the  maxims  or  dicta  Qratiani. 
It  is  to  be  noted  that  many  auctoritates  have  been 
inserted  in  the  "Decretum"  by  authors  of  a  later 
date.  These  are  the  Palea,  so  called  from  Pauca- 
palea,  the  name  of  the  principal  commentator  on  the 
"Decretum".  The  Roman  revisers  of  the  sixteenth 
century  (1566-82)  corrected  the  text  of  the  "Decree" 
and  added  many  critical  notes  designated  by  the 
words  Correctores  Romani. 

The  "Decretum"  is  quoted  by  indicating  the  num- 
ber of  the  canon  and  that  of  the  distinction  or  of  the 
cause  and  the  question.  To  differentiate  the  distinc- 
tions of  the  first  part  from  those  of  the  third  question 
of  the  33rd  cause  of  the  second  part  and  those  of  the 
third  part,  the  words  de  Pom.,  i.  e.  de  Patniientid,  and 
de  Cons.,  i.  e.  de  Consecratione  are  added  to  the  latter. 
For  instance,  "c.  1.  d.  XI"  indicates  the  first  part  of 
the  "Decree",  distinction  XI,  canon  1;  "c.  1.,  de 
Poen.,  d.  VI"  refers  to  the  second  part,  33rd  cause, 
question  3,  distinction  VI,  canon  1;  "c.  8,  de  Cons., 
a.  II"  refers  to  the  third  part,  distinction  II,  canon  8; 
"c.  8,  C.  XII,  q.  3"  refers  to  the  second  part,  cause 
XII,  question  3,  canon  8.  Sometimes,  especially  in 
the  case  of  well-known  and  much-quoted  canons,  the 
first  words  are  also  indicated,  e.  g.,  c.  St  quia  suodente 
diobolo,  C.  XVII,  q.  4,  i.  e.  the  29th  canon  of  the 
second  part,  cause  XVII,  question  4.  Occasionally 
the  first  words  alone  are  quoted.  In  both  cases,  to 
find  the  canon  it  is  necessary  to  consult  the  alpha- 
betical tables  (printed  in  all  editions  of  Gratian)  that 
contain  the  first  words  of  every  canon. 

The  general  laws  of  a  later  date  than  the  "Decree" 
of  Gratian  have  been  called  "  Extra vagantes",  i.  e. 
laws  not  contained  in  Gratian's  "Decree"  (Vagantes 
extra  Decretum).  These  were  soon  brought  together 
in  new  collections,  five  of  which  (Quinque  compila- 
tiones  antique)  possessed  a  special  authority.  Two 
of  them,  namely  the  third  and  the  fifth,  are  the  most 
ancient  official  compilations  of  the  Roman  Church 
(see  Decretals,  Papal).  Among  other  compilations 
at  the  end  of  the  twelfth  and  the  beginning  of  the 
thirteenth  century  the  following  deserve  special  atten- 


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tion:  "Appendix  concilii  Lateranensis  III";  the  col- 
lections known  as  "Bambergensis"  (Bamberg),  "Lir>- 
" "  "),  "Halensii  " 


siensis"  (Leipzig),  "Casselana"  (Cassel), 
(Halle),  and  "Lucensis"  (Lucca),  bo  named  from  the 
libraries  in  which  the  manuscripts  of  these  collections 
were  found;  the  collection  of  the  Italian  Benedictine 
Rainerus  Pomposianus,  that  of  the  English  canonist 
Gilbert  (Collectio  Gilberti),  that  of  his  countryman 
Alanus,  professor  at  Bologna  (Collectio  Alani),  and 
that  of  the  Spaniard  Bernard  of  Compostella.  But 
soon  the  new  era  of  official  collections  began  to  dawn. 
In  1230  Gregory  IX  ordered  St.  Raymund  of  Penna- 
fort  to  make  a  new  collection,  which  is  called  the 
"Decretals  of  Gregory  IX"  (Deere tales  Gregorii  IX). 
To  this  collection  he  gave  force  of  law  by  the  Bull 
"Rex  pacificus",  5  Sept.,  1234.  This  collection  is 
also  known  to  canonists  as  the  "Liber  extra",  i.  e. 
extra  Decretum  Gratiani.  Boniface  VIII  published  a 
similar  code  3  March,  1298,  called  the  "Sixth  Book 
of  the  Decretals  "  (Liber  Sextus).  John  XXII  added 
to  it  the  last  official  collection  of  canon  law,  the  "  Liber 
Septimus  Decretalium  ",  better  known  under  the  title 
of  "Constitutiones  dementis  V",  or  simply  "Clem- 
entina" (Quoniam  nulla,  25  Oct.,  1317).  Later 
on  the  canonists  added  to  the  manuscripts  of  the 
"Decretals"  the  most  important  constitutions  of 
succeeding  popes.  These  were  soon  known  and 
quoted  as  "Extravagantes",  i.  e.  twenty  constitu- 
tions of  John  XXII  himself,  and  those  of  other  popes 
to  1484.  In  the  Paris  edition  of  the  canonical  collec- 
tions (1499-1505)  Jean  Chappuis  drew  them  up  in  the 
form  since  then  universally  accepted,  and  kept  for  the 
first  the  name  "Extravagantes  Joannis  XXII",  and 
called  the  others,  "Extravagantes  communes",  i.  e. 
commonly  met  with  in  the  manuscripts  of  the 
"Decretals"  (see  Decretals,  Papal). 

The  "Corpus  Juris  Canonici"  was  now.  indeed, 
complete,  but  it  contained  collections  of  widely  dif- 
ferent juridical  value.  Considered  as  collections,  the 
"Decree"  of  Gratian,  the  "Extravagantes  Joannis 
XXII",  and  the  "Extravagantes  communes"  have 
not,  and  never  had,  a  legal  value,  but  the  documents 
which  they  contain  may  possess  and,  as  a  matter  of 
fact,  often  do  possess,  very  great  authority.  More- 
over, custom  has  even  given  to  several  apocryphal 
canons  of  the  "Decree"  of  Gratian  the  force  of  law. 
The  other  collections  are  official,  and  consist  of  legis- 
lative decisions  still  binding,  unless  abrogated  by 
subsequent  legislation.  The  collections  of  Gregory 
IX  (Libri  quinque  Decretalium)  and  of  Boniface  VIII 
([Liber  Sextus)  are  moreover  exclusive.  The  former, 
indeed,  abrogated  all  the  laws  contained  in  the  afore- 
said compilations  subsequent  to  the  "Decree"  of 
Gratian.  Several  authors,  however,  have  maintained, 
but  wrongly,  that  it  abrogated  also  all  the  ancient  laws 
which  had  not  been  incorporated  in  Gratian.  The 
second  abrogated  all  the  laws  passed  at  a  later  date 
than  the  "Decretals"  of  Gregory  IX  and  not  included 
in  itself.  Each  of  these  three  collections  is  considered 
as  one  collection  (collectio  una),  i.  e.  one  of  which  all 
the  decisions  have  the  same  value,  even  if  they  appear 
to  contain  antinomies.  It  is  to  be  noted,  however, 
that,  in  cases  of  contradiction,  the  decisions  of  the 
collections  of  later  date  invalidate  those  found  in  a 
collection  of  an  earlier  date. 

The  "Decretals"  of  Gregory  IX,  those  of  Boniface 
VIII,  and  the  "Clementinse  are  divided  uniformly 
into  five  books  (liber),  the  books  into  titles  (litulus), 
the  titles  into  chapters  (caput),  and  treat  successively 
of  jurisdiction  (judex),  procedure  (judicium),  the 
clergy  (clerus),  marriage  (connubium),  and  delin- 
quencies (crimen).  The  rubrics,  i.  e.  the  summaries 
of  the  various  titles,  have  the  force  of  law,  if  they  con- 
tain a  complete  meaning;  on  the  other  hand,  the  sum- 
maries of  the  chapters  nave  not  this  juridical  value. 
It  is  customary  to  quote  these  collections  by  indicat- 
ing the  number  of  the  chapter,  the  title  of  the  collec- 


tion, the  heading  of  the  title,  the  number  of  the  book 
and  the  title.  The  "  Decretals ' '  of  Gregory  IX  are  in- 
dicated by  the  letter  "X",  i.  e.  extra  Decretum  Grati- 
ani; the  "Sixth  Book"  or  "Decretals"  of  Boniface 
VIII  by  "  in  VI"  ",  i.  e. "  in  Sexto  " ;  the  "  Clementines" 
by  "in  Clem.",  i.  e.  "in  Clementinis".  For  instance: 
"c.  2,  X,  De  pactis,  I,  35",  refers  to  the  second  chap- 
ter of  the  "  Decretals"  of  Gregory  IX,  first  book,  title 
35;  "c.  2,  in  VI°,  De  hasreticis,  V.  2"  refers  to  the 
second  chapter  of  the  "Decretals  of  Boniface  VIII, 
fifth  book,  title  2;  "c.  2,  in  Clem.,  De  testibus,  II,  8", 
refers  to  the  second  chapter  of  the  "Clementines", 
second  book,  title  8.  If  there  is  only  one  chapter  in  a 
title,  or  if  the  last  chapter  is  quoted,  these  passages 
are  indicated  by  "  c.  umc. ",  ana  "  c.  ult. ",  i.  e. "  caput 
unicum"  and  "caput  ultimum".  Sometimes  also  the 
indication  of  the  number  of  the  chapters  is  replaced  by 
the  first  words  of  the  chapter,  as  for  instance:  c. 
Odoardus.  In  such  cases  the  number  of  the  chapter 
may  be  found  in  the  index-tables  printed  in  all  the 
editions.  The  "Extravagantes  Communes"  are  di- 
vided and  quoted  in  the  same  manner  as  the  "  Decre- 
tals", and  the  collection  is  indicated  by  the  abbrevia- 
tion: "  Extra  v.  Commun."  For  instance:  "c.  1  (or 
unicum,  or  Ambitiossj),  Extrav.  Commun.,  De  rebus 
Ecciesbe  non  alienandis,  III,  4",  refers  to  the  first 
chapter  (the  only  chapter)  in  book  III,  title  4  of  the 
"Extravagantes  Communes".  This  collection  omits 
the  usual  "  Liber  IV"  which  treats  of  marriage.  The 
"  Extravagantes  of  John  XXII ' '  are  divided  only  into 
titles  and  chapters.  They  are  indicated  by  the  ab- 
breviation, "Extrav.  Joan.  XXII".  For  instance: 
"  c.  2,  Extrav.  Joan.  XXII,  De  verborum  significatione 
XIV"  refers  to  the  second  chapter  of  the  fourteenth 
title  of  this  collection. 

'  Principal  editions. — Very  soon  after  the  invention 
of  printing  editions  of  the  "Corpus  Juris",  with  or 
without  the  gloss  (comments  of  canonists)  were  pub- 
lished. We  nave  already  mentioned  the  importance 
of  the  Paris  edition  (1499-1505)  for  the  two  collec- 
tions of  "Extravagantes".  This  edition  includes  the 
gloss.  The  last  edition  with  the  gloss  is  that  of  Lyons 
(1671).  Though  the  Council  of  Trent  did  not  order  a 
revision  of  the  text  of  the  canonical  collections,  St. 
Pius  V  appointed  (1566)  a  commission  to  prepare  a 
new  edition  of  the  "Corpus  Juris  Canonici".  This 
commission  devoted  itself  especially  to  the  correction 
of  the  text  of  the  "  Decree"  of  Gratian  and  of  its  gloss. 
Gregory  XIII  ("Cum  pro  munere",  1  July,  1580; 
"Emendationem",  2  June,  1582)  decreed  that  no  change 
was  to  be  made  in  the  revised  text.  This  edition  of 
the  "Corpus"  appeared  at  Rome  in  1582,  in  cedibus 
populi  Romani,  and  serves  as  exemplar  for  all  subse- 
quent editions.  The  best-known,  previous  to  the 
nineteenth  century,  are  those  of  the  Mothers  Pithou 
(Paris,  1687),  Freiesleben  (Prague,  1728),  and  the 
Protestant  canonist  Bdhmer  (Halle-Magdeburg, 
1747).  It  is  to  be  noted  that  the  text  of  the  latter 
edition  differs  from  that  of  the  Roman  edition  of  1582, 
and  does  not  therefore  possess  practical  utility.  The 
edition  of  Richter  (Leipzig,  1833-39)  avoids  this  defect 
and  is  valuable  for  its  critical  notes.  The  edition  of 
Friedberg  (Leipzig,  1879-81)  does  not  reproduce  the 
text  of  the  Roman  edition  for  the  "  Decree  of  Gratian, 
but  gives  the  Roman  text  of  the  other  collections.  It 
is  the  best  and  most  critical  edition. 

(3)  Jus  novissimum. — After  the  Council  of  Trent, 
an  attempt  to  secure  a  new  official  collection  of  church 
laws  was  made  about  1580,  when  Gregory  XIII 
charged  three  cardinals  with  the  task.  The  work 
continued  during  the  pontificate  of  Sixtus  V,  was  ac- 
complished under  Clement  VIII,  and  was  printed 
(Rome,  1598)  as:  "Sanctissimi  Domini  nostri  de- 
mentis papas  VIII  Decretales'*,  sometimes  also  "Sep- 
timus liber  Decretalium".  This  collection,  never 
approved  either  by  dement  VIII  or  by  Paul  V,  was 
recently  edited  (Freiburg,  1870)  by  Sentis.   In  1557 


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394 


OORREOTORIES 


an  Italian  canonist,  Paul  Lancelottus,  attempted  un- 
successfully to  secure  from  Paul  IV,  for  the  four  books 
of  his  "  Institutions  juris  canonici"  (Rome,  1563),  an 
authority  equal  to  that  which  its  model,  the  "  Institu- 
tions"  of  Emperor  Justinian,  once  enjoyed  in 
the  Roman  Empire.  A  private  individual,  Pierre 
Mathieu  of  Lyons,  also  wrote  a  "  Liber  Septimus  De- 
cretalium",  inserted  in  the  appendix  to  the  Frankfort 
(1500)  edition  of  the  "Corpus  Juris  Canonici".  This 
work  was  put  on  the  Index.  The  sources  of  modern 
canon  law  must  be  looked  for  in  the  disciplinary 
canons  of  the  Council  of  Trent  (see  Trent,  Council 
op),  in  the  collections  of  papal  Bulls  (see  Bullarium), 
of  general  and  local  councils,  and  in  the  collections  of 
the  decisions  and  answers  of  the  Roman  Congrega- 
tions (see  Congregations,  Roman).  However,  the 
ancient  "Corpus  Juris  Canonici"  forms  yet  the  basis 
of  the  actual  canonical  legislation.  The  present  posi- 
tion is  not  without  grave  inconveniences.  At  the  Vat- 
ican Council  several  bishops  asked  for  a  new  codifica- 
tion of  the  canon  law,  and  since  then  several  canonists 
have  attempted  to  compile  treatises  in  the  form  of  a 
full  code  of  canonical  legislation,  e.  g.  de  Luise  (1873), 
Pillet  (1890),  Pezzani  (1894),  Deshayes  (1894),  Col- 
lomiati  (1898-1901).  Finally  Pius  X  determined  to 
undertake  this  work  by  his  decree  "Arduum  sane 
munus"  (19  March,  1904),  and  named  a  commission  of 
cardinals  to  compile  a  new  "Corpus  Juris  Canonici" 
on  the  model  of  the  codes  of  civil  law.    (See  Law.) 

Lacrin,  Introdwtio  in  corpus  juris  canonici  (Freiburg,  1889); 
Schneider,  Die  Lehre  von  den  Kirchenrechtsquellen  (2nd  ed.. 
Ratisbon,  1892);  Tabdif,  Histoire  des  sources  du  droit  canonique 
(Paris,  1887);  Gallandi,  De  vclustis  canonum  collectionibus 
distertationum  si/Uoge  (Menti,  1790);  Voellub  and  Jobtellub, 
Bibliotheca  juris  canonici  veteris  (Paris,  1661);  Maassen, 
Oeschichte  der  QueUm  und  der  Literatur  des  kanonischen  Rechts 
im  Abendlande  bis  turn  Ausgang  des  MUtelalters  (Graz,  1870); 
ScHtJLTE,  Oeschichte  der  Qualm  und  Literatur  de*  canonischen 
Rectus  von  Oration  bis  auf  die  Qeqenwart  (Stuttgart,  1875-1880); 
Smith,  Elements  of  Ecclesiastical  Law  (New  York,  1881),  I,  62 
sqq.;  Scherer,  Handbuch  des  Kirchenrechts  (Gnu,  1886),  I, 
178  sq.;  Wernz,  Jus  Decretalium  (Rome,  1898),  I,  272,  »eq.; 
SaomOller,  Lehrbuch  des  katholischen  Kirchenrechts  (Freiburg, 
1900-1904),  104  sqq.;  Taonton,  The  Law  of  the  Church  (Lon- 
don, 1906).  268,  274,  336,  354,  355,  etc. 

A.  Van  Hove. 

Con-ado,  Rudolfo.    See  Ghirlandajo. 

Correction,  Fraternal,  is  here  taken  to  mean  the 
admonishing  of  one's  neighbour  by  a  private  individual 
with  the  purpose  of  reforming  him  or,  if  possible,  pre- 
venting his  sinful  indulgence.  This  is  clearly  distin- 
guishable from  an  official  disciplining,  whose  mouth- 
piece is  a  judgeorotherlike  superior,  whose  object  is  the 
punishment  of  one  found  to  be  guilty,  and  whose  mo- 
tive is  not  so  directly  the  individual  advantage  of  the 
offender  as  the  furtherance  of  the  common  good. 
That  there  is,  upon  occasion  and  with  due  regard  to 
circumstances,  an  obligation  to  administer  fraternal 
correction  there  can  be  no  doubt.  This  is  a  conclu- 
sion not  only  deducible  from  the  natural  law  binding 
us  to  love  and  to  assist  one  another,  but  also  explicitly 
contained  in  positive  precept  such  as  the  inculcation 
of  Christ:  "If  thy  brother  shall  offend  against  thee, 
go,  and  rebuke  him  between  thee  and  him  alone.  If 
he  shall  hear  thee,  thou  shalt  gain  thy  brother ' '  (Matt., 
xviii,  15).  Given  a  sufficiently  grave  condition  of 
spiritual  distress  calling  for  succour  in  this  way,  this 
commandment  may  exact  fulfilment  under  pain  of 
mortal  sin.  This  is  reckoned  to  be  so  only  when  (1) 
the  delinquency  to  be  corrected  or  prevented  is  a 
grievous  one;  (2)  there  is  no  good  reason  to  believe 
that  the  sinner  will  adequately  provide  for  himself; 
(3)  there  is  a  well-founded  expectation  that  the  ad- 
monition will  be  heeded;  (4)  there  is  no  one  else  just 
as  well  fitted  for  this  work  of  Christian  charity  and 
likely  to  undertake  it;  (5)  there  is  no  special  trouble 
or  disadvantage  accruing  to  the  reformer  as  a  result 
of  his  zeal.  Practically,  no wever,  individuals  without 
any  official  capacity  are  seldom  impeachable  as  having 
seriously  transgressed  the  law  in  this  matter  because 


it  is  but  rarely  one  finds  the  coalition  of  circumstances 
just  enumerated. 

Of  course  the  reproof  is  to  be  administered  pri- 
vately, i.  e.  directly  to  the  delinquent  and  not  in  the 
presence  of  others.  This  is  plainly  the  method  ap- 
pointed by  Christ  in  the  words  just  cited  and  only  as 
a  remedy  for  obduracy  is  any  other  contemplated  by 
Him.  Still  there  are  occasions  upon  which  one  might 
lawfully  proceed  in  a  different  way.  For  instance 
(a)  when  the  offence  is  a  public  one;  (b)  when  it 
makes  for  the  prejudice  of  a  third  party  or  perhaps 
even  the  entire  community;  (c)  when  it  can  only  be 
condignly  dealt  with  by  the  authority  of  a  superior 
paternally  exercised;  (d)  when  a  public  rebuke  is 
necessary  to  preclude  scandal:  witness  the  with- 
standing of  Peter  by  Paul  mentioned  in  the  Epistle 
to  the  Galatians  (ii,  11-14);  (e)  when  the  offender 
has  already  in  advance  relinquished  whatever  right 
he  possessed  to  have  his  good  name  safeguarded,  as 
is  the  custom  in  some  religious  bodies.  The  obliga- 
tion of  fraternal  correction,  bo  far  as  private  persons 
go,  does  not  obtain,  generally  speaking,  for  the  case 
of  one  who  violates  a  law  through  invincible  igno- 
rance. The  obvious  reason  is  that  there  is  then  no 
formal  sin.  Superiors  to  be  sure  can  claim  no  such 
immunity  for  it  is  their  duty  to  instruct  their  subordi- 
nates. Every  one,  however,  whether  having  an  offi- 
cial competency  or  not,  is  bound  to  give  the  admoni- 
tion when  the  sin,  committed  though  it  be  from 
ignorance,  is  hurtful  to  the  offender  or  a  third  party 
or  is  the  occasion  of  pcandal. 

Noldin,  Summa  Theologia  Moralis  (Innsbruck,  1905); 
Lehmkuhl,  Theologia  Moralis  (Freiburg,  1887);  Joseph 
Rick abt,  Aquinas  Ethicus  (London,  1898). 

Joseph  F.  Delant. 

Correction,  Houses  of  Spiritual.  See  Retreat, 
Houses  of  Correctional. 

Oorrectories  are  the  text-forms  of  the  Latin  Vul- 
gate resulting  from  the  critical  emendations  as  prac- 
tised during  the  course  of  the  thirteenth  century. 
Owing  to  the  carelessness  of  transcribers,  the  conjec- 
tural corrections  of  critics,  the  insertion  of  glosses  and 
paraphrases,  and  especially  to  the  preference  for  read- 
ings found  in  the  earlier  Latin  versions,  the  text  of  St. 
Jerome  was  corrupted  at  an  early  date.  About  550 
Cassiodorus  made  an  attempt  at  restoring  the  purity 
of  the  Latin  text.  Charlemagne  entrusted  the  same 
labour  to  Alcuin,  who  presented  his  royal  patron  with 
a  corrected  copy  in  801.  Similar  attempts  were  re- 
peated by  Theodulphus  Bishop  of  Orleans  [787(?)~ 
821],  Lanfranc,  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  (1070- 
1089),  Stephen  Harding,  Abbot  of  Ctteaux  (1109- 
1134),  and  Deacon  Nicolaus  Maniacoria  (about  the 
beginning  of  the  thirteenth  century).  At  this  period 
the  need  of  a  revised  Latin  text  of  the  Vulgate  became 
more  imperative  than  ever.  When,  towards  the  end 
of  the  twelfth  century,  the  schools  of  Paris  were  or- 
ganized into  the  university  and  its  various  faculties 
adopted  the  same  reference  texts,  the  faculty  of  theo- 
logy, too,  adhered  to  a  uniform  text  of  the  Latin 
Bible.  It  cannot  be  ascertained  at  present  whether 
this  adoption  was  owing  to  the  chance  prevalence  of  a 
certain  manuscript  or  to  the  critical  work  of  theolo- 
gians, whether  it  was  the  effect  of  an  official  choice  of 
the  university  or  of  a  prevailing  custom;  at  any  rate, 
the  almost  general  adoption  of  this  text  threw  into 
oblivion  a  great  number  of  genuine  readings  which  had 
been  current  in  the  preceding  centuries,  and  perpetu- 
ated a  text,  uniform,  indeed,  but  very  corrupt.  This 
is  the  so-called  "Biblia  Parisiensis",  or  Paris  Bible; 
no  copy  is  known  to  exist  in  our  days.  The  thirteenth 
century  reacted  against  this  evil  by  a  series  of  correc- 
tories.  Father  Denifle  enumerates  as  many  as  thir- 
teen groups,  but  it  is  more  convenient  to  reduce  them 
to  three  classes:  the  Dominican,  the  Franciscan,  and 
the  allied  correc tones. 


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OOREIGAH 


Dominican  Correctories. — The  general  chapter  of 
'  the  Dominicans  held  in  1236  connects  a  corrected 
text  of  the  Latin  Bible  with  the  members  of  the  prov- 
ince of  France:  it  ordained  that  all  Bibles  should  be 
conformed  to  this.  Little  more  is  known  of  this  work ; 
but  the  following  correc tones  are  more  noted:  (1) 
The  "Biblia  Senonensis",  or  the  Bible  of  Sens,  is  not 
the  Paris  Bible  as  approved  of  by  the  Archbishop  of 
Sens,  nor  is  it  a  particular  text  adopted  by  the  ecclesi- 
astical authority  of  that  city,  but  it  is  a  correction  of 
the  Paris  Bible  prepared  by  the  Dominican  Fathers 
residing  there.  Whatever  be  the  value  of  this  correc- 
tory,  it  did  not  meet  with  the  approval  of  the  Domini- 
can Order,  as  may  be  inferred  from  an  ordination  of 
the  general  chapter  held  in  Paris,  1256.  Quotations 
from  it  found  in  the  "Correctorium  Sorbonicum"  re- 
semble the  readings  of  the  Latin  manuscript  No.  17  in 
the  National  Library,  Paris.  The  fathers  of  Sens 
failed  to  produce  a  satisfactory  text  because  they  were 
too  sparing  in  their  emendation  of  the  Paris  Bible. 
(2)  Hugues  of  Saint-Cher  tried  to  restore  the  primitive 
text  of  the  Latin  Vulgate,  which  in  his  day  was  prac- 
tically identical  with  the  Paris  Bible,  by  removing  its 
glosses  and  all  foreign  accretions.  But  instead  of  hav- 
ing recourse  to  the  manuscripts  of  St.  Jerome's  text  he 
compared  the  Paris  Bible  with  the  original  Hebrew 
and  Greek  readings,  thus  furnishing  a  new  version 
rather  than  a  correctory.  Roger  Bacon  calls  his 
work  "the  worst  corruption,  the  destruction  of  the 
text  of  God".  Eight  manuscripts  of  Hugues'  correc- 
tory  are  still  extant.  (3)  Theobald  is  the  name  of  the 
Dominican  Father  who  is  usually  connected  with  the 
next  correction  of  the  Latin  Vulgate  text,  which  ap- 
peared about  1248.  The  text  of  this  too  resembles 
that  of  the  Latin  manuscript  No.  17  in  the  National 
Library,  Paris,  and  is  thus  related  to  the  "Correc- 
torium Senonense".  It  may  be  identical  with  the 
"Correctio  Parisiensis  secunda",  quoted  in  the  "Cor- 
rectorium Sorbonicum".  (4)  Another  correctory 
was  prepared  about  1256  in  the  Dominican  convent  of 
Saint- Jacques,  Paris.  The  manuscript  thus  corrected 
contains  a  text  as  bad  as,  if  not  worse  than  the  Bible 
of  Paris,  the  readings  of  which  were  carried  into  the 
new  correctory.  The  principles  of  Hugues  of  Saint- 
Cher  were  followed  by  the  correctors,  who  marked  in 
red  the  words  to  be  omitted,  and  added  marginal  notes 
to  explain  changes  and  suggest  variants.  They  are 
more  copious  in  the  Old  Testament  than  in  the  New. 
The  autograph  is  preserved  in  the  National  Library, 
Paris,  MSS.  lat.  16,719-16,722. 

Franciscan  Correctories. — The  great  Franciscan 
writer,  Roger  Bacon,  was  the  first  to  formulate  the 
true  principles  which  ought  to  guide  the  correction  of 
the  Latin  Vulgate;  his  religious  brethren  endeavoured 
to  apply  them,  though  not  always  successfully.  (1) 
The   Correctorium  Sorbonicum  ,  probably  the  work 


of  William  of  Brittany,  derives  its  name  from  the  fact 
that  the  thirteenth-century  manuscript  in  which  the 
emendations  were  made  belonged  to  the  Library  of 
the  Sorbonne,  though  at  present  it  is  kept  in  the  Na- 
tional Library,  Paris,  MS.  lat.  15554,  fol.  147-253. 
The  marginal  and  interlinear  glosses  are  derived  from 
the  Paris  Bible  and  the  correctory  of  the  Dominican 
Father  Theobald;  the  make-up  of  the  work  imitates 
the  Dominican  correctories.  (2)  The  "Correctorium 
Vaticanum"  owes  its  name  to  the  circumstance  that 
its  first  known  manuscript  was  the  Cod.  Vaticanus 
lat.  3466,  though  at  present  eight  other  copies  are 
known,  belonging  to  the  thirteenth  or  the  beginning  of 
the  fourteenth  century.  Its  author  is  William  de 
Mara,  of  Oxford,  a  disciple  of  Roger  Bacon,  whose 
principles  and  methods  he  follows.  Though  ac- 
quainted with  several  Latin  and  Hebrew  manuscripts, 
the  Targum,  the  commentaries  of  Rashi,  and  the  orig- 
inal texts,  he  relied  more  on  the  authority  of  the  early 
manuscripts  of  St.  Jerome's  text.  There  are  some 
faults  in  the  correctory,  resulting  mainly  from  the 


author's  limited  knowledge  of  Greek.  (3)  Gerard  de 
Huy  was  a  faithful  follower  of  Roger  Bacon's  princi- 
ples; the  old  Latin  manuscripts  and  the  readings  of 
the  Fathers  are  his  first  authority,  and  only  when  they 
disagree  does  he  have  recourse  to  the  original  texts. 
Unfortunately  he  knew  no  Latin  manuscripts  older 
than  those  of  the  ninth  and  tenth  centuries  containing 
a  text  of  Alcuin's  recension.  But  Gerard  knew  the 
history  of  the  versions  and  the  origin  of  the  textual 
corruptions  of  the  Sacred  Scriptures.  He  corrected 
the  Paris  Bible  and  gave  an  account  of  his  emenda- 
tions in  his  marginal  notes.  (4)  Two  more  Francis- 
can correctories  must  be  noted:  MS.  61  (Toulouse),  of 
the  fifteenth  century,  reproduces  the  correctory  of 
Gerard  de  Buxo,  of  Avignon,  a  work  rather  exegetical 
than  critical  in  character;  MS.  28  (Einsiedeln),  of  the 
beginning  of  the  fourteenth  century,  contains  the 
work  of  John  of  Cologne. 

Allied  Correctories. — Mangenot  mentions  six  other 
groups  of  correctories  which  have  not  been  fully  in- 
vestigated as  yet.  Two  of  them  are  allied  to  the 
Dominican  correctory  of  the  convent  of  SainWacques ; 
one  is  represented  by  the  MS.  lat.  15,554,  fol.  1-146, 
National  Library,  Paris;  the  other  by  Cod.  Laurent., 
Plut.,  XXV,  sin.,  cod.  4,  fol.  101-107  (Florence),  and  by 
MS.  131,  fol.  1,  Arsenal,  Paris.  Two  other  groups  are 
allied  to  the  Franciscan  correctories ;  one,  represented 
by  Cod.  141,  lat.  class.  I,  fol.  121-390,  Marciana  (Ven- 
ice), depends  on  William  de  Mara  and  Gerard  de  Huy; 
the  other,  found  in  MS.  82,  Borges.  (Rome),  depends 
on  Gerard  de  Huy.  Finally  two  very  brief  correc- 
tories are  to  be  found  in  MS.  492,  Antoniana,  Padua, 
and  in  MS.  Cent.  I,  47,  fol.  127,  Niirenberg. 

Manqenot  in  Via.,  Did.  de  la  Bible,  ».  v.  ComxUirea;  Demi 
ple,  Die  Uandachriften  der  Bibcl-Correctorien  dee  13.  Jahrhun 
derta  in  Archiv  iHr  Lileratur  und  Kirchengeachichte  dee  Mittelal- 
tere  (Freiburg,  1888),  IV,  263-311,  471-601;  Samdei.  Beboer, 
Hiatoire  de  la  Vulgate  pendant  lea  premiers  aiedee  du  mourn  tty<t 
(Paris,  1803);  Idem,  Quam  notitiam  lingua  hebraica  habuennt 
Chrialiani  medii  avi  temporibue  in  Gallia  (Paris,  1803);  DOdeh- 
lein,  Von  Correctoriis  bMicia  in  Literariachea  Muaceum  (Alt- 
dorf,  1778),  1,1;  II,  177;  III,  344;  Vebcellone,  Dieaeruuioni 
academiche  (Rome,  1864);  Kaulen,  Geachichte  der  Vulgala 
(Maim,  1888),  244-278;  Gheoobt,  Prolegomena  (Leipiig. 
1004),  ill,  073. 

A.  J.  Ma  as. 
Oorreggio.    See  Alleqri,  Antonio. 

Corrigan,  Michael  Augustine,  third  Archbishop 
of  New  York,  b.  13  August,  1839,  at  Newark,  New  Jer- 
sey;  d.  at  New  York,  5  May,  1902.  His  parents  were 
natives  of  Ireland.  After  graduating  at  Mt.  St.  Mary's 
College,  Emmittsburg,  Md.,  in  1859,  he  entered  the 
College  of  the  Propaganda  at  Rome,  and  was  one  of 
the  twelve  students  with  whom  the  North  American 
College  was  opened  there,  8  December,  1859.  He 
was  ordained  priest  at  Rome,  19  September,  1863,  and 
received  there  the  degree  of  Doctor  of  Divinity  in 
1864.  Returning  to  his  native  diocese  in  September, 
1864,  he  was  successively  professor  of  dogmatic  theol- 
ogy and  of  Scripture,  vice-president  and  president  of 
Seton  Hall  College  and  Seminary,  and  vicar-general  of 
the  diocese  until  1873,  when  on  4  May  he  was  conse- 
crated Bishop  of  Newark.  His  administration,  dur- 
ing the  seven  years  of  its  continuance,  was  character- 
ized by  unceasing  and  successful  efforts  to  bring  the 
regulation  of  the  spiritual  and  temporal  affairs  of  the 
diocese  into  strict  accordance  with  the  prescriptions 
and  recommendations  of  the  plenary  councils  of  the 
Church  in  the  United  States  that  had  been  held  pre- 
vious to  his  accession  to  the  episcopacy. 

The  declining  health  of  Cardinal  McCloskey,  Arch- 
bishop of  New  York  requiring  the  appointment  of  a 
coadjutor,  the  young  Bishop  of  Newark  was  named, 
1  October,  1880,  titular  Archbishop  of  Petra,  with  the 
right  of  succession  for  New  York,  and  on  the  death  of 
Cardinal  McCloskey  in  October,  1885,  he  assumed 
charge.  Having  taken  an  active  part  in  the  proceed- 
ings of  the  Third  Plenary  Council  of  Baltimore  (1884) 
as  the  representative  of  the  cardinal,  his  first  impor- 


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taiit  act  as  archbishop  was  to  convoke  a  synod  of  the 
diocese,  in  November,  1886,  to  carry  into  effect  the  de- 
crees of  the  council.  The  considerable  changes  made 
by  the  council  in  the  status  of  the  clergy  and  its  pro- 
visions for  the  administration  of  the  dioceses  of  the 
United  States,  as  to  their  subordinate  officials,  were 
adopted.  A  new  theological  seminary,  to  replace  that 
of  St.  Joseph '8,  Troy,  was  built  at  Dunwoodie  and 
opened  September,  1896.  The  unfinished  towers  of 
St.  Patrick's  Cathedral  were  completed.  The  Orphan 
Asylums  on  Fifth  and  Madison  Avenues  were  trans- 
ferred to  a  new  suburban  location  at  Kingsbridge. 
The  construction  of  the  Lady  Chapel  of  the  cathedral, 
through  funds  donated  by  a  generous  Catholic  family, 
was  begun. 

During  the  municipal  election  of  1886  Archbishop 
Corrigan  deemed  it  his  duty  to  disapprove  of  the 
socialistic  character  of  the  writings  ana  addresses  of' 
one  of  the  candidates  for  the  mayoralty.  This  brought 
about  the  most  disturbing  incident,  perhaps,  of  the 
archbishop's  administration,  the  difference  between 
himself  and  a  prominent  member  of  his  clergy,  the 
Rev.  Dr.  Edward  McGlynn,  rector  of  St.  Stephen's 
Church,  New  York  city,  occasioned  by  the  latter's 
advocacy  of  opinions  which  the  archbishop  believed 
were  not  in  accord  with  Catholic  teaching  on  the  sub- 
ject of  the  rights  of  property.  The  controversy  began 
m  1886  with  the  clergyman  s  appearance  on  the  public 
platform,  in  behalf  ofone  of  the  candidates  for  mayor, 
who  stood  for  certain  novel  economic  theories,  and  led 
to  the  privation  of  his  pastoral  office.  Not  complying 
afterwards  with  the  order  of  the  pope,  Leo  XIII,  to 
proceed  to  Rome,  he  incurred  the  sentence  of  excom- 
munication. 

There  resulted  some  commotion  in  ecclesiastical  and 
other  circles,  accentuated  later  (1892)  by  a  new  phase 
which  the  Catholic  School  question  assumed  in  its  re- 
lation to  the  State.  A  period  of  much  public  discus- 
sion and  excitement  followed  which,  however,  began 
to  subside  rapidly  when  Dr.  McGlynn  was  relieved  of 
the  censure  by  the  Apostolic  Delegate,  then  Arch- 
bishop Satolli,  and  obeyed  the  summons  of  the  Holy 
Father.  In  1894  Archbishop  Corrigan  appointed  Dr. 
McGlynn  pastor  of  St.  Mary's  Church,  Newburgh, 
where  he  remained  until  his  death  in  1901. 

On  May  4th,  1898,  Archbishop  Corrigan  celebrated 
the  twenty-fifth  anniversary  of  his  episcopal  conse- 
cration. Laymen,  priests,  and  many  prominent  non- 
Catholics  assembled  to  testify  to  his  virtues  as  an 
ecclesiastic  and  as  a  citizen.  He  made  his  last  visit  ad 
limina  Aposlolorum  in  1900.  Two  years  afterwards,  re- 
turning from  a  confirmation  visit  to  the  Bahamas,  he 
contracted  a  cold,  which,  aggravated  by  an  accident, 
caused  his  death  on  May  5tn  of  the  same  year.  The 
manifestation  of  sentiments  of  respect  and  affection 
on  that  event  was  not  only  local  but  national.  From 
the  beginning  of  his  episcopate  in  New  York  he  was 
obliged  to  face  the  problem  of  the  great  influx  of  for- 
eign, especially  Italian,  immigration  and  its  religious 
requirements.  He  had  to  guide  and  direct  the  char- 
itable and  educational  interests  of  his  diocese  which 
rapidly  and  widely  expanded  during  his  administra- 
tion. During  the  seventeen  years  of  his  rule  he  was 
instrumental  in  the  increase  of  the  churches,  chapels, 
and  stations  of  the  archdiocese  by  one  hundred  and 
eighty-eight,  of  the  clergy  by  two  hundred  and  eighty- 
four,  of  schools  by  seventy-five.  His  scholarship  was 
deep  and  wide,  extending  to  every  branch  of  ecclesias- 
tical learning;  his  piety  marked  but  unobtrusive;  his 
methods  gentle  but  firm.  His  devotion,  his  zeal,  and 
his  unceasing  labours  in  behalf  of  religion  make  him  a 
conspicuous  figure  in  the  history  of  the  American 
Church  of  the  nineteenth  century.  The  only  literary 
production  that  his  busy  life  as  a  priest  and  bishop 
permitted  him  to  publish  was  a  "Register  of  the 
Clergy  laboring  in  the  Archdiocese  of  New  York  from 
early  missions  to  1885",  which  he  compiled  for  the 


"  Historical  Records  and  Studies  "  of  the  United  States 
Catholic  History  Society  (Jan.,  1889,  sqq.). 

Cathedral  Library  Association,  Memorial  of  Most  hen 
Archbishop  Corrigan,  Third  Archbishop  of  New  York  (New  York, 
1902);  Flynn,  The  Caih.  Ch.  in  New  Jersey  (Morris town,  1804); 
Smith,  The  Cath.  Ch.  in  New  York  (New  York,  1908);  Reoss, 
Biog.  Cud.  of  the  Cath.  Hierarchy  of  U.  S.  (Milwaukee,  1898); 
Farley,  The  History  of  St.  Patrick's  Cathedral  (New  York, 
1908). 

Joseph  F.  Mooney. 

Corrigan,  Sir  Dominic,  physician,  b.  1802,  in 
Dublin.  Ireland;  d.  there,  1880;  distinguished  for  his 
original  observations  in  heart  disease,  a  special  type 
of  pulse  being  named  after  him.  The  son  of  a  poor 
shopkeeper,  nis  early  education  was  obtained  at 
Maynooth,  which  then  had  a  department  for  secular 
students  apart  from  the  ecclesiastical  seminary.  He 
was  attracted  to  the  study  of  medicine  by  the  physi- 
cian in  attendance.  After  several  years  of  medical 
study  in  Dublin  he  followed  the  prevailing  custom  of 
the  time  and  went  to  Edinburgh  where  he  received 
his  degree  as  M.  D.  in  1825.  After  his  return  to 
Dublin  he  was  appointed  physician  to  the  Jervis 
Street  Hospital,  which  had  but  six  medical  beds. 
During  the  next  four  years  he  studied  certain  forms 
of  heart  disease  to  such  good  purpose  that  he  recast 
the  teaching  of  diseases  of  the  aortic  valves.  His 
article  on  "  Permanent  Patency  of  the  Aortic  Valves" 
appeared  in  the  Edinburgh  Medical  and  Surgical 
Journal"  for  April,  1832.  He  was  eminently  suc- 
cessful as  a  teacher  of  medicine.  In  1842  the  Lon- 
don College  of  Surgeons  conferred  on  him  its  diploma. 
In  1849  he  received  from  the  University  of  Dublin 
the  honorary  degree  of  M.  D.  He  was  known  as  a 
very  hard-working  physician,  and  his  self-sacrificing 
devotion  during  the  famine  fever  years  made  him 
famous.  His  Lectures  on  Fevers"  (Dublin,  1853) 
are  a  valuable  contribution  to  our  knowledge  of  this 
subject.  He  was  created  a  baronet  partly  as  a  re- 
ward for  his  services  as  Commissioner  of  Education 
for  many  years.  He  was  a  member  of  Parliament 
in  the  Liberal  interest  for  five  years  after  1869.  He 
was  defeated  for  re-election  in  1874  by  the  liquor  in- 
terest which  he  had  antagonized  by  supporting  the 
Sunday  Closing  Bill.  He  was  President  of  the  Royal 
Zoological  Society  of  Dublin,  of  the  Dublin  Patho- 
logical Society,  of  the  Dublin  Pharmaceutical  So- 
ciety, and  was  five  times  elected  President  of  the 
College  of  Physicians  in  Dublin,  an  unprecedented 
honour.  His  work  on  heart  disease  stamps  him  as  a 
great  original  investigator  in  medicine.  Trousseau, 
the  French  clinician,  proposed  that  aortic  heart  dis- 
ease should  be  called  Corrigan's  disease. 

Sketches  in  Brit.  Med.  Journal  aod  The  Lancet  (1880) ;  Walsh, 
Makers  of  Modern  Medicine  (New  York,  1907). 

James  J.  Walsh. 

Corsica,  the  third  island  of  the  Mediterranean  in 
point  of  size,  only  Sicily  and  Sardinia  being  of 
greater  extent.  The  distance  from  the  French  seaport 
Antibes,  on  the  Riviera,  to  Calvi,  the  port  of  Corsica 
nearest  to  France,  is  one  hundred  and  eleven  miles. 
There  is  a  brisk  commerce  between  Leghorn,  in  Italy, 
and  Bastia,  in  Corsica,  the  voyage  being  made  in 
five  hours.  The  island  is  mountainous  and  well 
watered,  a  large  part  being  covered  with  forests  and 
almost  impenetrable  thickets  called  maquis.  The 
climate  is  mild  on  the  coast,  but  cold  in  the  elevated 
regions.  The  area  of  Corsica  is  3367  square  miles, 
the  population  300,000.  Both  the  natives  of  the  in- 
terior and  those  of  the  coast,  whose  ancestors  were 
Italians,  are  nearly  all  Catholics. 

The  island  was  early  visited  by  the  Phoenicians 
and  Phocians  who  established  colonies  there.  For  a 
time  it  belonged  to  Carthage,  but  was  taken  by  the 
Romans,  who  retained  possession  from  260  B.  c.  to 
the  end  of  the  fifth  century  of  the  Christian  Era. 
But  they  never  subdued  the  mountain  tribes  of  the 
interior,  and  even  in  the  time  of  Gregory  I  (590-604) 


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there  were  many  heathens  in  Corsica,  which  long  re- 
tained its  early  reputation  as  a  wild  and  (inhospitable 
island.  On  the  fall  of  the  Western  Empire  (476) 
Corsica  was  taken  by  the  Vandals,  but  was  recovered 
by  Belisarius,  only  to  be  captured  by  the  Goths 
under  Totila.    Eventually,  however,  it  became  sub- 

J'ect  to  the  exarchs  of  Ravenna,  and  remained  a 
Jyzantine  possession  until  the  eighth  century.  At 
the  end  of  the  sixth  and  the  beginning  of  the  seventh 
century  the  Roman  Church  owned  large  landed  es- 
tates in  Corsica.  By  the  Donation  of  Pepin  the  Short 
(754-55)  the  island  came  under  the  civil  sovereignty 
of  the  popes  (liber  Pontif .,  ed.  Duchesne,  I,  498;  II, 
104,  note  35).  From  the  eighth  to  the  eleventh  cen- 
tury it  was  frequently  plundered  by  Saracen  pirates. 
Pisa  then  set  up  a  claim  of  overlordship  which  was 
soon  disputed  by  Genoa.  In  1300  the  latter  made 
good  its  claim  to  the  civil  and  ecclesiastical  influence 
hitherto  exercised  by  Pisa,  and  despite  numerous 
revolutions  fSampiero,  1567;  Baron  Neuhof,  1729- 
Paoli,  1755)  held  at  least  a  nominal  authority  until 
1768.  In  that  year  Genoa  ceded  Corsica  to  France, 
since  which  time  the  island  has  remained  a  French 
province.  Ajaccio,  its  chief  town,  is  historically 
famous  as  the  birthplace  of  Napoleon  Bonaparte. 

It  has  been  asserted  that  Christianity  was  intro- 
duced into  Corsica  in  Apostolic  times.  Ughelli,  in  his 
"Italia  Sacra",  says  of  Mariana,  one  of  the  oldest  set- 
tlements: "It  received  the  Catholic  Faith,  and  has 
had  its  own  pastors,  ever  since  the  times  of  the  Apos- 
tles"; but  this  would  be  difficult  to  establish.  An- 
other tradition  which  finds  favour  with  historians  is, 
that  Christianity  was  spread  in  the  island  by  con- 
fessors of  the  Faith  exiled  thither  (Hergenrother,  I,  in 
French  tr.,  Paris,  1901,  p.  297).  The  Bollandists  say 
the  country  was  entirely  Christian  in  a.  d.  439.  It 

five  saints  and  martyrs  to  the  Church;  Mgr.  de  la 
oata,  in  his  "Recherches"  (see  bibliography  infra), 
cites  the  names  of  three  Corsican  Friars  Minor  of  the 
Observance,  Bernardino  Alberti,  Franceschino  Muc- 
chieli,  Teofilo  Designorio,  whose  virtues  had  been 
authoritatively  declared  heroic,  and  also  claims  as 
Corsicans  St.  Laurina,  virgin  and  martyr,  whose  fes- 
tival was  celebrated  as  a  first-class  feast  in  the  ancient 
Diocese  of  Aleria,  St.  Parthoeus,  martyr,  St.  Vinde- 
mialis  and  St.  Florentius.  It  is  said,  also,  that  St. 
Julia  was  a  Corsican. 

We  have  seen  that  before  and  after  600  Corsica 
was  in  close  dependence  on  the  Apostolic  See,  and 
always  remained  so,  (see  Cappelletti,  Le  Chiese 
d'ltalia,  XVI,  307  sqq.).  In  1077  Gregory  VII 
named  as  his  vicarius  for  Corsica  the  Bishop  of  Pisa. 
In  1092  Pope  Urban  II  made  its  bishops  suffragans 
of  the  Archbishop  of  Pisa.  In  1133  Innocent  II, 
having  granted  the  pallium  to  the  Archbishop  of 
Genoa,  gave  him  for  suffragans  the  Corsican  Bishops 
of  Mariana,  Nebbio,  and  Accia,  the  Archbishop  of 
Pisa  retaining  as  suffragans  the  sees  of  Ajaccio,  Aleria, 
and  Sagona.  The  Bishoprics  of  Mariana  and  Accia 
were  united,  30  January,  1563.  About  1580  the 
Blessed  Alexander  Sauk  (q.  v.),  known  as  the 
"Apostle  of  Corsica"  awoke  the  islanders  to  a  more 
earnest  religious  life  and  founded  a  seminary  on  the 
model  of  those  decreed  by  the  Council  of  Trent.  At 
the  time  of  the  French  Revolution  there  were  five 
dioceses  in  Corsica:  Mariana  and  Accia,  Nebbio, 
Aleria,  Sagona,  and  Ajaccio.   A  decree  of  12  July, 

1790,  of  the  National  Assembly  at  Paris,  whose  mem- 
bers had  voted  the  Civil  Constitution  of  the  Clergy, 
reduced  these  five  bishoprics  to  one,  giving  to  Bastia 
the  pastoral  care  of  the  whole  island.    On  8  May, 

1791,  the  election  of  the  Constitutional  bishop  took 
place.  The  choice  of  the  electors  fell  upon  the  canon 
Ignatius  Francis  Guasco,  Vicar-General  of  Mariana, 
and  Provost  of  the  Cathedral.  He,  however,  made  a 
public  and  solemn  recantation  22  December,  1794. 
ihe  Concordat  of  1801,  between  the  Holy  See  and  the 


French  Republic,  which  officially  restored  Catholic 
worship  in  France,  made  of  Corsica  a  single  diocese 
with  Ajaccio  as  its  episcopal  city.  (See  Concordat 
of  1801 ;  Ajaccio.)  St.  Euphrasius,  bishop  and  mar- 
tyr, is  the  patron  of  the  diocese.  Sts.  Julia  and 
Devota  were  declared  patronesses  of  the  island  by 
decree  of  the  S.  C  of  Rites,  5  August,  1809,  and  14 
March,  1820.  The  "  Directorium  Cleri"  of  the  dio- 
cese for  1907  states  that  there  are  in  Corsica  one 
bishop  and  five  hundred  and  ninety-seven  priests, 
professors,  directors,  and  chaplains.  There  are  one 
vicar-general,  eight  titular  canons,  twenty-nine  hon- 
orary canons,  five  archpriests,  thirteen  parishes  of 
the  first  class,  forty-eight  of  the  second  class,  and 
three  hundred  and  thirty-three  chapels.  Parochial 
councils,  composed  of  members  of  the  laity,  assist  the 
parish  priests,  since  the  suppression  of  the  former 
boards  of  trustees  by  the  separation  of  Church  and 
State.  In  Ajaccio  there  was,  until  recently,  a  dioc- 
esan seminary,  but  the  students  were  dispersed  on 
account  of  the  non-acceptance  by  Pope  Pius  X  of 
the  so-called  "Law  of  Separation".  At  the  time 
it  ceased  to  exist,  it  had  thirty-eight  students  and 
ten  candidates  for  the  priesthood.  Every  newly 
ordained  priest  is  required  to  present  himself  yearly 
for  five  consecutive  years  for  examination  in  ecclesi- 
astical sciences  before  a  special  committee.  The 
degrees  in  theology  may  dispense  from  several  or  all 
of  these  examinations,  but  a  young  priest  is  never 
admitted  to  the  parish  ministry  without  having 
passed  an  examination  of  this  kind.  In  Corsica 
there  are  numerous  charitable  and  pious  brother- 
hoods, founded  in  the  days  of  Italian  rule.  Several 
of  these  associations  assemble  in  their  own  chapels. 
The  churches  are  usually  of  the  Italian  style  of 
architecture  and  sometimes  richly  adorned.  The 
Society  for  the  Propagation  of  the  Faith  is  directed 
by  a  diocesan  committee  instituted  13  February, 
1859.  The  St.  Vincent  de  Paul  Society  has  two 
conferences.  An  Association  for  free  Catholic  schools 
is  supported  by  the  subscriptions  of  the  faithful,  who 
also  provide  for  the  needs  of  Catholic  worship. 
Before  the  suppression  of  the  religious  orders  there 
were  in  Corsica  one  house  of  the  Jesuits,  six  Francis- 
cans, one  Dominican,  and  five  Capuchin  monasteries, 
and  one  house  of  the  Oblates  of  Mary.  These,  as  well 
as  the  schools  of  the  Christian  Brothers  and  all  convent 
schools,  have  been  closed  by  the  Government.  There 
are  still  six  convento  of  nuns.  In  consequence  of  the 
new  laws  of  France,  the  Catholic  Church  in  Corsica,  a 
poor  country,  is  confronted  with  a  crisis:  the  people, 
habituated,  to  look  to  the  State  for  the  support  of 
public  worship,  must  now  adopt  new  methods  and 
make  many  sacrifices  for  the  maintenance  of  religion. 

Pietbo  Felce  (or  Petbcs  Cthnotos),  Chronicle  to  the  Year 
U80  in  Muratori,  Italicarum  Rerum  Scriptoree,  by  della 
Gross  a.  Ceccaldi,  and  Monteooiaw,  Chronicles,  continued 
to  1590  by  Fiuppini,  and  tr.  into  French  by  Letteron  (Bas- 
tia); Gaddin,  Voyage  en  Cone  (latter  half  of  the  eighteenth 
century);  Renucci,  Storia  di  Corsica  (Bastia,  1834);  Robiqcet, 
Recherche*  .  .  .  *ur  la  Coree  (Paris,  1835);  Friers,  Hietoire  dee 
Corset  (Bastia,  1852);  Greoorovius,  Hietoire  dee  Corset,  a 
French  tr.  of  the  German  work  (Stuttgart  and  Tubingen,  1854), 
by  Lhcciana;  Giamarchi  Vita  politico  di  Pasquale  Paoli 
(Bastia,  1858);  Galetti,  Hietoire  xllustrie  de  la  Coree  (Paris, 
1863);  Boorde,  En  Coree;  Correspondance  de  1887  (Paris); 
d'Ornano,  La  Coree  mHitaire  (Paris);  Bulletin  de  la  Soeilte  dee 
Sciences  historiques  et  naturellee  de  la  Coree  (periodical,  Bastia; 
a  magazine  of  valuable  documents  for  Corsican  history):  de 
la  Foata,  Recherches  et  notes  diverse*  star  V hietoire  de  VegUse  de 
Corse  (Bastia,  1805);  Ortolan,  Diplomate  et  Soldat;  Mgr. 
CasaneUi  d'Jstria,  Evtque  d' Ajaccio  (Paris,  1000);  Cortona, 
Hist.de  la  Corse  (Paris,  1906);  Poli,  La  Coree  dans  I'antiguite 
et  dans  le  haul  moyen  Age  (Pans,  1007). 

Alexandre  Guasco. 

Cortes,  Donoso.    See  Donoso  Cortes. 

Cortes,  Hernando,  conqueror  of  Mexico,  b.  at 
Medellin  in  Spain  c.  1485;  d.  at  Castilleja  de  la  Cuesta 
near  Seville,  2  December,  1547.  He  was  married 
first  to  Catalina  Xuarez,  from  which  marriage  there 


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was  no  issue,  and,  after  her  death,  to  Dona  Juana  de 
Zufiiga,  niece  of  the  Duke  of  Bejar.  From  this  union 
there  sprang  four  children,  one  son  (Martin)  and 
three  daughters.  His  parents  were  Martin  Cortes 
de  Monrov  and  Catalina  Pizarro  Altamirano,  both  of 
honourable  extraction,  belonging  to  the  middle  class 
of  nobility,  but  not  wealthy.  They  sent  their  son  to 
school  at  Salamanca  when  he  was  fourteen  years  of 
age,  but  study  was  irksome  to  him,  his  restless  and 
ambitious  temper  chafed  under  restraint,  and  he 
returned  home  much  to  the  displeasure  of  his  parents. 
As  he  was  the  only  son,  they  looked  upon  him  as  their 
hope  and  future  support,  and  had  wished  that  he 
would  adopt  the  profes-  «r=___^__^^__= 
sion  of  the  law.  Dissatis- 
fied at  home  Cortes  turned 
his  eyes  to  the  newly  dis- 
covered Western  world, 
and,  after  an  unsuccess- 
ful attempt  to  embark 
for  the  West  Indies  with 
Ovando,  succeeded  in 
reaching  Espaftola  in  a 
craft  commanded  by  one 
Quintero,  who  signalized 
himself  during  the  voy- 
age by  trying  to  deceive 
his  superiors  and  reach 
the  New  World  before 
them  in  order  to  secure 
personal  advantages.  It 
mav  be  that  the  example 
of  Quintero  was  a  school 
for  Cortes  in  his  subse- 

Suent  career.  The  life 
ortes  led  in  the  Antilles 
was  that  of  the  military 
man  of  his  time,  with  in- 
tervals of  rest  on  such 
estates  as  he  gradually 
acquired.  He  was  a  fa- 
vourite of  both  Ovando 
and  Velazquez,  but  he 
quarrelled  wit  h  the  latter, 
deceived  him  and  made 
him  a  mortal  enemy.  The 
consequences  were  very 
serious,  for  Velazquez  was 
Governor  of  Cuba  and  a 
man  of  influence  at  court. 
The  conduct  of  Cortes 
during  his  stay  in  the 
Antilles  (1504-1519)  re- 
vealed, besides  military 
aptitude  (which  he  had 


manned  with  well-armed  men,  and  horses  and  artillery 
were  embarked.  At  the  last  moment  Velazquez, 
whose  suspicions  were  aroused  by  the  actions  of 
Cortes,  instigated  by  his  surroundings,  attempted  to 
prevent  the  departure.  It  was  too  late;  Cortes,  after 
the  example  set  by  Quintero,  slipped  away  from  the 
Cuban  coast  and  thus  began  the  conquest  of  Mexico. 
His  life  from  the  time  he  sailed  on  his  momentous 
undertaking  in  1519  is  so  intimately  linked  with  the 
history  of  Mexico,  that  the  reader  may  be  referred 
for  additional  details  to  the  articles  Mexico,  Aztecs, 
and  Pedro  de  Alvarado. 
As  a  soldier  Cortes  put  to  use  in  Mexico  the  Indian 
mode  of  warfare  he  had 
observed  in  the  Antilles, 
and  it  enabled  him  to 
achieve  an  unbroken  suc- 
cess in  the  open  field. 
Indian  defensive  tactics 
from  buildings  and  walls 
were  new  to  nim,  but  he 
quickly  saw  both  their 
strong  and  their  weak 
points,  and  his  reduction 
of  the  island  settlement 
of  Tenochtitlan  was  no 
small  feat.  He  recognized 
at  an  early  date  the  Indian 
method  of  proceeding  by 
decoy  and  ambush,  and 
this  led  to  his  success 
against  the  tribe  of  Tlax- 
cals.  He  was  very  quick 
in  detecting  devices  and 
stratagems,  even  in  time 
of  apparent  peace,  and  in 
adopting  and  executing 
measures  to  defeat  them. 
One  of  the  most  remark- 
able instances  is  what  has 
been  called  the  "  massacre 
ofCholula".  When  Cortes 
was  at  the  large  Indian 
settlement  of  Tlaxcals 
and  had  perfected  an  alli- 
ance with  that  people, 
some  Indians  from  the 
neighbouring  tribe  of 
Cholula  urged  him  to  visit 
their  home.  He  was 
warned  not  to  go,  since 
the  visitors  did  not  ex- 
press the  wish  of  their 
kindred,  who  were  bit- 
terly opposed  to  dealing 


small  opportunity  of  dis-  (Painting  in  the  Ho»piSlE^t1ieDfmnmcutate  Conception,  Mexico)  with"  tne  Spaniards 
play  ing) ,  shrewdness,  dar- 
ing (in  his  dealings  with  Velazquez),  and  no  excess 


of  scruples  in  morals. 

In  1517  Cordova  reached  the  coast  of  Yucatan, 
while  commanding  a  modest  expedition  despatched 
by  Velazquez.  He  was  mortally  wounded  and  only 
a  remnant  of  his  crew  reached  Cuba  again,  bring- 
ing back  news  of  the  superior  culture  of  the  people 
they  had  met.  Another  expedition  was  deter- 
mined upon,  and  was  carried  out  the  year  following 
under  the  leadership  of  Grijalva.  It  touched  the 
coast  of  Mexico,  and  brought  home  metallic  objects 
and  evidences  of  superior  culture.  Ere  Griialva  had 
come  back,  Velazquez  determined  to  send  a  third 
and  more  numerous  squadron  to  the  Mexican  coast, 
('ortes,  then  one  of  Velazquez's  favourites,  was 
named  as  the  commander,  a  choice  which  created  no 
little  envy.  Cortes  entered  into  the  enterprise  with 
zeal  and  energy,  sacrificing  with  too  much  ostenta- 
tion a  considerable  part  of  his  fortune  to  equin  the 
expedition.    Eleven  vessels  were  brought  together, 


Though  unacquainted 
with  the  character  of  the  natives,  he  marched  to 
Cholula,  but  noticed  that  a  trap  was  being  set  for 
him.  He  prevented  the  outbreak  by  an  attack  on 
the  Indians,  and  after  a  short  struggle  forced  them 
into  submission. 

The  most  daring  of  his  exploits,  and  one  that  may 
be  qualified  as  absolutely  reckless  although  success- 
ful, was  his  march  on  Narvaez  who.  with  a  much 
superior  force  of  Spaniards,  had  landed  on  the  gulf 
coast  with  orders  from  Velazquez,  not  only  to  super- 
sede Cortes,  but  to  capture  nim  and  bring  him  to 
trial  in  Cuba  f6r  disobedience  and  treason  towards 
the  governor.  Leaving  only  one  hundred  and  forty 
men  under  Alvarado  to  hold  an  Indian  settlement  of 
twenty  thousand  souls,  he  set  out  against  Narvaei, 
who  had  nine  hundred  soldiers,  while  Cortes,  rein- 
forced as  he  approached  the  coast,  mustered  about 
two  hundred  and  sixty.  With  these  he  surprised  his 
antagonist  and  took  him  prisoner.  The  move  was  a 
desperate  one,  as  the  sequel  proved.    But  the  secret 


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of  his  succew  lay  in  his  marvellously  quick  move- 
ments, for  which  Narvaez  was  not  prepared,  as  well 
as  in  his  rapid  return  to  the  plateau,  by  which  he  sur- 
prised the  Indians  who  held  Alvarado  and  his  people 
at  their  mercy.  The  desperate  defence  of  the  Span- 
iards  in  the  absence  of  Cortes  would  have  been  un- 
availing had  the  latter  not  moved  with  such  celerity. 
In  contrast  with  that  lightning-like  quickness,  but 
equally  well  adapted  to  the  necessities  of  the  case, 
was  the  methodical  investment  and  capture  of  the 
lake  settlement,  showing  the  fertility  of  the  con- 
queror's mind  in  suiting  nis  tactics  to  altered  condi- 
tions. 

To  these  military  accomplishments  Cortes  joined 
an  unusual  perspicacity  in  penetrating  the  general 
situation  in  aboriginal  Mexico.  He  saw,  soon  after 
landing  at  Vera  Cruz,  the  looseness  of  the  bonds  by 
which  the  Indian  tribes  were  connected,  and  yet  his 
keen  perception  remained  at  fault  in  that  he  did  not  ap- 
preciate (nor  could  he,  from  the  standpoint  of  the  times, 
understand)  Indian  tribal  organization.  The  sway 
the  tribes  of  the  table-land  and  interior  lake-basin 
held  over  many  of  their  neighbours  appeared  to  him 
(judging  from  European  and  Asiatic  models)  as  an 
evidence  of  a  consolidated  empire;  the  offices  of 
superior  rank  held  by  chiefs,  as  parts  of  an  organized 
hierarchy  or  feudal  lordships:  and  the  head  war- 
chief  a  hereditary  autocrat.  Of  the  nature  of  tribal 
society  he  had  not,  and  could  not  have,  any  idea. 
While,  therefore,  his  attempts  at  winning  tribes 
leagued  with  the  Mexican  confederacy  over  to  the 
Spanish  cause  were  usually  successful,  he  was  less 
fortunate  in  his  relations  with  the  Mexicans  them- 
selves. His  seizure  of  the  person  of  Montezuma,  the 
head  war-chief  of  the  confederates,  did  not  have  the 
expected  result.  Led  by  the  belief  _  that  Monte- 
zuma was  a  supreme  ruler,  hence  the  pivot  of  a  state, 
Cortes  confidently  hoped  to  control  the  Mexican 
tribe  and  its  confederates  through  his  captive.  The 
seizure  itself  appears  as  an  act  of  singular  daring,  and 
Cortes  and  his  men  were  astonished  at  the  ease  with 
which  it  was  executed,  and  the  lack  of  opposition  on 
the  part  of  the  Indians;  but  they  did  not  know  that 
their  prisoner  was  of  so  little  importance.  He  was 
an  elected  officer,  who  could  be  replaced  without 
trouble,  and  the  tribal  council,  supported  by  the 
medicine  men  and  guided  by  their  oracular  utter- 
ances, were  the  real  heads  of  the  confederacy.  The 
general  outbreak  against  the  Spaniards  began  after 
Montezuma's  successor  had  been  installed;  until  then 
hostile  manifestations  were  limited  to  blockading 
Alvarado. 

For  the  sake  of  policy,  Cortes  was,  in  general,  far 
from  cruel  towards  the  Indians.  He  allowed  Cuauh- 
temotzin to  be  tortured  in  order  to  force  him  to 
reveal  the  whereabouts  of  his  supposed  hidden  treas- 
ures. Such  acts  were  not  uncommon  at  that  period, 
and  every  nation  was  at  times  guilty  of  them.  This 
cruelty  was,  however,  useless,  because  the  greater 
part  of  the  Mexican  treasures  had  already  passed  into 
the  hands  of  the  Spaniards.  The  execution  of 
Cuauhtemotzin  on  the  journey  to  Honduras  was 
another  instance  of  the  misconception  by  Cortes  of 
Indian  conditions.  It  is  not  at  all  unlikely  that  the 
Mexican  chieftain  was  party  to  a  plan  to  exterminate 
the  Spaniards  while  they  were  floundering  through 
the  forests  and  swamps,  but  even  if  this  were  so,  his 
execution  was  not  necessary.  By  restraint  the 
same  object  might  have  been  achieved.  But  Cortes 
had  an  exaggerated  conception  of  the  power  and 
influence  of  Cuauhtemotzin  s  office,  as  he  had  in  the 
case  of  Montezuma.  To  the  Indians  as  a  mass  he 
was  kind.  He  recognized  that  their  preservation 
would  insure  eventual  prosperity  for  the  Spaniards, 
provided  the  Indians  gradually  accepted  European 
ideas.  Therefore  he  regarded  the  Church  as  the 
main  instrument  for  the  education  of  the  Indian. 


But  he  was  far  from  sharing  in  the  dreams  of  Las 
Casas.  His  relations  with  the  clergy  were  very 
cordial,  he  did  all  he  could  to  introduce  missionaries, 
and  even  Las  Casas  mentions  him  favourably.  It 
has  been  intimated  that  the  kind  treatment  of  the 
Mexican  natives  by  Cortes  was  part  of  a  deeply-laid 
plan  to  use  his  conquest  of  Mexico  for  selfish  and 
treasonable  purposes,  for  Cortes  was  not  always  the 
faithful  subject.  This  leads  us  to  consider  his  rela- 
tions to  the  Crown  of  Spain  and  a  few  points  of  his 
private  character. 

The  impression  has  prevailed  that  Cortes  was 
treated  by  the  Spanish  Government  with  base  in- 
gratitude. It  is  true  that  a  few  years  after  1521 
an  unfavourable  change  took  place  in  his  relations 
with  the  Emperor  Charles  V  and  his  government. 
The  change  never  led  to  an  absolute  break,  but  it 
caused  a  gradual  curtailing  of  his  power  which 
Cortes  felt  very  keenly.  While  lavishly  contribut- 
ing his  own  means  at  the  outset,  Cortes  made  his 
conquest  avowedly  as  a  Spanish  subject,  for  and 
in  behalf  of  Spain  and  its  monarch.  Mexico  be- 
came a  Spanish  colony  through  his  instrumentality, 
but  it  was  the  duty  of  the  Spanish  Government 
to  care  for  it.  Cortes  personally  was  not  un- 
generously rewarded,  but  he  speedily  complained  of 
insufficient  compensation  to  himself  and  his  com- 
rades. Thinking  himself  beyond  reach  of  restraint, 
he  disobeyed  many  of  the  orders  of  the  Crown,  and, 
what  was  more  imprudent,  said  so  in  a  letter  to  the 
emperor,  dated  15  October,  1524  (Ycazbalceta, 
"Documentos  para  la  Historia  de  Mexico",  Mexico, 
1858,  I).  In  this  letter  Cortes,  besides  recalling  in 
a  rather  abrupt  manner  that  the  conauest  of  Mexico 
was  due  to  him  alone,  deliberately  acknowledges  his 
disobedience  in  terms  which  could  not  fail  to  creato 
a  most  unfavourable  impression.  Soon  after  the 
capture  of  the  Indian  settlement  the  Crown,  as  was 
its  prerogative,  in  1522  sent  to  Mexico  officers  to 
investigate  the  condition  of  affairs,  and  to  report  on 
the  conduct  of  Cortes.  To  this  he  could  not  object, 
as  it  was  an  established  custom.  The  commissioner, 
Tapia,  charged  with  the  investigation,  was  so  ham- 
pered, however,  by  the  officers  of  Cortes  that  he  did 
not  even  reach  the  valley  of  Mexico,  but  returned 
without  carrying  out  his  orders.  Cortes  himself, 
while  keeping  at  a  distance,  treated  him  with  the 
utmost  courtesy,  but  rendered  all  action  on  his  part 
impossible.  A  second  commissioner,  Luis  Ponce  de 
Le6n,  was  sent  in  1526  with  discretionary  and  very 
dangerous  powers.  He  died  at  Mexico  soon  after 
his  arrival,  in  a  manner  that  leaves  little  doubt  of 
foul  play,  although  Prescott  discredits  it.  But  Pres- 
cott  had  not  then  the  documentary  material  since 
unearthed.  A  number  of  minor  charges  were  brought 
against  the  conqueror,  and  they  appear  to  have  been 
substantiated.  They  could  not  fail  to  create  grave 
suspicion,  because  they  presented  the  picture  of  a 
conspiracy,  the  object  of  which  was  to  make  Cortes 
the  independent  ruler  of  Mexico.  Under  such  cir- 
cumstances the  least  that  could  be  expected  was  the 
elimination  of  Cortes  from  the  government  of  the  new 
province.  The  situation  was  a  very  critical  one  for 
the  Crown.  Cortes  held  the  country  and  its  resources, 
and  controlled  a  body  of  officers  and  men  who  had,  in 
1520,  expressed  to  the  emperor  in  writing  their  ad- 
miration for  their  captain,  and  dwelt  in  the  strongest 
terms  on  the  obligations  under  which  his  achieve- 
ments had  placed  the  mother  country.  It  is  true, 
in  case  of  a  clash,  Spain  might  have  counted  upon  the 
support  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  Antilles,  but  the 
military  reputation  of  Cortes  had  become  so  great 
that  the  selection  of  a  leader  against  him  would 
have  been  very  embarrassing.  Hence  a  conflict  had 
to  be  avoided  as  long  as  possible.  Cortes'  position 
was  gradually  undermined,  titles  and  honours  were 
conferred  upon  him,  but  not  the  administrative 


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authority  he  coveted.  At  the  same  time  his  attention 
was  insensibly  directed  to  explorations  outside  of 
America,  to  the  much-desired  Moluccas  or  Spice 
Islands. 

At  a  time  when  there  was  almost  a  certainty,  in 
court  circles  in  Spain,  of  an  intended  rebellion  by 
.Cortes,  a  charge  was  brought  against  him  that  cast  a 
fatal  blight  upon  his  character  and  plans.  He  was 
accused  of  the  murder  of  his  first  wife.  Prescott 
makes  light  of  the  accusation,  but  his  opinion  has 
little  weight  because,  as  above  stated,  evidence  lias 
since  been  discovered  which  was  beyond  his  reach. 
This  evidence  leaves  no  doubt  that  Catalina  Xuarez 
was  strangled  by  her  husband.  The  proceedings  of 
the  investigation  were  kept  secret.  No  report, 
either  exonerating  or  condemning  Cortes,  was  pub- 
lished. Had  the  Government  declared  him  innocent, 
it  would  have  greatly  increased  his  popularity;  had  it 
declared  him  a  criminal,  a  crisis  would  have  been 
precipitated  by  the  accused  and  his  party.  Silence 
was  the  only  safe  policy.  But  that  silence  is  a 
strong  indication  that  grave  danger  was  appre- 
hended from  his  influence.  It  is  curious  that,  after 
the  conquest  of  the  Mexicans  had  been  consummated, 
but  more  particularly  after  the  sinister  deeds  above 
mentioned,  success  seems  to  have  abandoned  his 
banner.  Excluded  from  the  government  of  Mexico, 
his  eyes  were  turned  to  further  exploration.  Don 
Antonio  de  Mendoza,  first  viceroy  of  New  Spain,  was 
looked  upon  by  Cortes  as  his  enemy,  but  the  accusa- 
tion that  he  opposed  and  hampered  Cortes  in  nearly 
every  one  of  his  new  enterprises  is  not  justified.  It  was 
the  latter  who,  at  once,  opened  a  violent  campaign 
against  everybody  who  approached  what  he  consid- 
ered his  new  domain.  He  found  grave  faults  with 
every  measure,  and  resorted  to  statements  that  were 
utterly  baseless.  Thus  his  attack  upon  Father 
Marcos  of  Nizza,  charging  him  with  having  attributed 
to  himself  the  discovery  of  New  Mexico  while  in 
reality  he,  Cortes,  had  been  the  discoverer,  is  so 
groundless  that  it  appears  almost  ridiculous.  Every 
expedition  set  on  foot  by  Cortes  in  the  Pacific  either 
failed  absolutely  or  produced  meagre,  unsatisfactory 
results.  Soured  by  these  failures  which  stood  in 
flagrant  contrast  to  the  brilliant  success  of  his  early 
efforts,  Cortes  became  a  chronic  complainant.  He 
saw  his  influence  gone,  his  prestige  waning.  The 
Government  could  not  forget  the  proofs  of  unrelia- 
bility which  the  conqueror  of  Mexico  had  given 
when  he  thought  himself  master  of  the  situation. 
The  emperor  finally  permitted  him  to  join  the  great 
expedition  against  Algiers  in  1541.  It  may  be  that 
had  the  advice  of  Cortes  been  followed  that  under- 
taking would  have  had  a  less  disastrous  end;  but  he 
was  not  even  consulted.  The  enterprise  failed,  and 
the  conqueror  of  Mexico  did  not  long  survive  the 
failure. 

Cortes  was  a  good  writer.  His  letters  to  the  em- 
peror, on  the  conquest,  deserve  to  be  classed  among 
the  best  Spanish  documents  of  the  period.  They 
are,  of  course,  coloured  so  as  to  place  his  own  achieve- 
ments in  relief,  but,  withal,  he  keeps  within  bounds 
and  does  not  exaggerate,  except  in  matters  of  Indian 
civilization  and  the  numbers  of  population  as  implied 
by  the  size  of  the  settlements.  Even  there  he  uses 
comparatives  only,  judging  from  outward  appear- 
ances and  from  impressions.  His  first  letter  is  lo6t, 
and  the  one  from  the  municipality  of  Vera  Cruz  has  to 
take  its  place.  It  was  published  for  the  first  time  in 
volume  IV  of  "  Document os  para  la  Historia  de 
Espafia",  and  subsequently  reprinted.   The  "Se- 

Sinda  Carta  de  Rclacion",  bearing  the  date  of  30 
ct.,  1520,  appeared  in  print  at  Seville  in  1522.  The 
"Carta  tercera",  15  May,  1522,  appeared  at  Seville 
in  1523.  The  fourth,  20  October,  1524,  was  printed 
at  Toledo  in  1525.  The  fifth,  on  the  Honduras  ex- 
pedition, is  contained  in  volume  IV  of  the  "Docu- 


mentos  para  la  Hist,  de  Espafia".  The  important 
letter  mentioned  in  the  text  has  been  published  under 
the  heading  of  "Carta  ineclita  de  Cortes"  by  Ycaz- 
balceta.  A  great  number  of  minor  documents,  either 
by  Cortes  or  others,  for  or  against  him,  are  dispersed 
through  the  voluminous  collection  above  cited  and 
through  the  "Coleccion  de  Documentos  de  Indias'', 
as  well  as  in  the  "Documentos  para  la  Historia 
de  Mexico"  of  Ycazbalceta.  Of  his  letters  on  the 
conquest  there  are  a  number  of  reprints  and  transla- 
tions into  various  languages. 

See  articles  on  Aztecs  and  Mexico  for  the  bulk  of  literature 
on  the  conquest  of  Mexico  and  the  part  played  by  Cortes  in  it. 
Peter  Marttr  and  especially  Oviedo  were  contemporaries; 
their  statements  therefore  deserve  particular  attention, 
although  absolute  impartiality  and  reliability  cannot  be 
expected.  On  the  sinister  occurrences  of  the  death  of  Ponce 
de  Leon  and  of  Catalina  Xuares  the  Documentos  de  India* 
contain  the  authentic  investigations.  The  early  life  of  Cortes 
is  described  at  length  in  a  fragment  from  the  sixteenth  century, 
De  Rebut  Geelit  Ferdinand  Corterii,  author  unknown,  pub- 
lished by  Ycazbalceta  in  his  Documentos,  I,  first  series. 
Bernal  DIaz  del  Castillo  gives  many  very  valuable  data  on 
Cortes,  but  he  must  be  classed  among  writers  on  the  conquest. 

Ad.  F.  Bandelier. 

Oortese,  Giovanni  Andrea  (his  name  in  the 
Benedictine  Order  was  Gregorio),  cardinal  and 
monastic  reformer,  b.  1483  at  Modena;  d.  21  Sept., 
1548.  After  receiving  a  training  in  the  Humanities 
at  Modena  under  the  learned  Cistercian  Varino  of 
Piacenza,  he  devoted  himself  to  the  study  of  juris- 
prudence for  five  years,  first  at  Bologna,  then  at 
Padua,  and  was  graduated  as  doctor  of  laws  at  the 
early  age  of  seventeen.  His  thorough  knowledge  of 
the  Latin  and  Greek  languages  induced  Cardinal 
Giovanni  de'  Medici,  the  future  Pope  Leo  X,  to  take 
him  into  his  service  and  afterwards  appoint  him  legal 
auditor  in  the  Curia.  Desirous  of  leading  a  more 
quiet  life,  Cortcse  resigned  this  office  and  in  1507 
entered  the  Benedictine  monastery  of  Polirone  near 
Mantua,  one  of  the  most  flourishing  abbeys  of  the 
recently  founded  Cassinese  Congregation.  When 
Cardinal  Giovanni  de'  Medici  heard  that  his  former 
auditor  had  become  a  monk,  he  addressed  a  letter  to 
him  expressing  his  surprise  and  displeasure  at  the  step 
which  Cortese  had  taken  and  urging  him  to  leave  the 
monastery  and  resume  his  former  occupation  in  Rome. 
In  his  answer  to  the  cardinal's  letter  Cortese  points 
out  the  great  dangers  which  beset  his  soul  when  he 
was  still  engaged  in  worldly  pursuits,  and  speaks  of  the 
interior  happiness  which  he  experienced  while  chant- 
ing the  Divine  praises  and  applying  himself  to  the 
study  of  Holy  Scripture.  When  in  15 1 3  Giovanni  de ' 
Medici  ascended  the  papal  throne  as  Leo  X,  Cortese 
sent  him  a  letter  of  congratulation  in  which,  however, 
he  did  not  omit  to  remind  the  new  pontiff  of  his  duty 
to  begin  at  last  that  general  reform  of  which  the 
Church  stood  in  extreme  need.  Like  many  other 
saintly  and  learned  men  of  the  time,  Cortese  was 
deeply  grieved  at  the  indifference  manifested  by 
many  ecclesiastical  dignitaries  towards  a  wholesome 
internal  reform  of  the  Church.  It  is  due  to  his 
untiring  zeal  that  the  Benedictine  reform,  which  had 
recently  been  inaugurated  in  Italy  by  the  Cassinese 
Congregation,  was  carried  through,  and  that,  with  the 
return  of  monastic  discipline,  the  Benedictine  monas- 
teries of  Italy  again  became  seats  of  that  learning  for 
which  they  had  Deen  so  famous  in  the  past. 

In  1516  Augustin  de  Grimaldi,  Bishop  of  Grasse 
and  abbot  of  the  monastery  of  Lenns,  united  his 
monastery  with  the  Cassinese  Congregation,  and, 
upon  the  bishop's  request,  Cortese  and  a  few  others 
were  sent  thither  to  assist  in  introducing  the  Cassinese 
reform.    Here  Cortese  devoted  himself  to  literary 

Sursuits,  and  in  order  to  promote  the  study  of  the 
[umanities  he  founded  an  academy  where  he  and 
other  learned  members  of  the  monastery  educated  the 
French  youth,  thus  becoming  instrumental  in  trans- 
planting to  French  soil  the  literary  Humanistic  move* 


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OOBTONA 


nent.  The  moral  and  literary  reform  of  Lerins  was 
assured  when  in  1524  Cortese  was  elected  its  abbot. 
His  health,  however,  was  greatly  impaired  during  his 
sojourn  at  Lerins,  so  that  in  1527  he  considered 
a  change  of  climate  indispensable  and  asked  the 
superior  of  the  congregation  for  permission  to  return 
to  Italy.  As  a  result,  ne  was  appointed  Abbot  of  St. 
Peter's  at  Modena ;  a  year  later,  Abbot  of  St.  Peter's  at 
Perugia;  and  in  1537  Abbot  of  the  famous  San  Giorgio 
Maggiore  at  Venice.  Cortese  was  now  considered  one 
of  the  most  learned  men  in  Italy  and  had  regular 
correspondence  with  the  greatest  scholars  in  Europe. 
He  counted  among  his  friends  Gasparo  Contanni, 
Reginald  Pole,  Jacopo  Sadoleto,  Pietro  Bembo,  Gian 
Matteo  Giberti,  and  many  other  Humanists  and 
ecclesiastical  dignitaries.  The  garden  of  San  Giorgio 
was  the  place  where  those  pious  and  learned  discus- 
sions were  held  to  which  the  Florentine  scholar  Bruc- 
ciolo  refers  in  his  dialogues  on  moral  philosophy.  In 
1536  Pope  Paul  III  made  him  a  member  of  the  com- 
mittee of  nine  ecclesiastics  who  were  to  draw  up  a 
statement  of  those  ecclesiastical  abuses  which  called 
most  loudly  for  reform.  Soon  after,  he  was  appointed 
Apostolic  visitor  for  the  whole  of  Italy  and,  some- 
what later,  was  sent  to  Germany  to  take  part  in  the 
theological  disputation  at  Worms  in  1540,  but  became 
sick  on  the  journey  and  was  obliged  to  remain  in 
Italy.  Meanwhile  (1538)  he  had  become  Abbot  of 
San  Benedetto  in  Polirone,  then  the  most  important 
monastery  of  the  Cassinese  Congregation.  A  few 
times,  moreover,  he  was  chosen  visitor  general  of  his 
congregation.  Finally,  2  June,  1542,  Pope  Paul  III 
created  him  cardinal-priest  and  appointed  him  a 
member  of  the  committee  of  cardinals  for  the  prepa- 
ration of  the  Council  of  Trent.  Towards  the  end  of 
the  same  year  he  became  Bishop  of  Urbino.  During 
the  five  years  of  his  cardinalate  he  was  an  esteemed 
friend  and  adviser  of  Paul  III,  and  used  all  his 
influence  to  bring  about  that  reform  of  the  Church  for 
which  the  better  sort  of  ecclesiastics  had  been  clam- 
ouring many  years. 

Cortese  was  one  of  the  best-known  writers  of  his 
times.  He  was  master  of  such  a  finished  style  that 
the  classically  trained  Cardinal  Bembo  and  others  did 
not  hesitate  to  class  him  among  the  most  elegant 
Latin  writers  of  this  Humanistic  period.  His  prin- 
cipal works  are  epistles,  poems,  a  treatise  proving  that 
St.  Peter  was  in  Rome,  a  Latin  translation  of  the  New 
Testament  from  the  Greek  texts,  a  historical  work  on 
the  destruction  of  Genoa,  etc.  All  his  extant  works 
were  collected  and  edited  with  a  biography  of  the 
author  by  the  Benedictine  Bishop  Gradenigo  of 
Ceneda  in  two  volumes  (Padua,  1774). 

Prandi,  Elogio  atorico  del  Cardinole  Oregorio  Cortese  (Favia, 
1788);  Ansar,  Vie  de  Grtgoire  Cortee,  ben.,  Mque  d'Urbin  et 
cardinal  (Paris,  1786);  Dittrich  in  Kirchenlex.;  Ziegelbacer, 
Hitt.  Lit.  O.  S.  B.,  Ill,  339-344;  Ciaconiob-Oldoincs,  Vita  et 
ret  gestae  Ponlificum  Rom.  et  S.  R.  E.  Cardinalium  (Rome.  1677), 
III,  683  »qq.;  Hobter,  Nomendalor  (Freiburg,  1899),  IV, 
1278  «q. 

Michael  Ott. 

Oortona,  Diocese  of  (Cortonensis),  immediately 
subject  to  the  Holy  See.  Cortona  is  a  small  city  in 
the  province  of  Arezzo,  Tuscany,  Central  Italy,  situ- 
ated on  a  commanding  hill,  and  overlooking  the  Lake 
of  Perugia.  Its  cyclopean  walls,  still  in  great  part 
preserved,  are  said  to  be  3000  years  old.  It  is  cer- 
tainly very  ancient,  was  one  of  the  twelve  cities  of 
Etruria,  and  in  its  neighbourhood  many  ruins  and 
Etruscan  tombs  are  still  to  be  found.   Cortona  took 

fart  in  all  the  wars  against  Rome,  until  310  B.C.,  when 
abius  Rullianus  defeated  the  Etruscans  and  took 
Perugia  which,  thereupon,  with  other  cities,  made 
peace  with  Rome.  Later  it  was  destroyed  by  the 
Lombards  but  was  soon  rebuilt.  In  the  fourteenth 
century  it  was  governed  by  the  Casali,  and  became 
afterwards  part  of  the  great  Duchy  of  Tuscany. 
Many  famous  men  were  born  or  lived  in  Cortona: 
IV.— 26    -..  _ 


Brother  Elias  (Elia  Coppi),  the  famous  companion  of 
St.  Francis  of  Assisi,  and  later  Vicar-General  of  the 
Franciscan  Order;  Cardinals  Egidio  Boni  and  Silvio 
Passerini;  the  painter  Luca  Signorelli;  the  architect 
and  painter  Pietro  Berrettini  (Pietro  da  Cortona). 
One  of  the  glories  of  the  city  is  St.  Margaret  of  Cor- 
tona (1248-97).  She  was  born  at  Laviano  (Alviano) 
in  the  Diocese  of  Chiusi,  and  formed  an  evil  relation 
with  a  nobleman 
of  the  vicinity.  On 
discovering  his 
body  after  he  had 
met  a  violent 
death,  she  repent- 
ed suddenly,  and 
after  a  public  pen- 
ance, retired  to 
Cortona,  where 
she  took  the  habit 
of  a  Tertiary  of 
St.  Francis  and 
devoted  her  life  to 
works  of  penance 
and  charity.  There 
still  exist  at  Cor- 
tona religious 
works  due  to  her 
seal.  Leo  X  per- 
mitted her  vener- 
ation-at  Cortona, 
and  Urban  VIII 
extended  the  priv- 
ilege to  the  Franciscan  Order.  Benedict  XIII  canonized 
her  in  1728.  Her  body  rests  in  a  beautiful  sarcophagus 
in  the  church  dedicated  to  her  at  Cortona.  It  is  not 
known  whether  Cortona  was  an  episcopal  see  previous 
to  its  destruction  by  the  Lombards.  From  that  time 
until  1325  it  belonged  to  the  Diocese  of  Arezzo.  In 
that  year,  at  the  request  of  Guglielmo  Casali,  John 
XXII  raised  Cortona  to  episcopal  rank,  as  a  reward 
for  the  fidelity  of  its  Guelpn  populace,  Arezzo  remain- 
ing Ghibelline.  The  first  bishop  was  Rainerio  Uber- 
tini.  Other  bishops  were  Luca  Grazio,  who  was  a  dis- 
tinguished member  of  the  Council  of  Florence  (1438) ; 
Matteo  Concini  (1560)  and  Gerolamo  Gaddi  (1562) 
were  present  at  the  Council  of  Trent.    The  cathedral 


Palazzo  Phbtorio,  Cortona,  XVI 
Century 


Cathedral,  Cortona  (Designed  by  Antonio  da  Sangailo?) 

and  the  other  churches  of  Cortona  possess  numerous 
works  of  art,  especially  paintings  of  the  school  of  Luca 
Signorelli  and  of  Fra  Angelico.  The  diocese  has  50 
parishes,  60  churches  and  oratories,  85  secular  and  36 
regular  priests,  30,200  inhabitants,  6  religious  houses 
of  men,  and  6  of  women. 

Cappelletti,  he  chiese  <f  Italia  (Venice,  1844),  XVIII  267- 
97;  Chevalier,  Rep.  hitt.:  Topo-bM.,B.  v.;  Ann.  ecd.  (Rome, 
1907),  427-29. 

U.  Benioni. 


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OOSA 


Corvey,  Abbey  op  (also  called  New  Corbie),  a 
Benedictine  monastery  in  the  Diocese  of  Paderborn, 
in  Westphalia,  founded  c.  820  from  Corbie  in  Picardy, 
by  the  Emperor  Louis  the  Pious  and  St.  Adelhard, 
Abbot  of  the  older  Corbie,  from  which  the  new  founda- 
tion derived  its  name.  Corvey  soon  became  famous, 
»nd  its  abbots  ranked  as  princes  of  the  empire.  In 
its  school  were  cultivated  all  the  arts  and  sciences, 
and  it  produced  many  celebrated  scholars.  To  it 
the  world  is  indebted  for  the  preservation  of  the  first 
five  books  of  tie  "Annals"  of  Tacitus.  From  its 
cloisters  went  forth  a  stream  of  missionaries  who  evan- 
gelized Northern  Europe,  chief  amongst  them  being 
St.  Ansgar,  the  Apostle  of  Scandinavia.  Here,  too, 
Widukind  is  believed  to  have  written  his  history  of 
the  Saxons  (see  Saxons),  and  the  "  Annates  Corbe- 
jenses",  which  issued  from  the  same  scriptorium, 
figure  largely  in  the  "  Monumenta  Germanise  "  col- 
lected by  Pertz.  (These  "  Annales "  must  not  be 
confounded  with  the  forged  "  Chronicon  Corbejense" 
which  appeared  in  the  nineteenth  century.)  The 
school  of  Corvey  declined  after  the  fifteenth  century, 
but  the  abbey  itself  continued  until  1803,  when  it  was 
secularized  and  given  to  the  family  of  Oranje-Nassau. 
The  famous  abbey  library  has  long  since  been  dis- 
persed. 

Wioand,  Die  corvey'schcn  OeechichtequeUen  (Leipsig,  1841); 
Zieoelbauer,  Hist.  Lit.  O.S.B.  (Augsburg,  1754);  Pertz, 
Man.  Germ.  Mat.:  Scriptoret  (Hanover,  1839),  III:  Ml  one.  Diet, 
dee  Abbayts  (Paris,  1856);  Enck.  Kirchmla.,  Ill,  1143-51; 
Chevalier.  Topo-bibl.  (Paris.  1894-99);  Jan»en,  Wibald  von 
Stablo  und  Corvey  (Berlin,  1854) 

G.  Cyprian  Alston. 

Oorycus,  a  titular  see  of  Cilicia  Trachea  in  Asia 
Minor.  It  was  the  port  of  Seleucia,  where,  in  191 
b.  c,  the  fleet  of  Antiochus  the  Great  was  defeated 
by  the  Romans.  In  the  Roman  times  it  preserved 
its  ancient  laws;  the  emperors  usually  kept  a  fleet 
there  to  watch  over  the  pirates.  Justinian  restored 
the  public  baths  and  a  hospital.  Alexius  Comnenus 
re-equ.nped  the  fortress,  which  had  been  dismantled. 
Soon  aiuer  Corycus  was  conquered  by  the  Armenians, 
who  held  it  till  the  middle  of  the  fourteenth  century, 
when  it  was  occupied  temporarily  by  the  Turks,  and 
for  a  time  played  an  important  part.  Peter  I,  King 
of  Cyprus,  captured  it  in  1361.  From  1448  or  1454 
it  belonged  alternately  to  the  Karamanlis,  the  Egyp- 
tians, the  Karamanlis  a  second  time,  and  finally  to 
the  Osmanlis.  The  ruins  of  the  city  are  at  Ghorghos, 
twenty-eight  miles  north-east  of  Selefke  (Seleucia),  in 
the  vilayet  of  Adana.  Among  them  are  a  triumphal 
arch,  a  beautiful  Christian  tomb,  sarcophagi,  etc. 
The  two  medieval  castles,  one  on  the  shore,  the  other 
in  an  islet,  connected  by  a  ruined  pier,  are  partially 
preserved;  the  former  was  reputed  impregnable. 
Three  churches  are  also  found,  one  decorated  with 
frescoes.  About  two  miles  from  the  cape  is  the  fa- 
mous Corycian  cavern,  886  feet  long,  65  wide,  from 
98  to  228  high.  Near  this  castle  are  many  other 
smaller  but  curious  grottoes,  a  temple  of  Zeus,  and  a 
little  church  with  Byzantine  paintings,  converted  into 
a  mosque.  About  ten  miles  north  of  Ghorghos  exists 
another  large  grotto  with  thirteen  curious  Das-reliefs 
hewn  in  the  rock.  The  city  figures  in  the  "Synec- 
demus"  of  Hierocles,  and  about  840  in  Parthey's 
"Notitia  Prima";  it  was  suffragan  of  Tarsus.  Le- 
quien  (II,  879)  mentions  five  Greek  bishops  from  381 
to  680;  another  is  known  from  an  inscription  (Wad- 
dington,  Inscriptions  .  .  .  d'Asie  mineure,  341).  One 
Latin  Bishop,  Gerardus,  was  present  at  a  council  of 
Antioch  about  1 136;  four  are  known  in  the  fourteenth 
century  (Lequien,  III,  1197;  Eubel,  I,  218). 

CurNET,  Turquic  d'Asie,  II,  73;  Alishan,  Sistouan  (Venice, 
1899),  393-109.  S.  VaILHK. 

CorydallU8,  a  titular  see  of  Asia  Minor.  Korydal- 
los,  later  also  Korydalla,  was  a  city  in  Lycia.  In 
Roman  times  it  struck  coins.    It  figures  in  the 


"Notitia  episcopatuum"  as  late  as  the  twelfth  or 
thirteenth  century  as  a  suffragan  of  Myra.  Lequien 
(I,  979)  mentions  only  four  bishops:  Alexander, 
spoken  of  in  St.  Basil's  letter  ccxviii,  Palladius  in 
451  and  458,  Leo  in  787,  and  Eustratius  in  879.  Cory- 
dallus  has  not  as  yet  been  identified.  There  was  a 
see  of  the  same  name  in  Pamphylia,  suffragan  to 
Perge  (see  Lequien,  I,  1031).  S.  PfcrwDia. 

Oosa,  Juan  de  la,  navigator  and  cartographer,  ac- 
cording to  tradition  b.  in  1460  at  Sta.  Maria  del 
Puerto  (Santofia),  on  the  Bay  of  Biscay,  Spain,  and 
hence  called  Juan  Biscayno,  d.  on  the  coast  of  the 
Gulf  of  Uraba,  28  February,  1510.  He  passed  his 
life  from  earliest  childhood  on  the  ocean.  •  From  the 
waters  of  his  native  country,  which  he  knew  thor- 
oughly, he  soon  ventured  onto  the  coast  of  Western 
Africa,  which  was  at  that  time  the  goal  of  so  many 
Spanish  expeditions.  When  Columbus  in  1492  made 
preparations  for  his  voyage  to  the  west,  Juan  de  la 
Cosa  had  attained  such  reputation,  that  the  great  dis- 
coverer engaged  him,  together  with  his  ship  Santa 
Maria,  and  in  spite  of  a  passing  estrangement  between 
them,  he  secured  de  la  Cosa's  services  as  cartographer 
for  his  second  expedition  in  1493-1496.  In  1499  Juan 
de  la  Cosa  joined  as  first  pilot  the  expedition  of  Alonso 
de  Ojeda  and  Vespucci,  and  was  with  them  amongst 
the  first  to  set  foot  on  the  South  American  Continent 
on  the  Gulf  of  Paria.  At  the  same  time  the  coast 
from  Essequibo  to  the  Cape  Vela  was  explored. 
Immediately  after  his  return  he  designed  his  chart  of 
the  whole  world,  which  is  of  the  utmost  importance 
for  the  history  of  the  discovery  of  America.  Later  in 
the  same  year,  or  early  in  1501,  he  continued  his  dis- 
coveries along  the  South  American  coast  to  the  Isth- 
mus of  Panama,  and  returned  in  1502  to  Haiti.  When 
the  Spanish  court  found  soon  afterwards  that  the  Por- 
tuguese had  made  several  incursions  into  the  newly 
discovered  country,  Queen  Isabella  sent  Juan  de  la 
Cosa  at  the  head  of  a  delegation  to  Portugal,  to  remon- 
strate. He  was  nominated  alguazil  major,  and  in 
1504-05  was  commander  of  an  expedition  to  the  Pearl 
Islands  and  the  Gulf  of  Uraba  to  found  settlements 
there.  At  the  same  time  he  visited  Jamaica  and 
Haiti.  Another  voyage  undertaken  1507-08  with 
Martin  de  los  Reyes  and  Juan  Correa  as  pilots  had  the 
same  object  in  view.  In  1509  for  the  seventh  and  last 
time  Juan  de  la  Cosa  started  for  the  New  World.  He 
carried  two  hundred  colonists  on  three  ships  and  on 
reaching  Haiti  he  placed  himself  under  the  command 
of  Ojeda,  who  added  another  ship  with  one  hundred 
settlers  to  the  expedition.  After  having  decided  an- 
old  frontier-dispute  between  Ojeda  and  Nicuesa, 
they  went  with  Pizarro  into  Ojeda's  territory  and 
landed  at  Cartagena  against  the  warnings  of  Cosa,  who 
proposed  to  disembark  on  the  more  peaceful  coast  of 
the  Gulf  of  Uraba.  They  were  attacked  by  the  na- 
tives and  de  la  Cosa  was  killed. 

Juan  de  la  Cosa  made  several  charts  of  which  one, 
the  famous  chart  of  the  world  is  still  preserved.  It  is 
the  oldest  representation  of  the  New  World.  Of 
special  interest  is  the  outline  of  Cuba,  which  Columbus 
never  believed  to  be  an  island.  Walkenaer  and  Alex- 
ander von  Humboldt  were  the  first  to_  point  out  the 
great  importance  of  this  chart.  It  is  now  in  the 
Museo  Naval  in  Madrid.  Reproductions  of  it  are 
given  by  Humboldt  in  his  "  Atlas  geographique  et  phy- 
sique"; by  Jomard  in  his  "Collection  aes  Monu- 
ments", tab.  XVI;  by  Winsor,  in  his  "History  of 
America",  III  (London,  1888),  and  by  Kretschmer", 
"Die  Entdeckung  Americas"  (Berlin,  1892),  Atlas, 
table  VII.  A  facsimile  was  published  in  Madrid, 
1892. 

De  Leocina.  Juan  de  la  Cosa  (Madrid.  1877);  Vabcano,  En- 
nayo  bioardfieo  del  cilebre  navigonU  Juan  de  la  Cosa,  Obra  im- 
presa  en  espaHol,  frances  ( inalft  para  aampaAar  al  Mapa  Mundi 
de  Juan  de  la  Cosa  (Madrid,  1892). 


Otto  Hartio- 


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NORTH 


MWmiHMMUWUlllllllU 


WESTERN  HALF  OP  THE  FIRST  MAP  OP  THE  NEW  DISCOVERIES,  DRAWN  ON 
OX-HIDE  IN  COLOURS  BY  THE  PILOT  JUAN  DE  LA  COSA,  A.  D.  1500,  NOW  PRE- 
SERVED IN  THE  NAVAL  MUSEUM,  MADRID.  SIZE  18  X  11  INCHES.  THIS  CELE- 
BRATED MAP  WAS  DISCOVERED  BY  BARON  ALEXANDER  VON  HUMBOLDT  WHILE 
AT  WORK  IN  THE  LIBRARY  OF  BARON  WALKENAiSR.  IN  THE  MIDDLE  OF  THE 
WEST  SIDE  OF  THE  MAP  IS  A  VIGNETTE  REPRESENTINO  SAINT  CHRISTOPHER 
(THE  CHRIST-BEARER)  CARRYING  UPON  HIS  SHOULDERS  THE  INFANT  CHRIST, 
SUPPOSED  TO  BE  AN  ALLUSION  TO  COLUMBUS. 


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COS  MAS 


Oosensa,  Archdiocese  of  (Cusentina),  immedi- 
ately subject  to  the  Holy  See.  Cosenza  is  a  city  in 
the  province  of  Calabria,  Southern  Italy,  at  the  con- 
fluence of  the  Crati  and  the  Busento.  It  was  known 
to  the  ancients  as  Conaentia,  and  was  the  capital  of 
Bruttium.  It  was  conquered  (338  b.  c.)  by  Alexan- 
der of  Epirus,  uncle  of  Alexander  the  Great.  Later 
it  adhered  to  King  Pyrrhus,  when  he  invaded  Italy. 
Between  278-176  b.  c.  both  Lucania  and  Bruttium 
acknowledged  the  supremacy  of  Rome.  Alaric  be- 
sieged the  city  (a.  d.  410),  but  died  there  the  same 
year  and  was  buried  in  the  bed  of  the  Busento  at  its 
confluence  with  the  Crati.  In  902  Cosenza  was  pil- 
laged by  the  Saracens,  who  were  later  expelled  by  the 
Normans  but  regained  possession  of  the  city  in  1004. 
In  1130  Cosenza  became  the  capital  of  Calabria 
Citeriore,  now  Cosenza,  and  thenceforth  shared  the 
vicissitudes  of  the  Kingdom  of  Naples.  Among  its 
famous  citizens  may  be  mentioned  the  savant  Gian 
Vincenzo  Gravina,  co-founder  with  Queen  Christina 
of  Sweden  of  the  Roman  Academy  of  the  Arcadia  in 
1656  (see  Academies,  Roman).  The  city  suffered 
much  from  earthquakes,  especially  in  1184,  1658,  and 
1783.  The  Gospel  was  first  preached  in  Cosenza  by 
missionaries  from  Reggio;  its  earliest  known  bishop 
is  Palumbus,  a  correspondent  (599)  of  St.  Gregory 
the  Great.  Cosenza  was  raised  to  the  dignity  of  an 
archbishopric  about  1050.  Among  the  best  known 
Archbishops  of  Cosenza  have  been:  Ruffo,  who 
perished  in  the  earthquake  of  1184;  the  Cistercian 
Martino  (1285),  a  prolific  but  uncritical  writer;  Pirro 
Caracciolo  (1452),  the  friend  of  St.  Francis  of  Paula; 
Bartolommeo  Fleury,  who  died  at  Rome  (1495)  in 
Castle  Sant'  Angelo,  where  he  had  been  imprisoned 
for  forgery  of  pontifical  documents;  Taddeo,  later 
Cardinal,  Gaddi  (1535),  who  obtained  from  Paul  IV 
the  privilege  by  which  the  cathedral  canons  of 
Cosenza  wear  the  choir  habit  of  the  Vatican  basilica; 
and  Giuseppe  Maria  Sanfelice  (1650),  frequently 
charged  by  the  Holy  See  with  diplomatic  missions. 
The  diocese  has  a  population  of  159,500,  with  109 
parishes,  264  churches  and  chapels,  200  secular  and 
16  regular  priests,  2  religious  houses  of  men  and  5  of 
women. 

Cappelletti,  Le  Chine  ([Italia  (Venice,  1844),  XXI,  285; 
Spirit!,  Memorie  degli  scrittori  Coeentini  (Naples,  1750);  Ann. 
sect.  (Rome,  1907),  420. 

U.  Benigni. 

Oosgxove,  Henry,  second  Bishop  of  Davenport, 
Iowa,  U.  S.  A.,  b.  19  December,  1834,  at  Williams- 
port,  Pennsylvania;  d.  at  Davenport,  23  December, 
1906.  He  was  the  first  native  of  the  United  States 
appointed  to  a  see  west  of  the  Mississippi.  In  1845 
he  emigrated  to  Iowa  with  his  parents  from  Pennsyl- 
vania. He  was  ordained  priest  27  August,  1857,  and 
became  pastor  of  St.  Marguerite's  church,  Daven- 
port, in  1861.  After  the  death  of  Bishop  McMullen 
of  Davenport  he  was  administrator  of  the  see,  for 
which  he  was  consecrated  20  July,  1884. 

Kbubs,  Bioa.  Encyc.  of  the  Cath.  Hierarchy  of  U.  S.  (Milwau- 
kee, 1898);  The  Messenger  (New  York,  Jan.,  1907). 

Thomas  F.  Meehan. 

Oosin  (the  name  is  also  written  Costn),  Edmund, 
Vice-Chancellor  of  Cambridge  University,  England. 
The  dates  of  his  birth  and  death  are  uncertain.  He 
was  bom  in  Bedfordshire  and  entered  King's  Hall, 
Cambridge,  as  a  Bible  clerk,  receiving  the  degrees  of 
B.A.  early  in  1535,  M.A.  in  1541,  and  B.D.  in  1547. 
He  held  the  living  of  Grendon,  Northamptonshire, 
which  was  in  the  gift  of  King's  Hall,  from  21  Septem- 
ber, 1538,  to  November,  1541,  and,  successively,  fel- 
lowships of  King's  Hall,  St.  Catharine's  Hall,  and  of 
Trinity  College.  Early  in  Queen  Mary's  reign  he  was 
elected  Master  of  St.  Catharine's,  which  brought  him 
as  gifts  from  the  Crown  the  Norfolk  rectories  of  St. 
Edmund,  North  Lynn  (1533),  Fakenham  (1555),  and 


the  Norfolk  vicarages  of  Caistor  Holy  Trinity,  and  of 
Oxburgh  (1554).  He  was  presented  to  the  rectory 
of  Thorpland  by  Trinity  College  in  the  following  year. 
He  was  also  chaplain  to  Bishop  Bonner  of  London 
and  assistant  to  Michael  Dunning,  the  Chancellor  of 
the  Diocese  of  Norwich.  In  1558  ne  was  elected  Vice- 
Chancellor  of  Cambridge  but  being  a  Catholic  he  re- 
fused to  conform  to  the  Elizabethan  heresies,  and 
hence  in  1560  was  forced  to  resign  all  his  preferments 
and  went  in  1564  to  live  in  retirement  in  Caius  College, 
Cambridge.  Four  years  later,  summoned  to  answer 
before  the  Lords  of  the  Council  to  a  charge  of  non- 
conformity, he  went  into  exile  rather  than  foreswear 
his  faith.  He  was  living  on  the  Continent  in  1576 
but  no  further  definite  records  of  his  career  are  avail- 
able. 

Lee  in  Diet.  Nat.  Bioa.,  XII,  s.  v.;  Sthtpe,  Memorials,  III,  i, 
80;  Blomefield,  Norfolk. 

Thomas  F.  Meehan. 

Oosmas  (called  Hagiopolites  or  Cosmas  of  Jeru- 
salem), a  hymn-writer  of  the  Greek  Church  in  the 
eighth  century,  was  the  foster-brother  of  St.  John  of 
Damascus.  The  teacher  of  the  two  boys  was  an  el- 
derly Silician,  also  named  Cosmas,  who  had  been  freed 
from  slavery  by  St.  John's  father.  St.  John  and  Cos- 
mas went  from  Damascus  to  Jerusalem,  where  both 
became  monks  in  the  monastery  of  St.  Sabas  near  that 
city.  Cosmas,  however,  left  the  monastery  in  743, 
when  he  was  appointed  Bishop  of  Maiuma,  the  port  of 
ancient  Gaza  on  the  southern  coast  of  Phoenicia.  The 
Greek  Church  observes  his  feast  on  14  October.  As  a 
learned  prose-author  Cosmas  wrote  comments  on  the 
poems  of  Gregory  of  Nazianzus;  as  a  poet  he  is  re- 
garded by  the  Greek  Church  with  great  admiration. 
It  considers  Cosmas  and  St.  John  of  Damascus  the 
best  representatives  of  the  later  Greek  classical  hym- 
nology,  the  most  characteristic  examples  of  which  are 
the  artistic  liturgical  chants  known  as  "Canons". 
The  hymns  of  Cosmas  were  originally  intended  to  add 
to  the  interest  of  the  services  at  Jerusalem,  but 
through  the  influence  of  Constantinople  their  use  be- 
came universal  in  the  Orthodox  Greek  Church.  It  is 
not  certain,  however,  that  all  the  hymns  ascribed  to 
Cosmas  in  the  Greek  liturgical  books  were  really  his 
compositions,  especially  as  his  teacher  of  the  same 
name  was  also  a  hymn-writer.  Collections  of  hymns, 
varying  in  number,  are  attributed  to  Cosmas,  ana 
may  be  found  in  Migne,  P.  G.,  XCVIII,  459-524,  and 
in  Christ-Paranikas,  "Anthologia  greeca  carminum 
christianorum"  (Leipzig,  1871),  161-204.  For  the 
above-mentioned  notes  or  scholia  on  the  poems  of 
Gregory  of  Nazianzus  see  Mai,  "Spicilegium  Roma- 
num",  II,  Pt.  II,  1-375,  and  Migne,  P.  G,  XXXVIII, 
339-679. 

Kruhbacber.  Ouch,  der  byzantinischen  Literatur  (2d  ed., 
Munich,  1896),  674  sqq. 

Anton  Baumstark. 

Oosmas  and  Damian,  Saints,  early  Christian  phy- 
sicians and  martyrs  whose  feast  is  celebrated  on  27  Sep- 
tember. They  were  twins,  born  in  Arabia,  and  prac- 
tised the  art  of  healing  in  the  seaport  iEgea,  now 
Ayash  (Ajass),  on  the  Gulf  of  Iskanderun  in  Cilicia, 
Asia  Minor,  and  attained  a  great  reputation.  They 
accepted  no  pay  for  their  services  and  were,  therefore, 
called  ivipyvpoi,  "the  silverless".  In  this  way  they 
brought  many  to  the  Christian  Faith.  When  the  Dio- 
cletian persecution  began,  the  Prefect  Lysias  had 
Cosmas  and  Damian  arrested,  and  ordered  them  to  re- 
cant. They  remained  constant  under  torture,  in  a 
miraculous  manner  suffered  no  injury  from  water, 
fire,  air,  nor  on  the  cross,  and  were  finally  beheaded 
with  the  sword.  ■  Their  three  brothers,  Anthimus, 
Leontius,  and  Euprepius  died  as  martyrs  with  them. 
The  execution  took  place  27  September,  probably  in 
the  year  287.  At  a  later  date  a  number  of  fables  grew 
up  about  them,  connected  in  part  with  their  relics. 


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The  remains  of  the  martyrs  were  buried  in  the  city  of 
Cyrus  in  Syria;  the  Emperor  Justinian  I  (527-565) 
sumptuously  restored  the  city  in  their  honour.  Hav- 
ing been  cured  of  a  dangerous  illness  by  the  interces- 
sion of  Cosmas  and  Damian,  Justinian,  in  gratitude 
for  their  aid,  rebuilt  and  adorned  their  church  at  Con- 
stantinople, and  it  became  a  celebrated  place  of  pil- 
grimage. At  Rome  Pope  Felix  IV  (526-530)  erected 
a  church  in  their  honour,  the  mosaics  of  which  are  still 
among  the  most  valuable  art-remains  of  the  city.  The 
Greek  Church  celebrates  the  feast  of  Saints  Cosmas 
and  Damian  on  1  July,  17  October,  and  1  November, 
and  venerates  three  pairs  of  saints  of  the  same  name  and 
profession.  Cosmas  and  Damian  are  regarded  as  the 
patrons  of  physicians  and  surgeons  and  are  sometimes 


landi  in  his  "Bibliotheca  veterum  patrum"  (Venice, 
1776),  and  in  Migne,  P.  G.  (Paris,  1864),  LXXXVIII, 
51-476.  A  French  translation  of  the  most  important 
parts  is  found  in  Charton,  "Voyageurs  anciens  et 
modemes"  (Paris,  1855);  a  complete  English  transla- 
tion, with  notes  and  a  critical  introduction,  was  issued 
for  the  Hakluyt  Society  by  J.  W.  McCrindle  (London. 
1897).  The  work  is  divided  into  twelve  books  ana 
contains  a  description  of  the  universe,  as  Cosmas  con- 
structed it  in  his  imagination,  and  an  account  of  those 
regions  which  he  had  visited,  or  concerning  which  he 
had  gathered  information.  According  to  Cosmas  the 
world  is  a  rectangular  structure  in  two  sections,  their 
length  much  greater  than  their  breadth,  and  corres- 
ponding in  form  and  proportions  to  the  Tabernacle  of 


As  Physicians  Cast  into  the  Sea  The  Decapitation 

Scenes  from  the  Liver  or  Sts.  Cosmas  and  Damian    (Fra  Angelico,  Gallery  of  Ancient  and  Modern  Art,  Florence) 


represented  with  medical  emblems.  They  are  in- 
voked in  the  Canon  of  the  Mass  and  in  the  Litany  of 
the  Saints. 

Ada  SS.,  27  Sept.;  Schxeyeb  in  Kirchenlex.;  Alois,  Das 
Lsben  und  Wirken  d.  hi.  Cosmos  und  Damian,  Patrons  der 
AenU  (Vienna,  1876);  Deubneb,  Kosmas  und  Damian 
(Leip«g.  1907). 

Gabriel  Meier. 

Cosmas  Indicopleustes  (Cobmas  the  Indian 
Votaoer),  a  Greek  traveller  and  geographer  of  the 
first  half  of  the  sixth  century,  b.  at  Alexandria,  Egypt. 
Cosmas  probably  received  only  an  elementary  educa- 
tion, as  he  was  intended  for  a  mercantile  life,  and  in 
his  earlier  years  was  engaged  in  business  pursuits.  It 
may  be,  however,  that  by  further  study  he  increased 
his  Knowledge,  since  his  notes  and  observations  show 
more  than  ordinary  training.  His  business  took  him 
to  the  regions  lying  south  of  Egypt,  the  farthest  point 
of  his  travels  in  this  direction  Deing  Cape  Guardafui. 
He  traversed  the  Mediterranean,  the  Red  Sea,  and  the 
Persian  Gulf,  and  gathered  information  about  lands 
lying  far  to  the  East;  but  it  is  not  certain  that  he  actu- 
ally visited  India.  In  his  later  years  he  entered  the 
monastery  of  Raithu  on  the  Peninsula  of  Sinai.  If  it 
be  necessary  to  suppose,  as  some  investigators  assert, 
that  Cosmas  was  at  any  time  a  Nestonan,  it  would 
appear  from  his  work,  the  "Christian  Topography", 
that,  at  least  towards  the  close  of  his  life,  ne  returned 
to  the  orthodox  faith.  While  an  inmate  of  the  mon- 
astery he  wrote  the  "Topography"  above  mentioned, 
a  work  which  gives  him  a  position  of  importance 
among  the  geographers  of  the  early  Middle  Ages. 

The  "Christian  Topography"  has  been  preserved  in 
two  manuscript  copies,  one  in  the  Laurentian  Library 
at  Florence,  and  the  other  in  the  Vatican.  In  the 
second  half  of  the  seventeenth  century  Isaac  Vossius, 
Emeric  Bigot,  and  Melchisedech  TheVenot  first  made 
the  work  known  in  a  fragmentary  way  by  publishing 
extracts  from  it.  The  first  complete  and  critical  edi- 
tion, accompanied  by  a  Latin  translation,  was  issued 
by  Bernard  de  Montfaucon  in  his  "Collectio  nova  pa- 
trum et  scriptorum  gracorum  (Paris,  1707),  II,  1 13— 
345.   The  ''Topography"  was  also  printed  by  Gal- 


the  Old  Testament.  The  base  is  formed  by  the  sur- 
face of  the  earth,  around  which  flows  the  ocean ;  on  the 
other  side  of  the  ocean  lies  another — unknown — con- 
tinent, from  which  rise  the  walls  that  support  the 
firmament  above.  The  stars  are  carried  by  the  angels 
in  a  circle  around  the  firmament.  Above  the  firma- 
ment springs  a  vault  which  separates  the  heaven  of 
the  blessed  from  the  world  beneath.  The  theory  that 
there  is  an  antipodes,  says  Cosmas,  is  a  doctrine  to  be 
rejected.  The  earth  rises  towards  the  north  and  ends 
in  a  cone-shaped  mountain  behind  which  the  sun  con- 
tinues its  wanderings  during  the  night,  and  the  nights 
are  long  or  short  according  as  the  position  of  the  sun  is 
near  the  base  or  the  summit  of  the  mountain. 

This  curious  attempt  to  harmonize  a  childish  Bibli- 
cal exegesis  with  ordinary  phenomena  and  the  current 
opinions  of  the  time  is  at  least  superior  to  the  extraor- 
dinary geographical  hypotheses  of  that  day.  Aside 
from  the  fact  that  the  theories  of  Cosmas  exercised 
no  influence,  they  are  not  of  sufficient  importance  to 
affect  the  genuine  worth  of  several  portions  of  the 
"Topography".  The  value  of  these  passages  rests 
on  tne  methodical  conscientiousness  of  the  simple 
merchant,  as  it  is  seen,  for  example,  in  the  careful 
copy  of  the  so-called  Inscription  of  Adulis  (Jbfonu- 
mentum  Adiditanum)  which  has  been  preserved  to 
Greek  epigraphy  only  in  the  copy  of  Cosmas.  Cos- 
mas, with  the  aid  of  his  travelling  companion,  Menas, 
took  a  copy  of  it  in  522  for  the  governor  of  the  Chris- 
tian King  Elesbaan  of  Abyssinia,  retaining  a  replica 
for  himself.  Of  equal  importance  is  the  information 
he  collected  concerning  Zanzibar  and  the  Indian 
Ocean,  and  what  he  learned  as  to  the  trade  of  Abys- 
sinia with  the  interior  of  Africa  and  of  Egypt  with  the 
East.  The  best-known  and  most  celebrated  part  of 
the  "Topography"  is  the  description,  in  the  ninth 
book,  of  Ceylon  and  of  the  plants  and  animals  of 
India.  The  work  also  gives  much  valuable  informa- 
tion concerning  the  extension  of  Christianity  in  his 
day.  The  Vatican  manuscript  of  the  "Christian 
Topography"  has  explanatory  maps  and  sketches, 
either  made  by  Cosmas  himself  or  prepared  under  his 
direction;  they  are  of  value  as  the  first  efforts  of  psv 


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tristic  geography.  Four  other  writings  of  Cosmas  are 
unfortunately  lost:  a  cosmography,  an  astronomical 
treatise,  and  commentaries  on  the  Canticles  and  the 
Psalms. 

Mabinblli,  La  oeoarafia  e  «  padri  delta  chieea  (Rome,  1883); 
Gklzbr.  Koemae  der  Indienfahrer  in  Jahrbuch  fur  proUttan- 
tieche  rUgia  (Leipzig,  1883),  IX,  105-141;  Kketbcumeu,  Die 
phyneche  Erdkunde  im  chrietlichen  MittetaUer  (Vienna,  1889); 
Bbaxlet,  The  Dawn  of  Modern  Geography  (London,  1897); 
Krumbacheh,  Geech.  der  byzanlinischen  LiU.  (2nd  ed.,  Munion, 
1897),  412-14;  Stbztoowski,  Der  BOderkreit  dee  aritch.  Phy- 
tiologue,  dee  Kama*  Indicopleuetee,  etc.,  in  Byumtiniecha 
Archiv  (Leipzig,  1899). 

Otto  Habtiq. 

Oosmaa  of  Prague,  Bohemian  historian,  b.  about 
1045.  at  Prague,  Bohemia;  d.  there,  21  October,  1125. 
He  belonged  to  a  knightly  family,  received  his 
first  instruction  in  the  schools  of  Prague,  and 
studied  grammar  and  dialectics  at  Liege  under  the 
direction  of  a  renowned  master  named  Franco.  At 
Liege  he  acquired  good  literary  taste  and  that  ac- 
quaintance with  the  classics  which  is  evident  through- 
out his  work.  While  still  young  he  entered  ec- 
clesiastical life  at  Prague,  but  was  not  ordained 

Srieet  until  11  June,  1099,  at  Gran,  Hungary.  In 
ue  time  he  became  a  member  of  the  cathedral 
chapter  of  St.  Vitus  in  Prague,  and  ultimately  its 
dean.  According  to  a  general  custom  of  the  age, 
while  still  a  minor  cleric,  he  was  married  to  one 
Bozetecha,  by  whom  he  had  a  son  named  Henry  or 
Zdic,  afterwards  Bishop  of  Olmutz.  With  the 
Bishops  of  Prague,  Gebhard,  Cosmas,  and  Hermann, 
he  was  on  terms  of  great  intimacy,  and  often  ac- 
companied them  on  their  travels;  he  likewise  en- 
joyed the  esteem  and  the  "confidence  of  the  rulers  of 
Bohemia.  Cosmas  wrote  in  Latin  a  "Chronica  Bo- 
hemorum",  or  history  of  Bohemia  from  the  earliest 
times  to  1125.  The  work  consists  of  three  books; 
the  first  brings  the  narrative  to  1038,  the  second  to 
1092,  the  third  to  1125.  For  the  early  part  he  relied 
almost  exclusively  on  popular  tradition,  since  there 
was  no  previous  work  on  the  subject.  For  the 
other  parts  he  drew  from  the  testimony  of  eyewit- 
nesses, from  his  own  experience,  or  from  monuments 
and  written  documents.  As  an  historian,  Cosmas  is 
generally  truthful  and  conscientious;  he  distin- 
guishes between  what  is  certain  and  what  is  based 
only  on  rumours  or  tradition,  and  often  indicates  his 
sources  of  information.  The  style  is  pleasing,  and 
the  character-sketches  are  vivid.    Owing  to  these 


Freher,  "Scriptores  rerum  bohemicarum"  (Hanover, 
1602, 1607,  1620) ;  Mencke,  "Scriptores  rerum  Germ.: 
Saxon."  (Leipzig,  1728),  I;  Pelal  and  Dobrowsky; 
"Scriptores  rerum  bohemicarum"  (Prague,  1783); 
Koepke,  "Mon.  Germ.  Hist.:  Script."  (Hanover. 
1851),  IX;  also  in  Migne,  P.  L.,  CLXVI;  Emler  and 
Tomek.  "Fontes  rerum  bohemicarum"  (Prague, 
1874),  II. 

Koepki,  Prolegomena  to  hie  edition  of  Coemae  in  Mon. 
Germ.  Hiet..  and  Mionb,  P.  L.;  Borowt  in  Kirdumlez.  (Frei- 
burg im  Br.,  1884),  III;  Potthabt,  Bibliotheca  medii  cevi  (Ber- 
lin, 1898),  I;  Chsvauu,  Bio-bM.  (Paris,  1905),  I. 

Francis  J.  Schaefer. 

Ooimati  Mosaic  (Gr.  icoo-pun),  a  peculiar  style  of  in- 
laid ornamental  mosaic  introduced  into  the  decorative 
art  of  Europe  during  the  twelfth  century,  by  a  marble- 
worker  named  Laurentius,  a  native  of  Anafni,  a  small 
hill-town  thirty-seven  miles  east-south-east  of  Rome. 
Laurentius  acquired  his  craft  from  Greek  masters  and 
for  a  time  followed  their  method  of  work,  but  early  in  his 
career,  freeing  himself  from  Byzantine  traditions  and 
influences,  he  worked  along  original  lines  and  evolved 
a  new  style  of  decorative  mosaic,  vigorous  in  colour 
and  design,  which  he  invariably  employed  in  conjunc- 
tion with  plain  or  sculptured  marble  surfaces,  making 


it  a  decorative  accessary  to  some  architectural  feature. 
As  a  rule  he  used  white  or  light-coloured  marbles  for 
his  backgrounds;  these  he  inlaid  with  squares,  paral- 
lelograms, and  circles  of  darker  marble,  porphyry, 
or  serpentine,  surrounding  them  with  ribbons  of 
mosaic  composed  of  coloured  and  gold-glass  tessera;. 
These  hariequinads  he  separated  one  from  another 
with  marble  mouldings,  carvings,  and  flat  bands,  and 
further  enriched  them  with  mosaic.  His  earliest  re- 
corded work  was  executed  for  a  church  at  Fabieri  in 
1 190,-  and  the  earliest  existing  example  is  to  be  seen  in 
the  church  of  Ara  Coeli  at  Rome.  It  consists  of  an 
epistle  and  gospel  ambo,  a  chair,  screen,  and  pave- 
ment. In  much  of  his  work  he  was  assisted  by  his 
son,  Jacobus,  who  was  not  only  a  sculptor  and  mosaio- 
worker,  but  also  an  architect  of  ability,  as  witness  the 
architectural  alterations  carried  out  by  him  in  the 
cathedral  of  Civita  Caste  liana,  a  foreshadowing  of 
the  Renaissance.  This  was  a  work  in  which  other 
members  of  his  family  took  part,  and  they  were  all 
followers  of  the  craft  for  four  generations.  Those  at- 
taining eminence  in  their  art  are  named  in  the  follow- 
ing genealogical  epitome:  Laurentius  (1140-1210); 
Jacobus  (1165-1234);  Luca  (1221-1240);  Jacobus 
(1213-1293);  Deodatus  (1225-1294);  Johannes  (1231- 
1303).  Their  noted  Cosmatesque  mosaics  are  to 
be  seen  in  the  Roman  churches  of  SS.  Alessio  e 
Bonifacio,  S.  Sabba,  S.  Cesareo,  S.  Giovanni  a  Porta 
Latina,  S.  Maria  in  Cosmedin,  S.  Balbina,  S.  Maria 
sopra  Minerva,  S.  Maria  Maggiore,  and  in  the  cloister 
of  S.  Scholastica  at  Subiaco,  the  basilica  of  St.  Magus 
at  Anagni,  the  duomo  of  Civita  Castellana,  and  the 
ruined  shrine  of  St.  Edward  the  Confessor  in  West- 
minster Abbey. 

Da  Mont ac  lt,  Geniologie  aVartietee  italiene;  Coleman, 
Coemati  Mosaic  in  The  Architectural  Record  (New  York,  June, 
1902).  XII;  Pabxkb,  The  Arducoloov  of  Rome  (Oxford,  1876), 
Pt.  XI;  Db  Rossi,  Delle  oltre  famtjjlie  di  marmorarii  romam 
(Rome.  1870). 

Caryl  Coleman. 

Cosmogony. — By  this  term  is  understood  an  ac- 
count of  how  the  universe  (cosmos)  came  into  being 
(gonia — yryora=l  have  become).  It  differs  from  cos- 
mology, or  the  science  of  the  universe,  in  this:  that 
the  latter  aims  at  understanding  the  actual  com- 
position and  governing  laws  of  the  universe  as  it 
now  exists;  while  the  former  answers  the  question  as 
to  how  it  first  came  to  be.  The  Christian  Faith  ac- 
counts for  the  origin  of  the  universe  by  creation  ex 
nihilo  of  the  matter  out  of  which  the  universe  arose, 
and  the  preservatio,  or  maintenance,  of  Providence  ac- 
cording to  which  it  developed  into  what  it  now  is. 
Modern  science  has  propounded  many  theories  as  to 
how  the  primeval  gaseous  substance  evolved  into  the 
present  harmony  of  the  universe.  These  theories 
may  be  called  scientific  cosmogonies:  and  the  account 
of  the  origin  of  the  world  given  in  Genesis,  i  and  ii,  is 
styled  Mosaic  cosmogony.  The  word  cosmogony  is, 
however,  usually  applied  to  mythical  accounts  of  the 
world's  origin  current  amongst  the  peoples  of  an- 
tiquity and  the  more  modern  races  which  have  not 
been  touched  by  recent  scientific  methods.  In  this 
article  the  word  is  understood  only  in  this  latter  sense. 
In  treating  of  the  strange  admixture  of  pseudo-scien- 
tific speculations  and  religious  ideas  which  the  human 
mind;  unassisted  by  revelation,  elaborated  to  account 
for  the  existence  and  harmony  of  the  universe,  we  are 
forced  at  first  to  follow  only  the  chronological  order. 
The  different  accounts  given  of  the  origin  of  the 
heavens  and  the  earth  are  at  first  sight  so  irreconcil- 
able, so  fanciful,  that  no  other  order  of  treatment 
seems  possible;  but  an  attempt  will  be  made  in  the 
conclusion  to  sum  up  and  systematize  the  various 
ideas  enumerated,  to  trace  the  various  lines  along 
which  past  thought  and  fancy  developed  to  some  great 
central  principles,  and  thus  to  show  the  unity  which 
underlies  even  this  confusing  diversity.  As  modern 


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scholarship  seems  to  suggest  the  Euphrates  valley  as 
the  cradle  of  all  civilization,  the  cosmogonies  there  in 
vogue  shall  be  treated  first ;  although  Egyptian  ideas 
on  this  subject  can  be  traced  to  an  antiquity  at  least  as 
remote  as  that  of  the  earliest  Babylonian  cosmogonies 
known  to  us. 

Babylonian. — Two  different  Assyro-Babylonian 
cosmogonies  have  come  down  to  us.  The  longer  one 
is  known  under  the  name  of  Creation  Epos  or  "  Enuma 
elish",  the  words  with  which  it  begins.  The  shorter 
one  is  commonly  known  as  the  Bihnguar  Account  of 
Creation  because,  on  the  fragmentary  tablet  on  which 
it  is  written,  the  Semitic  Babylonian  is  accompanied 
by  a  Sumerian  version. 

(a)  The  Creation  Epos — A  good  summary  of  this 
cosmogony  had  been  known  since  the  sixth  century  of 
the  Christian  Era,  through  Damascius  (the  Athenian 
neo-FIatonist  who  emigrated  to  Persia  when  Justinian 
suppressed  the  schools  of  Athens),  as  follows:  "The 
Babylonians,  passing  over  in  silence  the  one-principle 
of  the  universe,  constitute  two,  Tauthe  and  Apason, 
making  Apason  the  husband  of  Tauthe  and  calling  her 
the  mother  of  the  gods.  And  from  these  proceeds  an 
only-begotten  son,  Moumis,  who,  I  consider,  is  nought 
else  but  the  intelligible  world  proceeding  from  the  two 
principles.  From  them  another  progeny  is  likewise 
produced,  Dache  and  Dachos,  and  also  a  third,  Kis- 
sar6  and  Assoros,  from  which  last  three  others  proceed, 
Anos,  and  Illinos,  and  Aos.  And  to  Aos  ana  Dauke 
a  son  is  born  called  Belos  of  whom  they  say  that  he 
is  the  creator  of  the  world  [demiurgus]. "  The  As- 
syrian original  upon  which  this  summary  is  based  was 
first  discovered  and  published  by  G.  Smith,  in  1875, 
from  seven  fragmentary  tablets  in  the  British  Muse- 
um. It  has  been  translated  by  a  number  of  scholars, 
and  recently  (London,  1903),  with  the  addition  of 
numerous  fragments,  by  L.  W.  King  of  the  same  mu- 
seum.   It  opens  as  follows:— 

When  on  high  the  heavens  were  not  uttered, 
Below  the  earth  bore  not  yet  a  name ; 
The  ocean  primeval  was  their  begetter, 
Mummu  Tiamtu  the  parent  of  all  of  them. 
Their  waters  were  mixed  together  in  one  and 
Fields  not  yet  marked,  marshes  not  yet  seen  [?] 
When  of  the  gods  there  existed  still  none 
None  bore  any  name,  the  fates  [not  yet  settled] 
Then  came  into  being  the  gods  [in  order?] 
Lahmu  and  Lahamu  went  forth  [as  the  first?] 
Great  were  the  ages  .... 
Ansar  and  Kisar  were  produced,  and  over  them 


Long  grew  the  days,  there  appeared 
The  God  Anu,  their  son  .  . 


The  Greek  copyist  had  evidently  mistaken  AAXOC 
for  AAXOC,  but  otherwise  the  two  accounts  tally  ex- 
actly: Apason  is  Apsu  the  Ocean;  Tauthe  is  Tiamtu, 
as  Assyrian  labializes  the  nasals;  Lache  and  Lachos 
are  likewise  Lahmu  and  Lahamu;  Kissare,  Assoras, 
Anos,  Illinos,  and  Aos  correspond  to  Kisar  and  Ansar, 
Anu,  Enlil,  and  Ea  or  Ae.  Damascius  considered 
Moumis  the  son  of  Tiamtu.  But  in  the  Babylonian 
text  Mummu  seems  to  have  Tiamat  in  apposition,  and 
the  participle  muallidat  is  in  the  feminine,  yet  on  a 
later  fragment  Mummu  does  figure  as  the  son  of  Tia- 
mat, and  Damascius'  statement  seems  correct."  In 
any  case  they  began  with  a  double,  purely  material, 
principle  Apsu  and  Tiamat,  male  and  female,  probably 
personifying  the  mass  of  salt  and  sweet  water  "mixed 
together  in  one".  Out  of  all  these  things  even  the 
gods  arise,  their  birth  is  in  reality  the  gradual  differ- 
entiation of  the  as  yet  undifferentiated,  undetermined, 
undivided,  watery  ALL.  The  meaning  of  Ansar  and 
Kisar  is  plain ;  they  are  personified  ideas:  Above  and 
Below.  The  meaning  of  Lahmu  and  Lahamu  is  not  so 
clear.  Popular  mythology  spoke  of  the  Lahmu  as 
monsters  and  demons,  spirits  of  evil,  and  their  pro- 


geny sides  with  Tiamat  as  the  monster  of  Chaos;  yet, 
on  the  other  hand,  they  cannot  be  evil  in  themselves, 
for  the  good  gods,  Anu,  Bel,  and  Ea,  are  their  children. 
It  has  been  suggested  with  great  probability  that 
Lahmu  and  Lahamu  are  the  personifications  of  Dawn 
and  Twilight. — In  the  watery  Chaos  first  the  light 
breaks;  an  above  and  a  below  begin  to  be,  and  the 
result  is  Anu,  Bel,  and  Ea — Sky,  Earth,  and  Water. 
But  this  process  of  development  is  not  to  proceed  un- 
opposed, nor  are  the  powers  (gods)  of  order  peacefully 
to  conq  uer  the  power  of  Chaos.  This  war  is  mythologi- 
cally  described  in  the  great  Epos.  Tiamat  creates  a 
brood  of  monsters  to  fight  on  her  side,  puts  Kingu,  her 
husband,  at  the  head,  gives  him  the  tablets  of  fate  in 
his  bosom,  thereby  giving  him  supreme  power.  Ea 
hears  of  this  plot,  tells  Ansar,  his  father,  who  asks  Anu 
to  interfere,  but  in  vain.  Ea  is  likewise  applied  to,  but 
without  result.  At  last  Ea's  son  Marduk,  at  the  re- 
quest of  the  gods,  becomes  their  champion  and  conquers 
the  Dragon  of  Chaos.  Cutting  the  lifeless  body  of  the 
dragon  in  two  he  makes  out  of  one  half  the  expanse  of 
the  heavens,  thereby  preventing  the  waters  above 
from  coming  down;  out  of  the  other  the  earth.  He 
then  firmly  fixes  the  stars,  arranging  the  constella- 
tions of  the  zodiac,  creates  the  moon,  "sets  him  as  a 
creature  of  night,  to  make  known  the  days  monthly 
without  failing".  After  this  Marduk's  "heart  urged 
him,  and  he  made  cunning  plans,  he  opened  his  mouth 
and  said  to  Ae:  "  Let  me  gather  my  blood  and  let  me 
[take  my]  bone,  let  me  set  up  a  man  and  let  the  man 
...  let  me  make  then  men  dwelling  ..."  The 
gods  praise  Marduk's  work  and  they  applaud  him  with 
fifty  names;  each  god  transferring  to  Marduk  his  own 
function  and  dignity.  Marduk,  then,  is  the  real  Demi- 
urgus  or  world-creator,  a  dignity,  however,  which  was 
not  originally  his.  The  political  success  of  Marduk's 
city,  Babylon,  necessitated  this  god's  rise  in  rank 
in  the  Pantheon;  this  was  ingeniously  contrived  by 
inventing  the  legend  of  all  the  gods  voluntarily  ceding 
their  place  to  him  because  he  conquered  the  Dragon  of 
Chaos,  Tiamat.  This  part  of  the  cosmogony,  there- 
fore, probably  does  not  date  back  before  2000  b.  c.  It 
is  quite  likely,  however,  that  some  story  of  a  struggle 
with  a  monster  of  evil  and  disorder  is  of  much  greater 
antiquity.  In  any  case  this  cosmogony  is  sharply 
characterized  because  in  it  the  cosmos  arises  out  of  a 
struggle  between  Chaos  and  Order,  good  and  evil.  It 
must,  however,  not  be  forgotten  that  both  good  and 
bad  gods  are  alike  the  progeny  of  Apsu  and  Tiamat. 

(b)  The  Bilingual  Creation-Story  was  found  on  a 
tablet  in  Sippar  by  Itassam  in  1882.  It  consists  of 
three  columns,  the  central  column  being  Semitic,  the 
first  and  third  being  Sumerian,  every  line  and  sentence 
being  cut  in  two  by  the  intervening  Semitic  version. 
It  is  really  an  incantation  for  purification;  unfortu- 
nately the  tablet  is  mutilated,  and  the  connexion  of 
this  temple  ritual  with  an  account  of  the  origin  of  the 
world  is  not  quite  clear.  At  the  end  of  the  tablet  a 
second  incantation  begins,  of  which  only  the  words, 
"The  star  .  .  .  long  chariot  of  heaven  ,  are  left — 
sufficient  to  show  that  these  tablets  belonged  to  an 
astronomical  or  scientific  series.  The  cosmogony  be- 
gins, as  is  usual  with  cosmogonies,  by  thinking  away 
all  things  in  the  world.  It  is  remarkable  that  the 
empty  void  is  expressed  by  first  thinking  away  civili- 
zation, temples,  gardens,  houses,  cities;  the  ancient 
cities  are  even  given  by  name:  "Nippur  had  not 
been  built,  E-Kura  [its  temple]  not  been  constructed. 
Erech  had  not  been  built,  E-ana  not  been  constructed." 
— "  The  Abyss  had  not  been  made ;  Eridu  [the  oldest  of 
all  cities,  once  on  the  Persian  Gulf],  with  its  foundations 
in  the  deep  [the  abyss],  had  not  been  constructed,  the 
foundation  of  the  house  of  the  gods  not  laid — the 
whole  of  the  lands  was  sea.  When  within  the  sea 
there  was  a  stream,  in  that  day  Eridu  was  made, 
Esagila  [its  temple]  constructed — Esagila,  which  the 
god  Lugalduazaga  founded  within  the  abyss — Baby- 


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ton  he  built,  Esagila  [a  counterpart  of  the  Esagila  of 
Ehidu]  was  completed.  He  created  the  gods;  the 
Anunnaki  [tutelary  spirits  of  the  earth]  created  the 
glorious  city  together  with  him.  The  seat  of  their 
heart's  joy  he  proclaimed  on  high  Marduk  bound 
together  a  foundation  [amu]  upon  the  waters.  He 
made  dust  and  cast  it  over  the  foundation,  that  the 
gods  might  sit  in  a  pleasant  place.  He  made  man- 
kind. Aruru  [the  goddess  of  Sippar]  made  the  seed 
of  mankind  with  him".  Marduk  then  creates  the 
animals,  the  plants,  the  city,  the  state,  Nippur,  Erech, 
and  their  temples.  Lugalduazaga  is  considered  to  be 
another  name  for  Marduk.  In  the  text  it  is  doubtful 
whether  the  Anunnaki  were  created  by  Marduk  or 
whether  they  were  assistant-creators  with  Marduk. 
The  latter  seems  preferable.  The  meaning  of  "he 
bound  together  a  foundation"  is  doubtful,  because  of 
the  uncertainty  about  the  word  amu.  The  ancients 
thought  the  earth  to  be  like  a  section  of  a  hollow  ball 
floating  on  the  great  waters,  convex  side  upwards. 
Marduk  is  here  forming  his  rough  skeleton  of  the 
earth  as  a  raft  on  the  waters,  and  he  fills  it  up  with 
soil  or  clay  dust  according  to  the  text.  This  cos- 
mogony is  probably  not  so  ancient  as  that  of  the 
Creation  Epos,  because  it  makes  Marduk  sole  creator 
without  reference  even  to  Anu  or  Ea.  It  is  remarka- 
ble that  man  is  created  before  animals  and  plants,  and 
scholars  have  not  failed  to  draw  attention  to  a  similar 
statement  in  Genesis,  ii,  7-9.  Furthermore,  the  Tigris 
and  the  Euphrates  are  named  in  this  cosmogony: 
"  He  made  them  and  set  them  in  their  place — well  pro- 
claimed he  their  name",  which  also  reminds  one  of  the 
mention  of  the  rivers  in  the  same  chapter  of  Genesis. 
Some  remote  connexion  is  of  course  possible. 

Egyptian. — The  fundamental  ideas  of  Egyptian 
cosmogonies  can  be  gathered  from  the  Book  of  the 
Dead,  chapter  xvii,  which  goes  back  to  the  eleventh 
dynasty  (c.  2560  B.  a),  if  not  to  the  sixth  (c.  3000 
b.  a).  Cosmogonic  speculations  in  greater  detail  can 
be  found  in  the  funeral  inscriptions  of  Seti  I,  in  the 
Valley  of  the  Dead  near  Thebes  (c.  1400  b.  a),  nor  are 
they  wanting  in  texts  on  monuments  and  papyri  down 
to  late  in  the  Ptolemaic  period.  But  according  to 
Brugsch,  Egyptian  thought  was  but  little  subiect  to 
change  even  during  the  score  of  centuries  and  more 
during  which  it  is  known  to  us.  In  the  beginning 
there  was  neither  heaven  nor  earth.  Shoreless  waters, 
covered  with  thick  darkness,  filled  the  world-space. 
These  primeval  waters  are  called  Nun,  and  they  were 
said  to  contain  the  male  and  female  germs  and  the 
beginnings  of  the  future  world.  From  the  very  first 
there  dwelt  in  this  watery  proto-matter  a  divineforce 
or  proto-soul,  which  pervaded  and  penetrated  its  as 
yet  not  differentiated  parts.  This  penetration  was  so 
absolute  that  this  soul  became  almost  identical  with 
the  matter  it  pervaded.  The  divine  proto-soul  then 
felt  a  desire  for  creative  activity  and  this  his  will,  per- 
sonified as  the  god  Thot,  brought  the  universe  into 
being;  whereas  the  image  of  the  universe  had  pre- 
viously formed  itself  in  the  eyes  of  Thot.  The  word 
of  Thot  brought  movement  in  the  still  watery  sub- 
stance of  Nun — movement  both  conscious  and  pur- 
poseful. Nun  now  began  to  differentiate  itself,  1.  e. 
its  qualities  became  manifest  in  a  cosmogonic  ogdoad 
of  deities  (four  pairs,  male  and  female):  Nun  and 
Nunet,  Hen  and  Hehet,  Keke  and  Keket,  Nenu  and 
Nenut.  Nun  and  Nunet  represent  the  begetting  and 
bearing  Proto-Matter-Soul;  Heh  and  Hehet  are  rather 
difficult  ideas  to  grasp,  perhaps  active  and  passive 
infinity  would  be  a  good  expression.  This  infinity  is 
mostly  conceived  in  relation  to  time,  and  is  conse- 
quently equivalent  to,  and  often  described  by,  the 
Greek  AUir;  as  infinity  of  force  it  resembles  "Epon. 
Kek  and  Keket  are  the  abysmal  darkness,  the  Erebos 
of  the  Egyptians.  Nenu  and  Nenut  symbolize  rest; 
the  two  other  names  or  titles  of  Nenu,  Gohr  and  Hems, 
embody  the  same  idea — to  settle  or  lie  down,  to  cease 


from  work.  Contrary  to  the  Babylonian  idea  of  war 
with  the  Dragon  of  Chaos,  tranquillity  is,  in  Egypt,  a 
principle  of  progress.  All  united,  these  divinities  of 
the  ogdoad  form  the  beginnings  and  are  the  fathers 
and  mothers  of  all  things.  Pictorially,  they  are  indi- 
cated by  figures  of  four  men  and  women;  the  men 
carry  a  frog;  the  women  a  serpent's  head  on  their 
shoulders.  The  frog  and  serpent  represent  the  first 
elements  of  animal  creation;  the  unaccounted  for 
appearance  and  disappearance  of  frogs  in  marshes 
seemed  like  a  sort  of  spontaneous  generation  of  animal 
life  out  of  stagnant  water;  the  serpent  periodically 
shedding  its  skm  was  a  symbol  of  the  yearly  renewal 
of  nature.  The  male  figures  are  coloured  blue,  to 
signify  water  the  begetter  of  all  things;  the  female 
are  flesh-coloured,  to  signify  the  life  produced.  These 
cosmogonic  gods  then  transform  the  invisible  divine 
will  of  Thot  into  a  visible  universe,  harmoniously 
welded  together.  The  first  act  of  creation  is  the  for- 
mation of  an  egg,  which  rises  upon  the  hands  of  Heh 
and  Hehet  out  of  the  proto-matter.  Out  of  the  egg 
arises  the  god  of  light,  Ra,  the  immediate  cause  of  life 
in  this  world.  Now  this  universe  was  conceived  as 
being  both  the  house  and  body  of  God,  divinity  not 
dwelling  in,  but  being  identical  with,  the  cosmic  All. 

This  universe,  however,  was  formed  by  concurrence 
of  nine  divine  things,  i.  e.  the  great  Ennead  of  Gods: 
(1)  Shu,  the  dry  air  of  day;  (2)  Tafnut,  the  night  air, 
pregnant  with  the  rays  of  the  waxing  moon ;  (3)  Keb, 
the  god  of  the  earth,  or  soil ;  (4)  Nut,  the  goddess  of 
the  heavens  above;  (5)  Osiris,  the  moist  or  fructifying 
element;  (6)  Isis,  the  maternal  or  conceiving  force  of 
the  earth;  (7)  Set,  the  god  of  evil  and  contradiction — 
the  destructive  element  in  nature,  opposing  the  light, 
moisture,  and  fertility  of  the  earth — in  popular 'myth- 
ology, the  brother-enemy  of  Osiris  and  Isis ;  (8)  Horus, 
popularly  conceived  as  the  divine  child  of  Isis  and 
Osiris,  living  nature  in  the  circle  of  her  perpetual  re- 

i'uvenesence;  (9)  Nephthys,  the  boundary  spirit  or 
torizon,  the  world-limit,  or  the  strand  of  the  endless 
sea. 

Parallel  with  these  quasi-scientific  explanations  of 
the  universe,  the  popular  mind  attributed  to  its 
favourite  divinities  a  share  in  the  cosmogony.  In 
Upper  Egypt  the  egg-productive  energy  gave  first 
rise  to  a  divinity,  Chnum,  the  potter  who  shapes  the 
egg  on  his  wheel ;  in  Lower  Egypt,  Ptah,  the  artificer, 
becomes  the  creator  of  the  egg.  Sometimes,  however, 
a  divine  bird  is  required  to  lay  it.  Not  unfrequently 
the  cosmogonic  functions  of  the  egg  are  attributed  to 
the  lotus-bud.  In  one  of  the  inscriptions  of  Denderah, 
Pharao  hands  a  lotus-flower  to  the  solar  deity,  say- 
ing: "I  hand  thee  the  flower  which  arose  in  the  begin- 
ning, the  glorious  lily  on  the -great  sea.  Thou  earnest 
forth  in  the  city  of  Chimin  out  of  its  leaves,  and  thou 
didst  give  light  to  the  earth  till  then  wrapped  in  dark- 
ness". On  the  other  hand,  Ra  is  not  merely  the 
enlightener,  but  the  personal  creator  of  the  world,  the 
Lord,  infinite  in  his  being,  the  Master  Everlasting, 
who  was  before  all  things ;  none  is  like  unto  him.  He 
suspended  the  heavens  above,  that  he  might  dwell 
therein;  he  laid  the  foundations  of  the  earth,  that  it 
might  sustain  his  form;  he  created  the  deep,  that  he 
might  be  hidden  in  the  lower  spheres,  he,  the  noble 
youth,  came  forth  out  of  Nun.  This  personification 
of  the  spirit*  of  light  in  the  sun-god  RA  could  evoke 
real  sublimity  of  thought  and  expression,  so  much  so 
that,  for  a  little  while,  the  idea  reached  a  quasi- 
mono  theism  under  Amenophis  III  and  IV.  On  the 
other  hand  the  amplitude  of  divine  titles  of  each  local 
deity  plays  havoc  with  cosmogonic  consistency,  thus 
Ptah  in  Memphis  is  ruler  of  infinity  (Heh)  and  Lord  of 
eternity  (Tet),  Min  Amum,  Lord  of  Infinity,  lasting 
for  eternity;  Hathor  of  Denderah,  Mistress  of  Infinity 
and  Creatrix  of  Eternity;  Hathor  and  Horus  are 
mother  and  father  to  Horsamtui,  a  phase  of  RA  the 
sun-god,  and  similar  fancies. 


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Iranian. — In  considering  these  cosmogonies  we 
must  distinguish  a  threefold  phase  of  development:  (a) 
The  ancient  Iranian  phase,  as  given  in  the  A  vesta,  the 
Yasnas,  and  the  Vendidads.  Without  entering  into 
the  much-disputed  question  of  the  date  of  the  A  vesta, 
it  may  be  safely  said  that  these  oldest  eosmogonies  go 
back  to  about  1000  b.  c.  (b)  The  later  Iranian  or  early 
Persian  phase,  as  contained  in  orthodox  Pahlavi  litera- 
ture, the  Bundahis  and  the  Mainoc hired,  (c)  Hetero- 
dox Iranian  opinions  amongst  schismatical  sects,  as 
the  Zervanites,  Gayomarthiyaj  Rivayets,  and  others. 
We  shall  find  the  dualism,  which  is  the  great  charac- 
teristic of  Iranian  thought,  showing  a  gradual  tendency 
towards  monism,  and  its  primeval  simplicity  trans- 
formed into  fanciful  intricacy  without,  however,  alto- 
gether losing  the  loftiness  of  its  first  ideas. 

Although  we  possess  no  full  systematic  expositions 
of  the  views  of  the  ancient  Iranians  on  the  origin  of  the 
universe,  yet  scattered  passages  in  the  A  vesta  leave  no 
doubt  that  at  the  beginning  of  all  things  they  postu- 
lated a  twofold  principle:  good  and  evU.  At  the  head 
indeed  of  all  creation  stands  Ahura  Mazda,  a  purely 
spiritual  being,  who  is  distinctly  and  expressly  styled 
"Creator  of  the  World"  of  spirit  and  of  matter.  Yet 
in  the  older  books  the  idea  of  the  unity  of  origin  of  the 
universe  is  far  from  having  come  to  maturity ;  so  in  the 
Gathas  a  distinct  dualism  of  origin  is  taught.  At  the 
end  of  Yasna,  xxviii,  Zarathustra  asks:  "Do  thou, 
Ahura  Mazda,  teach  me  from  thyself,  that  I  may  de- 
clare it  forth,  through  what  the  primeval  world  arose." 
And  in  Yasna,  xxx,  comes  the  answer:  "Thus  are  the 
primeval  spirits,  who  as  a  pair — yet  each  independent 
in  his  action — nave  been  famed  of  old.  They  are 
[these  two  spiritual  principles]  a  better  thing  and  a 
worse  thing  as  to  thought,  word,  and  deed.  When  the 
two  spirits  came  together  at  the  first  to  make  life  and 
non-life,  and  to  determine  how  the  world  at  last 
should  be  made,  [then  there  was]  for  the  wicked  the 
worst  life  and  for  the  holy  the  best  state  of  mind.  He 
who  was  the  evil  one  chose  the  evil,  but  the  bountiful 
spirit  chose  righteousness. "  Ahura  Mazda,  or,  as  the 
name  later  became  abbreviated,  Onnuzd,  the  Wise 
Lord,  is  the  good  spirit  or  Spento  Mainyu;  the  Evil 
One  is  Anro  Mainyu,  the  destroying  spirit  later 
known  as  Ahriman.  The  absolute  dualism  of  the 
above  passage  is  unmistakable:  in  the  beginning  was 
Good  and  Evil;  the  good  became  as  it  were  incarnate 
in  Onnuzd,  the  evil  in  Ahriman.  The  name  Ahriman, 
however,  does  not  actually  occur  in  this  Yasna.  This 
dualism  gradually  softened  as  centuries  went  on,  and 
Ormuzd  was  repeatedly  and  emphatically  designated 
as  the  Creator.  Thus  Yasna,  i,  1  (which  is  of  consid- 
erably later  date  than  Yasna,  xxx):  "I  confess  and 
proclaim  Ahura  Mazda,  the  creator,  the  radiant,  the 
glorious,  who  sends  his  joy-creating  grace  afar,  who 
made  us  and  who  fashioned  us,  who  has  nourished  us 
and  protected  us,  who  is  the  Spento  Mainyu."  But 
whenever  Ormuzd,  the  source  of  all  good,  produces 
what  is  good,  the  Evil  One  produces  its  opposite,  there- 
with to  destroy  Ormuzd's  creation.  Ahriman,  there- 
fore, becomes  only  a  secondary,  or  counter-creator. 
This  is  thus  expressed  in  Fargard  i  of  the  Vendldfid: 
"The  first  of  good  lands  which  I,  Ahura  Mazda,  cre- 
ated was  Iran- Veg,  thereupon  came  Anro  Mainyu,  who 
is  all  death,  and  he  counter-created  the  serpent  in  the 
river,  and  the  winter,  the  work  of  demons.  The  second 
of  good  lands  which  I  created  was  the  plain  of  Sogdiana. 
Thereupon  came  Anro  Mainyu,  who  is  all  death, 
and  he  counter-created  the  locust,  bringing  death 
unto  cattle  and  plants."  No  less  than  sixteen  such 
creations  and  counter-creations  are  thus  enumerated: 
Ahriman  counter-creates  plunder,  sin,  ants  and  ant- 
hills, unbelief,  tears  and  wailing,  idolatry,  pride,  im- 
purity, burial  of  the  dead,  the  cooking  of  corpses,  ab- 
normal issues,  excessive  heat,  and  bitter  cold.  From 
this  enumeration  of  Ahriman's  work  one  gathers  that 
he  and  his  good  adversary  were  originally  personified 


principles,  and  this  personification  led  to  their  being 
accounted  real  spiritual  beings.  Sometimes  this  per- 
sonification was  so  materialized  as  to  lead  to  the  as- 
cription of  a  body  to  Ormuzd,  but  this  was  of  some 
aerial  substance  invisible  even  to  the  celestials.  Be- 
sides these  two  world-creators  we  meet  in  the  A  vesta 
four  elementary  beings,  or  rather  attributesof  Ormuzd, 
called  Thwasha  or  infinite  Space,  Zrvan  Akarana  or 
Endess  Time,  Anaghra  raocao  and  Temao  or  Begin- 
ningless  Light  and  Darkness.  These  personified  ab- 
stractions—Space, Time,  Light,  and  Darkness — are 
co-eternal  with  Onnuzd  ana  Ahriman;  they  do  not 
create,  but  they  constitute  the  receptacle,  the  source, 
and  the  twofold  material  of  creation. 

Later  Parthian  speculations  on  the  origin  of  the  uni- 
verse are  found  in  the  Bundahis,  a  Pahlavi  commen- 
tary on  the  A  vesta,  which  may  date  from  the  Sassa- 
nids,  but  in  its  present  form  cannot  be  earlier  than  the 
seventh  century  of  the  Christian  Era.  Ormuzd  is  hero 
described  as  in  endless  light  and  all-wise ;  but  Ahriman 
in  endless  darkness  and  lacking  in  knowledge.  Light 
and  darkness  seem  to  have  been  identified  with  Or- 
muzd and  Ahriman  at  an  earlier  period,  according  to 
Porphyrius  and  Plutarch.  Ormuzd  and  Ahriman 
both  produced  their  own  creatures,  which  remain 
apart  in  a  spiritual  or  ideal  state  for  3000  years;  for 
Ahriman  is  unaware  of  the  existence  of  Onnuzd  and 
his  good  creation.  After  this  begins  Ahriman's  oppo- 
sition to  the  work  of  Ormuzd,  with  the  understanding, 
however,  that  the  period  of  the  evil  influence  would  not 
exceed  9000  years,  and  only  the  middle  3000  years 
were  to  see  Ahriman  successful.  By  pronouncing  a 
mysterious  spell  Ormuzd  throws  Ahnman  into  a  state 
of  confusion  for  a  second  3000  years.  Meanwhile,  Or- 
muzd creates  the  archangels  and  the  material  universe 
with  sun,  moon,  and  stars;  Ahriman  produces  the  do- 
vas,  or  evil  spirits,  and,  helped  by  them,  he  throws  him- 
self upon  the  good  creation  to  destroy  it.  The  six  di- 
visions of  creation — the  sky,  water,  earth,  plants,  and 
animals,  and  men — suffer  the  attacks  of  the  devas. 
Hie  primeval  ox,  symbolizing  the  later  animal  world, 
is  slain,  and  so  is  Gayomard,  representing  humanity. 
Yet,  though  Gayomard  dies,  his  offspring  fives.  After 
many  punfications  by  archangels,  the  Rivas  plant,  be- 
gotten of  him,  grows  up.  This  plant  contains  both 
man  and  woman;  when  their  bodies  have  sufficiently 
developed  they  receive  "the  breath  spiritually  into 
them,  which  is  the  soul";  for  Ahura  Mazda  said  that 
"the  soul  is  created  before  and  the  body  after,  for  him 
who  was  created".  And  Ahura  Mazda  said  to  them, 
"  You  are  man,  you  are  the  ancestry  of  the  world  ".  A 
story  is  told  of  the  first  pair,  whether  Mashya  and 
Mashyana  or,  as  elsewhere  given,  Yima  and  his  wife, 
similar  to  that  of  Adam's  sin  in  paradise;  a  like  simil- 
arity can  also  be  found  in  Ahura  Mazda  creating  the 
world  in  six  stages,  but  there  is  nothing  to  show  that 
the  Bible  is  the  borrower,  in  fact  the  contrary  is  most 
probable.  In  the  Mainochired  a  further  stage  in  Per- 
sian cosmogonies  is  reached.  There  the  light  is  dis- 
tinctly named  as  the  matter  out  of  which  the  universe 
is  created  and  zrvan,  or  endless  time,  is  no  longer  con- 
sidered an  attribute  of  Ormuzd,  but  is  an  independent 
fundamental  being,  which  pronounces  its  blessing  and 
joy  over  the  creation  which  Ormuzd  produces.  So 
chapter  viii:  "The  creator  Ahura  produced  these  crea- 
tures and  creation,  the  archangels  and  the  spirit  of 
wisdom  from  that  which  is  his  own  splendour  and  with 
the  blessing  of  endless  time.  For  this  reason  unlim- 
ited time  is  undecaying  and  immortal,  painless  and 
hungerless,  thirstless  and  undisturbed;  for  ever  and 
ever  no  one  will  be  able  to  overpower  it  or  to  make  it 
not  all-over-ruling  in  his  own  affairs.  And  Ahriman, 
the  wicked,  counter-created  the  devat  and  drugs  [de- 
mons and  fiends]  and  the  rest  of  the  things  of  corrup- 
tion." He  made  a  treaty  with  Ormuzd  for 9000 years, 
during  which  things  must  remain  as  they  are.  But 
after  9000  years  Ahriman  will  be  utterly  impotent. 


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Srosh,  the  angel  of  obedience,  will  smite  Aeahun,  the 
attacking  demon.  Mithra,  the  angel  of  sunlight,  and 
Zrvan  Akarana,  Time-without-end,  and  the  angel  of 
justice  and  providence,  will  smite  the  creation  of  Ahri- 
man,  and  Ahura  Mazda  will  become  again  undisturbed 
as  in  the  beginning.  Cosmology  perhaps,  rather  than 
cosmogony,  is  contained  in  chapter  xnv:  "Sky,  and 
earth,  ana  water,  and  what  is  therein  are  like  the  egg 
of  a  bird.  By  Ahura  Mazda,  the  creator,  the  sky  is  ar- 
ranged above  the  earth  like  an  egg  and  the  semblance 
of  the  earth  in  the  midst  of  the  sky  is  just  like  the  yolk 
within  the  egg;  the  water  within  the  earth  and  sky  is 
such  as  the  white  of  the  egg. "  This,  of  course,  must 
not  be  understood  as  a  sort  of  early  evolution  theory; 
H  merely  indicates  the  shape  of  the  universe  as  con- 
ceived by  the  Persians. 

Iranian  dualism  then  was  never  quite  consistent, 
not  even  in  the  A  vesta.  In  the  Mainochired  it  makes 
indeed  an  attempt  at  monism  in  personifying  Zrvan, 
out  of  which  creation  comes,  and  by  which  creation  is 
blessed,  but  the  inconsistencies  of  the  system  finally 
brought  forth  a  number  of  unorthodox  sects.  Each  of 
these  sects  solved  the  problem  of  unity  versus  plural- 
ity in  its  own  way.  Some,  as  the  Gayomarthiya,  those 
indicated  in  Firdosi's  book  of  kings,  and  the  author  of 
the  Vajarkart,  practically  believed  in  an  eternal  al- 
mighty creator  of  heaven  and  earth,  much  in  the  same 
sense  as  Christians  do.  Ahriman,  at  first  a  primeval 
being  coeval  with  Ormuzd,  is  transformed  into  the 
Parsee  equivalent  for  Satan.  Others  reached  a  sort  of 
monism  by  making  either  Thwasha  (Space)  or  Zrvan 
(Time)  the  origin  of  all  things,  even  of  Ormuzd  and 
Ahriman.  That  Thwasha  was  once  the  head  of  the 
Iranian  pantheon  is  perhaps  indicated  by  so  early  a 
witness  as  Herodotus  (I,  cxxxi)  and  much  later  by 
Damascius.  Zrvan,  as  the  source  of  all  things  amongst 
the  Persians,  is  attested  by  many  of  the  Fathers 
(Theod.  Mops.,  Moses  of  Chorene),  by  Eznik  and  FJi- 
seus.  At  this  period  the  origin  of  all  things-was  con- 
ceived in  various  fantastical  ways.  According  to  some 
(Rivajets,  Cod.  XII),  Time  created  Water  and  Fire  and 
when  these^came  together  Ormuzd  arose.  According 
to  others,  Time  for  1000  years  yearned  to  bring  forth  a 
son  and  offered  sacrifice  for  that  purpose,  but  then 
doubted;  Ormuzd  was  conceived  as  fruit  of  the  sacri- 
fice, Ahriman  as  fruit  of  the  doubt — and  similar  fan- 
cies which  strongly  suggest  Indian  influence.  It  is  re- 
markable, however,  that  Ormuzd  remains  throughout 
the  foremost  and  immediate  creator  of  the  cosmos  or 
world  as  it  now  is,  and  as  far  as  it  is  good.  It  is  remark- 
able also  that  Iranian  cosmogonies  are  not  devoid  of  a 
noble  ethical  strain,  however  much  they  may  have 
changed  during  the  course  of  ages. 

Indian. — These  cosmogonies  are  so  manifold  and  so 
bewildering  in  their  fantastic  variety  that  only  the 
oldest  and  most  purely  Indian  can  be  referred  to,  and 
the  main  outlines  indicated.  As  ethical  dualism  is 
the  characteristic  of  Iranian  thought,  so  is  idealistic 
pantheism  of  the  thought  of  India.  In  Indian  cos- 
mogonies more  than  elsewhere  we  have  to  distinguish 
between  philosophic  speculation  and  popular  religion, 
which  each  in  its  way  influenced  their  conception  of 
the  origin  of  the  world.  The  oldest  cosmogonies  must 
naturally  be  sought  in  the  Rig- Veda.  The  age  of  these 
sacred  books  is  largely  a  matter  of  controversy,  but 
their  origin  can  be  roughly  assigned  to  a  date  earlier 
than  1000  b.  c.  Among  the  1028  hymns  of  the  Rig- 
Veda  none  is  so  famous  as  cxxix  of  Book  X,  of  which  a 
translation  was  given  by  Max  Muller  forty  years  ago. 
This  translation,  though  metrical,  is  remarkably  lit- 
eral and  contains  the  best  exposition  of  ancient  Indian 
thought  on  this  subject.   It  runs  as  follows: — 

Nor  Aught  nor  Naught  existed ;  yon  bright  sky 
Was  not,  nor  heaven's  broad  woof  outstretched  above. 
What  covered  all?  what  sheltered?  what  concealed? 
Was  it  the  water's  fathomless  abyss? 


There  was  not  death — yet  there  was  naught  immortal. 

There  was  no  confine  betwixt  day  and  night; 

The  Only  One  breathed  breathless  by  itself, 

Other  than  it  there  nothing  since  has  been. 

Darkness  there  was,  and  all  at  first  was  veiled 

In  gloom  profound — an  ocean  without  light — 

The  Germ  that  still  lay  covered  in  the  husk 

Burst  forth,  one  nature,  from  the  fervent  heat. 

Then  first  came  Love  upon  it,  the  new  Spring 

Of  mind — yea,  poets  in  their  hearts  discerned, 

Pondering,  this  bond  between  created  things 

And  uncreated.   Comes  this  spark  from  the  earth 

Piercing  and  all  pervading,  or  from  heaven? 

Then  seeds  were  sown  and  mighty  powers  arose — 

Nature  below  and  Power  and  Will  above — 

Who  knows  the  secret?   Who  proclaimed  it  here? 

Whence,  whence  this  manifold  creation  sprang? 

The  gods  themselves  came  later  into  being — 

Who  knows  from  whence  this  great  creation  sprang? 

He  from  whom  all  this  great  creation  came, 

Whether  his  will  created  or  was  mute, 

The  Most-High  Seer  that  is  in  highest  heaven, 

He  knows  it— or  perchance  evenHe  knows  not. 

If,  however,  we  divest  this  and  similar  Indian  effu- 
sions (Rig-V.,  X,  cxc,  lxxii)  of  their  poetical  garb  and 
set  aside  the  agnostic  touch  in  the  last  line,  their  cos- 
mogony is  philosophically  conceived  as  follows:  The 
first  principle  of  all  Being  is  Tad  (i.  e.  the  absolutely 
indefinite  That),  this  unites  in  itself  all  spiritual  and 
material  elements  of  the  world.  Tad  is  an  idea  ob- 
tained only  by  absolute  abstraction,  for  it  possesses 
only  one  quality,  viz.  that  of  vitality.  From  Tad  the 
universe  proceeds  by  evolution.  This  evolution  is  in- 
troduced by  Tapas,  i.  e.  the  intensity  of  self-contem- 
plation or  introspection — self-love,  one  would  almost 
translate.  This  is  the  spiritual  progress  by  which 
Tad  for  the  first  time  leaves  his  inaction.  Then  there 
arises  within  Tad,  kama,  or  the  desire,  the  will,  the 
purpose  to  create.  Tad  has  therefore  evolved  into  a 
conscious  act  of  the  will,  that  is  Manas  has  begun, 
thereby  Tad  has  ceased  to  be  unconscious  and  has 
completely  left  his  state  of  inactivity.  _  There  further 
arises,  in  consequence  of  Tapas,  Ritam,  i.  e.  the  highest 
law  or  causality.  The  production  of  the  world  through 
the  intelligent  will  of  a  personal  creator  is,  at  least 
with  regard  to  the  first  stages  of  evolution,  unknown 
to  these  hymns.  Yet  a  universe  without  any  regular 
connexion  of  phenomena  seemed  unthinkable,  hence 
this  principle  of  causality  was  postulated  previous  to 
all  cosmic  evolution,  and  in  this  sense  Ritam  was  the 
first  thing  to  arise  out  of  Tad  previous  to  the  universe. 
But  all  Ritam  must  have  its  Satuam,  or  counterpart  in 
actuality.  In  theistic  phraseology  this  would  mean 
that  all  creation  must  have  its  archetype  in  the  Divine 
Mind,  and  that  to  create  is  nothing  but  the  realization 
of  this  archetype  as  distinct  from  God.  According  to 
Indian  thought  the  force  of  their  ground  principle, 
will,  or  kama,  was  not  blind  activity,  but  bound  by 
Ritam,  or  Supreme  Law.  The  world  therefore  was 
not  the  result  of  chance,  and  thus  their  philosophers 
could  establish  connexion  between  their  speculations 
and  popular  religion.  Now  there  arose  out  of  Tad  the 
elements  of  the  material  world:  the  moist  primeval 
matter,  the  space  to  surround  it,  and  darkness  to"  fill 
the  space.  Time  was  not  reckoned  among  the  ele- 
ments, as  in  some  Iranian  cosmogonies;  it  was  but  the 
measure  of  changing  phenomena.  Material  evolu- 
tions having  so  far  proceeded,  the  first  cosmic  cycle  of 
gods  makes  its  appearance:  Aditi  and  his  Adityas. 
From  Aditi,  or  Infinity,  united  to  Daksha,  or  Spirit 
Force,  the  Adityas  take  their  origin.  The  highest 
among  them  is  Varuna  (ofyxirfc?),  the  world-creator  in 
popular  religion.  These  work  together  to  bring  about 
the  present  cosmos.  The  first  things  produced  by 
separating  the  primeval  waters  is  light,  then  follow 
darkness,  day  and  night;  and  thus  time  begins.  By 


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differentiation  of  the  primeval  matter,  aim,  moon,  and 
earth  arise;  by  differentiation  of  space,  the  realms  of 
heaven,  air,  and  ether.  Thus: — 


Tad 

Protoplasm 

Tapas 

Darkness 

Kama 

Place 

Manas 

Alternation  of  Time 

Ritam 

Division  of  Space 

Satyam 

Great  World  Bodies 

1 

I 


Another  development,  or  rather  another  nomencla- 
ture for  the  same  cosmogonic  principles,  makes  Brah- 
ma the  source  of  all  things.  Brahma  is  Tad,  or  the 
impersonal,  unconscious  All-Soul.  This  word  Brah- 
ma, from  meaning  originally  sacred  sacrificial  food, 
came  to  be  used  for  the  Supreme  Being  out  of  which 
the  universe  comes  and  unto  which  it  returns.  In 
later  days  Atman,  or  Highest  Self,  becomes  the  start- 
ing point  in  Indian  cosmogonies. 

A  curious  feature,  especially  in  later  cosmogonic 
ideas,  is  the  power  of  sacrifice,  to  which  even  the  evolu- 
tion of  the  universe  is  due;  in  fact  sacrificial  food  is 
the  very  material  out  of  which  the  world  is  made. 
This  is  brought  out  in  one  of  the  latest  hymns  of  the 
Rig- Veda  (Book  X,  xc,  the  so-called  song  of  Purusha) 
and  often  in  the  Upanishads.  Purusha  is  one  more 
designation  of  the  Supreme  Being.  On  his  spiritual 
side  ne  is  often  identified  with  Brahma  and  Atman,  on 
his  material  side  he  is  the  proto-matter  out  of  which 
the  world  is  made.  Out  of  Purusha 's  mouth  proceed 
Indra  and  Agni.  Indrain  popular  religion  becomes  the 
world-creator,  as  also  Varuna  the  king.  Some  refer- 
ences to  KingVaruna  are  of  singular  sublimity  ( Atharva- 
Veda,  IV,  xvi) :  "  If  two  persons  sit  together  and  scheme, 
KingVaruna  is  there  as  a  third  and  knows  it.  Both 
th  is  earth  here  belongs  to  King  Varuna  and  also  yonder 
broad  sky,  whose  boundaries  are  far  away.  The  oceans 
are  the  loins  of  Varuna,  yet  he  is  hidden  in  a  small 
drop  of  water.  He  that  should  flee  beyond  the  heav- 
ens would  not  be  free  from  King  Varuna.  KingVaruna 
sees  through  all  that  is  between  heaven  and  earth  and 
all  that  is  beyond.  He  has  counted  the  winkings  of 
man's  eyes ;  the  world  is  in  his  hands  as  the  dice  in  the 
hands  of  a  player".  In  the  mind  of  the  people  the 
impersonal  abstractions  of  pantheism  became  individ- 
ualized and  conceived  as  an  intensely  personal  creator. 
On  the  other  hand  the  most  grotesque,  and  often 
coarse,  conceptions  arose  as  to  the  physical  process  of 
the  world's  production.  As  intermediary  beings  or 
stages  were  mentioned  seed,  or  an  egg,  or  a  tree,  or  the 
lotus-bud ;  different  animals,  such  as  a  boar,  a  fish,  a 
turtle;  or  sexual  intercourse.  The  most  common 
theory  is  that  of  the  egg  (Chand.  br.,  V,  xix):  "This 
all  was  in  the  beginning  non-existent,  only  Tad  ex- 
isted, Tad  became  transformed,  it  became  an  egg,  this 
lay  there  for  a  year;  then  it  divided  itself  in  two,  the 
two  halves  of  the  shell  were  silver  and  gold.  The 
Gold  is  the  Heaven,  the  Silver  the  Earth,  and  what 
was  born  is  the  Sun".  Not  infrequent  are  the  incar- 
nations of  the  deity  in  animals.  Brahmanspati,  the 
personification  of  the  creative  power  of  Brahma,  or 
Prajapati,  or  Vishnu,  became  incarnate  in  a  boar  or  a 
turtle;  and  similar  fancies.  In  the  Atharva-Veda, 
especially  XIX,  53,  54,  another  fundamental  cosmo- 
gonic being  or  personification  enters,  which  is  un- 
known to  earliest  Indian  speculations,  viz.:  Time;  it 
occurs  here  and  there  in  the  Rig- Veda,  but  in  Ath.- 
Ved.,  xix,  Kala  has  risen  to  the  first  place  of  all,  and 
even  Brahma  and  Tapas  proceed  from  it.  This  rise  in 
Kala's  dignity  was  prepared  already  in  the  Upani- 
shads (Maitri-Up.,  VI,  xiv),  where  kala  and  Akala, 
time  and  noMime,  are  two  forms  of  Brahma,  after  he 
had  produced  the  world  or  rather  the  sun  as  the  first 
thing  in  the  universe. 

Phoenician. — Almost  all  we  know  of  Phoenician 


cosmogonies  is  derived  from  a  late  source,  Philo  By- 
blius  (Bora  a.  d.  42),  transmitted  to  us  by  Eusebius  in 
his  "Praeparatio  Evangelica".  Philo,  however,  only 
claimed  to  have  translated  a  late  copy  of  an  ancient 
Phoenician  author  called  Sanchoniathon.  This  state- 
ment, though  believed  by  Eusebius  and  by  Porphy- 
rius  before  him  (De  abst.,  II,  56)  is  rejected  as  a  liter- 
ary fraud  by  many  modern,  especially  German,  schol- 
ars. Philo  is  supposed  to  have  pretended  to  use  an  ex- 
tremely ancient  source  merely  to  bolster  up  his  theory 
that  all  mythology  was  deified  ancient  history.  The 
great  controversy  that  has  raged  round  the  name  of 
Sanchoniathon  cannot  here  be  gone  into,  but  in  read- 
ing this  cosmogony  it  must  throughout  be  borne  in 
mind  that,  instead  of  being  the  exposition  of  very  early 
Canaanitish  ideas,  it  may  possibly  be  a  manipulated 
account  of  that  cosmopolitan  mixture  of  ideas  which 
was  current  in  Syria  about  a.  d.  100.  The  beginning 
of  all  things,  according  to  this  account,  was  air  moved 
by  a  breath  of  wind  and  dark  chaos  black  as  Erebus. 
This  windy  chaos  was  eternal,  infinite.  But  when  this 
breath  yearned  over  its  own  elements,  and  confusion 
arose,  this  was  called  Desire.  This  Desire  was  the  ori- 
gin of  all  creation,  and,  though  it  knew  not  its  own 
creation,  out  of  its  self-embrace  arose  Mot  a  slimy  or 
watery  substance,  out  of  which  all  created  germs  were 
produced.  Animal  life  without  sensation  came  first; 
out  of  this  came  beings  endowed  with  intelligence 
which  were  called  Zophesamin  (pDt?  'KBX),  "over- 
seers of  heaven".  Mot  had  a  shape  like  that  of  an 
egg  out  of  which  came  forth  sun,  moon,  and  stare. 
The  air  being  thus  illumined,  owing  to  the  glow  of  the 
Bea  and  land,  winds  were  formed,  and  clouds  and  a 
vast  downpour  of  the  heavenly  waters  took  place.  By 
the  heat  of  the  sun  things  were  made  to  split  off  from 
one  another  and,  being  projected  on  high,  clashed  with 
one  another,  caused  thunder  and  lightning,  and  thus 
awoke  the  above-mentioned  intelligent  beings,  who 
took  fright  and  began  to  stir  on  the  earth  and  in  the 
sea  as  males  and  females.  Not  unlike  this  is  the  cos- 
mogony given  by  Damascius  on  the  authority  of  Eude- 
mos.  Before  all  things  was  Time,  then  Desire,  then 
Darkness.  Out  of  the  union  of  Desire  and  Darkness 
were  born  Air  (masc.)  and  Breath  (fern.),  Air  repre- 
senting pure  thought,  and  Breath  the  prototype  of  life 
proceeding  therefrom  by  motion.  Out  of  Air  and 
Breath  came  forth  the  cosmic  egg.  According  to  the 
cosmogony  given  by  the  same  writer  on  the  authority 
of  Mocnos,  Ether  and  Air  generated  Oulomos  (world- 
time,  scecidum),  Chousoros  (artificer,  creative  energy), 
and  the  cosmic  egg:  and  Damascius  expressly  states 
that,  according  to  the  Phoenicians,  world-time  is  the 
first  principle  containing  all  in  itself.  The  origin  of 
mankind  is  described  as  the  birth  of  Mon  and  Proto- 
gonos  from  the  wind  Colpias  and  the  woman  Baau, 
(said  to  mean  "night").  The  name  Baau  strongly 
suggests  1H3  of  Genesis;  for  Colpias  several  derivations 
have  been  suggested:  rPD  7lj5  voice  of  the  wind"; 
TP  'D  Tip,  "  the  sound  of  the  voice  of  Jah  ve  " ;  or  icoXrlat, 
"turgid";  or  riKS  {>3,  "wind  from  every  side".  But 
these  derivations  are  perhaps  more  ingenious  than 
probable. 

Greek. — The  cosmogonies  are  far  too  numerous 
and  divergent  to  allow  of  one  simple  description  embrac- 
ing all.  Only  some  prominent  cosmogonies  can  be  in- 
dicated, and  some  of  the  points  common  to  all.  Homer 
seems  to  have  taken  the  universe  as  he  found  it  without 
inquiring  further,  but  from  Iliad,  XIV,  verse  201,  one 
gathers  that  Oceanus  is  origin,  and  Thetys  mother  of 
all;  from  verse  244  that  Ntff  (Night)  has  power  even 
over  Oceanus;  hence  Darkness,  Water,  and  Mother- 
hood seem  the  three  stages  of  his  cosmogony.  The 
fragments  of  Orphic  cosmogonies  given  by  Eudemos, 
and  Plato,  and  Lydus  do  not  quite  agree,  but  at  least 
Night,  Oceanus,  and  Thetys  are  elementary  beings, 
and  the  first  of  them  in  order  of  existence  was  proba- 
bly Night.  A  more  detailed  cosmogony  of  great  antiq- 


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uity  is  to  be  found  in  Hesiod's  ''  Theogony"  (about 
800  b.  c.)  in  verses  160  sqq.,  which  C.  A.  Elton  trans- 
lated as  follows: — 

First  Chaos  was;  next  ample-bosomed  Earth, 

The  seat  immovable  for  evermore 

Of  those  Immortals  who  the  snow-topped  heights 

Inhabit  of  Olympus,  or  the  gloom 

Of  Tartarus,  in  the  broad-tracked  ground's  abyss. 

Love  then  arose,  most  beautiful  amongst 

The  deathless  deities;  resistless,  he 

Of  every  god  and  every  mortal  man 

Unnerves  the  limbs;  dissolves  the  wiser  breast 

By  reason  steeled  and  quells  the  very  soul. 

From  Chaos,  Erebos  and  ebon  Night; 

From  Night  the  Day  sprang  forth  and  shining  air 

Whom  to  the  love  of  Erebos  she  gave. 

Earth  first  produced  the  heaven  and  all  the  stars, 

She  brought  the  lofty  mountains  forth, 

And  next  the  sea.  .  .  Then,  with  Heaven 

Consorting,  Ocean  from  her  bosom  burst 

With  its  deep  eddying  waters. 

Chaos,  then,  is  the  starting-point  of  Hesiod's  cos- 
mogony. Chaos,  however,  must  probably  not  be 
understood  as  "primeval  matter"  without  harmony 
and  order,  but  rather  as  the  "empty  void"  or  "place 
in  the  abstract ".  To  Hesiod  x&°t  cannot  have  lost  its 
original  meaning  (from  x»  in  x^ow;  x^M",  "chasm", 
etc).  Hesiod,  then,  starts  at  infinite  space;  other  Greeks 
take  Time,  or  xp&m>  as  a  starting-point.  The  cos- 
mogony of  Pherecydes  (544  b.  c.)  claims  a  high  place 
among  Greek  theories  as  to  the  origin  of  the  world,  be- 
cause of  the  prominence  given  to  Zeus,  a  personal 
spiritual  being,  as  the  origin  of  all  things.  "  Zeus  and 
Chronos  and  Chthonia  have  always  been  and  are  the 
three  first  beginnings;  but  the  One  I  would  consider 
before  the  Two,  and  the  Two  after  the  One.  Then 
Chronos  produced  out  of  himself  fire,  air,  and  water, 
these  I  take  to  be  the  three  Logical  Elements,  and  out 
of  them  arose  a  numerous  progeny  of  gods  divided  into 
five  parts  or  a  penlecosmos. ' '  Pherecydes'  cosmogony 
has  come  down  to  us  in  some  other  slightly  modified 
forms  but  Zeus  is  ever  at  the  head.  He  seems  also  to 
have  known  of  a  primeval  battle  between  Chronos  and 
Ophioneus,  but  how  it  fits  in  with  his  cosmogony  we 
know  not.  Chthonia  seems  to  be  the  moist  Proto- 
matter,  neither  dry  earth  nor  sea,  out  of  which  Ge,  or 
the  earth,  is  created.  The  stages  of  his  cosmogony  are 
therefore:  God,  Time,  Matter — all  three  first  princi- 
ples, yet  God  is  in  some  sense  first  ;  God,  when  feeling  a 
desire  to  create,  changes  himself  into  love,  so  that  he 
may  bring  forth  a  Cosmos,  i.  e.  a  well-ordered  world, 
out  of  contraries,  bringing  its  elements  into  agree- 
ment and  friendship.  A  noble  idea,  truly,  only  falling 
short  of  the  Christian  idea  in  conceiving  time  and  mat- 
ter as  eternal,  Zeus  thus  being  maker  or  fashioner,  not 
creator,  of  heaven  and  earth. 

A  cosmogony  of  almost  the  same  date  is  that  of  Epi- 
menides,  which  seems  in  flat  contradiction  to  that  of 
Pherecydes;  for  it  postulates  two  first  principles,  not 
originating  from  Unity:  Air  and  Night.  Out  of  these 
arise  Tartarus  etc.  Later  Orphic  cosmogonies  begin 
some  with  Chronos,  others  with  Water  and  Earth, 
some  with  "Ar«poi  'TXi;.  In  the  last  stage  of  the 
Greek  cosmogony  the  egg  plays  an  important  part, 
either  as  evolutionary  stage,  as  embryonic  state  of  the 
earth,  or  merely  to  indicate  the  shape  of  the  Cosmos. 

We  possess  no  ancient  Etruscan  or  Latin  cosmogo- 
nies, but  it  is  certain  that  the  God  Janus  was  a  cosmo- 
gonic  deity;  though  Jupiter  was  summut,  the  highest 
god,  Janus  was  primus,  the  first  of  the  gods,  and  as 
such  he  received  sacrifice  before  even  Jupiter.  This 
ancient  reminiscence  of  Janus  as  creator  is  made  use  of 
in  Ovid's  "Metamorphoses",  but  in  how  far  so  late  a 
writer  represents  early  speculations  we  know  not. 
Janus  is  perhaps  the  Latin  equivalent  for  the  Greek 
Chaos  as  origin  of  all  things.    Janus  is  said  to  be  not 


only  initium  mundi,  but  mundus  itself,  L  e  the  all-em- 
bracing. 

Summary  op  Ancient  Cosmogonies. — Common  to 
all  is  the  effort  to  explain  the  origin  of  the  world  by  as 
few  elementary  beings  as  possible.  In  order  to  arrive 
at  the  origin  of  all  things,  man  began  by  abstraction 
from  the  actual  differentiation  of  being  which  he  saw 
around  him  to  obtain  some  simple  element  underlying 
all.  Mere  abstraction,  however,  or  reduction  from  the 
compound  to  the  simple,  did  not  suffice,  but  some  in- 
telligent causality  was  demanded  by  the  intellect  of 
man.  Hence  personification  plays  a  great  role  in 
every  cosmogony,  and  the  actual  function  of  creating, 
or  rather  forming  and  arranging  the  world  as  it  now  is, 
is  ascribed  to  one  intelligent  personality;  every  people 
worshipped  some  deity,  be  he  then  Marduk  orvaruna, 
or  Bel  or  Ahura-Mazda,  or  Zeus  or  Janus.  No  ancient 
cosmogony,  however,  rose  to  the  pure  concept  of  cre- 
ation out  of  nothing  by  an  infinite  spirit;  for  none 
succeeded  in  eliminating  matter  or  its  phenomena 
altogether,  and  conceiving  a  subsistent  Intelligence 
which  could  create  both  matter  and  spirit.  The  first 
steps  in  this  process  of  abstraction  are  simple  enough 
and  common  to  most  cosmogonies;  once  upon  a  time 
there  were  no  men  nor  beasts,  nor  plants;  no  stars  nor 
sky,  no  mountains  and  valleys,  and  neither  dry  land 
nor  sea.  Then  only  proto-matter  remained.  Some 
cosmogonies  stopped  here  and  were  frankly  material- 
istic; it  probably  depended  on  climatic  surroundings 
what  they  conceived  the  proto-matter  to  be,  whether 
clay  or  water,  or  air,  or  fire,  or  light  (conceived  as  sub- 
stances). Other  cosmogonies  carried  the  process  of 
abstraction  farther.  The  variation  between  light  and 
darkness,  day  and  night,  season  and  season  cannot  al- 
ways have  been,  hence  these  were  also  abstracted 
from ;  naught  therefore  remained  but  Darkness,  Night, 
Eternity.  By  thinking  away  all  special  localities  in 
the  universe,  only  Place  remained  m  the  abstract,  or 
the  Void.  By  thinking  away  all  differences  in  the 
mental  and  spiritual  sphere  naught  remained  but 
Force  in  general.  Force,  Place,  Time,  and  Darkness 
became  personified  cosmogonic  elements.  Some  were 
able  to  aDstract  even  from  Force;  to  them  only  Place, 
Time,  and  Darkness  remained.  Some  rightly  argued 
that  time  was  but  the  measure  of  phenomena,  and  by 
abstracting  from  phenomena  Time  ceased  to  be.  To 
them  only  Space  and  Darkness  remained;  but  then 
Darkness  was  conceived  as  the  fluid  filling  the  vessel  of 
Space,  and  therefore  could  be  abstracted  from,  and 
only  the  Void  remained.  All  these  ideas  actually  oc- 
cur in  the  different  cosmogonies.  Chaos  is  empty 
space;  Chronos,  Zrvan,  Heh,  abstract  time;  Nux,  the 
unchangeable  quintessence  of  time;  Zeus,  Tad,  Ahura 
Mazda,  Thot  are  spirit  forces.  Those  cosmogonies 
which  did  not  go  so  tar  as  to  personify  space  or  tune  or 
darkness,  but  stopped  short  at  the  idea  of  some  proto- 
substance,  were  faced  by  the  problem  whether  this 
primeval  substance  was  spirit,  or  matter,  or  both. 
Some  answered,  both,  as  the  Egyptians  (Nun)  and  the 
later  Indians  (Purusha);  some  answered  that  spirit 
was  first,  as  some  Babylonian  thinkers  (Anu),  moBt 
Indians  (Tad,  Brahma,  Atman)  and  the  Iranians 
(Ahura,  Ahriman);  some  answered  that  matter  was 
first,  as  Babylonians  (Apsu  Tiamat),  Persians,  and 
Egyptians  (Light,  Ra)  Phoenicians  (Air),  Etruscans 
(JJther).  Thus  ancient  thought  wandered  through 
the  whole  range  of  possible  theories,  not,  however, 
guided  by  mere  caprice,  but  forced  to  some  conclusion 
which  seemed  to  them  inevitable.  With  regard  to  the 
immediate  process  according  to  which  this  world  was 
produced,  freer  scope  was  given  to  unbridled  fancy. 
Vet  even  here  the  analogy  with  the  production  of  life 
in  nature  was  the  guiding  principle,  the  world  was  pro- 
duced as  life  comes  from  life  by  animal  generations,  or 
as  the  tree  comes  out  of  the  seed,  the  flower  out  of  tho 
bud,  or  as  the  egg  is  laid  by  the  bird.  These  imagina- 
tions are  often  combined  in  a  grotesque  ensemble, 


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against  the  complexity  of  which  appear  in  greater  re- 
Kef  the  majesty  and  simplicity  of  the  words:  In  the  be- 
ginning God  created  the  heavens  and  the  earth. 

Cosmogonies  of  Mors  Modern  Races. — Amongst 
more  modern  myths  of  the  world's  origin  the  Norse 
and  the  American  cosmogonies  call  for  comment. 

The  Norse  Cosmogonies  are  the  only  remnant  of  an- 
cient German  ideas  on  this  subject,  for  the  so-called 
"Prayer  of  Wessobrunn",  a  fragment  ascribed  to  the 
eighth  or  ninth  century,  is  too  short  to  give  us  any 
information  beyond  the  belief  in  the  existence  of  one 
almighty  god,  and  with  him  a  multitude  of  divine 
spirits,  before  the  world  was.  It  is,  moreover,  uncer- 
tain whether  the  Wessobrunner  fragment  represents 
pure  Germanic  thought  uninfluenced  by  Christianity. 
The  Noree  cosmogonies  are  contained  in  the  Edda; 
the  more  ancient  one  in  the  Voluspa  of  the  Poetic  Ed- 
da.  the  younger  one  in  the  Gylf  aginning  of  the  Prose 
Edda.  It  is  sometimes  said  that  these  cosmogonies 
so  clearly  betray  the  influence  of  the  Arctic  climate 
that  they  can  in  no  sense  belong  to  the  Southern  Ger- 
mans. This,  however,  is  hardly  convincing,  as  it  is 
unknown  where  precisely  the  Germans  lived  previous 
to  their  immigration  into  Europe,  and  what  was  the 
climate  of  Northern  Europe  and  Asia  when  these 
Sagas  first  grew  up.  In  the  third  verse  of  "The  Si- 
byl's Song",  of  Voluspa,  the  cosmogony  begins: — 

There  was  a  time  when  only  Ymir  was, 

Nor  sand,  nor  sea,  nor  briny  waves, 

Nay  earth  existed  not,  nor  heaven  above. 

A  yawning  space  without  a  spot  of  green 

Until  the  vaults  were  raised  of  all 

By  Buri's  Sons  creating  noble  Midgard. 

Then  shone  the  Southern  Sun  on  stony  mountains, 

And  from  the  very  soil  the  herbs  were  sprouting. 

And  yet  the  Southern  Sun,  the  helpmate  of  the  Moon, 

Bridled  heaven's  steeds  with  her  right  hand, 

For  it  was  unknown  as  yet  where  she  should  dwell, 

Nor  knew  the  moon  the  power  he  possessed, 

The  Stars  were  ignorant  of  their  abode. 

Then  went  the  Powers  all  to  sit  in  judgment 

The  all-holy  gods  held  thereupon  their  council, 

To  Night  and  to  the  waning  moon  gave  names. 

They  gave  to  Morn  and  Noon  their  calling 

To  Afternoon  and  Eve,  whereby  to  reckon  years. 

The  Sibyl  further  chants  how  the  Aesir  met  on  Ida's 
plain,  built  altars  and  temples,  lit  the  blazing  furnace, 
and  forged  their  tools.  The  creation  of  dwarfs  is  then 
related  in  detail,  and  finally  the  creation  of  man. 
Three  Aesir,  great  and  kind,  went  to  the  world  and 
found  in  utter  weakness  Ask  and  Embla,  the  first 
human  pair.  "Spirit  they  possessed,  but  sense  had 
none;  No  blood,  nor  strength  to  move,  nor  goodly 
colour.  Life  gave  Odin,  Sense  gave  Hoenir,  Blood 
gave  Lodur  and  goodly  colour."  This  cosmogony  is 
explained,  enlarged,  and  slightly  modified  in  the  Gyl- 
faginning,  or  Gylfa's  deception.  The  lengthy  account 
can  be  summed  up  as  follows: — 

There  are  three  stages  of  development:  (a)  the  rise 
of  three  fundamental  beings  in  times  primeval,  Mus- 
pelheim,  or  the  southern  realm  of  Light,  Niflheim  or 
the  northern  realm  of  Darkness,  and  between  them  the 
Ginnunga  Gap,  or  yawning  cleft.  Muspelheim  ex- 
isted first,  and  Niflheim  is  secondary  in  the  order  of 
being,  but  how  either  arose  the  cosmogony  does  not 
explain.  In  the  northern  realm  there  existed  a  well, 
called  Hwergelmir,  from  which  proceeded  twelve  tor- 
rents, called  together  Elivagar,  or  Icestream.  This 
stream  flowing  into  the  Ginnunga  Gap  formed  thecos- 
mogonic  being  Ymir.  At  first  this  was  a  lifeless  mass, 
but  this  mass  develops  under  the  influence  of  Aud- 
humla,  represented  as  a  cow  licking  the  ice,  being  a 
figure  for  the  Thawing  Warmth,  (b)  Out  of  Ymir  the 
Frost  Giants,  or  Hrimthurses,  arise,  and  the  funda- 
mental gods;  out  of  Audhumla  arise  Odin,  Vili,  and 
Ve;  or  Odin,  Vili,  and  Ve  are  the  sons  of  B6r,  who 


married  Bestla,  daughter  of  the  Frost  Giant  BOlthom. 
(c)  Odin,  Vili,  and  Ve  slay  the  monster  Ymir;  throw 
his  body  into  the  Ginnunga  Gap,  and  out  of  his  limbs 
form  the  visible  universe,  or  the  Midgard,  out  of  his 
skull  the  vault  of  heaven,  out  of  his  brains  the  clouds, 
out  of  his  blood  the  seas,  and  so  on.  Then  they  build 
the  Burgh  of  the  Gods,  Asgard;  they  order  the  course  of 
the  stars  and  create  the  Dwarfs.  Lastly,  the  first  man 
and  woman  are  created,  Ask  and  Embla.  whom  Odin 
found  as  weak  and  miserable  beings  on  the  seashore. 

These  Norse  cosmogonies  differ  from  the  more  an- 
cient cosmogonies  in  this:  that  they  do  not  really  go 
back  to  the  first  beginning  of  all  things,  but  presup- 
pose the  existence  of  a  twofold  world — one  South  the 
other  North — and  only  account  for  the  formation  of 
this  present  world  in  the  space  between  both.  They 
agree  with  most  other  cosmogonies  in  ascribing  the 
actual  formation  of  this  Cosmos  to  one  (Odin)  or  more 
(Odin,  with  Vili  and  Ve  as  destroyers  of  Chaos)  intelli- 
gent personal  beings  or  gods. 

American  Cosmogonies  have  been  preserved  in 
fair  number.  The  early  missionaries  to  America,  es- 
pecially those  to  Mexico,  Central  America,  and  South 
America,  were  strongly  impressed  with  the  monotheis- 
tic character  of  Indian  speculations,  ascribing  this 
world  and  its  phenomena  to  the  influence  of  one  omni- 
present spiritual  being,  called  in  one  place  the  "Great 
Spirit ",  in  another  place  Viracocha,  in  another  Hunab- 
ku,  elsewhere  Quetzalcoatl,  etc.  Yet,  concurrently 
with  these  true  religious  and  philosophic  ideas,  there 
existed  a  number  of  apparently  puerile  traditions  con- 
cerning the  beginning  of  things.  But  again  these 
childish  fancies  were  but  the  clothing  of  general  cos- 
mogonic  ideas.  According  to  the  Ottawas  and  other 
northern  Algonquins,  a  raft  was  floating  on  the  shore- 
less waters.  Upon  this  raft  were  a  number  of  animals 
with  Michabo,  the  Giant  Rabbit,  as  their  chief.  As 
they  were  without  land  to  live  on,  Michabo,  the  Giant 
Rabbit,  made  first  the  beaver  and  then  the  otter,  that 
they  should  dive  and  bring  up  a  piece  of  mud.  As 
they  failed,  Wajashk,  the  female  muskrat,  at  her  own 
request  is  allowed  to  dive.  When  she  had  remained 
be!  low  for  a  day  and  a  night,  she  floated  to  the  surface 
as  dead,  but  they  found  in  one  of  her  paws  a  little  clod 
of  mud.  Michabo,  endowed  with  creative  power, 
kneads  this  little  bit  of  soil  till  he  makes  it  grow  into 
an  island,  a  mountain,  a  country,  nay  into  wis  world 
in  which  we  live.  He  shoots  his  arrows  in  the  ground 
and  transfixes  them  with  other  arrows,  thus  creating 
trees  with  stems  and  branches.  Some  say  he  created 
man  from  the  dead  bodies  of  certain  animals,  others 
that  he  married  the  muskrat  and  thus  begat  the  ances- 
tors of  the  human  race.  It  has  been  suggested  that  in 
the  name  "Michabo"  there  lies  concealedanother  word, 
viz . "  Michi  Waban",  the  great  Dawn,  or  the  great  East. 
The  word  "  Wajashk  ",  likewise,  probably  contains  the 
word  "Ajishki",  ormud.  The  story  then  would  mean: 
When  the  great  light  in  the  east  shone  upon  the  pri- 
meval waters,  dry  land  in  ever-increasing  extent  ap- 
peared above  the  surface,  and  the  rays  of  the  sun, 
piercing  the  soil,  brought  forth  the  trees,  and  the  action 
of  the  light  on  the  slime  brought  forth  man. 

Closely  similar  to  this  cosmogony  is  that  of  the  Iro- 
quois. In  the  beginning  the  heavens  above  were  peopled 
with  celestial  beings,  and  the  wide  ocean  below  with 
monsters  of  the  deep.  Then  Ataensic,  a  divine  being,  fell 
through  a  rift  in  the  sky  into  the  primeval  waters.  The 
turtle  offered  her  his  back  as  resting  place.  Then  some 
animal  brought  her  a  little  clay,  out  of  which  she  pro- 
duced the  dry  land.  Ataensic  gave  birth  to  adaughter, 
who,  though  a  virgin,  gave  birth  to  twins,  Tawiscara 
and  Joskeha.  This  daughter  having  died  in  child- 
birth, her  body,  being  buried,  imparts  fertility  to  the 
soil.  A  mortal  battle  is  waged  between  the  two 
brothers  Joskeha,  the  good,  and  Tawiscara.  the  evil 
one.  The  latter  is  overcome,  flies  to  the  West,  and 
becomes  the  god  of  the  dead.   Joskeha  creates  first 


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the  animals  and  then  man.  Ataensic  is  said  to  mean 
"  She- who-is-  in-the- water ' '  i.  e.  the  dry  land  in  the 
midst  of  the  ocean ;  Joskeha  is  the  growing  light,  or 
dawn;  Tawiscara,  the  evening  twilight,  or  growing 
darkness.  The  Quiche  of  Guatemala  have  left  us  in 
their  sacred  book  "  Popol  Vuh  "  the  most  detailed  cos- 
mogony of  Central  America.  The  universe  first  con- 
sisted of  the  endless  ocean  and  the  twilight  brooding 
over  it.  Then  the  Creator  took  counsel  with  his  help- 
mate to  produce  the  world.  Though  described  as  a 
pair  of  gods,  male  and  female,  this  pair  is  conceived  as 
a  unity  of  being,  male  and  female  being  but  different 
aspects  of  the  Deity.  This  Creator  is  called  by  every 
conceivable  name,  even  with  names  proper  to  other 
deities.  Thus  he  is  called  Heart  of  the  Universe, 
which  is  a  special  title  of  the  god  Hurakan,  or  of  Guku- 
matz  the  feathered  serpent.  He  is  evidently  con- 
ceived as  the  All-in-One,  as  Hunabku,  from  whom 
men  and  gods  descend.  This  Creator  uttered  the 
word  Earth,  and  the  Und  began  to  rise  out  of  the 
waters.  As  often  as  God  called  a  thing  so  often  it  en- 
tered into  reality.  Then  God  takes  counsel  with  the 
lesser  gods,  whom,  apparently,  he  has  meanwhile  cre- 
ated, how  to  fashion  man.  They  first  created  him  out 
of  clay,  then  of  wood,  and  finally  out  of  maize.  The 
first  two  attempts  failed,  the  third  succeeded.  The 
monkeys  are  the  surviving  remnants  of  the  second  un- 
successful endeavour. 

Very  weird  are  the  cosmogonies  of  the  ancient 
Mexicans.  They  are  characterized  by  the  strong  in- 
fluence of  dualism,  the  universe  being  in  the  throes  of  a 
perpetual  contest  between  good  and  evil.  The  infinite 
deity  has  four  sons :  the  black  and  the  red  Tezcatlipoca, 
and  Quetzalcoatl,  and  Huitzilopochtli.  These  four 
brothers  consulted  together  about  the  creation  of 
things.  The  actual  work  fell  to  the  lot  of  Quetzal- 
coat!  and  HuitzilopochtlL  They  made  fire,  then  half 
the  sun,  the  heavens,  the  waters,  and  a  certain  great 
fish  therein  with  the  name  of  Cipactli.  From  its  flesh 
was  formed  solid  earth  and  the  first  man  and  woman, 
Cipac tonal  and  Ozomuoo.  The  half-sun  created  by 
Quetzalcoatl  lighted  the  world  but  poorly,  and  the 
four  gods  consult  once  more  to  add  another  half  to  it. 
Tezcatlipoca  does  not  wait  for  their  decision,  but 
transforms  himself  into  the  sun.  But  after  thirteen 
times  fifty-two  years,  Quetzalcoatl  seized  a  great  stick 
and  with  a  blow  knocked  Tezcatlipoca  from  the  sky 
into  the  waters,  and  became  himself  the  sun.  Four 
times  was  the  earth  destroyed  in  this  struggle.  Quet- 
zalcoatl is  at  present  triumphant,  but  Tezcatlipoca  is 
only  biding  his  time.  This  cosmogonic  episode  of 
war  between  brothers  runs  through  other  North 
American  accounts,  as,  e.  g.,  Tawiscara  and  Joskeha 
amongst  the  Iroquois,  and  is  prominent  in  the  Egyp- 
tian cosmogony. 

The  noblest  account  of  the  world's  origin  was  found 
amongst  the  Maya  of  Yucatan,  who  ascribed  all  to  an 
immaterial,  invisible  god  Hunabku,  father  of  Itzamna, 
the  personification  of  the  heavenly  fire.  Similarly, 
the  ancient  Aymara  ascribed  all  to  Viracocha  (Foam- 
of-the-Sea  — tne  colour  white,  the  Spaniards,  as  white- 
skins,  being  called  viracochas).  This  Viracocha,  or 
White  One,  was  Creator  and  Possessor  of  all  things. 
As  all  things  were  his,  and  he  was  everywhere,  the  In- 
cas  built  him  no  temples.  Ere  sun  or  moon  was  made, 
he  rose  from  the  bosom  of  the  lake  Titicaca  and  presid- 
ed over  the  building  of  the  ancient  cities.  He  created 
the  luminaries  and  placed  them  in  the  sky,  and  peo- 
pled the  earth  with  inhabitants.  But,  journeying  from 
the  lake  westward,  he  was  attacked  by  the  creatures  he 
had  made.  Scorning  the  contest  with  the  work  of  his 
own  hands,  he  only  hurled  lightning  over  hillside  and 
forest,  and  when  nis  creatures  repented  he  became 
reconciled  and  taught  them  all  things.  Viracocha 
was  the  divine  light,  symbolized  by,  but  not  identical 
with,  the  sun.  One  can  hardly  refrain  from  a  com- 
parison with  Khu-n-Aten,  the  solar  disc  of  Amenho- 


tep's  foreign  worship  introduced  into  Egypt  some 
three  thousand  years  before  the  religious  revival  of  the 
Incas  of  Peru. 

Lniu,  Die  Qrundideen  in  den  Koemogonien  dtr  alien  Vdlker 
1803);  Lagrange,  Elude*  tvr  lee  religions  semitioues  (2d  ed., 
.'aria.  1905),  360-441;  Von  Okelu,  AUoem.  Religtonsgesehiehte 
(Bonn,  1899);  Jenben,  Die  Kotmologie  dtr  Babylonier  (Leipzig, 
1891);  Dabmmtetter,  Ormutd  et  Ahriman  (Paris,  1877); 
Hopkins,  The  Religions  of  India  (Boston,  1895);  Windelband, 
History  at  Ancient  Philosophy  (tr..  London,  1900);  Meter,  Die 
eddiecke  Kosmogonie  (Freiburg  im  Br.,  1891);  Idbm,  Muthologi* 
dtr  Germane*  (Strasbun,  1903);  HIbler,  Religion  d.  mittl. 
Amerika  (M (1  aster,  1899);  Bbinton,  Religion*  of  Prim.  People* 


s 


(Philadelphia,  1897)-  Idem,  American  Hero  truths  (Philadel- 
phia, 1882);  Idem,  Myth,  of  the  New  World  0868). 

J.  P.  Arendzen. 

Oo sinography.   See  Geography. 

Cosmology. — From  its  Greek  etymology  (k6vimh 
world;  \&yot,  knowledge  or  science)  the  word  cosmol- 
ogy means  the  science  of  the  world.  It  ought,  there- 
fore, to  include  in  its  scope  the  study  of  the  whole 
material  universe:  that  is  to  say,  of  inorganic  sub- 
stances, of  plants,  of  animals,  and  of  man  himself. 
But,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  the  wide  range  indicated  by 
the  etymology  of  the  word  has  been  narrowed  in  the 
actual  meaning.  In  our  day  cosmology  is  a  branch  of 
philosophical  study,  and  therefore  excludes  from  its 
investigation  whatever  forms  the  object  of  the  natural 
sciences.  While  the  sciences  of  physics  and  biology 
seek  the  proximate  causes  of  corporal  phenomena,  the 
laws  that  govern  them,  and  the  wonderful  harmony 
resulting  therefrom,  cosmology  aims  to  discover  the 
deeper  and  remoter  causes  which  neither  observation 
nor  experiment  immediately  reveals.  This  special 
purpose  restricts  in  many  ways  the  field  of  cosmology. 
There  is  another  limitation  not  lees  important.  Man  'a 
unique  position  in  the  universe  makes  him  the  object 
of  a  special  philosophical  study,  viz.  psychology,  or 
anthropology;  and,  in  consequence,  that  portion  of 
the  corporeal  world  with  which  these  sciences  deal  has 
been  cut  off  from  the  domain  of  cosmology  properly  so 
called. 

There  is  a  tendency  at  present  to  restrict  the  field 
still  further;  and  limit  it  to  what  is  known  as  inor- 
ganic creation.  Psychology  being  by  its  very  defini- 
tion the  study  of  human  Life  considered  in  its  first 
principle  and  in  the  totality  of  its  phenomena,  its  in- 
vestigations ought  to  comprise,  it  would  seem,  the 
threefold  life  of  man,  vegetative,  animal,  and  rational. 
And,  indeed,  the  inter-dependence  of  these  three  lives 
in  the  one  living  human  being  appears  to  justify  the 
enlargement  demanded  nowadays  by  many  authors  of 
note  for  the  psychological  field.  Hence  for  those  who 
accept  this  view,  cosmology  has  nothing  to  do  with 
organic  life  but  is  reduced  to  "  a  philosophical  study  of 
the  inorganic  world".  Such,  in  our  opinion,  is  the 
best  definition  that  can  be  given.  At  the  same  time 
it  should  be  remarked  that  many  philosophers  still 
favour  a  broader  definition,  which  would  include  not 
only  the  mineral  kingdom  but  also  living  things  con- 
sidered in  a  general  way.  In  German-speaking  coun- 
tries cosmology,  as  a  rule,  is  known  as  Naturphilo- 
sopAie.  i.  e.  philosophy  of  nature. 

Under  this  name,  philosophers  usually  understand  a 
study  of  the  universe  along  the  lines  of  one  of  the  fore- 
going definitions.  Scientists,  on  the  other  hand,  give 
a  more  scientific  turn  to  this  philosophy  of  nature, 
transforming  it  into  a  sort  of  general  physics  with  an 
occasional  excursion  into  the  realm  of  sensitive  and 
intellectual  life.  A  notable  instance  is  the  work  of 
Prof.  OstwaJd,  "  Vorlesungen  fiber  Naturphilosophie" 
(Leipzig,  1902). 

Origin  of  Cosmology. — The  word  itself  is  of  recent 
origin.  It  was  first  used  by  Wolff  when,  in  1730,  he 
entitled  one  of  his  works  "Cosmologia  General  is" 
(Frankfort  and  Leipzig).  In  this  treatise  the  author 
studies  especially  the  laws  of  motion,  the  relations 
that  exist  among  things  in  nature,  the  contingency  of 
the  universe,  the  harmony  of  nature,  the  necessity  of 


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postulating  a  God  to  explain  the  origin  of  the  cosmos 
and  its  manifestation  of  purpose.  Because  of  the  ad- 
vance the  natural  sciences  were  then  making,  Wolff 
omitted  from  his  philosophic  study  of  nature  the 
purely  scientific  portion  which  till  then  had  been 
closely  allied  with  it.  The  cosmology  of  the  ancients 
and  especially  of  Aristotle  was  simply  a  branch  of 
physics.  The  "Physics"  of  Aristotle  treats'  of  cor- 
poreal beings  in  as  far  as  they  are  subject  to  motion. 
The  work  is  divided  into  two  parts:  (1)  General  phys- 
ics, which  embraces  the  general  principles  governing 
corporeal  being.  It  treats  of  local  motion  and  its 
various  kinds;  the  origin  of  substantial  compounds; 
changes  in  quality-  changes  in  quantity  by  increase 
and  decrease;  ana  changes  arising  from  motion  in 

El  ace,  on  which  Aristotle  hinges  our  notions  of  the  in- 
nite,  of  time,  and  of  space.  (2)  Special  physics 
which  deals  with  the  various  classes  of  beings:  terres- 
trial bodies,  celestial  bodies,  and  man.  It  is  the  first 
art  of  this  work  that  comes  nearest  to  what  we  mean 
_>y  cosmology.  The  Schoolmen  of  the  Middle  Ages, 
as  a  rule,  follow  the  path  marked  out  for  them  by 
Aristotle.  Cosmological  subjects,  properly  so  callea, 
have  no  reserved  place  in  philosophical  study,  and  are 
generally  treated  as  a  part  of  physics.  In  our  own 
time,  philosophers  employ  the  words  "cosmology" 
and  "philosophy  of  nature"  to  designate  the  philo- 
sophic study  of  the  corporeal  world. 

Method. — Cosmology  is  the  natural  complement  of 
the  special  sciences.  Tt  begins  where  they  leave  off, 
and  its  domain  is  quite  distinct  from  theirs.  The  sci- 
entist determines  the  immediate  cause  of  the  phenom- 
ena observed  in  the  mineral  or  the  organic  world: 
he  formulates  their  laws,  and  builds  these  into  a  syn- 
thesis with  the  help  of  certain  general  theories,  such 
as  those  of  light,  of  heat,  and  of  electricity.  The  cos- 
mologist,  on  the  other  hand,  seeks  the  ultimate  causes, 
not  of  this  or  that  class  of  beings  or  of  phenomena,  but 
of  the  whole  material  universe.  He  inquires  into  the 
constituent  nature  of  corporeal  beings,  their  destiny, 
and  their  first  cause.  It  is  clear  that  these  larger 
problems  are  quite  beyond  the  range  and  purpose  of 
the  various  sciences,  each  of  which  is  by  its  method 
confined  to  its  own  particular  subject.  Nevertheless, 
cosmology  must  borrow,  and  borrow  largely,  from  tho 
data  of  science,  since  the  causes  which  it  studies  are 
not  directly  perceptible;  they  can  be  known  only 
through  phenomena  which  are  their  more  or  less 
faithful  manifestations.  It  is  on  these  that  cosmol- 
ogy must  rest  in  order  to  pass  upward  from  cause  to 
cause  till  the  ultimate  cause  is  reached.  Since,  then, 
it  is  the  rdle  of  the  natural  sciences  to  analyse  and 
classify  the  properties  and  phenomena  of  nature,  cos- 
mology is  obliged  to  draw  very  freely  upon  those  sci- 
ences and  to  neglect  none  of  their  definitive  results. 
In  a  word,  the  cosmological  method  is  essentially  a 
posteriori.  Descartes  and  his  school  followed  a  differ- 
ent, even  an  opposite,  course.  Being  a  mathemati- 
cian above  all  else,  he  applies  to  cosmology  the  prin- 
ciples of  mathematics,  and  as  mathematics  sets  out 
from  the  simplest  propositions  and  travels  along  the 
road  of  deduction  to  the  most  complex  truths,  so 
Descartes,  starting  from  extension  as  the  primordial 
and  universal  property  of  matter,  in  fact  its  very  es- 
sence, ends  by  ascribing  to  all  bodies  in  nature  what- 
ever extension  implies  and  by  eliminating  from  them 
whatever  it  excludes.  This  a  priori  method,  being  es- 
sentially deductive  is  anti-scientific;  and  is  based, 
moreover,  on  a  false  supposition,  since  extension  is 
only  one  of  the  many  properties  of  matter,  not  its  es- 
sence. As  Leibniz  pointed  out,  extension  presupposes 
something  extended,  just  as  a  repetition  presupposes 
something  to  be  repeated.  Philosophers,  therefore, 
have  almost  entirely  abandoned  this  method;  with 
the  exception  perhaps  of  the  Idealistic  Pantheists  of 
whom  we  shall  speak  presently. 
Division  of  Cosmology. — Cosmology,  as  most 


philosophers  understand  it,  has  a  threefold  problem  to 
solve:  Whence  this  corporeal  world?  What  is  it? 
Why  is  it?  Hence  its  three  parts,  concerned  respec- 
tively with  (1)  the  primordial  efficient  cause  of  the 
cosmos;  (2)  its  actual  constituent  causes;  (3)  its  final 
cause. 

The  first  cause  of  the  material  universe. — Geology,  go 
back  as  it  may  and  as  far  as  it  may  in  the  scientific 
history  of  the  earth,  must  ever  remain  face  to  face 
with  a  fact  that  calls  for  explanation,  viz.  the  exist- 
ence of  matter  itself.  Even  if  it  could  decisively 
prove  Laplace's  hypothesis,  according  to  which  all 
portions  of  this  universe,  earth,  sun,  and  the  whole 
stellar  system,  originally  made  up  a  single  nebular 
mass,  there  would  still  remain  the  very  reasonable 
question,  whence  came  this  mass  and  what  was  its 
origin?  Now  this  is  precisely  the  question  cosmology 
asks;  and  in  seeking  the  answer  it  has  given  rise  to 
many  systems  which  can  always  be  brought  under  one 
of  the  following  headings:  (a)  Monism;  (b)  the  theory 
of  Transitive  Emanation;  (c)  Creationism.  (a)  The 
Monist  theory  is  that  all  beings  in  the  world  are  but 
one  and  the  same  necessary  and  eternal  substance 
having  within  itself  the  sufficient  reason  of  its  exist- 
ence; while  the  seeming  diversity  of  things  and  their 
attributes,  are  but  the  various  manifestations  and 
evolutions  of  this  single  substance.  Pantheism  iden- 
tifies the  world  with  the  Divine  Being.  This  Being  is 
ceaselessly  in  process  of  evolution ;  which,  however,  in 
no  wise  disturbs  the  universal  identity  of  things.  The 
Pantheist  is  either  an  Idealist  or  a  Realist  according 
to  the  view  he  takes  of  the  nature  and  character  of  the 
original  substance.  If  that  substance  is  real  he  is 
styled  a  Realist,  and  such  were  Erigena,  Amalric, 
David  of  Dinant,  Giordano  Bruno,  and  Spinoza.  But 
if  the  original  substance  is  something  ideal,  e.  g.  the 
Ego,  the  Absolute,  the  Concept,  he  is  styled  an  Ideal- 
ist, and  such  were  Hegel,  Schelling,  and  Fichte. 
Kraus  and  Tiberghien  support  the  Pantheistic  view: 
God  is  in  the  world  and  the  world  is  in  God,  although 
they  are  not  identical.  Schopenhauer  devised  a  form 
of  Pantheism  which  is  known  as  Panthelism.  Ac- 
cording to  his  view  the  motive  force  of  the  whole  uni- 
verse is  a  single  blind  will.  Hartmann  goes  a  step 
farther  and  says  the  world  is  but  the  constant  evolu- 
tion of  the  unconscious:  hence  the  name  Panhylism. 
Modern  Materialists,  such  as  Bilchner,  Hackel,  Ba- 
ruch,  as  well  as  the  old  Greek  Atomists,  Leucippus, 
Democritus,  and  Epicurus,  consider  all  the  activities 
of  the  universe  as  so  many  purely  material  phenomena 
arising  from  one  necessary  and  eternal  substance. 
Lastly,  according  to  the  supporters  of  the  Immanent 
Emanation  theory,  the  Divine  Being  develops  within 
itself  so  that  it  is  continually  identifying  itself  with 
the  beings  it  evolves,  or  that  come  forth  from  it,  just  as 
the  grub  maintains  its  substantial  identity  throughout 
its  transformation  into  chrysalis  and  butterfly.  It  is 
clear  that  such  a  theory  hardly  differs  from  Pantheism. 

(b)  In  the  Transitive  Emanation  theory  all  beings 
issue  from  the  Divine  Substance  much  in  the  same 
way  as  new  fruits  appear  on  the  parent  tree  without 
changing  its  substance  and  without  diminishing  its 

E reductive  power,  (c)  Creationism  is  the  view  held 
y  the  generality  of  spiritualistic  philosophers.  The 
universe  through  its  endless  transformations  reveals 
its  contingency:  that  is  to  say,  its  existence  is  not  a 
necessity:  therefore  it  must  have  received  its  exist- 
ence from  some  other  being.  ;■  This  first  cause  must  be 
a  necessary  and  independent>one,  unless  we  admit  an 
infinite  series  of  dependent  causes  and  so  leave  un- 
solved the  problem  of  the  world's  existence.  God  has, 
therefore,  drawn  all  things  from  nothingness  by  the 
free  act  of  His  Almighty  Will ;  in  a  word,  He  has  made 
them  out  of  nothing,  since  any  other  explanation, 
e.  g.  Emanationism,  which  implies  a  real  intrinsic 
change  in  God,  is  incompatible  with  the  immutability, 
necessity,  and  absolute  perfection  of  the  Divine  Being. 


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The  constituent  causes  of  the  world. — The  composi- 
tion of  corporeal  beings  is  also  the  subject  of  much 
discussion.  There  are  actually  four  systems  of  note, 
each  promising  to  solve  this  delicate  problem:  Mech- 
anism; Hylomorphism  (the  Scholastic  system); 
Dynamic  Atomism ;  and  Dynamism  proper. 

The  characteristic  tendency  of  Mechanism,  i.  e.  of 
the  mechanical  theory,  is  to  disregard  all  qualitative 
difference  in  natural  phenomena  and  to  emphasize 
their  quantitative  differences.  That  is  to  say,  in  this 
system  the  constituent  matter  of  all  corporeal  beings 
is  everywhere  the  same  and  is  essentially  homogene- 
ous; all  the  forces  animating  it  are  of  the  same  nature; 
they  are  simply  modes  of  local  motion.  Further- 
more, there  is  no  internal  principle  of  finality;  in  the 
world  everything  is  determined  by  mechanical  laws. 
To  explain  all  cosmic  phenomena,  nothing  is  needed 
but  mass  and  motion;  so  that  all  the  differences  ob- 
servable between  corporeal  beings  are  merely  differ- 
ences in  the  amount  of  matter  and  motion.  Mechan- 
ism appeals  especially  to  the  law  of  the  correlation  of 
forces  in  nature  and  of  the  mechanical  equivalent  of  - 
heat.  Heat,  we  know,  does  work;  but  it  consumes 
itself  in  proportion  to  its  own  activity.  In  like  man- 
ner mechanical  causes  produce  heat  and  grow  weaker 
in  proportion  to  the  intensity  of  their  effect.  So  it  is 
with  all  corporeal  energy;  one  form  may  be  substi- 
tuted for  another,  but  the  quantity  of  the  new  force 
will  be  always  equivalent  to  the  quantity  of  the  force 
that  has  disappeared.  Having  in  this  way  identified 
mechanical  force  with  motion,  the  holders  of  this 
theory  felt  authorized  to  unify  all  forces  and  reduce 
them  to  local  motion;  and  it  was  then  an  easy  step 
to  consider  substance  as  homogeneous  since  its  only 
use  is  to  serve  as  a  background  for  phenomena. 
Other  arguments  are  drawn  from  chemistry,  espe- 
cially from  the  facts  of  isomerism,  polymerism,  and 
allotropism. 

The  mechanical  theory  is  of  ancient  origin. 
Amongst  its  earliest  partisans  were  Thales,  Anaxi- 
mander,  and  Heraclitus.  whose  chief  concern  was  to 
prove  the  derivation  of  the  world  from  one  simple 
primitive  substance.  Empedocles,  however,  held  out 
for  four  elements — air,  earth,  water,  fire.  But  De- 
mocritus,  and  later  Epicurus,  suppressed  this  dis- 
tinction between  the  elements,  proclaimed  the  essential 
homogeneity  of  matter,  and  referred  the  variety  of 
natural  phenomena  to  differences  of  motion.  After 
the  time  of  Epicurus  (270  b.  c),  this  system  disap- 
peared from  philosophical  thought  for  eighteen  cen- 
turies. Restored  by  Descartes,  it  soon  won  the  favour 
of  most  scientists,  and  it  is  still  dominant  in  scientific 
research.  The  Cartesian  philosophy  was  a  restate- 
ment of  the  two  basic  principles  of  the  old  theory,  the 
homogeneity  of  nature  and  the  reduction  of  all  forces 
to  terms  of  motion;  but  it  got  new  vigour  by  contact 
with  the  natural  sciences,  especially  physics  and  chem- 
istry:  hence  the  name  Atomism  (q.  v.)  by  which  it  is 
usually  known.  It  should,  however,  be  noted  that 
there  are  two  Atomisms,  the  one  purely  chemical,  the 
other  philosophical.  According  to  the  former  all  sim- 
ple bodies  are  made  up  of  atoms,  i.  e.  of  particles  so 
small  that  no  chemical  force  known  to  us  can  divide 
them,  but  which  have  all  the  properties  of  visible 
bodies.  Atoms  form  groups  of  two  or  four  or  some- 
times more;  these  small  tenacious  groups,  known  as 
chemical  molecules  coalesce  in  physical  molecules,  and 
from  these  in  turn  are  built  up  the  material  bodies  we 
see  around  us.  The  material  body  thus  results  from  a 
progressive  aggregation  of  molecules,  and  the  very 
smallest  portion  of  it  that  is  endowed  with  the  proper- 
ties of  the  compound  contains  many  atoms  of  various 
species,  since  by  definition  the  compound  results 
from  the  union  of  numerous  elements.  On  this  ato- 
mic theory,  independent  as  such  of  all  philosophical 
systems,  was  grafted  during  the  last  century  that 
philosophical  Atomism  which,  while  ascribing  to  all 


atoms  the  same  nature,  differentiates  them  only  by 
varying  amounts  of  mass  and  motion. 

Another  explanation  of  the  material  world  is  offered 
by  Dynamism.  If  Mechanism  attributes  extension  to 
matter  and  complete  passivity  to  corporeal  substances, 
Dynamism  sees  in  the  world  only  simple  forces,  unex- 
tended,  yet  essentially  active.  There  is  nothing 
strange  in  the  antithesis  of  these  two  systems.  The 
Dynamism  of  Leibniz — it  was  he  who  propounded  it — 
was  but  a  reaction  against  the  Mechanism  of  Descar- 
tes. To  these  two  matrix-ideas  of  unextended,  active 
forces  the  majority  of  Dynamists  add  the  principle  of 
actio  in  distant.  They  soon  found  out  that  points 
without  extension  can  touch  only  by  completely 
merging  the  one  with  the  other,  and  on  their  own 
hypothesis  the  points  in  contact  would  amount  to 
nothing  more  than  a  mathematical  point  which  could 
never  give  us  even  the  illusion  of  apparent  extension. 
To  avoid  this  pitfall,  the  Dynamists  bethought  them 
of  considering  all  bodies  as  aggregates  of  force  unex- 
tended indeed  but  separated  by  intervals,  from  one  an- 
other. Conceived  by  Leibniz,  who  held  the  monads 
to  be  dowered  with  an  immanent  activity,  this  system 
has  been  amended  and  modernized  by  Father  Bos- 
covich,  Kant,  Father  Palmieri,  Father  Carbonelle, 
Hirn,  and  Father  Leroy.  On  the  whole  it  has  found 
few  supporters ;  scientists  as  a  rule  prefer  the  mechan- 
ical view.  It  would  seem,  however,  that  a  reaction 
towards  it  has  set  in  since  the  discovery  of  the  radio- 
activity of  matter.  The  property  manifested  by  a 
considerable  number  of  bodies  of  emitting  at  ordinary 
temperatures  a  seemingly  inexhaustible  quantity  of 
electric  rays  suggests  the  idea  that  matter  is  a  focus  of 
energy  which  tends  to  diffuse  itself  in  space.  But  in 
point  of  fact  there  are  only  two  arguments  in  favour  of 
Dynamism.  One  is  drawn  from  the  difficulties  of 
grasping  the  concept  of  extension ;  the  other  from  the 
fact  that  all  we  know  of  matter  comes  to  us  through  its 
action  on  our  organs  of  sense ;  hence  the  inference  that 
force  is  the  only  thing  existing  apart  from  ourselves. 

Between  these  two  extremes  stands  the  Scholastic 
theory,  known  as  Hylomorphism,  or  theory  of  matter 
and  form  (BXiy,  matter;  fu>/>4>i,  form),  also  as  the  Aris- 
totelean  theory,  and  later  as  the  Ihomistic  theory 
from  the  name  of  its  principal  defender  in  the  Middle 
Ages.  Aristotle  (384-322  b.  a),  who  was  its  author, 
gave  it  a  large  place  in  his  treatises  on  physics  and  on 
metaphysics.  It  was  discussed  during  centuries  in 
the  Peripatetic  and  neo-Platonic  schools  and  in  the 
schools  of  Constantinople  and  Athens;  but  from  the 
sixth  century  to  the  twelfth,  though  its  essential  prin- 
ciples survived,  it  was  an  insignificant  factor  in  philo- 
sophic thought.  An  exception,  however,  must  be 
made  in  favour  of  Avicenna  in  the  East  (980-1037) 
and  of  Averroes  in  Spain  (1126-1198),  both  famous 
commentators  on  the  Aristotelean  encyclopedia.  In 
the  thirteenth  century,  the  Golden  Age  of  Scholasti- 
cism, the  system  was  restored,  thanks  to  a  number  of 
Latin  translations,  and  its  long-forgotten  treasures 
were  brought  to  light  by  daring  prospectors,  such  as 
Alexander  of  Hales,  Albert  us  Magnus,  St.  Thomas 
Aquinas,  St.  Bonaventure,  and  Henry  of  Ghent.  Dur- 
ing the  fourteenth  and  fifteenth  centuries  the  cosmo- 
logical  theory,  and  indeed  the  whole  Scholastic  sys- 
tem, suffered  a  decline  which  lasted  till  the  nineteenth 
century,  though  during  the  interval  it  found  ardent 
supporters  in  some  of  the  religious  orders.  The  res- 
toration movement  began  about  the  middle  of  the 
nineteenth  century  with  the  works  of  Kleutgen  (1811- 
1883);  Sansevenno  (1811-1865),  and  Liberatore 
(1810-1892) ;  but  it  was  especially  owing  to  the  im- 
pulse given  it  by  the  famous  Encyclical  of  Leo  XIII, 
"iEterni  Pati-is"  (1879),  that  Scholasticism  regained 
its  place  of  honour  beside  the  great  modern  systems. 

The  Scholastic  theory  can  be  summed  up  in  the  fol- 
lowing propositions:  (1)  Bodies  both  elementary  and 
compound  have  an  essential  unity;  they  differ  spe- 


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COSMOLOGY 


cific&lly,  and  are  by  their  very  nature  extended;  (2) 
they  possess  powers  or  energies  both  passive  and  ac- 
tive which  spring  from  their  substantial  nature  and 
are  inseparable  from  it;  (3)  they  have  an  immanent 
tendency  toward  certain  special  ends  to  be  realized  by 
the  exercise  of  their  native  energies.  The  basic  prin- 
ciple of  this  cosmology  is  that  of  immanent  finality. 
The  corporeal  world  is  a  masterpiece  of  order  and  har- 
mony. In  spite  of  ceaseless  transformations,  every 
species  of  body,  simple  and  composite  alike,  reappears 
again  and  again  with  its  characteristic  properties  to 
further  the  well-being  of  the  individual  and  of  the  uni- 
verse as  a  whole.  Now  this  constant  and  harmonious 
co-operation  of  innumerable  causes  acting  under  con- 
ditions the  most  diverse  can  only  be  explained,  say  the 
Scholastics,  by  admitting  in  the  material  agents  them- 
selves fixed  and  permanent  principles  of  order.  The 
universe  must  therefore  be  composed  of  specific  na- 
tures, i.  e.  of  beings  which  by  their  constitution  and 
properties  are  really  adapted  to  the  ends  they  have  to 
attain.  Substance  and  its  distinctive  energies  form  a 
whole  which  is  completely  subordinated  to  its  ap- 
pointed destiny  ;  so  that  if  serious  alterations,  such  as 
chemical  combinations,  succeed  in  affecting  these 
properties  and  in  marring  the  harmony  that  ought  to 
exist  between  them  and  their  substantial  base,  the 
being  so  affected  must  put  on  a  new  nature  in  har- 
mony with  its  new  state.  There  takes  place,  in  other 
words,  what  the  Scholastics  call  a  substantial  trans- 
formation. But  this  implies  that  an  essential  portion 
of  the  original  being  must  persist  throughout  the 
change,  ana  be  carried  over  into  the  final  result,  other- 
wise transformation  would  involve  the  annihilation  of 
the  first  being  and  the  production  of  the  second  out  of 
nothing.  On  the  other  hand,  if  we  hold  that  during 
the  process  the  being  in  question  does  not  lose  its  own 
specific  difference  in  exchange  for  another,  it  would  be 
illogical  to  speak  of  a  transformation,  since  a  change 
which  preserves  the  substantial  integrity  of  the  being 
can  never  have  as  its  result  the  production  of  a  new 
being.  All  bodies,  then,  that  are  subject  to  such  a 
change  must  contain,  in  spite  of  their  unity,  two  con- 
stituent principles.  The  one  is  a  specifying  or  deter- 
mining principle  whence  spring  the  actuality  and  dis- 
tinguishing marks  of  the  body  itself;  and  it  is  this 
principle  which  is  born  and  dies  at  every  step  in  the 
deeper  transformations  of  matter.  It  is  called  sub- 
stantial form.  The  other,  the  indeterminate  comple- 
ment of  this,  is  the  substratum  which  receives  the 
various  essential  forms;  and  it  is  called  first  matter. 
These  are  the  fundamental  ideas  in  the  Scholastic 
theory. 

As  a  system  it  is  not  at  every  point  the  direct  anti- 
thesis of  the  two  other  systems  outlined  above.  It  is 
true  that,  while  Mechanism  claims  that  the  proper- 
ties of  bodies  are  nothing  but  local  motion,  the  Scho- 
lastics admit  the  existence  of  qualities  properly  so 
called  in  all  bodies,  i.  e.  accidental  determinations, 
fixed  and  destined  for  action.  These  properties  are 
generated  with  the  new  substance;  they  cling  to  it 
mdissolubly  during  its  existence  and  they  are  its  nat- 
ural manifestation.  But,  on  the  other  hand,  the 
Scholastics  concede  to  the  mechanical  theory  that 
local  motion  plays  a  large  part  in  the  world,  that  it  is 
the  accompaniment  and  the  measure  of  every  exertion 
of  material  force.  Hence  they  give  Mechanism  credit 
for  assigning  a  quantitative  value  to  the  phenomena  of 
nature  oy  measuring  the  movement  proportionate  to 
each;  while,  on  their  side,  they  explain  the  activity  at 
work  in  each  case  by  taking  into  account  the  qualita- 
tive elements  as  well  as  the  kinetic.  Again,  with  the 
mechanical  theory  the  Scholastic  recognizes  in  every 
corporeal  being  an  essential  principle  of  passivity,  of 
inertia,  divisibility,  and  extension — in  a  word,  of  all 
the  properties  so  highly  prized  by  Mechanism;  this 
principle  is  first  matter.  But  the  Scholastic  theory 
adds  a  substantial  form,  i.  e.  a  determining  principle 


and  a  root-cause  of  the  activities  and  peculiar  tenden- 
cies displayed  by  each  individual  body. 

A  similar  partial  agreement  exists  between  Scho- 
lasticism and  Dynamism.  In  the  hylomorphic  consti- 
tution of  bodies  the  dynamic  element  has  a  preponder- 
ating role,  represented  by  the  substantial  form;  but 
since  the  corporeal  being  does  not  appear  to  be  a  source 
of  energy  pure  and  simple,  the  dynamic  element  is 
joined  with  first  matter,  of  which  passivity  and  exten- 
sion are  the  natural  outcome. 

A  fourth  and  last  system  is  called  Dynamic  Atom- 
ism. The  only  real  difference  between  it  and  Mechan- 
ism lies  in  the  fact  that  it  attributes  to  bodies  forces 
distinct  from  local  motion;  but  at  the  same  time  it 
maintains  that  they  are  purely  mechanical  forces. 
Matter,  it  asserts,  is  homogeneous  and  the  atom  in- 
capable of  transformation.  This  theory,  proposed  by 
Martin  and  Tongiorgi,  and  upheld  nowadays  by  cer- 
tain scientists,  is  a  transition  between  the  mechanical 
and  the  Scholastic  system.  Its  partisans,  in  fact,  are 
persuaded  that  a  theory  which  denies  the  reality  of 
qualitative  energies  inherent  in  matter  and  reduces 
them  to  local  motion  thereby  makes  the  true  explana- 
tion of  natural  phenomena  impossible  and  hands  over 
the  universe  to  the  whims  of  chance.  Some  Dyna- 
mists,  therefore,  to  meet  the  obvious  requirements  of 
order  in  the  world,  seek  in  substance  itself  the  reasons 
of  its  secondary  principles  of  activity.  But  in  this 
hypothesis  it  seems  rather  hard  not  to  admit,  as  the 
Scholastics  maintain,  that  diversity  of  substance  is  the 
only  explanation  of  the  constancy  observed  in  the 
accidental  differences  of  things. 

The  final  cause  of  the  material  universe. — The  last 
problem  that  cosmology  attempts  to  solve  is  that  of 
the  final  cause.  It  is  intimately  bound  up  with  that 
of  the  first  cause.  Materialists  uke  Hackel  and  Buch- 
ner,  who  refuse  to  see  in  the  universe  a  plan  or  a  pur- 
pose, can  assign  no  goal  to  cosmic  evolution.  In  their 
opinion,  just  as  the  world,  during  its  eternal  past,  has 
undergone  countless  variations  in  form,  so  duringits 
eternal  future  it  is  destined  to  ceaseless  change.  The 
laws  of  mechanics,  the  chance  encounter  of  atoms  and 
molecules,  the  capricious  play  of  natural  forces  follow- 
ing no  preconceived  aim,  will  determine  the  number, 
nature,  and  form  of  the  states  through  which  matter  is 
to  pass.  Pantheists  and  all  who  identify  God  with 
matter  share  as  a  rule  the  same  view.  For  them  the 
condition  of  the  world  is  but  the  fatal  result  of  pur- 
poseless evolution;  so  that  the  world  is  its  own  end, 
or  rather  is  itself  the  term  of  its  existence  and  activity. 

Those  who  believe  in  the  existence  of  a  personal 
God  can  never  admit  that  an  all-wise  being  created 
without  a  purpose.  And  since  a  perfect  and  inde- 
pendent being  can  have  no  other  than  himself  as  the 
final  aim  of  his  action,  it  follows  that  the  ultimate  end 
of  creation  is  to  manifest  the  glory  of  the  Creator,  man 
being  the  intermediary,  and,  as  it  were,  the  high-priest 
of  the  material  world.  The  welfare  of  man  himself  is 
the  secondary  purpose  of  creation.  According  to  St. 
Thomas  the  world  is  a  vast  hierarchy  of  which  inor- 
ganic matter  is  the  base  and  man  the  summit.  The 
mineral  order  ministers  to  the  vegetable  and  this  in 
turn  to  the  animal,  while  man  finds  in  all  these  the 
satisfaction  of  his  needs  and  the  adornment  of  his 
earthly  life.  Above  all  he  finds  in  the  material  uni- 
verse and  in  the  service  it  renders  him  a  means  of  ris- 
ing to  perfect  happiness  in  the  possession  of  God. 

Histories  of  Philosophy  by  Turner  (Boston,  1903),  Ukber- 
weq  (tr.  Morris,  New  York,  1903),  StOcxl  (tr.  Finlat,  Dub- 
lin, 1903);  Lanqe,  History  of  Materialism  (Leipiig,  1898); 
Aristotle,  Physics,  Metaphysics:  Saint  Thomas,  Summa 
Theol.,  Contra  OrntHes,  De  Enle  et  Essmtid;  T.  Pesch,  Institu- 
tiones  philosophic;  naturalis  (Freiburg  im  Br.,  1880);  Idem,  Die 
grossen  Weltrathsel  (Freiburg  im  Br.,  1883);  Lahodsbe.  Produc- 
tion** metaphysial  (Lou vain,  1887-89),  II;  Nyb,  Cosmaloais 
(Louvain,  1904);  Gtjtberlet,  Naturphilosophie  (Mflnster, 
1894);  John  Rickaby,  General  Metaphytic  (New  York,  1900); 
Harper,  The  Metaphysics  of  the  School  (London,  1879-84). 

.  D.  Nts. 


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Oosu,  Francesco,  known  sometimes  as  del  Cos- 
SA,  Italian  painter  of  the  School  of  Ferrara,  b.  about 
1430;  d.  probably  at  Ferrara,  1485.  Cossa  is  noted 
especially  for  his  fresco  work.  The  first  record  we 
have  of  him  is  in  1456  when  he  was  an  assistant  to  his 
father,  Crktof ano  del  Cossa,  at  that  time  employed  in 
painting  the  carvings  and  statues  on  the  high  altar  in 
the  chapel  of  the  bishop's  palace  at  Ferrara.  Cossa 
after  this  worked  in  conjunction  with  Cosimo  Tura, 
decorating  the  summer  retreat  known  as  the  Schi- 
f anoia,  and  of  the  fresooes  which  remain,  three  can  be 
safely  ascribed  to  him.  They  illustrate  the  manners 
and  dress  of  the  period  and  are  rich  in  architectural 
details,  somewhat  less  decorative  and  less  fantastic 
than  those  of  Tura,  but  stronger  and  grander  than  the 
latter's  work.  Considering  himself,  however,  insuf- 
ficiently remunerated  by  Duke  Borso,  Cossa  left  Fer- 
rara for  Bologna  in  1470,  where  he  obtained  many 
commissions  under  the  Bentivogli.  Here  he  painted 
his  two  masterpieces,  one,  the  Virgin  and  Child  with 
two  saints  and  a  portrait  of  Alberto  de'  Catanei,  pro- 
duced in  1474;  the  other,  the  fresco  of  the  Madonna 
del  Baracano,  representing  the  Virgin  and  Child  with 
the  portraits  of  Giovanni  Bentivoguo  and  Maria  Vin- 
siguerra,  painted  in  1472.  In  these  works  Cossa  re- 
veals himself  as  a  painter  of  great  power  and  original- 
ity, stately  in  his  conceptions,  grand  and  massive  in 
portraiture,  broad  in  modelling,  simple  and  severe  in 
composition.  In  the  National  Gallery  there  is  a  fine 
picture  by  him  representing  St.  Vincent  Ferrer,  an 
''Annunciation",  in  the  Dresden  collection,  which  has 
been  attributed  to  Pollajuolo,  and  a  fine  profile  por- 
trait at  Locko  Park  near  Derby,  said  to  represent 
Duke  Ercole  I  of  Ferrara.  He  executed  some  glass 
paintings  in  Bologna,  the  best  of  which  is  a  beautiful 
circular  window,  in  the  church  of  San  Giovanni  in 
Monte,  representing  St.  John  in  Patmos;  this  bears 
his  signature. 

Bwntoh,  The  Renaiuance  in  Italian  Art  (London,  1898); 
Koqleb,  The  Italian  School*  of  Painting  (London,  1900);  Mal- 
tasia,  Feleina  Pittrice  (Bologna,  1678);  Masini,  Bologna 
PtrioMtnda  (Bologna,  1806) ;  Giada  di  Bologna  (1782). 

George  Charles  Williamson. 

Oosta,  Lorbnzo,  Ferrarese  painter,  b.  at  Ferrara 
in  1460;  d.  at  Mantua  in  1636.  He  is  believed  to 
have  been  a  pupil  of  either  Tura  or  Cossa.  At  the 
age  of  twenty-three  Costa  established  himself  at 
Bologna,  under  the  patronage  of  the  Bentivogli  fam- 
ily, in  the  same  workshop  as  Franeia.  The  two  men 
were  much  influenced  by  each  other;  Franeia  worked 
as  a  goldsmith,  but  Costa  had  the  greater  imagina- 
tion, wider  knowledge,  and  more  perfect  skill  in  draw- 
ing. It  is  probable  that  his  coming  to  Bologna  was 
the  cause  of  Franeia 's  change  of  craft,  and  that  but 
for  this  friendship  the  greater  man  would  have  re- 
mained all  his  life  a  goldsmith.  Costa's  earliest  work 
in  Bologna  is  the  fresco  in  San  Giacomo  Maggiore 
(1480);  his  greatest,  the  altar-piece  in  San  Giovanni 
in  Monti  (1497).  The  two  friends  united  in  painting 
the  altar-piece  for  the  church  of  the  Misericordia,  the 
centre  and  upper  part  of  which  still  remain  in  Bolo- 
gna, while  the  predella  by  Costa  is  at  Milan.  They 
worked  for  the  same  patrons,  decorated  the  same 
walls  of  palace,  church,  and  oratory,  and  both  suf- 
fered when  Bentivogli  was  driven  from  Bologna  in 
1509,  and  his  palace  became  a  heap  of  ruins.  Costa 
then  passed  into  the  service  of  the  Gonzaga  fam- 
ily at  Mantua.  His  work  can  be  well  studied  in 
Bologna,  but  there  are  pictures  by  him  also  in 
Milan,  Berlin,  London,  and  Paris.  His  early  frescoes 
are  in  the  Schifanoia  in  Ferrara,  and  some  of  his 
latest  in  the  Schafleheria  Castle  at  Mantua.  He  him- 
self engraved  more  than  one  plate  after  his  pictures. 
His  paintings  are  very  much  in  the  style  of  those  by 
Franeia,  but  the  subjects  are  treated  in  a  freer  ana 
more  picturesque  manner.  The  colouring  is  always 
energetic,  the  heads  of  the  figures  well  modelled  and 
IV.— 37 


full  of  expression,  the  architectural  backgrounds  rich, 
varied,  and  accurate,  and  the  perspective  thoughtful 
and  well  planned.  The  draperies  in  Costa's  work  are 
far  less  hard  than  those  in  Franeia 's,  and  fall  in  easy 
and  not  in  rigid  folds. 

Malvabia,  Feltina  Pittrice  (Bologna,  1878);  Ohlandi. 
Abbecedario  PiUorieo  (Bologna^  1719);  Oram,  unpublished 
Notebooke  in  the  Arcirinnaaio  Library,  Bologna;  Wiluamsoh. 
Franeia  in  Burlington  Fin*  Art*  Club'e  Catalogue  (1894);  Bet  AM, 
Diet,  of  Painten  and  Engraven  (New  York,  1903),  a.  v. 

George  Charles  Williamson. 

Oostadoni,  Giovanni  Dohenico,  frequently  known 
as  Dom  Anselmo,  his  name  in  religion,  an  Italian 
Camaldolese  monk,  historian,  and  theologian,  b.  6 
October,  1714,  at  Venice;  d.  23  January,  1785,  in  the 
same  city.  The  son  of  a  rich  merchant,  he  sacrificed 
at  an  early  date  his  prospects  of  success  in  the  world 
and  took  the  religious  habit  at  St.  Michael's  monas- 
tery, situated  on  the  island  of  Murano  in  the  Venetian 
lagoon.  Here  he  studied  philosophy  and  theology 
with  more  than  usual  success.  At  the  age  of  twenty- 
three  he  revealed  his  literary  ability  in  a  letter  (Let- 
tera  critica)  written  in  defence  of  certain  Camaldolese 
writers,  who  had  been  attacked  by  Giusto  Fontanini 
in  his  "Library  of  Italian  Eloquence".  Costadoni 
subsequently  collaborated  for  eighteen  years  with  the 
learned  Mittarelli  in  the  publication  of  the  "  Annates 
Camaldulenses"  (Venice,  1756-73).  Some  archaeolog- 
ical papers  due  to  his  pen,  such  as  "Dissertazione 
sopra  if  peace  come  simbolo  degli  antichi  cristiani", 
were  published  in  the  voluminous  collection  of  histor- 
ical essays  edited  by  Calogera,  a  monk  of  the  same 
order.  His  works  also  include:  "  Awisi  ed  istruzioni 
pratiche  intomo  ai  principali  doveri  de'  regolari" 
(Faenza,  1770;  Venice,  1771);  " Lettere consofitorie" 
(Venice,  1775);  "Lettere  sopra  questione  teologiche" 
(Venice,  1773).  Costadom's  unpublished  manu- 
scripts were  transferred,  after  his  death,  to  St.  Greg- 
ory's monastery  at  Rome,  by  order  of  the  Camaldo- 
lese abbot.  Mauro  Cappellari  (later  Pope  Gregory 
XVI). 

Mandhxi,  Delia  vita  e  degli  ecritti  di  A.  Cottadoni  (Venice, 
1787);  Picot,  litmoire*  (Parta.  1866),  V,  470;  Hobtxb, 
Nomenelator,  IU,  876. 

N.  A.  Weber. 

Oosta  Bica,  Republic  of,  a  narrow  isthmus  be- 
tween Panama  on  the  east  and  the  Republic  of  Nica- 
ragua on  the  north,  the  Caribbean  Sea  on  the  north-east 
and  the  Pacific  Ocean  on  the  south-west.  Between 
latitudes  north  9°  and  11°  and  longitudes  west  of  Green- 
wich 83°  and  86°,  its  area  is  calculated  at  18,400  square 
miles;  the  population  in  1905  is  given  as  334,307,  be- 
sides 3500  Indians.  The  principal  city  is  San  Josei,  the 
capital,  with  24,500  inhabitants;  next  comes  Cartago 
with  7800,  then  Heredia  with  7151.    There  are  two 

Sorts  on  the  Atlantic  and  two  on  the  Pacific  coast, 
fountain  chains  traverse  the  territory  in  many  direc- 
tions, but  the  principal  one  runs  through  the  whole 
length  from  north-west  to  south-east.  Its  tallest  peak 
is  called  "Pico  Blanco"  and  rises  to  11,800  feet  above 
sea-level.  Costa  Rica  has  six,  partly  active,  volca- 
noes among  which  the  tallest  (Irazu)  rises  to  a  height 
of  11,600  feet  and  has  been  dormant  for  many  years. 
The  surface  is  in  general  very  much  broken,  the  moun- 
tains are  eruptive  or  volcanic,  and  sedimentary  depos- 
its abut  against  them  at  a  lower  level.  Many 
streams,  some  of  which  are  navigable  for  a  short  dis- 
tance, water  the  territory.  The  Pacific  coast  has  two 
handsome  gulfs:  Nicoya  in  the  north,  and  the  Golfo 
Dulce  near  the  frontier  of  Panama. 

The  climate  is  tropical.  There  are  but  two  seasons: 
winter  or  the  dry,  and  summer  or  the  wet,  season. 
Altitude  and  climate  divide  the  country  into  three 
zones,  the  hot  that  rises  from  the  snores  on  both  sides 
to  about  3000  feet;  the  temperate  (between  3000  and 
7500) ,  and  the  cold  higher  up.  Snowfalls,  even  on  the 
highest  summits,  are  very  rare;  the  mean  temperature 


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of  the  hot  section  is  stated  as  varying  between  72°  and 
82°  Fahr;  of  the  temperate  zone,  from  57°  to  78  de- 
grees. Mahogany,  cedar,  rosewood  and  other  pre- 
cious woods  for  building  and  decorative  purposes  are 
scattered  through  its  forests,  also  dye-woods.  Medic- 
inal plants  are  numerous  and  india-rubber  of  the  spe- 
cies called  CastiUoa  elastica.  Among  resinous  plants 
copal  and  the  Myroxylum,  producing  Peru  and  tolu 
balsams,  abound.  The  chief  agricultural  products  are 
coffee,  bananas,  tobacco,  cocoa.  Cotton  and  indigo  are 
also  raised.  Most  of  the  cultivated  plants  were  im- 
ported from  Europe  by  the  Spaniards.  Nearly  if 
not  all  larger  mammals  of  the  torrid  zones  of  America 
are  found.  To  entomologists  Costa  Rica  is  a  rich 
field.  There  are  mines  of  gold,  silver,  copper  and 
lead.  Gold  was  discovered  as  early  as  Columbus' 
last  voyage  in  1502,  and  the  number  of  gold  ornaments 
found  in  the  hands  of  the  Indians,  as  well  as  the  auri- 
ferous sands  of  the  rivers,  gave  the  newly  discovered 
country  its  name  Costa  Rica,  "the  rich  coast".  In 
1815  the  rich  gold  district  of  Monte  del  Aguacate  was 
Arst  brought  to  notice  by  Bishop  Garcia  of  Nicaragua 
and  Leon.  No  general  mining  statistics  exist.  Min- 
ing laws  are  rather  confused,  being  a  mixture  of  former 
Spanish  ordinances  with  modern  amendments.  But 
mining-machinery  is  imported  free  of  duty  and 
nejther  the  Government  nor  municipalities  levy  any 
taxes  on  mining  property. 

Costa  Rica  became  independent  of  Spain  in  1821  and 
was  a  member  of  the  Central  American  confederacy 
from  1824  to  1848  when  that  confederacy  was  dis- 
solved. In  1870-1871  a  constitution  was  adopted 
which  has  been  modified  repeatedly  since.  The  exe- 
cutive head  of  the  republic  is  a  president,  but  there 
have  been  several  dictators.  The  president  is  elected, 
for  four  years,  indirectly  through  electors  chosen  by 
the  people,  and  cannot  serve  a  second  term.  He  is 
assisted  by  four  secretaries.  There  is  no  vice-presi- 
dent. In  case  of  the  inability  of  the  president  to  dis- 
charge his  duties,  he  is  replaced  by  one  of  three  per- 
sons designated  by  Congress,  at  the  first  session  in  each 

S residential  term.  Congress  consists  of  only .  one 
ouse.  Its  members  are  also  indirectly  chosen  by  the 
people  for  four  years,  one  member  for  every  8000  in- 
habitants, and  one-half  are  elected  every  two  years. 
Members  of  the  supreme  court  oT  justice  are  ap- 
pointed by  Congress.  The  territory  is  divided  politi- 
cally into  five  provinces  at  the  head  of  each  of  which  is 
a  governor  appointed  by  the  president.  Costa  Rica 
has  a  civil  code,  a  code  of  civil  procedure  and,  since 
1888,  a  judiciary  law.  Trial  by  jury  takes  place  only 
in  criminal  cases. 

By  the  Constitution,  art.  51.,  "The  Catholic  Apos- 
tolic Roman  is  the  religion  of  the  state  which  contrib- 
utes to  its  maintenance  without  impeding  the  exercise 
in  the  republic  of  any  other  religion  not  opposed  to 
universal  morality  and  good  behaviour"  (buenas  coa- 
tumbres).  By  the  Concordat  (7  October,  1852)  the 
jurisdiction  previously  exercised  from  the  time  of  the 
Spanish  occupation  by  the  ecclesiastical  authorities  in 
litigations  involving  Church  possessions  or  the  tem- 
poral rights  of  the  Church,  passed  over  to  the  civil  tri- 
bunals, but  it  was  stipulated  at  the  same  time  that,  in 
the  courts  of  the  second  and  the  third  instance,  legal  trial 
of  criminal  cases  involving  priests  required  the  assists 
ance  as  judicial  assessors  of  ecclesiastics  nominated  by 
the  bishop.  In  1908,  no  Apostolic  delegate  having 
been  appointed  for  Costa  Rica  since  the  year  1882, 
Pius  X  communicated  to  the  republic  his  wish  to  re- 
establish the  delegation  there.  The  republic's  repre- 
sentative at  the  Vatican  answered  that  the  govern- 
ment welcomed  the  idea,  and  begged  His  Holiness  to 
give  the  new  delegate  the  character  of  envoy  to  the 
republic,  to  which  the  pope  assented.  The  envoy-ex- 
traordinary and  Apostolic  delegate  named  was  Mgr. 
Giovanni  Cagliera,  titular  Archbishop  of  Sebaste. 
Up  to  1850  the  Bishop  of  Leon  (Nicaragua)  was  also 


administrator  of  Costa  Rica.  The  first  Bishop  of 
Costa  Rica,  Anselmo  Llorente  y  Lafuente,  was  conse- 
crated in  Guatemala,  7  September,  1851,  and  installed 
5  January,  1852.  Bishop  B.  A.  Thiel  (b.  at  Elber- 
feld,  1850;  d.  at.  San  Jose,  1901)  a  Lazarist,  who  was 
professor  of  theology  in  Ecuador  and  banished  for  de- 
fending the  Jesuits,  was  appointed  Bishop  of  San  Jose' 
in  1880.  He  was  an  explorer,  a  student  of  Indian 
languages,  and  the  founder  of  an  ethnographic  and 
biological  museum  at  San  Jose.  He  translated  a  num- 
ber of  religious  works  from  German  into  Spanish  and 
wrote  "Idiomas  de  los  Indios";  "Viajes"  (1897)  and 
"Datos  cronol.  para  la  Hist.  ec.<*  de  Costa  Rica". 
There  are  forty-two  parishes  in  the  republic.  The  St. 
Vincent  de  Paul  conferences  are  very  active.  In  1899 
they  had  1396  members.  In  San  Jose  there  are  six. 
Women's  St.  Vincent  de  Paul  auxiliaries  are  organized 
in  nearly  all  the  cities.  In  1899  they  distributed  $26,- 
208.  Since  the  Plenary  Council  of  Latin  America 
(1899)  sjxmsalia  (see  Betrothal)  to  be  valid  must  be 
publicly  recorded.  In  1890  the  public  treasury  con- 
tributed 19,404  pesos  to  the  support  of  the  Church. 
Primary  education  is  free  and  compulsory.  Its  im- 
mediate direction  belongs  to  the  municipalities,  the 
national  executive,  however,  reserves  the  right  of  gen- 
eral supervision.  Art.  53  of  the  Constitution  permits 
every  Costa  Rican  to  give  or  to  receive  what  instruc- 
tion he  pleaseB  in  any  educational  establishment  not 
supported  by  public  funds.  The  budget  of  public 
instruction  rose  from  137,677.77  in  1890  to  235,203 
pesos  in  1902,  when  there  were  six  higher  schools,  one 
normal  school,  and  306  primary  schools,  the  latter, 
with  17,746  pupils. 

After  Costa  Rica  was  discovered  by  Columbus  in 
1502,  Diego  de  Nicuesa  attempted  to  colonize  it  in 
1509,  but  it  was  fourteen  years  later  when  Francisco 
Hernandez  made  a  settlement  in  the  country,  and  its 
conquest  was  only  gradually  perfected  after  1526. 
Several  tribes  of  the  isthmus  spoke  a  language  allied  to 
the  Chibcha  of  Colombia.  Among  these,  it  seems 
that  the  Talamancas  and  Guaymis  were  the  most 
prominent.  The  former  held  the  eastern  coast,  ex- 
tending to  the  boundary  of  Nicaragua,  the  latter  lived 
mostly  in  what  is  now  the  Republic  of  Panama.  A 
tribe,  to  which  the  Spanish  name  of  Valientes  has  been 
given,  also  belonged  to  Costa  Rica.  In  culture,  espe- 
cially in  the  working  of  gold  and  silver,  the  Guaymis 
resembled  the  Chibcha.  All  these  aborigines  were 
grouped  in  small  independent  tribes  and  their  resist- 
ance to  the  European  invaders  was  protracted  rather 
by  natural  obstacles  than  through  actual  power. 
During  Spanish  colonial  times  Costa  Rica  had  sixty- 
two  successive  rulers, — governors  (adelantados),  etc. 
and  was  regarded  as  a  province  of  Guatemala. 

Thiel  La  lgleeia  Cattoliea  en  Costa  Rica  in  RtvUla  dee.  L  en 
el  Siglo  XIX  (Ban  JmkS.  1002).  For  the  earliest  period  of  dis- 
covery and  Spanish  colonization  of  Costa  Rica,  the  letters  of 
Columbus  are  indispensable.  Additional  information  is  given 
by  Navarrete,  Cotcccion  de  Viajes  y  Descubrimientos  (Madrid, 


1829).  Oviedo,  Hist,  general  (Madrid,  1850);  Gomara,  Hie- 
toria  general  de  las  India*  (Antwerp,  1554);  Fernandez,  Hie- 
toria  de  Costa  Rica  durante  la  domination  espanoia  (Madrid, 
1889);  Molina,  Bosquejo  de  Coeta  Rica  (London,  1851); 
Calvo,  Republica  de  Coeta  Rica  (San  Jos<S,  1887):  Psralta. 
Coeta  Rica,  Nicaragua  y  Panama  en  el  niglo  XVI  (Madrid  and 
Paris,  1883);  Idem,  Costa  Rica  y  Colombia,  de  1673  d  1SS1 
(Madrid,  1888);  Villa vicencio,  Republica  de  Coeta  Rica  (Sao 
Jose',  1886);  Pittikr,  Apuntamientos  eobre  d  Clima  y  Qeografia 
de  la  Republica  de  Coeta  Rica  (San  Joad,  1890):  Morelot,  Voy- 
age dans  VAmcrique  centrale  (Paris,  1859);  Bellt,  A  trovers 
VAmerique  centrale  (Paris,  1872);  Waonbr,  Die  Republik  van 
Costa  Rica  in  Central  Ametika  (Leipzig,  1856);  ton  Scherzhr, 
Wandervngen  durch  die  MitUlamerikanischen  Freistaaten 
(Brunswick,  1857):  Froebel,  Aus  Amerika  (Leipzig,  1857- 
1858);  Sqcier,  The  States  of  Central  America  (New  York, 
1858).  The  numerous  official  reports  by  the  Government  and 
consular  reports  of  U.  S.  officials;  Bureau  of  American  Repub- 
lics, Costa  Rica  (Washington,  1892).  On  Linguistics:  Lodewio, 
Literature  of  American  Aboriginal  Languages  (London,  1858); 
Brinton,  The  American  Race  (New  York,  1891);  Fernandez. 
Documentor  para  la  hist,  de  Cosla  Rica  (San  Jose',  1881-1886); 
Davila,  Teatro  ec.ca  de  la  primitiva  lglesia  de  las  Indios  occid. 
(Madrid,  1640). 

Ad.  F.  Bandelter. 


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Coster,  Francis,  theologian,  b.  at  Mechlin,  16  June, 
1532  (1531);  d.  at  Brussels,  16  December,  1619.  He 
was  received  into  the  Society  of  Jesus  by  St.  Ignatius, 
7  November,  1552.  While  still  a  young  man  he  was 
sent  to  Cologne  to  lecture  on  Sacred  Scripture  and 
astronomy.  His  reputation  as  a  professor  was  estab- 
lished within  a  very  short  time,  and  on  the  10th  of 
December,  1564,  the  university  of  Cologne  conferred 
on  him  the  degree  of  Doctor  of  Philosophy  and  The- 
ology. He  was  ever  ready  to  defend  the  teaching  of 
the  Catholic  Church,  which  at  this  period  was  engaged 
in  the  struggle  with  heresy,  ana  by  word  and  by 
writing  he  brought  many  back  to  the  true  fold.  He 
was  for  two  terms  provincial  of  the  province  of  Bel- 
gium, for  one  term  provincial  of  that  of  the  Rhine,  and 
assisted  at  three  general  congregations  of  his  order. 
The  catalogue  of  his  writings  (De  Backer,  I,  218)  men- 
tions forty-two  titles.  They  include  works  on  ascet- 
ical  subjects,  meditations  on  the  Blessed  Virgin,  and 
sermons  on  the  Gospel  for  each  Sunday  of  the  year. 
Probably  the  most  famous  was  his  "  Enchiridion  con- 
troversiarum  prajcipuarum  nostri  tempo ris  de  Re- 
ligione'  (Cologne,  1585, 1587, 1589,  1593).  This  was 
afterwards  revised  and  enlarged  by  its  author  in  1596, 
1605, 1608 ;  and  was  translated  into  various  languages. 
To  each  of  the  attacks  made  upon  it  by  Protestant 
writers,  such  as  Philip  Marbach,  Franciscus  Gommar, 
Lucas  Osiander,  Coster  gave  an  able  reply.  His  works 
directed  against  these  opponents  are  entitled:  "  Liber 
de  EcclesiA  contra  Franciscum  Gommarum"  (Cologne, 
1604);  "Apologia  adversus  Lucas  Osiandri  hsretici 
lutherani  refutationum  octo  propositionum  catho- 
licarum ' '  (Cologne,  1606) ; "  Annotat  iones  in  N .  T.  et  in 
prajcipua  loca,  quaj  rapi  possent  in  controversiam" 
(Antwerp,  1614). 

Hurter,  Nomen.  Lit.,  I,  290;  De  Backer,  BM.  dee  Eeri- 
vains  delac.de  J.;  Sohhehvooel,  Bibl.  delae.de  J.,  II,  1610 ; 
Rose,  St.  Ignatius  Loyola  and  Early  Jeruits.  342,  343. 

G.  E.  Kelly. 

Costume,  Clerical. — To  discuss  the  question  of 
ecclesiastical  costume  in  any  detail  would  be  impossi- 
ble in  an  article  like  the  present.  No  topic  has 
formed  the  subject  of  so  many  synodal  enactments, 
and  in  almost  every  country  and  every  order  of  the 
clergy  we  find  distinctive  features  which  might  call  for 
special  treatment.  Only  the  broad  outlines  can  there- 
fore be  dealt  with  here.  It  may  be  noted,  however,  that 
the  more  prominent  items  of  clerical  attire,  e.  g. 
Biretta;  Manteletta;  etc.,  have  separate  articles 
assigned  to  them. 

History. — It  seems  that  in  the  early  centuries  of 
Christianity  no  distinctive  dress  was  adopted  by  ec- 
clesiastics. Many  indications  point  to  this  conclu- 
sion, e.  g.  the  lacerna,  or  birrus,  and  (civil)  dalmatic, 
associated  with  the  martyrdom  of  St.  Cyprian.  The 
most  explicit  testimony  is  that  afforded  "by  a  letter  of 
Pope  Celestine  in  428  to  certain  bishops  of  Gaul,  in 
which  he  rebukes  them  for  wearing  attire  which  made 
them  conspicuous,  and  lays  down  the  rule  that  "we 
[the  bishops  and  clergy]  should  be  distinguished  from 
the  common  people  [plsoe]  by  our  learning,  not  by  our 
clothes;  by  our  conduct,  not  by  our  dress;  by  clean- 
ness of  mind,  not  by  the  care  we  spend  upon  our  per- 
son" (Mansi,  "Concilia",  IV,  465).  In  the  East  it 
would  seem  to  have  been  the  custom  for  ascetics  and 
philosophers,  whether  Christian  or  not,  to  affect  a 
special  habit,  but  the  Christian  clergy  generally  did 
not  profess  asceticism  in  this  distinctive  way,  and 
were  content  to  wear  the  birrus  (Brjpoi)  like  the  laity 
about  them.  This  usage  a  canon  of  the  Council  of 
Gangra  (340),  especially  when  it  is  taken  in  conjunc- 
tion with  other  facts  (ct.  Sozomen,  III,  14),  distinctly 
approves.  "  If  any  man",  says  the  council,  "  uses  the 
pallium  [cloak]  upon  account  of  an  ascetic  life,  and,  as 
if  there  be  some  holiness  in  that,  condemns  those  who 
with  reverence  use  the  birrus  and  other  garments  that 
are  commonly  worn,  let  him  be  anathema"  (Hefele- 


Leclercq,  "  Hist,  des  Cone. ",  1, 1037).  At  the  other  ex- 
tremity of  Christendom  the  documents  that  survive 
concerning  St.  Patrick  and  other  early  Celtic  bishops 
present  them  to  us  as  habitually  dressed  in  the  casiua 
(chasuble),  which  was  at  that  time  not  a  distinctively 
liturgical  attire,  but  simply  an  outer  garment  com- 
monly worn  by  the  humbler  classes.  In  the  sixth  and 
following  centuries  we  find  that  in  Rome  and  in  coun- 
tries near  Rome  the  civil  dress  of  the  clergy  began 
markedly  to  differ  from  that  of  the  laity,  the  reason 
probably  being  that  the  former  adhered  to  the  old 
Roman  type  of  costume  with  its  long  tunic  and  vol- 
uminous c(oak,  representing  the  toga,  whereas  the 
laity  were  increasingly  inclined  to  adopt  the  short 
tunic,  with  breeches  and  mantle,  of  the  gens  braccata, 
i.  e.  the  Northern  barbarians,  who  were  now  the  mas- 
ters of  Italy.  Probably  this  Roman  influence  made 
itself  felt  to  some  extent  throughout  Western  Christen- 
dom. 

The  canons  of  the  Council  of  Braga  in  Portugal 
(572)  required  the  clergy  to  wear  a  vestis  talari*,  or 
tunic,  reaching  to  the  feet,  and  even  in  far-off  Britain 
we  find  indications,  both  among  the  Celts  and  Anglo- 
Saxons,  that  undraped  lower  limbs  were  not  regarded 
as  seemly  in  the  clergy,  at  any  rate  during  their  service 
at  the  altar.  During  the  same  period  synodal  decrees 
became  gradually  more  frequent,  restraining  in  vari- 
ous ways  the  tendency  of  the  clergy  to  adopt  the  cur- 
rent fashion  of  worldly  attire.  By  a  German  council 
of  742,  priests  and  deacons  are  bidden  to  wear  habitu- 
ally not  the  sagum,  or  short  military  cloak,  but  the 
casula  (chasuble),  which  even  then  had  not  become  an 
exclusively  liturgical  dress.  Perhaps  the  most  inter- 
esting and  significant  enactment  of  this  period  is  a  let- 
ter of  Pope  John  VIII  (c.  875)  admonishing  the  Arch- 
bishops of  Canterbury  and  York  to  see  that  their 
clergy  wore  due  ecclesiastical  attire,  and  quoting  the 
example  of  the  English  clergy  in  Rome  who,  on  the 
eve  of  St.  Gregory^  feast,  had  given  up  their  short 
cloaks  and  adopted  the  long  Roman  tunic  reaching  to 
the  feet:  "Apostolic*  sententia  usque  adeo  Sedis 
praevaluit,  ut  voluntarie  omnes  Anglorum  clerici,  sub 
ipsis  vigiliU  S.  Gregorii,  laicalem  et  sinuosum,  sed  et 
curtum,  habitum  deponentes,  talares  tunicas  Ro- 
manes induerent"  (Jaffe-Wattenbach,  Reg.  RR.  PP. 
2995).  In  the  East  the  distinction  between  lay  and 
clerical  costume  was  somewhat  slower  in  developing 
than  in  the  West,  probably  because  the  influence  ot 
the  Teutonic  invaders  was  less  acutely  felt.  In  Jus- 
tinian's legislation  it  seems  clear  that  a  distinctive 
dress  was  recognized  as  belonging  to  monks,  but  there 
is  nothing  to  show  that  any  similar  distinction  applied 
to  the  clergy  at  large.  The  Trullan  council,  however, 
in  691  prescribed  that  all  who  were  enrolled  among  the 
clergy  should  use  at  all  times  the  robes  («roXa«)  ap- 
pointed for  those  of  their  profession,  under  pain  of  ex- 
communication for  a  week.  Furthermore  from  the 
eighth  century  onwards  we  find  almost  universally 
numerous  canons  passed  to  restrain  clerics  from  wear- 
ing rich  dresses,  bright  colours,  and  extravagant  orna- 
ments. In  Germany,  at  Aachen,  in  816  the  auculla 
was  forbidden  them,  as  being  distinctive  of  monks. 
On  the  other  hand,  at  Metz,  in  888,  the  laity  were  for- 
bidden to  wear  the  copes  (capvas)  belonging  to  the 
clergy,  while  in  another  synod  presbyters  were  en- 
joined to  wear  their  stoles  always,  as  an  indication  of 
their  priesthood.  Such  a  bishop  as  St.  Hugh  of  Lin- 
coln still  complied  with  this  rule  in  the  twelfth  century 
but  at  the  present  day  the  practice  is  peculiar  to  the 
Holy  Father  aloiie. 

In  the  later  Middle  Ages  the  dress  of  the  clergy  was 
regulated  by  the  canon  law,  the  jus  commune  of  the 
Church  at  large,  but  with  many  supplementary  enact- 
ments passed  by  local  synods.  The  Fourth  Lateran 
Council  (1215)  laid  down  the  principle  that  clerics 
must  wear  garments  closed  in  front  and  free  from  ex- 
travagance as  to  length  (Clausa  deferant  desuper  in- 


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dumenta  nimift  brevitate  vel  longitudine  non  notanda. 
— Mansi,  XXII,  1006).  Ornamental  appendages, 
cloth  of  red  or  green  colour,  brooches  (fibula)  to  fasten 
their  cloaks,  and  the  wearing  of  sleeved  copes  (cappa 
manicatei),  either  at  Office  or  at  other  times,  are  all 
forbidden  by  the  same  enactment.  In  England,  the 
synod  held  under  Cardinal  Langton,  in  1222,  required 
that  dignitaries  and  ordinary  priests  should  be  seen 
abroad  becomingly  attired  in  the  "ecclesiastical 
habit",  and  should  use  "closed  oopes"  (Mansi,  XXII, 
1161).  These  cappa  clauses  seem  to  be  prescribed  as 
an  addition  to  the  habitus  clericalis,  and  were  perhaps 
now  imposed  upon  the  ordinary  secular  clergy  for  the 
first  time.  In  1237  the  national  council,  held  under 
the  presidency  of  the  Legate  Otho,  declared  that  lay 
folk  were  scandalized  at  the  dress  of  the  clergy,  which 
was  not  clerical  at  all,  but  more  suited  to  knighte  (non 
clericalis  sed  potius  militaris).  Offenders  in  future 
were  to  be  punished,  and  the  bishops  were  to  see  that 
all  in  sacred  orders  used  garments  of  fitting  length  and 
wore  closed  oopes.  Somewhat  later  the  legatine  coun- 
cil under  Ottoboni  insisted  that  all  ecclesiastics, 
whether  in  Sacred  orders  or  not,  were  to  wear  clothes  of 
fitting  length,  coming  at  any  rate  below  the  middle  of 
the  shin  (saltern  ultra  tUnarum  medium  attingentet). 
Further,  all  priests  and  beneficed  clergy  were  to  wear 
closed  copes,  except  when  on  a  journey,  or  for  some 
other  just  reason  (Wilkins,  "Concilia",  II,  4).  Severe 
penalties  were  enacted  against  transgressors,  but  they 
do  not  seem  to  have  produced  any  lasting  effect,  for 
numerous  other  decrees  on  the  same  subject  were 
passed  in  England  at  a  later  date,  notably  in  1281  and 
in  1342.  The  proper  dress  of  the  medieval  clergy  was 
therefore  the  vestis  talaris,  and  over  this  priests  and 
dignitaries  were  bidden  to  wear  the  cappa  clauaa.  The 
former  of  these  must  have  been  a  sort  of  cassock,  but 
made  like  a  tunic,  i.  e.  not  opening,  and  buttoning 
down  the  front.  The  wearing  of  the  closed  oope  was 
no  doubt  often  evaded  by  the  secular  clergy.  Such 
writers  as  Chaucer  and  Langland  seem  to  lay  so  much 
emphasis  upon  the  copes  of  the  friars  that  it  is  diffioult 
to  believe  that  this  mantle,  resembling  a  liturgical 
cope,  but  partly  at  least  sewn  up  in  front,  was  as  com- 
monly worn  by  secular  priests.  That  the  cope  was 
often  of  considerable  length  may  be  gathered  from  a 
passage  in  "Piers  Plowman's  Crede": — 

His  cope  that  biclypped  him,  wel  clene  was  it 
folden, 

Of  double-worstede  y-dyght,  doun  to  the  hele. 

It  would  seem  that  the  closed  cope  has  a  modern 
representative  in  the  cappa  magna  of  cardinals  and 
bishops,  and  also  in  the  chimere  (etymologically  de- 
scended from  the  Italian  rimarra),  the  loose  mantle 
now  worn  by  the  Anglican  episcopate  to  which  the 
welt  known  lawn  sleeves  are  attached.  The  wearing 
of  a  separate  head-dress,  or  "  coif ' ',  seems  to  have  been 
prohibited  to  the  inferior  orders  of  the  clergy  except 
when  on  a  journey;  but  of  course  doctors  oftheology 
and  some  other  graduates  had  their  caps  of.  honour. 
Besides  these  we  near  of  the  "liripipe",  a  sort  of  broad 
tippet  or  scarf  sometimes  drawn  over  the  head,  some- 
times worn  hanging  loose  on  the  shoulders.  The  dress 
of  the  clergy  in  other  countries  did  not  probably  differ 
very  greatly  from  that  of  medieval  England.  As 
already  saia,  innumerable  decrees  were  everywhere 
passed  in  provincial  synods  restraining  extravagances, 
for  every  eccentric  fashion — the  peaked  shoes,  the 
parti-coloured  dress,  the  headgear  of  flowers,  the  in- 
ordinately tight  hose,  etc. — was  liable  to  find  imitators 
among  the  clergy.  One  article  of  costume  which  oc- 
curs repeatedly  on  brasses  and  other  funeral  monu- 
ments. Doth  in  England  and  abroad,  is  the  "almuce", 
a  fur-lined  tippet  and  hood,  still  retained  at  Rome  and 
elsewhere  by  the  canons  of  cathedral  and  collegiate 
churches,  and  now  practically  confined  to  them.  For- 
merly the  almuce  was  worn  by  university  graduates, 


and  many  other  orders  of  the  clergy.  It  is  probably 
only  a  warmer  variant  of  the  hood,  which  almost 
everywhere  survives  as  part  of  a  university  academi- 
cal costume,  and  which  is  the  familiar  adjunct  of  the 
surplice  for  Anglican  clergymen  when  officiating  in 
the  sanctuary.  It  will  be  readily  understood  that  the 
indescribably  cold  and  draughty  condition  of  our  old 
cathedrals  rendered  some  such  furred  protection  for 
the  head  and  neck  almost  a  necessity  during  the  long 
hours  of  the  night  Offices.  Naturally,  the  richness 
and  amplitude  of  the  fur  lining  varied  in  some  measure 
with  the  dignity  of  the  wearer.  In  funeral  monuments 
the  almuce  is  found  constantly  associated  with  the 
oope,  also  primarily  a  choir  vestment. 

Modern  Usage. — The  modem  and  more  centralized 
legislation  regarding  clerical  costume  may  be  consid- 
ered to  begin  with  a  constitution  of  Sixtus  V,  in  1589, 
insisting  under  the  severest  penalties  that  all  clerics, 
even  those  in  minor  orders,  should  uniformly  wear  the 
vestis  talaris  and  go  tonsured.  Offenders  were  to  lose 
all  title  to  their  oenefices  or  any  other  emolument 
which  they  held.  Another  edict  issued  under  Urban 
VIII,  in  1624,  goes  into  greater  detail.  It  directs  that 
the  cassock  should  be  confined  with  a  cincture,  and 
that  the  cloak  worn  over  it  should  normally,  like  the 
cassock,  fall  as  low  as  the  ankles.  The  under-dress, 
the  hose  included,  should  be  modest,  and  dark  in  col- 
our. All  embroidery  and  lace  upon  collar  or  cuffs  is 
forbidden.  The  hat  shall  be  of  approved  shape,  and  a 
simple  cord  or  ribbon  shall  form  its  only  ornament. 
Infringements  of  these  regulations  are  to  be  punished 
with  a  pecuniary  fine.  Another  important  Roman 
decree,  issued  in  1708,  forbade  clerics  to  wear  a  per- 
ruque  covering  any  part  of  the  forehead  or  ears  and, 
while  admitting  the  use  of  shorter  garments  when  on  a 
journey,  required  such  garments  in  all  cases  to  extend 
below  the  knees  and  to  exhibit  no  eccentricities,  such 
as  large  buttons  and  huge  pockets.  In  1725  Pope 
Benedict  XIII  made  the  wearing  of  lay  costume  by  an 
ecclesiastic  an  offence  of  the  most  serious  kind,  which 
not  only,  according  to  the  Bull  of  Sixtus  V,  entailed 
the  forfeiture  of  all  emoluments,  but  denied  absolu- 
tion to  those  delinquents  who  did  not  spontaneously 
surrender  their  benefices  if  they  had  been  guilty  of  this 
offenoe.  It  would  seem  that  this  extreme  rigour  has 
never  been  upheld  in  practice  by  the  Roman  Congre- 
gations with  whom  the  execution  of  such  decrees  ulti- 
mately lies.  Mgr.  Barbier  de  Montault,  for  example, 
remarks  that,  although  infractions  of  the  law  of  eccle- 
siastical costume  are  by  no  means  allowed  to  pass  with 
impunity,  and  though  "the  Sacred  Congregation  of 
the  Council  is  wont  to  support  the  decrees  of  bishops 
which  insist  upon  the  wearing  of  the  cassock,  still  so 
far  as  concerns  the  question  of  punishment  it  answers 
'Let  the  bishop  proceed  with  moderation'"  (B.  de 
Montault,  "Le  Costume"  etc,  I,  45).  In  English- 
speaking  countries  where  the  wearing  of  the  tonsure  is 
not  obligatory,  the  rules  affecting  the  costume  of  ec- 
clesiastics are  less  rigid.  The  decrees  on  the  subject 
of  the  First  Synod  of  Westminster  and  the  Third 
Plenary  Council  of  Baltimore  are  in  practical  agree- 
ment. The  latter  says  (§  77), "  We  wish  therefore  and 
enjoin  that  all  keep  the  law  of  the  Church,  and  that 
when  at  home  or  when  engaged  in  the  sanctuary  they 
should  always  wear  the  cassock  [vestis  talaris]  which  is 
proper  to  the  clergy.  When  they  go  abroad  for  duty 
or  relaxation,  or  when  upon  a  journey,  they  may  use  a 
shorter  dress,  but  still  one  that  is  black  in  colour,  and 
which  reaches  to  the  knees,  bo  as  to  distinguish  it  from 
lay  costume.  We  enjoin  upon  our  priests  as  a  matter 
of  strict  precept,  that  both  at  home  and  abroad,  and 
whether  they  are  residing  in  their  own  diocese  or  out- 
side of  it,  they  should  wear  the  Roman  collar."  The 
general  introduction  of  the  use  of  bicycles  among  the 
clergy  has  brought  about  a  somewhat  laxer  practice 
regarding  the  length  of  the  upper  garments  worn  out 
of  doors  and  the  Second  Synod  of  Maynooth  (1000) 


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has  recently  found  it  necessary  to  insist,  for  Ireland, 
upon  certain  restrictions  in  this  matter. 

Barbies  db  Montault,  Le  Costume  et  lee  usage*  eeoUsias- 
tiaues  (2  vols.,  Paris,  1902) — a  work  which  goes  into  much 
detail  regarding  the  costume  appropriate  to  the  clergy  of 
various  grades;  Punkeh  in  Kirchenlex.,  s.  v.  Kinder,  VIIT751; 
Eberl,  ibid.,  s.  v.  Stanuespflichten,  XI.  718;  Cheetham  in 
Diet.  Christ.  Antiq.,  s.  v.  Dress;  Lacet  in  Transaction*  of  St. 
Paul''  EceUsioloaical  Society ,  IV;  Binterim,  Denkwurdiakeiten, 
III.  Pt.  II,  385;  Ferrarib,  BMiotheca,  s.  v.  Habitue;  Wer.ni, 
Jus  Decretalium  (Rome,  1906),  II.  Pt.  I.  266-272;  DnulTT, 
Manual  of  Costume  (London,  1906);  Macxuh,  The  Brasses  of 
Bnoland  (London,  1907).  100-130. 

Herbert  Thurston. 

Oosway,  Mabia,  miniature-painter,  b.  in  Florence, 
Italy,  1750 ;  d.  at  Lodi,  6  January,  1838.  Her  maiden 
name  was  Hadfield,  her  father  being  an  English- 
man. She  showed  great  talent  in  drawing  at  an  early 
age,  and  when  only  nineteen  was  elected  a  member  of 
tfe  Academy  of  Fine  Arts  in  her  native  city,  where 
she  had  been  educated  at  a  Visitation  convent.  Her 
father  dying  in  1778  she  went  to  England,  at  the  invi- 
tation of  her  friend,  Angelica  Kauffman,  who  intro- 
duced her  to  society.  She  then  met  Richard  Cosway, 
regarded  as  one  of  the  most  remarkable  miniature- 
painters  of  the  eighteenth  century,  whom  she  married  in 
London,  18  January,  1781.  In  that  year  she  first  exhib- 
ited at  the  Academy,  continuing  to  do  so  down  to  1801, 
but  her  oil  pictures,  mythological  and  allegorical  in  sub- 
ject, were  not  works  of  specially  high  merit,  although 
they  showed  signs  of  genius.  She  was  no  mean  ex- 
ponent of  the  art  of  miniature-painting,  however,  and 
many  of  her  copies  of  her  husband's  works  are  note- 
worthy. Her  Sunday  evening  concerts  in  London  are 
often  mentioned  by  Horace  Walpole  and  other  writers 
of  the  day.  She  was  passionately  attached  to  her 
husband,  and  after  his  death  disposed  of  his  art 
treasures  and  went  to  Italy.  Prior  to  his  decease, 
Mrs.  Cosway,  had  started  in  Lyons  a  school  for  girls 
at  the  earnest  request  of  Cardinal  Fesch,  but  in  1811, 
owing  to  the  war,  this  was  closed.  In  the  following 
year  she  made  a  similar  effort  in  Italy,  acquiring  a 
convent  at  Lodi,  where  she  established  her  teachers 
from  Lyons.  Cosway  repeatedly  helped  her  in  her 
scheme  and  gave  her  considerable  sums  of  money 
towards  it.  After  his  decease  she  made  her  home  in 
Lodi,  bought  the  buildings  outright,  attached  them  to 
the  neighbouring  church,  and  merged  the  little  teach- 
ing community  she  had  established  in  that  of  the 
Dames  Inglesi,  a  branch  of  which  Francis  I  desired  to 
establish  in  Italy.  For  her  generosity  the  Emperor 
in  1834  created  her  a  Baroness  of  the  Austrian  Empire 
and  gave  her  a  grant  of  arms.  She  devoted  the  whole 
of  her  time  and  means  to  her  school.  She  is  buried  in 
the  neighbouring  church.  The  municipality  erected 
a  bust  to  her  memory,  and  the  school  which  she 
founded  and  endowed  is  still  a  flourishing  institution 
for  the  education  of  girls.  In  the  dining-room  of  it 
she  erected  a  replica  of  the  monument  to  the  memory 
of  her  husband  that  she  had  Westmacott  put  up  in 
Marylebone  Church,  London.  In  the  library  are  pre- 
served many  of  her  husband's  works  together  with 
books  and  furniture  which  had  belonged  to  Cosway, 
and  papers  relative  to  her  own  and  her  husband's  life. 
Her  sister,  Charlotte,  married  William  Combe,  the 
author  of  the  "Tour  of  Dr.  Syntax". 

Williamson,  Richard  Cosway,  R.A.,  Miniature  Painter  (Lon- 
don, 1807;  new  ed.  1905). 

George  Charles  Williamson. 

Ootelier  (CoTELERrus),  Jean-Baptiste,  patristic 
scholar  and  theologian,  b.  December,  1629,  at  Nimes; 
d._19  August,  1686,  at  Paris.  The  early  education  of 
this  very  gifted  man  was  under  the  personal  direction 
of  his  father,  at  one  time  a  minister  of  the  Reformed 
Church,  but  later  a  convert  to  Catholicity.  So  rapid 
was  his  progress  in  learning  that  he  could  fluently 
interpret  the  Bible  in  the  original  Hebrew  and  Greek 
before  the  General  Assembly  of  the  French  clergy  at 


Mantes  (1641).  On  the  same  occasion  he  showed  his 
proficiency  in  mathematics,  and  made  such  a  favour- 
able impression  on  the  clergy  that  they  increased  his 
father's  pension  from  600  to  1000  livres.  To  this  sum 
300  livres  were  added  for  the  purchase  of  books.  Dur- 
ing the  period  of  bis  theological  studies  at  Paris  (1641- 
47),  Cotelier's  brilliant  intellectual  qualities  procured 
for  him  an  introduction  to  the  king  (1644).  He 
graduated  as  bachelor  in  theology  in  1647  at  the  8or- 
bonne,  of  which  he  became  a  member  in  1648,  though 
he  never  received  priestly  ordination.  In  1664,  he 
accompanied  Archbishop  d'  Aubusson  de  la  Feuillade  of 
Embrun  to  bis  diocese  and  became  his  counsellor.  He 
returned,  in  1659,  to  Paris  and  again  devoted  himself 
to  study.  With  the  philologist  Du  Cange  he  was 
commissioned  in  1667  by  Minister  Colbert  to  investi- 
gate and  catalogue  the  Greek  manuscripts  of  the 
Royal  Library.  In  1676  he  was  appointed  professor 
of  the  Greek  language  in  the  College  Royal  at  Paris. 
_  The  editions  of  ancient  writings  prepared  by  Oote- 
lier were,  in  chronological  order:  (1)  "Homilias  qua- 
tuor  in  Psalmos  et  interpretatio  prophetise  Danieus, 
grace  et  latine"  (Paris,  1661).  He  attributed  these 
unpublished  homilies  to  St.  John  Chrysostom;  other 
critics,  owing  to  the  diversity  of  style,  hold  a  different 
opinion.  (2l ' '  SS.  Patrum  qui  temporibus  apostolicis 
floruerunt,  Bamabae,  dementis,  Hennas,  Ignatii, 
Polycarpi  opera  edita  et  non  edita,  vera  et  supposita, 
grace  et  latine,  cum  notis"  (Paris,  1672).  This  ex- 
cellent edition  is  Cotelier's  principal  work.  From  its 
tits*  was  derived  the  designation  of  Apostolic  Fathers 
for  the  earliest  non-inspired  Christian  writers.  Most 
of  the  copies  of  the  work  were  consumed  by  a  con- 
flagration in  the  College  Montaigu  at  Paris.  Two  re- 
vised editions  were  published  by  Leclerc  (Clericus), 
one  at  Antwerp  (1698),  the  other  at  Amsterdam 
(1724).  Reprints  of  this  last  edition  are  found  in 
Migne,  P.  G.,  I,  II,  V.  (3)  "Ecclesiaj  Grade  Monu- 
menta,  grace  et  latine"  (Paris,  1677,  1681,  1686). 
The  third  volume  of  this  series  was  published  two 
days  before  the  author's  death.  He  had  collected 
materials  for  a  fourth  volume  which  was  edited  (1688) 
by  the  Maurists,  Pouget,  Montfaucon,  and  Lopin,  and 
is  sometimes  known  as  "Analecta  Graca".  Cotelier 
also  left  several  volumes  of  manuscripts,  which  bear 
chiefly  on  Christian  antiquity  and  are  still  preserved 
in  the  Bibliotheque  Nationale  at  Paris.  He  was  an 
extremely  accurate  scholar,  of  a  modest  and  retiring 
nature  and  kindly  disposition. 

Balder,  Letter  to  Bigot,  in  Cotelieh-Leclrhc,  Patres  Apos- 
tolic* (Amsterdam,  1724).  I,  after  the  preface;  Niceroh. 
Mtmmres,  TV,  243-49;  ton  Haraut  in  Kirchenlex.,  s.  v.;  Hca- 
•ntR,  Nomsndator  (lnnsbruok,  1893),  II,  471-74. 

N.  A.  Weber. 

Ootenna,  a  titular  see  of  Asia  Minor.  Strabo 
(XII,  570)  mentions  the  Katenneis  in  Pisidia  adjoin- 
ing Beige  (now  SQrk)  and  the  tribe  of  Hotnonades 
(east  and  north  of  Trogitis,  Seidi  Sheihr  Lake) .  Their 
city  must  be  identified  with  the  modern  village  of 
Godena  or  Gudene,  on  the  Aiaghir  Tchai,  in  the  vil- 
ayet of  Konia.  An  inscription  has  been  found  show- 
ing that  the  people  called  themselves  Kotenneis,  so 
that  the  true  name  of  the  town  was  Kotenna.  Hie- 
rocles  mentions  it  as  Kotana  in  Pamphylia.  It  ap- 
pears as  Kotaina  in  Parthey's  "Notitue  episcopa- 
tuum",  X  and  XIII,  twelfth  or  thirteenth  century, 
as  a  suffragan  of  Side.  Six  bishops  are  known :  Hesy- 
chius  in  381,  Acacius  in  431,  Eugenius  or  Eusebius  In 
451,  Flavianus  in  536,  Cosmas  in  680,  Macarius  in  879. 
It  has  been  said  that  the  Kotenneis  are  the  same  as 
the  Etenneis,  mentioned  by  Polyfoius,  V,  73,  as  living 
in  Pisidia  above  Side,  and  who  struck  coins  in  the 
Roman  times.  The  native  name  may  have  been 
Hetenneis,  and  the  tribe  afterwards  divided  into  at 
least  two  districts,  the  northern  taking  the  name 
Etenneis  while  the  southern  preferred  Kotenneis. 
There  was  another  see  called  Etenna  or  something 


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similar.  A  third  district  was  perhaps  also  called 
Banaba  or  Manaua;  for  in  680  Cob  mas  appears  as 
Bishop  of  "Kotenna  and  Manaua". 

Rahsat,  Hint.  Qeogr.  of  Asia  Miner  (London,  1890),  418; 
Liquibn,  Orient  christianus,  I,  1009.  S.  PeTRIDES. 

Ootinum,  a  titular  see  of  Asia  Minor.  Kotiaion, 
according  to  its  coins,  better  Cotyaion,  the  city  of 
CotyB,  was  an  ancient  city  of  Phrygia  Salutaris. 
iEsop  is  said  to  have  been  bora  there.  It  was  a  cen- 
tre of  heresy  from  the  second  century  onwards.  Soc- 
rates (IV,  xxviii)  speaks  of  its  Novatian  bishop.  At 
first  a  simple  suffragan  of  Synnada,  it  became  an 
autocephalous  archbishopric,  probably  in  the  eighth 
century,  and  about  the  tenth  appears  as  a  metropolis 
with  three  suffragan  sees,  which  were  later  increased 
to  thirteen  (?}.  Lequien  (I,  851)  mentions  ten  bish- 
ops, the  last  in  the  fourteenth  century.  The  first  is 
Cyrus,  sent  thither  by  Theodoshis  II,  after  four  bish- 
ops had  been  slain  by  the  inhabitants.  The  town ' 
preserves  some  ancient  ruins,  a  Byzantine  castle  and 
church.  It  was  taken  and  plundered  by  Timur-Leng 
(Tamerlane)  in  1402.  It  is  now  the  chief  town  of  a 
sanjak  in  the  vilayet  of  Brusa,  and  is  called  by  the 
Turks  Kutaya.  It  has  about  22,000  inhabitants,  in- 
cluding 4000  Greeks,  2300  Armenians,  700  Catholic 
Armenians,  and  a  few  Latins;  it  contains  two  schools. 
It  is  also  the  see  of  a  non-Catholic  Armenian  bishop. 
During  late  centuries  Kutaya  has  been  renowned  for 
its  Turkish  earthenware,  of  which  fine  specimens  may 
be  seen  at  the  Imperial  Museum  in  Constantinople. 

Cuinxt,  Turquie  a*Asie,  IV,  201-205;  Rahsat,  Alia  Minor, 
144,  436;  Idem,  Early  Christian  Monument*  in  Phrygia,  in  The 
Expositor  (1888, 1889);  Idem,  Cities  and  Bishoprics  of  Phrygia, 

passim,  g,  PfenuDis. 

Ooton,  Pierre,  a  celebrated  French  Jesuit,  b.  7 
March,  1564,  at  Neronde  in  Forez;  d.  19  March, 
1626,  at  Paris.   He  studied  law  at  Paris  and  Bourges, 

entered  the  Soci- 
ety of  Jesus  at  the 
age  of  twenty- 
five,  and  was  sent 
to  Milan  to  study 
philosophy.  Here 
he  became  ac- 
quainted with 
St.  Charles  Bor- 
romeo.  On  his 
return  to  his  na- 
tive country  he 
preached  with  re- 
markable success 
at  Roanne,  Avi- 
gnon, Nlmes,  Gre- 
noble, and  Mar- 
seilles.   An  ac- 

?uaintance  with 
lenry  IV  of 
France  soon  ri- 
pened into  friend- 
ship, and  the 
Archbishopric  of  Aries  being  vacant,  the  king  offered  it 
to  Father  Coton,  who  refused  the  honour.  The  king 
having  recalled  the  exiled  Jesuits  to  France,  their 
enemies  could  not  pardon  the  influence  Father  Coton 
had  in  bringing  this  about,  and  an  attempt  was  made 
to  assassinate  him.  Some  writers  have  pretended 
that  Father  Coton  was  not  above  suspicion  on  the 
doctrine  of  regicide,  and  when  Henry  IV  was  assassi- 
nated, they  accused  Father  Coton  of  defending  Ra- 
vaillac,  the  king's  murderer.  But  if  his  enemies  at 
court  had  any  Knowledge  that  he  held  such  views 
they  failed  to  make  it  public. 

Father  Coton  had  for  two  years  previous  to  the 
death  of  Henry  been  confessor  to  his  son,  the  young 
Dauphin.  In  1610  the  biting  satire  "  Anti-Coton,  o5 
est  prouve'  que  les  Jesuites  sont  coupables  du  parri- 
cide d'Henn  IV"  was  followed  by  many  pamphlets 


nlU  COTTON. 
J<*nitt,('i<n/Mrrwr. ///fitly  //?  *1Z^TZ 

Jsvid  nMssrasJsmr, 


for  and  against  the  Society.  It  was  an  easy  task  for 
Father  Coton  to  defend  himself  against  these  calum- 
nies and  produce  proofs  of  his  innocence,  but  very 
difficult  for  the  author  of  the  libel,  who  was  said  to 
be  Pierre  Dumoulin,  a  Protestant  minister  of  Charen- 
ton,  and  an  associate  of  the  Calvinists,  co  substantiate 
any  statement  that  he  had  advanced.  FatherCoton  was 
continued  in  his  capacity  as  confessor  to  the  new  king, 
Louis  XIII,  which  duty  he  discharged  until  1617.  - 
when  he  left  the  court  at  the  age  oil  fifty-four  ana 
withdrew  to  the  novitiate  at  Lyons.  He  then  trav- 
ersed the  provinces  of  the  South  as  a  missionary,  and 
went  to  Milan,  Loreto,  and  Rome  to  fulfil  the  vows 
the  reigning  king  had  made  to  the  Blessed  Virgin, 
St.  Charles,  and  St.  Peter.  He  returned  to  France 
as  provincial  of  the  Society  and  preached  at  Paris  in 
the  church  of  S.  Gervaise,  whither  the  king  and  the 
whole  court  flocked  to  hear  him.  Just  at  this  period 
a  book  published  by  Santarelli,  an  Italian  Jesuit, 
who  attributed  to  the  pope  the  power  of  deposing 
kings  who  were  guilty  of  certain  crimes,  and  under 
such  circumstances  of  absolving  their  subjects  from 
their  allegiance,  was  the  object  of  severe  attacks 
from  the  many  enemies  of  the  Society  of  Jesus  in 
France. 

The  doctrines  which  Santarelli  expounded  had 
been  unwisely  accepted  in  tke  Middle  Ages,  and  were 
still  further  professed  by  the  Ultramontane  theo- 
logians, although  they  had  become  impossible  in  prac- 
tice. This  book,  which  in  Italy  was  received  in  its 
true  light,  was  in  Paris,  under  the  rule  of  Richelieu, 
construed  into  a  provocation  to  regicide  and  rebellion. 
These  false  views  were  attributed  to  every  member 
of  the  Society,  and  the  Parliament  demanded  that  all 
Jesuits  residing  in  France  should  be  called  upon  to 
sign  a  protestation  disavowing  all  the  doctrines  con- 
tamed  in  Santarelli's  treatise.  Father  Coton  was  ill  at 
the  time,  and  the  news  conveyed  to  him  aggravated 
his  condition.  On  his  death-bed  he  was  visited  by  an 
envoy  of  Parliament,  who  informed  him  of  the  con- 
demnation pronounced  against  Santarelli  and  the 
severe  measures  that  threatened  his  brethren.  The 
dying  Jesuit  murmured:  "Is  it  possible  that  I  who 
have  served  so  faithfully  the  Kings  of  France  should 
be  looked  upon  at  last  as  guilty  of  treason  and  a  dis- 
turber of  the  peace?"  His  "Institution  catholique" 
and  "Geneve  plagiaire"  are  controversial  works,  as 
also  his  "Sacrifice  de  la  Mease".  For  his  other  works 
see  De  Backer,  1st  ed.,  II,  p.  149. 

Rovkrius,  De  Vila  P.  Petri  Cotoni  (Lyons,  1680);  D'Oa- 
leans.  La  Vie  du  P.  Pierre  Coton  (Paris,  1688);  Prat,  Rccher- 
ches  hist,  el  crit.  sur  la  c.  de  Jesus  en  France,  du  temps  du  P. 
Coton  (Lyons.  1876);  Sommervooel,  BM.  de  la  e.  de  J.,  II, 
1539;  B.  N.,  The  Jesuits,  Their  Foundation  and  History,  I,  325- 
828;  Clembnte,  History  of  the  Society  of  Jesus  J. 

G.  £.  Kelly. 

Ootrone,  Diocese  of  (Ootronbnsis),  a  suffragan 
of  Reggio.  Cotrone  is  a  city  of  the  province  of  Ca- 
tanzaro,  in  Calabria,  Southern  Italy,  on  the  Ionian 
Sea.  It  is  the  ancient  Croton,  an  Achtean  colony 
founded  c.  707  b.  c,  and  long  one  of  the  most  flour- 
ishing cities  of  Magna  Grtecia.  Its  inhabitants  were 
famous  for  their  physical  strength,  and  for  the  simple 
sobriety  of  their  lives.  It  was  the  birthplace  of  Milo, 
the  famous  athlete,  and  it  was  at  Croton  that  Pythag- 
oras founded  his  school.  In  380  b.  c.  the  city  was 
taken  by  Dionysius  the  Elder  of  Syracuse  and  m  296 
B.  c.  by  Agathocles.  Later  it  was  pillaged,  by  Pyr- 
rhus.  In  the  Second  Punic  War  it  was  seized  by 
Hannibal,  but  some  time  later  became  a  Roman  col- 
ony. About  A.  d.  550,  it  was  unsuccessfully  besieged 
by  Totila,  King  of  the  Goths,  and  at  a  later  date  be- 
came a  part  of  the  Byzantine  Empire.  About  870  it 
was  taken  and  sacked  by  the  Saracens,  who  put  to 
death  the  bishop  and  many  people  who  had  taken 
refuge  in  the  cathedral.  Later  on  it  was  conquered 
by  Normans  and  thenceforth  shared  the  fate  of  the 
of  Naples. 

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According  to  local  legend  the  Gospel  was  preached 
there  by  St.  Dionyaius  the  Areopagite.  Its  first 
known  bishop  was  Flavianus,  during  whose  epis- 
copate occurred  the  siege  of  the  city  by  Totila. 
Other  bishops  were:  Theodosios  (642);  Petrus 
(680):  Theotimus  (790);  and  Nicephorus  (870). 
Worthy  of  note  are:  Antonio  Sebastiano  Mintumo 
(1565),  a  polished  writer  and  poet;  the  Spanish  Do- 
minican, Juan  Lopez  (1595);  the  Theatine,  Tommaso 
dai  Monti  (1599),  famous  for  his  zeal;  and  Nice- 
foro  Melisseno  Commeno  (1628),  who  had  previously 
rendered  signal  service  to  the  Holy  See  in  the  Orient 
and  in  France.  The  diocese  has  a  population  of  14,- 
000,  with  10  parishes,  29  churches  and  chapels,  24 
secular  priests,  and  5  religious  orders  of  women. 

Cafpelletti,  Le  chiet  dllalia  (Venioe,  1844),  XXI.  187; 
Ann.  red.  (Rome,  1907);  Lbnokmant,  La  Grande  dries  (Paris, 
1881-83). 

U.  Benioni. 

Ootta.   See  Surplice. 

Cotter,  J.  B.    See  Winona,  Diocese  op. 

Ooucy,  Robert  de,  a  medieval  French  master- 
builder  and  son  of  a  master-builder  of  the  same  name, 
b.  at  Reims  (or  Coucy,  according  to  some  authorities) ; 
d.  at  Reims  in  1311.  In  1263  he  was  appointed  suc- 
cessor to  HugueB  Libergier  as  director  of  the  work  of 
building  the  church  of  baint-Nicaise  at  Reims,  and  be- 
tween this  date  and  1279  he  constructed  the  choir, 
chapels,  and  part  of  the  transept;  the  church  was 
afterwards  destroyed  during  the  Revolution.  Some 
good  illustrations  of  this  building,  begun  in  1229  and 
considered  one  of  the  best  Gothic  churches  of  the  great 
period  in  France,  have  been  preserved.  A  nearly  con- 
temporary chronicle  of  the  Abbey  of  Saint-Nicaise 
says  that  "Hugo  Libergiers  pronaon  eoclesise  per- 
fecit.  Robert  de  Coucy  caput  ecclesue  construxit". 
After  the  death  of  his  father,  Robert  de  Coucy  had 
also  chief  charge  of  the  work  on  the  cathedral  at 
Reims,  which  was  rebuilt  after  its  destruction  by  fire 
in  1210.  The  new  cathedral  was  begun  in  1211,  and 
the  choir,  constructed  by  Robert  de  Coucy  the  elder, 
was  completed  in  1241.  The  cathedral  was  built  on  a 
simple  plan  of  a  vast  choir,  no  transepts,  and  a  rather 
narrow  nave.  Viollet-le-Duo  says:  "This  building 
has  all  the  strength  of  the  cathedral  of  Chartres  with- 
out its  heaviness;  in  short  it  combines  the  essential 
requirements  of  artistic  beauty,  power  and  grace;  it 
is,  besides,  built  of  fine  materials  cunningly  put  to- 
gether, and  there  is  found  in  all  its  parts  a  pains- 
taking care  and  a  skill  very  rare  at  a  period  when  men 
built  with  great  rapidity  and  often  with  inadequate 
resources".  In  a  labyrinth,  or  representation  of  a 
maze,  which  formerly  existed  in  the  pavement  of  the 
nave  of  the  cathedral  were  effigies  of  the  architects  of 
the  edifice  from  its  foundation  up  to  1382;  among 
these  effigies,  according  to  tradition,  were  those  of  the 
two  Robert  de  Coucys,  father  and  son.  In  the  cloister 
of  the  Abbey  of  Saint-Denis  at  Reims  Felibien  noted 
the  gravestone  of  Robert  de  Coucy,  "Maistre  de 
Notre-Dame  et  de  Saint-Nicaise,  qui  trepassa  en  l'an 
1311". 

Harlot.  Histoire  de  la  ville  de  Reims  (Lille,  1666;  Reims, 
1842-45),  1,636;  LObke,  History  of  Art  (1880),  I,  629;  Rebeh, 
History  of  Medieval  Art  (New  York,  1897),  498;  Gwilt  and 
Papwokth.  Encye.  of  Architecture  (London  and  New  York, 
1903),  1132;  Meuzia,  Lives  of  Celebrated  Architect*.  I,  156; 
Lethaby,  Medieval  Art  (London  and  New  York,  1904),  247; 
La  grande  encyclopedic,  8.  v.  de  Coucy;  Marshall,  Cathedral 
Cities  of  France,  48-49. 

Thomas  H.  Poole. 

Ooudert,  Antoine.  See  Colombo,  Archdiocese 
or. 

Ooudert,  Frederic  Rene,  b.  in  New  York,  1 
March,  1832;  d.  at  Washington,  D.  C,  20  December, 
1903.  He  graduated  from  Columbia  College  in  his 
native  city  in  1860,  and  on  bis  majority  was  admitted 


to  practice  in  the  courts.  He  became  a  leader  of 
the  Bar,  being  learned  in  the  science  of  the  law  and 
skilled  in  its  art  and  practice.  During  the  controversy 
concerning  American  and  British  seal  fisheries  in  the 
Bering  Sea,  and  in  the  controversy  concerning  the 
disputed  boundary  between  Venezuela  and  British 
Columbia,  he  acted  as  legal  adviser  for  the  United 
States  Government.  He  was  an  orator  not  only  in 
English,  but  also  in  the  French,  Spanish,  and  Italian 
languages,  and  was  gifted  with  a  manner  and  style 
singularly  attractive,  with  ready  wit  and  power  of 
sarcasm.  He  bore  testimony  to  his  political  principles 
in  periods  of 
strain  and  con- 
troversy. He 
consented  in 
1876  to  visit 
Louisiana  for 
the  purpose  of 
urging  the  "  Re- 
turning Board" 
of  that  political- 
ly distracted 
State  to  act 
justly  respects 
ing  election  re- 
turn? which 
were  to  deter- 
mine the  presi- 
dential suc- 
cession, and  in 
1892  and  again 
in  1893  he  was 
a  prominent  op- 
ponent of  the 
courses  taken  by 
his  own  politi- 
cal party.  Poli- 
tics he  seemed 
to  regard  as  a 


Rvne  Ooudert 


means  for  carrying  into  effect 
certain  principles,  not  as  a  means  of  office-seeking. 
He  declined  the  Russian  mission,  a  judgeship  of  the 
Court  of  Appeals  of  the  State  of  New  York,  and  a 
justiceship  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United 
States.  He  accepted  l^and  it  was  the  only  public 
office  he  ever  held)  the  inconspicuous  and  unsalaried 
membership  in  the  Board  of  Education  of  the  City 
of  New  York.  As  a  Catholic  he  was  always  loyal 
to  the  Church;  as  the  son  of  a  French  refugee  he  never 
forgot  France.  On  two  subjects  he  declared  himself 
to  be  sensitive:  the  Bark  of  Peter  and  the  land  of 
his  ancestors. 

Addresses  by  Frederic  R.  Coudert  (New  York  and  London, 
1905):  Annual  Reports  of  the  Association  of  the  Bar  of  the  City 
of  New  York  (New  York,  1905);  U.  S.  Cath.  Hist.  Soc.  Records 
and  Studies  (New  York,  1904). 

Charles  W.  Kloane. 

Councils,  General. — This  subject  will  be  treated 
under  the  following  heads:  I.  Definition;  II.  Classifi- 
cation; III.  Historical  Sketch;  IV.  The  Pope  and 
General  Councils;  V.  Composition  of  General  Coun- 
cils: (a)  Right  of  participation;  (b)  Requisite  number 
of  members;  (c).  Papal  headship  the  formal  element 
of  Councils  ;  VI.  Factors  in  the  Pope's  Co-opera- 
tion with  the  Council:  (a)  Convocation:  (b)  Direc- 
tion; (c)  Confirmation;  VII.  Business  Methods:  (a) 
The  facts;  (b)  The  theory;  VIII.  Infallibility  of  Gen- 
eral Councils;  IX.  Correlation  of  Papal  ana  Concili- 
ary  Infallibility;  X.  Infallibility  Restricted  to  Unan- 
imous Findings;  XI.  Promulgation;  XII.  Is  a  Council 

tbove  the  Pope?  XIII.  Has  a  General  Council  Power 
d  Depose  a  Pope? 

I.  Definition. — Councils  are  legally  convened  as- 
semblies of  ecclesiastical  dignitaries  and  theological 
experts  for  the  purpose  of  discussing  and  regulating 
matters  of  church  doctrine  and  discipline.  The 
terms  council  and  synod  are  synonymous,  although  in 


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the  oldest  Christian  literature  the  ordinary  meetings 
for  worship  are  also  called  synods;  and  diocesan 
synods  are  not  properly  councils  because  they  are  only 
convened  for  deliberation.  Councils  unlawfully  as- 
sembled are  termed  concUiabula,  conventicula,  and 
even  latrocinia,  i.  e.  "robber  synods".  The  constit- 
uent elements  of  an  ecclesiastical  council  are  the  fol- 
lowing:— 

f a}  A  legally  convened  meeting  of 

fl>)  members  of  the  hierarchy,  for 

(c)  the  purpose  of  carrying  out  their  judicial  and 
doctrinal  functions, 

(d)  by  means  of  deliberation  in  common, 

(e)  resulting  in  regulations  and  decrees  invested 
with  the  authority  of  the  whole  assembly. 

All  these  elements  result  from  an  analysis  of  the  fact 
that  oouncils  are  a  concentration  of  the  ruling  powers 
of  the  Church  for  decisive  action. 

The  first  condition  is  that  such  concentration  con- 
form to  the  constitution  of  the  Church:  it  must  be 
started  by  the  head  of  the  forces  that  are  to  move  and 
to  act,  e.  g.  by  the  metropolitan  if  the  action  is  lim- 
ited to  one  province.  The  actors  themselves  are  nec- 
essarily the  leaders  of  the  Church  in  their  double 
capacity  of  judges  and  teachers,  for  the  proper  object 
of  conciliar  activity  is  the  settling  of  questions  of  faith 
and  discipline.  When  they  assemble  for  other  pur- 
poses, either  at  regular  times  or  in  extraordinary  cir- 
cumstances, in  order  to  deliberate  on  current  ques- 
tions of  administration  or  on  concerted  action  in 
emergencies,  their  meetings  are  not  called  councils  but 
simply  meetings,  or  assemblies,  of  bishops.  Delibera- 
tion, with  free  discussion  and  ventilation  of  private 
views,  is  another  essential  note  in  the  notion  of  coun- 
cils. They  are  the  mind  of  the  Church  in  action,  the 
tennis  ecdesiae  taking  form  and  shape  in  the  mould  of 
dogmatic  definition  and  authoritative  decrees.  The 
contrast  of  conflicting  opinions,  their  actual  clash, 
necessarily  precedes  the  final  triumph  of  faith. 
Lastly,  in  a  council's  decisions  we  see  the  highest  ex- 
pression of  authority  of  which  its  members  are  capable 
within  the  sphere  of  their  jurisdiction,  with  the  added 
strength  and  weight  resulting  from  the  combined 
action  of  the  whole  body. 

II.  Classification. — Councils  are,  then,  from  their 
nature,  a  common  effort  of  the  Church,  or  part  of  the 
Church,  for  self-preservation  and  self-defence.  They 
appear  at  her  very  origin,  in  the  time  of  the  Apostles 
at  Jerusalem,  and  throughout  her  whole  history, 
whenever  faith  or  morals  or  discipline  are  seriously 
threatened.  Although  their  object  is  always  the 
tame,  the  circumstances  under  which  they  meet  im- 
part to  them  a  great  variety,  which  renders  a  classifi- 
cation necessary.  Taking  territorial  extension  for  a 
basis,  seven  kinds  of  synods  are  distinguished: — 

(1)  (Ecumenical  councils  are  those  towhichthe  bish- 
ops, and  others  entitled  to  vote,  are  convoked  from 
the  whole  world  (oUovfUvri)  under  the  presidency  of 
the  pope  or  his  legates,  and  the  decrees  of  which,  Sav- 
ing received  papal  confirmation,  bind  all  Christians. 
A  council,  oecumenical  in  its  convocation,  may  fail  to 
secure  the  approbation  of  the  whole  Church  or  of  the 
pope,  and  thus  not  rank  in  authoritywith  oecumenical 
councils.  Such  was  the  case  with  the  Robber  Synod  of 
44Q(Latrocinium  Ephesinum)  ,the  Synod  of  Pisa  in  1 409, 
and  inpart  with  the  Councils  of  Constance  and  Basle. 

(2)  The  second  rank  is  held  by  the  general  synods  of 
the  East  or  of  the  West,  composed  of  but  one-half  of 
the  episcopate.  The  Synod  of  Constantinople  (381) 
was  originally  only  an  Eastern  general  synod,  at 
which  were  present  the  four  patriarchs  of  the  East 
(viz.  of  Constantinople,  Alexandria,  Antioch,  and  Jer- 
usalem), with  many  metropolitans  and  bishops.  It 
ranks  as  oecumenical  because  its  decrees  were  ulti- 
mately received  in  the  West  also. 

(3)  Patriarchal,  national,  and  vrimatial  councils 
represent  a  whole  patriarchate,  a  whole  nation,  or  the 


several  provinces  subject  to  a  primate.  Of  such 
councils  we  have  frequent  examples  in  Latin  Africa, 
where  the  metropolitan  and  ordinary  bishops  used  to 
meet  under  the  Primate  of  Carthage;  in  Spain,  under 
the  Primate  of  Toledo,  and  in  earlier  times  in  Syria, 
under  the  Metropolitan  — later  Patriarch — of  Antioch. 

(4)  Provincial  councils  bring  together  the  suffragan 
bishops  of  the  metropolitan  of  an  ecclesiastical  prov- 
ince and  other  dignitaries  entitled  to  participate. 

(5)  Diocesan  synods  consist  of  the  clergy  of  the  dio- 
cese and  are  presided  over  by  the  bishop  or  the  vicar- 
general. 

(6)  A  peculiar  kind  of  council  used  to  be  held  at 
Constantinople;  it  consisted  of  bishops  from  any  part 
of  the  world  who  happened  to  be  at  the  time  in  that 
imperial  city.  Hence  the  name  trtrotoi  MiiiieOcat 
"  visitors'  synods ' '. 

(7)  Lastly  there  have  been  mixed  synods,  in  which 
both  civil  and  ecclesiastical  dignitaries  met  to  settle 
secular  as  well  as  ecclesiaatical  matters.  They  were 
frequent  at  the  beginning  of  the  Middle  Ages  in  France, 
Cermany,  Spain,  and  Italy.  In  England  even  ab- 
besses were  occasionally  present  at  such  mixed  ooun- 
cils. Sometimes,  not  always,  the  clergy  and  laity 
voted  in  separate  chambers. 

Although  it  is  in  the  nature  of  councils  to  represent 
either  the  whole  or  part  of  the  Church  organism  vet 
we  find  many  councils  simply  consisting  of  a  number 
of  bishops  brought  together  from  different  countries 
for  some  special  purpose,  regardless  of  any  territorial 
or  hierarchical  connexion.  They  were  most  frequent 
in  the  fourth  century,  when  the  metropolitan  and 
patriarchal  circumscriptions  were  still  imperfect,  and 
questions  of  faith  and  discipline  manifold.  Not  a  few 
of  them,  summoned  by  emperors  or  bishops  in  opposi- 
tion to  the  lawful  authorities  (such  as  that  of  Antioch 
in  341),  were  positively  irregular,  and  acted  for  evil 
rather  than  good.  Councils  of  this  kind  may  be  com- 
pared to  the  meetings  of  bishops  of  our  own  times; 
decrees  passed  in  them  had  no  binding  power  on  any 
but  the  subjects  of  the  bishops  present;  they  were 
important  manifestations  of  the  sensus  eccUsiat  (mind 
of  the  Church)  rather  than  judicial  or  legislative 
bodies.  But  precisely  as  expressing  the  mind  of  the 
Church  they  often  acquired  a  far-reaching  influence 
due,  either  to  their  internal  soundness,  or  to  the  au- 
thority of  their  framers,  or  to  both. 

It  should  be  noted  that  the  terms  concilia  plenaria, 
universalia,  or  generalia  are,  or  used  to  be,  applied  in- 
discriminately to  all  synods  not  confined  to  a  single 
province ;  in  the  Middle  Ages,  even  provincial  synods, 
as  compared  to  diocesan,  received  these  names. 
Down  to  the  late  Middle  Ages  all  papal  synods  to 
which  a  certain  number  of  bishops  from  different 
countries  had  been  summoned  were  regularly  styled 
plenary,  general,  or  universal  synods.  In  earlier 
times,  before  the  separation  of  East  and  West,  ooun- 
cils to  which  several  distant  patriarchates  or  exarch- 
ates Bent  representatives,  were  described  absolutely 
as  "plenary  councils  of  the  universal  Church".  These 
terms  are  applied  by  St.  Augustine  to  the  Council  of 
Aries  (314),  at  which  only  Western  bishops  were 
present.  In  the  same  way  the  Council  of  Constanti- 
nople (382),  in  a  letter  to  Pope  Damasus,  calls  the 
council  held  in  the  same  town  the  year  before  (381) 
-  an  oecumenical  synod  "  i.  e.  a  synod  representing  the 
oUov/drri,  the  whole  inhabited  world  as  Known  to  the 
Greeks  and  Romans,  because  all  the  Eastern  patri- 
archates, though  no  Western,  took  part  in  it.  The 
synod  of  381  could  not,  at  that  time,  be  termed  oecu- 
menical in  the  strict  sense  now  in  use,  because  it  still 
lacked  the  formal  confirmation  of  the  Apostolic  See. 
As  a  matter  of  fact,  the  Greeks  themselves  did  not  put 
this  council  on  a  par  with  those  of  Nicsea  and  Ephesus 
until  its  confirmation  at  the  Synod  of  Chalcedon,  and 
the  Latins  acknowledged  its  authority  only  in  the 
sixth  century. 


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III.  Historical  Sketch  of  (Ecumenical  Coun- 
cils.— The  present  article  deals  chiefly  with  the  theo- 
logical and  canonical  questions  concerning  councils 
which  are  oecumenical  in  the  strict  sense  above  de- 
fined. Special  articles  give  the  history  of  each  im- 
portant synod  under  the  head  of  the  city  or  see  where 
it  was  held.  In  order,  however,  to  supply  the  reader 
with  a  basis  of  fact  for  the  discussion  of  principles 
which  is  to  follow,  a  list  is  subjoined  of  the  twenty 
oecumenical  councils  with  a  brief  statement  of  the  pur- 
pose of  each. 

(1)  The  First  (Ecumenical,  or  Council  of  Nicsea  (325) 
lasted  two  months  and  twelve  days.  Three  hundred 
and  eighteen  bishops  were  present.  Hosius,  Bishop  of 
Cordova,  assisted  as  legate  of  Pope  Sylvester.  The 
Emperor  Constantine  was  also  present.  To  this 
council  we  owe  the  Creed  (Symbolum)  of  Nicaja,  defin- 
ing against  Arius  the  true  Divinity  of  the  Son  of  God 
(iiwoSrtot),  and  the  fixing  of  the  date  for  keeping 
Easter  (against  the  Quartodecimans). 

(2)  The  Second  (Ecumenical,  or  First  General 
Council  of  Constantinople  (381),  under  Pope  Damasus 
and  the  Emperor  Theodosius  I,  was  attended  by  160 
bishops.  It  was  directed  against  the  followers  of 
Macedonius,  who  impugned  the  Divinity  of  the  Holy 
Ghost.  To  the  above-mentioned  Nicene  Creed  it 
added  the  clauses  referring  to  the  Holy  Ghost  (qui 
rimul  adoratur)  and  all  that  follows  to  the  end. 

(3)  The  Third  (Ecumenical,  or  Council  of  Ephesus 
(431),  of  more  than  200  bishops,  presided  over  by  St. 
Cyril  of  Alexandria  representing  Pope  Celestine  I,  de- 
fined the  true  personal  unity  of  Christ,  declared  Mary 
the  Mother  of  God  (im-imt)  against  Nestorius,  Bishop 
of  Constantinople,  and  renewed  the  condemnation  of 
Pelaghis. 

(4)  The  Fourth  (Ecumenical,  or  Council  of  Chake- 
don  (451) — 150  bishops  under  Pope  Leo  the  Great  and 
the  Emperor  Marcian — defined  the  two  natures  (Di- 
vine and  human)  in  Christ  against  Eutyches,  who  was 
excommunicated. 

(5)  The  Fifth  (Ecumenical,  or  Second  General 
Council  of  Constantinople  (553),  of  165  bishops  under 
Pope  Vigilius  and  Emperor  Justinian  I,  condemned 
the  errors  of  Origen  and  certain  writings  (The  Three 
Chapters)  of  Theodoret,  of  Theodore,  Bishop  of  Mop- 
suestia,  and  of  Ibas,  Bishop  of  Edessa;  it  further  con- 
firmed the  first  four  general  councils,  especially  that  of 
Chalcedon  whose  authority  was  contested  by  some 
heretics. 

(6)  The  Sixth  (Ecumenical,  or  Third  Council  of  Con- 
stantinople (680-681),  under  Pope  Agatho  and  the  Em- 
peror Constantine  Pogonatus,  was  attended  by  the 
Patriarchs  of  Constantinople  and  of  Antioch,  174  bish- 
ops, and  the  emperor.  It  put  an  end  to  Monothel- 
ism  by  denning  two  wills  in  Christ,  the  Divine  and  the 
human,  as  two  distinct  principles  of  operation.  It 
anathematized  Sergius,  Pyrrhus,  Paul,  Macarius,  and 
all  their  followers. 

(7)  The  Seventh  (Ecumenical,  or  Second  Council  of 
Nicsea  (787)  was  convoked  by  Emperor  Constantine 
VI  and  his  mother  Irene,  under  Pope  Adrian  I,  and 
was  presided  over  by  the  legates  of  Pope  Adrian;  it 
regulated  the  veneration  of  holy  images.  Between 
300  and  367  bishops  assisted. 

(8)  The  Eighth  (Ecumenical,  or  Fourth  Council  of 
Constantinople  (860),  under  Pope  Adrian  II  and  Em- 
peror Basil,  numbering  102  bishops,  3  papal  legates, 
and  4  patriarchs,  consigned  to  the  flames  the  Acts  of 
an  irregular  council  (conciliabulum)  brought  together 
by  Photius  against  Pope  Nicholas  and  Ignatius,  the 
legitimate  Patriarch  of  Constantinople;  it  condemned 
Photius  who  had  unlawfully  seized  the  patriarchal 
dignity.  The  Photian  schism,  however,  triumphed  in 
the  Greek  Church,  and  no  other  general  council  took 
place  in  the  East. 

(9)  The  Ninth  (Ecumenical  Council  (1123)  was  the 
first  held  in  the  Lateran  at  Rome  under  Pope  Callis- 


tus  II.  About  900  bishops  and  abbots  assisted.  It 
abolished  the  right,  claimed  by  lay  princes,  of  investi- 
ture with  ring  and  crosier  to  ecclesiastical  benefices 
and  dealt  with  church  discipline  and  the  recovery  of 
the  Holy  Land  from  the  infidels. 

(10)  The  Tenth  Oecumenical  Council  (1139)  was  the 
Second  Lateran  held  at  Rome  under  Pope  Innocent  II 
with  an  attendance  of  about  1000  prelates  and  the 
Emperor  Conrad.  Its  object  was  to  put  an  end  to  the 
errors  of  Arnold  of  Brescia. 

(11)  The  Eleventh  (Ecumenical  Council  (1179)  was 
the  third  assembled  at  the  Lateran,  and  took  place 
under  Pope  Alexander  III,  Frederick  I  being  emperor. 
There  were  302  bishops  present.  It  condemned  the 
Albigenses  and  Waldenses  and  issued  numerous  de- 
crees for  the  reformation  of  morals. 

(12)  The  Twelfth  (Ecumenical  Synod  (1215)  was 
the  Fourth  Lateran,  under  Innocent  III.  There  were 
present  the  Patriarchs  of  Constantinople  and  Jeru- 
salem, 71  archbishops,  412  bishops,  and  800  abbots, 
the  Primate  of  the  Maronites,  and  St.  Dominic.  It 
issued  an  enlarged  creed  (symbol)  against  the  Albi- 
genses (Firmiter  credimus),  condemned  the  Trini- 
tarian errors  of  Abbot  Joachim,  and  published  70  im- 
portant reformatory  decrees.  This  is  the  most  im- 
portant council  of  the  Middle  Ages;  it  marks  the  cul- 
minating point  of  ecclesiastical  life  and  papal  power. 

(13)  The  First  General  Council  of  Lyons  (1245)  is 
the  Thirteenth  Oecumenical.  Innocent  IV  presided; 
the  Patriarchs  of  Constantinople,  Antioch,  and  Aqui- 
leia  (Venice),  140  bishops,  Baldwin  II,  Emperor  of  the 
East,  and  St.  Louis,  King  of  France,  assisted.  It  ex- 
communicated and  deposed  Emperor  Frederick  II 
and  directed  a  new  crusade,  under  the  command  of 
St.  Louis,  against  the  Saracens  and  Mongols. 

(14)  The  Fourteenth  Oecumenical  Council  was  held 
at  Lyons  (1274)  by  Pope  Gregory  X,  the  Patriarchs  of 
Antioch  and  Constantinople,  15  cardinals,  500  bishop, 
and  more  than  1000  other  dignitaries.  It  effected  a 
temporary  reunion  of  the  Greek  Church  with  Rome. 
The  word  filioque  was  added  to  the  symbol  of  Con- 
stantinople and  means  were  sought  for  recovering 
Palestine  from  the  Turks.  It  also  laid  down  the  rules 
for  papal  elections. 

(15)  The  Fifteenth  (Ecumenical  Council  took  place 
at  Vienne  in  France  (1311-1313)  by  order  of  Clement 
V,  the  first  of  the  Avignon  popes.  The  Patriarchs  of 
Antioch  and  Alexandria,  300  bishops  (114  according 
to  some  authorities),  and  3  kings — Philip  IV  of 
France,  Edward  II  of  England,  and  James  II  of 
Aragon — were  present.  The  synod  dealt  with  the 
crimes  and  errors  imputed  to  the  Knights  Templars, 
the  Fraticelli,  the  Beghards,  and  the  Beguiffes,  with 
projects  of  a  new  crusade,  the  reformation  of  the 
clergy,  and  the  teaching  of  Oriental  languages  in  the 
universities. 

(16)  The  Council  of  Constance  (1414-1418),  the 
Sixteenth  (Ecumenical,  was  held  during  the  great 
Schism  of  the  West,  with  the  object  of  ending  the 
divisions  in  the  Church.  It  only  became  legitimate 
when  Gregory  XII  had  formally  convoked  it.  Owing 
to  this  circumstance  it  succeeded  in  putting  an  end 
to  the  schism  by  the  election  of  Pope  Martin  V,  which 
the  Council  of  Pisa  (1409)  had  failed  to  accomplish  on 
account  of  its  illegality.  The  rightful  pope  confirmed 
the  former  decrees  of  the  synod  against  Wyclif  and 
Hu8.  This  council  is  thus  only  oecumenical  in  its  last 
sessions  (XLII-XLV  inclusive)  and  with  respect  to 
the  decrees  of  earlier  sessions  approved  by  Martin  V. 

(17)  The  Seventeenth  (Ecumenical  Council  met  at 
Basle  (1431),  Eugene  IV  being  pope,  and  Sigkmund 
Emperor  of  the  Holy  Roman  Empire.  '  Its  object  was 
the  religious  pacification  of  Bohemia.  Quarrels  with 
the  pope  having  arisen,  the  council  was  transferred 
firet  to  Ferrara  (1438),  then  to  Florence  (1439),  where 
a  short-lived  union  with  the  Greek  Church  was  ef- 
fected, the  Greeks  accepting  the  council's  definition  of 


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controverted  points.  The  Council  of  Basle  is  only 
oecumenical  till  the  end  of  the  twenty-fifth  session, 
and  of  its  decrees  Eugene  IV  approved  only  such  as 
dealt  with  the  extirpation  of  heresy,  the  peace  of 
Christendom,  and  the  reform  of  the  Church,  and 
which  at  the  same  time  did  not  derogate  from  the 
rights  of  the  Holy  See. 

(18)  The  Eighteenth  (Ecumenical,  or  Fifth  Council 
of  the  Lateran,  sat  from  1512  to  1517  under  Popes 
Julius  II  and  Leo  X,  the  emperor  being  Maximilian  I. 
Fifteen  cardinals  and  about  eighty  archbishops  and 
bishops  took  part  in  it.  Its  decrees  are  chiefly  disci- 
plinary. A  new  crusade  against  the  Turks  was  also 
planned,  but  came  to  naught,  owing  to  the  religious 
upheaval  in  Germany  caused  by  Luther. 

(19)  The  Council  of  Trent,  the  Nineteenth  (Ecu- 
menical, lasted  eighteen  years  (1545-1563)  under  five 
popes:  Paul  III,  Julius  III,  Maroellus  II,  Paul  IV, 
and  Pius  IV,  and  under  the  Emperors  Charles  V  and 
Ferdinand.  There  were  present  5  cardinal  legates  of 
the  Holy  See,  3  patriarchs,  33  archbishops,  235  bish- 
ops, 7  abbots,  7  generals  of  monastic  orders,  160  doc- 
tors of  divinity.  It  was  convoked  to  examine  and 
condemn  the  errors  promulgated  by  Luther  and  other 
Reformers,  and  to  reform  the  discipline  of  the  Church. 
Of  all  councils  it  lasted  longest,  issued  the  largest 
number  of  dogmatic  and  reformatory  decrees,  and 
produced  the  most  beneficial  results. 

(20)  The  Twentieth  (Ecumenical  Council  was  sum- 
moned to  the  Vatican  by  Pius  IX.  It  met  8  Decem- 
ber, 1869,  and  lasted  till  18  July,  1870,  when  it  was 
adjourned;  it  is  still  (190S)  unfinished.  There  were 
present  6  archbishop-princes,  49  cardinals,  11  patri- 
archs, 680  archbishops  and  bishops,  28  abbots,  29 
generals  of  orders,  in  all  803.  Besides  important 
canons  relating  to  the  Faith  and  the  constitution  of 
the  Church,  the  council  decreed  the  infallibility  of 
the  pope  when  speaking  ex  cathedra,  i.  e.  when, 
as  shepherd  and  teacher  of  all  Christians,  he  defines 
a  doctrine  concerning  faith  or  morals  to  be  held 
by  the  whole  Church. 

IV.  The  Pope  and  General  Councils. — The  re- 
lations between  the  pope  and  general  councils  must 
be  exactly  defined  to  arrive  at  a  just  conception  of 
the  functions  of  councils  in  the  Church^of  their  rights 
and  duties,  and  of  their  authority.  The  traditional 
phrase,  "the  council  represents  the  Church",  asso- 
ciated with  the  modern  notion  of  representative 
assemblies,  is  apt  to  lead  to  a  serious  misconception 
of  the  bishops'  function  in  general  synods.  The  na- 
tion's deputies  receive  their  power  from  their  electors 
and  are  bound  to  protect  and  promote  their  electors' 
interests;  in  the  modern  democratic  State  they  are 
directly  created  by,  and  out  of,  the  people's  own 
power.  The  bishops  in  council,  on  the  contrary,  hold 
no  power,  no  commission,  or  delegation,  from  the 
people.  All  their  powers,  orders,  jurisdiction,  and 
membership  in  the  council,  come  to  them  from  above 
— directly  from  the  pope,  ultimately  from  God. 
What  the  episcopate  in  council  does  represent  is  the 
Divinely  instituted  magislerium,  the  teaching  and  gov- 
erning power  of  the  Church;  the  interests  it  defends 
are  those  of  the  deposition  fidei,  of  the  revealed  rules 
of  faith  and  morals,  i.  e.  the  interests  of  God. 

The  council  is,  then,  the  assessor  of  the  supreme 
teacher  and  judge  sitting  on  the  Chair  of  Peter  by 
Divine  appointment;  its  operation  is  essentially  co- 
operation— the  common  action  of  the  members  with 
their  head — and  therefore  necessarily  rises  or  falls  in 
value,  according  to  the  measure  of  its  connexion  with 
the  pope.  A  council  in  opposition  to  the  pope  is  not 
representative  of  the  whole  Church,  for  it  neither 
represents  the  pope  who  opposes  it,  nor  the  absent 
bishops,  who  cannot  act  beyond  the  limits  of  their 
dioceses  except  through  the  pope.  A  council  not  only 
acting  independently  of  the  Vicar  of  Christ,  but  sitting 
in  judgment  over  him,  is  unthinkable  in  the  constitu- 


tion of  the  Church ;  in  fact,  such  assemblies  have  only 
taken  place  in  times  of  great  constitutional  disturb- 
ances, when  either  there  was  no  pope  or  the  rightful 
pope  was  indistinguishable  from  antipopes.  In  such 
abnormal  times  the  safety  of  the  Church  becomes  the 
supreme  law,  and  the  first  duty  of  the  abandoned 
flock  is  to  find  a  new  shepherd,  under  whose  direction 
the  existing  evils  may  be  remedied. 

In  normal  times,  when  according  to  the  Divine 
constitution  of  the  Church,  the  pope  rules  in  the 
fullness  of  his  power,  the  function  of  councils  is 
to  support  ana  strengthen  his  rule  on  occasions 
of  extraordinary  difficulties  arising  from  heresies, 
schisms,  relaxed  discipline,  or  external  foes.  Gen- 
eral councils  have  no  part  in  the  ordinary  normal 
government  of  the  Church.  This  principle  is  con- 
firmed by  the  fact  that  during  nineteen  centuries 
of  Church  life  only  twenty  oecumenical  councils  took 
place.  It  is  further  illustrated  by  the  complete  failure 
of  the  decree  issued  in  the  thirty-ninth  session  of  the 
Council  of  Constance  (then  without  a  rightful  head), 
to  the  effect  that  general  councils  should  meet  fre- 
quently and  at  regular  intervals ;  the  very  first  synod 
summoned  at  Pavia  for  the  year  1423  could  not  be 
held  for  want  of  responses  to  the  summons.  It  is  thus 
evident  that  general  councils  are  not  qualified  to  issue, 
independently  of  the  pope,  dogmatic  or  disciplinary 
canons  binding  on  the  whole  Church.  As  a  matter  of 
fact,  the  older  councils,  especially  those  of  Ephesus 
(431)  and  Chalcedon  (451),  were  not  convened  to  de- 
cide on  questions  of  faith  still  open,  but  to  give  addi- 
tional weight  to,  and  secure  the  execution  of,  papal 
decisions  previously  issued  and  regarded  as  fully 
authoritative.  The  other  consequence  of  the  same 
principle  is  that  the  bishops  in  council  assembled  are 
not  commissioned,  as  are  our  modern  parliaments,  to 
control  and  limit  the  power  of  the  sovereign,  or  head 
of  the  State,  although  circumstances  may  arise  in 
which  it  would  be  their  right  and  duty  firmly  to  ex- 
postulate with  the  pope  on  certain  of  his  acts  or  meas- 
ures. The  severe  strictures  of  the  Sixth  General 
Council  on  Pope  Honorius  I  may  be  cited  as  a  case  in 
point. 

V.  Composition  of  General  Councils. — (a)  Right 
of  participation. — The  right  to  be  present  and  to  act 
at  general  councils  belongs  in  the  first  place  and  logi- 
cally to  the  bishops  actually  exercising  the  episcopal 
office.  In  the  earlier  councils  there  appear  also  the 
chorepiscopi  (country-bishops),  who,  according  to  the 
better  opinion,  were  neither  true  bishops  nor  an  order 
interposed  between  bishops  and  priests,  but  priests 
invested  with  a  jurisdiction  smaller  than  the  episcopal 
but  larger  than  the  sacerdotal.  They  were  ordained 
by  the  bishop  and  charged  with  the  administration  of 
a  certain  district  in  his  diocese.  They  had  the  power 
of  conferring  minor  orders,  and  even  the  subdiaoonate. 
Titular  bishops,  i.  e.  bishops  not  ruling  a  diocese,  had 
equal  rights  with  other  bishops  at  the  Vatican  Coun- 
cil (1869-70),  where  117  of  them  were  present.  Their 
claim  lies  in  the  fact  that  their  order,  the  episcopal 
consecration,  entitles  them,  jure  divino,  to  take  part 
in  the  administration  of  the  Church,  and  that  a  gen- 
eral council  seems  to  afford  a  proper  sphere  for  the 
exercise  of  a  right  which  the  want  of  a  proper  diocese 
keeps  in  abeyance.  Dignitaries  who  hold  episcopal 
or  quasi-episcopal  jurisdiction  without  being  bishops 
— such  as  cardinal-priests,  cardinal-deacons,  abbots 
nullius,  mitred  abbots  of  whole  orders  or  congre- 
gations of  monasteries,  generals  of  clerks  regular, 
mendicant  and  monastic  orders — were  allowed  to  vote 
at  the  Vatican  Council.  Their  title  is  based  on  posi- 
tive canon  law:  at  the  early  councils  such  votes  were 
not  admitted,  but  from  the  seventh  century  down  to 
the  end  of  the  Middle  Ages  the  contrary  practice  grad- 
ually prevailed,  and  has  since  become  an  acquired 
right.  Priests  and  deacons  frequently  cast  decisive 
votes  in  the  name  of  absent  bishops  whom  they  repre- 


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sen  ted;  at  the  Council  of  Trent,  however,  such  pro- 
curators were  admitted  only  with  great  limitations, 
and  at  the  Vatican  Council  they  were  even  excluded 
from  the  council  hall. 

Besides  voting  members,  every  council  admits,  as 
consultors,  a  number  of  doctors  in  theology  and  canon 
law.  In  the  Counoil  of  Constance  the  consultors 
were  allowed  to  vote.  Other  clerics  have  always  been 
admitted  as  notaries.  Lay  people  may  be,  and  have 
been,  present  at  councils  for  various  reasons,  but 
never  as  voters.  They  gave  advice,  made  complaints, 
assented  to  decisions,  and  occasionally  also  signed  the 
decrees.  Since  the  Roman  emperors  had  accepted 
Christianity,  they  assisted  either  personally  or  through 
deputies  (commissarii).  Constantine  the  Great  was 
present  in  person  at  the  First  General  Council ;  Theo- 
dosius  II  sent  his  representatives  to  the  third,  and 
Emperor  Marcian  sent  his  to  the  fourth,  at  the  sixth 
session  of  which  himself  and  the  Empress  Pulcheria 
assisted  personally.  Constantine  Pogonatus  was 
present  at  the  sixth ;  the  Empress  Irene  and  her  son 
Constantine  Porphyrogenitus  only  sent  their  repre- 
sentative to  the  seventh,  whereas  Emperor  Basil,  the 
Macedonian,  assisted  at  the  eighth,  sometimes  in  per- 
son, sometimes  through  his  deputies.  Only  the  Sec- 
ond and  the  Fifth  General  Synods  were  held  in  the  ab- 
sence of  the  emperors  or  imperial  commissaries,  but 
both  Theodosius  the  Great  and  Justinian  were  at  Con- 
stantinople while  the  councils  were  sitting,  and  kept 
up  constant  intercourse  with  them.  In  the  West  the 
attendance  of  kings,  even  at  provincial  synods,  was 
of  frequent  occurrence.  The  motive  and  object  of 
the  royal  presence  were  to  protect  the  synods,  to 
heighten  their  authority,  to  lay  before  them  the  needs 
of  particular  Christian  states  and  countries. 

This  laudable  and  legitimate  co-operation  led  by 
degrees  to  interference  with  the  pope  s  rights  in  con- 
ciliar  matters.  The  Eastern  Emperor  Michael 
claimed  the  right  to  summon  councils  without  obtain- 
ing the  pope's  consent,  and  to  take  part  in  them  per- 
sonally or  by  proxy.  But  Pope  Nicholas  I  resisted 
the  pretensions  of  Emperor  Michael,  pointing  out  to 
him,  in  a  letter  (865),  that  his  imperial  predecessors 
had  only  been  present  at  general  synods  dealing  with 
matters  of  faith,  and  from  that  fact  drew  the  conclu- 
sion that  all  other  synods  should  be  held  without  the 
emperor's  or  his  commissaries'  presence.  A  few  years 
later  the  Eighth  General  Synod  (Can.  xvii,  Hefele,  IV, 
421)  declared  it  false  that  no  synod  could  be  held  with- 
out the  emperor's  presence — the  emperors  had  only 
been  present  at  general  councils — and  that  it  was  not 
right  for  secular  princes  to  witness  the  condemnation 
of  ecclesiastics  (at  provincial  synods).  As  early  as 
the  fourth  century  the  bishops  greatly  complained  of 
the  action  of  Constantine  the  Great  in  imposing  his 
commissary  on  the  Synod  of  Tyre  (335).  In  the  West, 
however,  secular  princes  were  present  even  at  na- 
tional synods,  e.  g.  Sisenand,  King  of  the  Spanish  Vis- 
igoths, was  at  the  Fourth  Council  of  Toledo  (636)  and 
King  Chintilian  at  the  fifth  (638);  Charlemagne  as- 
sisted at  the  Council  of  Frankfort  (794)  and  two  Anglo- 
Saxon  kings  at  the  Synod  of  Whitby  (CoUatio  Pharen- 
sis)  in  664.  But  step  by  step  Rome  established  the 
principle  that  no  royal  commissary  may  be  present  at 
any  council,  except  a  general  one,  in  which  "faith, 
reformation,  and  peace"  are  in  question. 

(b)  Requisite  number  of  members. — The  number  of 
bishops  present  required  to  constitute  an  oecumenical 
council  cannot  be  strictly  defined,  nor  need  it  be  so 
defined,  for  cecumenicity  chiefly  depends  on  co-opera- 
tion with  the  head  of  the  Church,  and  only  secondarily 
on  the  number  of  co-operators.  It  is  physically  im- 
possible to  bring  together  all  the  bishops  of  the  world, 
nor  is  there  any  standard  by  which  to  determine  even 
an  approximate  number,  or  proportion,  of  prelates 
necessary  to  secure  cecumenicity.  All  should  be  in- 
vited, no  one  should  be  debarred,  a  somewhat  consid- 


erable number  of  representatives  of  the  several  prov- 
inces and  countries  should  be  actually  present:  this 
may  be  laid  down  as  a  practicable  theory.  But  the 
ancient  Church  did  not  conform  to  this  theory.  As  a 
rule  only  the  patriarchs  and  metropolitans  received  a 
direct  summons  to  appear  with  a  certain  number  of 
their  suffragans.  At  Ephesus  and  Chalcedon  the 
time  between  the  convocation  and  the  meeting  of  the 
council  was  too  short  to  allow  of  the  Western  bishops 
being  invited.  As  a  rule,  but  very  few  Western  bishops 
were  personally  present  at  any  of  the  first  eight  gen- 
eral synods.  Occasionally,  e.  g.  at  the  sixth,  weir 
absence  was  remedied  by  sending  deputies  with  pre- 
cise instructions  arrived  at  in  a  previous  council  held 
in  the  West.  What  gives  those  Eastern  synods  their 
oecumenical  character  is  the  co-operation  of  the  pope 
as  head  of  the  universal,  and,  especially,  of  the  West- 
ern, Church.  This  circumstance,  so  remarkably  prom- 
inent in  the  Councils  of  Ephesus  and  Chalcedon,  af- 
fords the  best  proof  that,  in  the  sense  of  the  Church, 
the  essential  constituent  element  of  oacumenicity  is 
less  the  proportion  of  bishops  present  to  bishops 
absent  than  the  organic  connexion  of  the  council 
with  the  head  of  the  Church. 

(c)  Papal  headship  the  formal  element  of  councils. 
— It  is  the  action  of  the  pope  that  makes  the  councils 
cecumenic.  That  action  is  the  exercise  of  his  office 
of  supreme  teacher  and  ruler  of  the  Church.  Its 
necessity  results  from  the  fact  that  no  authority  is 
commensurate  with  the  whole  Church  except  that 
of  the  pope;  he  alone  can  bind  all  the  faithful.  I  to 
sufficiency  is  equally  manifest:  when  the  pope  has 
spoken  ex  cathedra  to  make  his  own  the  decisions  of 
any  council,  regardless  of  the  number  of  its  members, 
nothing  further  can  be  wanted  to  make  them  bind- 
ing on  the  whole  Church.  The  earliest  enunciation 
of  the  principle  is  found  in  the  letter  of  the  Council 
of  Sardica  (343)  to  Pope  Julius  I,  and  was  often 
quoted,  since  the  beginning  of  the  fifth  century,  as 
the  (Nicaean)  canon  concerning  the  necessity  of 
papal  co-operation  in  all  the  more  important  con- 
ciliary  Acts.  The  Church  historian  Socrates  (Hist. 
Eccl.,  II,  xvii)  makes  Pope  Julius  say,  in  reference 
to  the  Council  of  Antioch  (341),  that  the  law  of  the 
Church  (ieaii<ir)  forbids  "the  churches  to  pass  laws 
contrary  to  the  judgment  of  the  Bishop  of  Rome", 
and  Sozomen  (III,  x)  likewise  declares  "it  to  be  a  holy 
law  not  to  attribute  any  value  to  things  done  without 
the  judgment  of  the  Bishop  of  Rome  .  The  letter  of 
Julius  here  quoted  by  both  Socrates  and  Sozomen 
directly  refers  to  an  existing  ecclesiastical  custom, 
and,  in  particular,  to  a  single  important  case  (the  de- 
position of  a  patriarch),  but  the  underlying  principle 
is  as  stated. 

Papal  co-operation  may  be  of  several  degrees:  to 
be  effective  in  stamping  a  council  as  universal  it 
must  amount  to  taking  over  responsibility  for  its 
decisions  by  giving  them  formal  confirmation.  The 
Synod  of  Constantinople  (381)  in  which  the  Ni- 
cene  Creed  received  its  present  form — the  one  used 
at  Mass — had  in  itself  no  claim  to  be  oecumenical. 
Before  Pope  Damasus  and  the  Western  bishops  had 
seen  its  full  Acts  they  condemned  certain  of  its  pro- 
ceedings at  an  Italian  synod,  but  on  receiving  the 
Acts,  Damasus,  so  we  are  told  by  Photius,  confirmed 
them.  Photius,  however,  is  only  right  with  regard  to 
the  Creed,  or  Symbol  of  Faith:  the  canons  of  this 
council  were  still  rejected  by  Leo  the  Great  and  even 
by  Gregory  the  Great  (about  600).  A  proof  that  the 
Creed  of  Constantinople  enjoyed  papal  sanction  may 
be  drawn  from  the  way  in  which  the  Roman  legates  at 
the  Fourth  General  Synod  (Chalcedon,  451)  allowed, 
without  any  protest,  appeals  to  this  Creed,  while  at 
the  same  time  they  energetically  protested  against  the 
canons  of  the  council.  It  was  on  account  of  the  papal 
approbation  of  the  Creed  that,  in  the  sixth  century. 
Popes  Vigilius,  Pelagius  II,  and  Gregory  the  Great 


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declared  this  council  oecumenical,  although  Gregory 
still  refused  to  sanction  its  canons.  The  First  Synod 
of  Constantinople  presents,  then,  an  instance  of  a 
minimum  of  papal  co-operation  impressing  on  a  par- 
ticular council  the  mark  of  universality.  The  normal 
co-operation,  however,  requires  on  the  part  of  the  head 
of  the  Church  more  than  a  post- factum  acknowledg- 
ment. 

Hie  pope's  office  and  the  council's  function  in 
the  organization  of  the  Church  require  that  the  pope 
should  call  the  council  together,  preside  over  and 
direct  its  labours,  and  finally  promulgate  its  decrees 
to  the  universal  Church  as  expressing  the  mind  of  the 
whole  teaching  body  guided  by  the  Holy  Ghost.  In- 
stances of  such  normal,  natural,  perfect  co-operation 
occur  in  the  five  Late  ran  councils,  which  were  pre- 
sided over  by  the  pope  in  person;  the  personal  pres- 
ence of  the  highest  authority  in  the  Church,  his  direc- 
tion of  the  deliberations,  and  approbation  of  the  de- 
crees, stamp  the  conciliary  proceedings  throughout 
as  the  function  of  the  Magwterium  Ecclesia  in  its 
most  authoritative  form.  Councils  in  which  the  pope 
is  represented  by  legates  are,  indeed,  also  representa- 
tive of  the  whole  teaching  body  of  the  Church,  but  the 
representation  is  not  absolute  or  adequate,  is  no  real 
concentration  of  its  whole  authority.  They  act  in  the 
name,  but  not  with  the  whole  power,  of  the  teaching 
Church,  and  their  decrees  become  universally  binding 
only  through  an  act,  either  antecedent  or  consequent, 
of  the  pope.  The  difference  between  councils  pre- 
sided over  personally  and  by  proxy  is  marked  in  the 
form  in  which  their  decrees  are  promulgated:  when 
the  pope  has  been  present  the  decrees  are  published  in 
his  own  name  with  the  additional  formula:  sacro  ap- 
probanie  Concilia;  when  papal  legates  have  presided 
the  decrees  are  attributed  to  the  synod  (8.  Synodut 
declared,  definit,  decemit). 

VI.  Factors  in  the  Pope's  Co-operation  with 
the  Council. — We  have  seen  that  no  council  is 
oecumenical  unless  the  pope  has  made  it  his  own  by 
co-operation,  which  admits  of  a  minimum  and  a  max- 
imum, consequently  of  various  degrees  of  perfection. 
Catholio  writers  could  have  saved  themselves  much 
trouble  if  they  had  always  based  their  apologetics  on 
the  simple  and  evident  principle  of  a  sufficient  mini- 
mum of  papal  co-operation,  instead  of  endeavouring 
to  prove,  at  all  costs,  that  a  maximum  is  both  re- 
quired in  principle  and  demonstrable  in  history.  The 
three  factors  constituting  the  solidarity  of  pope  and 
council  are  the  convocation,  direction,  and  confirma- 
tion of  the  council  by  the  pope;  but  it  is  not  essential 
that  each  and  all  of  these  factors  should  always  be 
present  in  full  perfection. 

(a)  Convocation. — The  juridical  convocation  of  a 
council  implies  something  more  than  an  invitation 
addressed  to  all  the  bishops  of  the  world  to  meet  in 
council,  viz.:  the  act  by  which  in  law  the  bishops  are 
bound  to  take  part  in  the  council,  and  the  council 
itself  is  constituted  a  legitimate  tribunal  for  dealing 
with  Church  affairs.  Logically,  and  in  the  nature  of 
the  thing,  the  right  of  convocation  belongs  to  the  pope 
alone.  Yet  the  convocation,  in  the  loose  sense  of 
invitation  to  meet,  of  the  first  eight  general  synods, 
was  regularly  issued  by  the  Christian  emperors,  whose 
dominion  was  coextensive  with  the  Church,  or  at 
least  with  the  Eastern  part  of  it,  which  was  then  alone 
convened.  The  imperial  letters  of  convocation  to  the 
Councils  of  Ephesus  (Hardouin,  I,  1343)  and  of  Chal- 
cedon  (Hardouin,  II,  42)  show  that  the  emperors  acted 
as  protectors  of  the  Church,  believing  it  their  duty  to 
further  by  every  means  in  their  power  the  welfare  of 
their  charge.  Nor  is  it  possible  in  every  case  to  prove 
that  they  acted  at  the  formal  instigation  of  the  pope; 
it  even  seems  that  the  emperors  more  than  once  fol- 
lowed none  but  their  own  initiative  for  convening  the 
council  and  fixing  its  place  of  meeting.  It  is,  how- 
ever, evident  that  the  Christian  emperors  cannot  have 


acted  thus  without  the  consent,  actual  or  presumed, 
of  the  pope.  Otherwise  their  conduct  had  been  nei- 
ther lawful  nor  wise.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  none  of  the 
eight  Eastern  oecumenical  synods,  with  the  exception, 
perhaps,  of  the  fifth,  was  summoned  by  the  emperor 
in  opposition  to  the  pope.  As  regards  the  fifth,  the 
conduct  of  the  emperor  caused  the  legality  of  the 
council  to  be  questioned — a  proof  that  the  mind  of 
the  Church  required  the  pope's  consent  for  the  law- 
fulness of  councils.  As  regards  most  of  these  eight 
synods,  particularly  that  of  Ephesus,  the  previous 
consent  of  the  pope,  actual  or  presumed,  is  manifest. 
Regarding  the  convocation  of  the  Council  of  Chalce- 
don,  the  Emperor  Marcian  did  not  quite  fall  in  with 
the  wishes  of  Pope  Leo  I  as  to  the  time  and  place  of 
its  meeting,  but  he  did  not  claim  an  absolute  right  to 
have  his  will,  nor  did  the  pope  acknowledge  such  a 
right.  On  the  contrary,  as  Leo  I  explains  in  his  let- 
ters (Epp.  lxxxix,  xc,  ed.  Ballerini),  he  only  submitted 
to  the  imperial  arrangements  because  he  was  unwilling 
to  interfere  with  Martian's  well-meant  endeavours. 

It  is  still  more  evident  that  convocation  by  the 
emperors  did  not  imply  on  their  part  the  claim  to  con- 
stitute the  council  jundically,  that  is,  to  give  it  power 
to  sit  as  an  authorized  tribunal  for  Church  affairs. 
Such  a  claim  has  never  been  put  forward.  The  ex- 
pressions jubere  and  xeXcfctr,  occasionally  used  in  the 
wording  of  the  convocation,  do  not  necessarily  con- 
vey the  notion  of  strict  orders  not  to  be  resisted ;  they 
also  have  the  meaning  of  exhorting,  inducing,  bidding. 
The  juridical  constitution  of  the  council  could  only 
emanate,  and  in  fact  always  did  emanate,  from  the 
Apostolic  See.  As  the  necessity  of  the  bishops'  meet- 
ing in  council  was  dictated  rather  by  the  distressful 
condition  of  the  Church  than  by  positive  orders,  the 
pope  contented  himself  with  authorizing  the  council, 
and  this  he  effected  by  sending  his  legates  to  preside 
over  and  direct  the  work  of  the  assembled  prelates. 
The  Emperor  Marcian  in  his  first  letter  to  Leo  I  de- 
clares that  the  success  of  the  intended  synod  depends 
on  his — the  pope's — authorization,  and  Leo,  not  Mar- 
cian, is  later  called  the  auctor  tynodi  without  any 
restrictive  qualification,  especially  at  the  time  of  the 
"Three  Chapters"  dispute,  where  the  extension  of  the 
synod's  authority  was  called  in  question.  The  law. 
therefore,  at  that  period  was  the  same  as  it  is  now  as 
far  as  essentials  are  concerned:  the  pope  is  the  sole 
convener  of  the  council  as  an  authoritative  juridical 
assembly.  The  difference  lies  in  the  circumstance 
that  the  pope  left  to  the  emperor  the  execution  of  the 
convocation  and  the  necessary  measures  for  rendering 
the  meeting  possible  and  surrounding  it  with  the 
Mat  due  to  its  dignity  in  Church  and  State.  The 
material,  or  business,  part  of  the  councils  being  thus 
entirely  in  the  hands  of  the  emperors,  it  was  to  be 
expected  that  the  pope  was  sometimes  induced* — if 
not  forced — by  circumstances  to  make  his  authoriza- 
tion suit  the  imperial  wishes  and  arrangements. 

After  studying  the  principles  it  is  well  to  see  how 
they  worked  out  in  fact.  Hence  the  following  histo- 
rical summary  of  the  convocation  of  the  first  eight 
general  councils: — 

(1)  Eusebius  (Vita  Constantini,  III,  vi)  informs  us 
that  the  writs  of  convocation  to  the  First  General 
Synod  were  issued  by  Emperor  Constantine,  but  as 
not  one  of  those  writs  has  come  down  to  us,  it  remains 
doubtful  whether  or  not  they  mentioned  any  previous 
consultation  with  the  pope.  It  is,  however,  an  unde- 
niable fact  that  the  Sixth  General  Synod  (680)  plainly 
affirmed  that  the  Council  of  Niceea  had  been  convened 
by  the  emperor  and  Pope  Sylvester  (Mansi,  Coll.  Cone, 
XI,  661).  The  same  statement  appears  in  the  life 
of  Sylvester  found  in  the  "Liber  Pontificalia",  but 
this  evidence  need  not  be  pressed,  the  evidence  from 
the  council  being,  from  the  circumstances  in  which  it 
was  given,  of  sufficient  strength  to  carry  the  point. 
For  the  Sixth  General  Council  took  place  in  Constao- 


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tdnople,  at  a  time  when  the  bishops  of  the  imperial 
city  already  attempted  to  rival  the  bishops  of  Old 
Rome,  and  the  vast  majority  of  its  members  were 
Greeks ;  their  statement  is  therefore  entirely  free  from 
the  suspicion  of  Western  ambition  or  prejudice  and 
must  be  accepted  as  a  true  presentment  of  fact. 
Rufinus,  in  his  continuation  of  Eusebius'  history  (I, 1) 
says  that  the  emperor  summoned  the  synod  ex  sacer- 
dotum  aenleniiA  (on  the  advice  of  the  clergy);  it  is  but 
fair  to  suppose  that  if  he  consulted  several  prelates  he 
did  not  omit  to  consult  with  the  head  of  all. 

(2)  The  Second  General  Synod  (381)  was  not,  at 
first,  intended  to  be  oecumenical;  it  only  became  so 
because  it  was  accepted  in  the  West,  as  has  been 
shown  above.  It  was  not  summoned  by  Pope  Da- 
rn asus,  as  is  often  contended,  for  the  assertion  that  the 
assembled  bishops  professed  to  have  met  in  conse- 
quence of  a  letter  of  the  pope  to  Theodosius  the  Great 
is  based  on  a  confusion.  The  document  here  brought 
in  as  evidence  refers  to  the  synod  of  the  following  year 
which  was  indeed  summoned  at  the  instigation  of  the 
pope  and  the  Synod  of  Aquileia,  but  was  not  an  oecu- 
menical synod. 

(3)  The  Third  General  Council  (Ephesus,  431)  was 
convoked  by  Emperor  Theodosius  II  and  bis  Western 
colleague  Valentinian  III;  this  is  evident  from  the 
Acts  of  the  council.  It  is  equally  evident  that  Pope 
Celestine  I  gave  his  consent,  for  he  wrote  (15  May, 
431)  to  Theodosius  that  he  could  not  appear  in  person 
at  the  synod,  but  that  he  would  send  his  representa- 
tives. And  in  his  epistle  of  8  May  to  the  synod  itself, 
he  insists  on  the  duty  of  the  bishops  present  to  hold 
fast  to  the  orthodox  faith,  expects  them  to  accede  to 
the  sentence  he  has  already  pronounced  on  Nestorius. 
and  adds  that  he  has  sent  his  legates  to  execute  that 
sentence  at  Ephesus.  The  members  of  the  council 
acknowledge  the  papal  directions  and  orders,  not  only 
the  papal  consent,  in  the  wording  of  their  solemn  con- 
demnation of  Nestorius:  "Urged  by  the  Canons  and 
conforming  to  the  Letter  of  our  most  holy  Father  and 
fellow  servant  Celestine  the  Roman  bishop,  we  have 
framed  this  sorrowful  sentence  against  Nestorius." 
They  express  the  same  sentiment  where  they  say  that 
"the  epistle  of  the  Apostolic  See  (to  Cyril,  communi- 
cated to  the  council)  already  contains  a  judgment  and 
a  rule  (i^M*  «ol  -rinror)  on  the  case  of  Nestorius", 
and  that  they — the  bishops  in  council — have  executed 
that  ruling.  All  this  manifests  the  bishops'  conviction 
that  the  pope  was  the  moving  and  quickening  spirit  of 
the  synod. 

(4)  How  the  Fourth  General  Synod  (Chalcedon, 
461)  was  brought  together  is  set  forth  in  several  writ- 
ings of  Pope  Leo  I  and  Emperors  Theodosius  II  and 
Marcian.  Immediately  after  the  Robber  Synod, 
Leo  asked  Theodosius  to  prepare  a  counoil  composed 
of  bishops  from  all  parts  of  the  world,  to  meet,  pref- 
erably, in  Italy.  He  repeated  the  same  request,  first 
made  13  October,  449,  on  the  following  feast  of  Christ- 
mas, and  prevailed  on  the  Western  Emperor  Valen- 
tinian  III  together  with  his  empress  and  his  mother, 
to  support  it  at  the  Byzantine  Court.  Once  more  (in 
July,  450)  Leo  renewed  his  request,  adding,  however, 
that  the  council  might  be  dispensed  with  if  all  the 
bishops  were  to  make  a  profession  of  the  orthodox 
faith  without  being  united  in  council.  About  this 
time  Theodosius  II  died  and  was  succeeded  by  his 
sister,  St.  Pulcheria,  and  her  husband  Marcian.  Both 
at  onoe  informed  the  pope  of  their  willingness  to  sum- 
mon the  council,  Marcian  specially  asking  him  to  state 
in  writing  whether  he  could  assist  at  the  synod  in  per- 
son or  through  his  legates,  so  that  the  necessary  writs 
of  convocation  might  be  issued  to  the  Eastern  bishops. 
By  that  time,  however,  the  situation  had  greatly  im- 
proved in  the  Eastern  Church;  nearly  all  tne  bishops 
who  had  taken  part  in  the  Robber  Synod  had  now 
repented  of  their  aberration  and  signed,  in  union  with 
their  orthodox  colleagues,  the  "  Epistola  dogmatica" 


of  Leo  to  Flavian,  by  this  act  rendering  the  need  of  a 
council  less  urgent.  Besides,  the  Huns  were  just  then 
invading  the  West,  preventing  many  Latin  bishops, 
whose  presence  at  the  council  was  most  desirable, 
from  leaving  their  flocks  to  undertake  the  long  journey 
to  Chaloedon.  Other  motives  induced  the  pope  to 
postpone  the  synod,  e.  g.  the  fear  that  it  might  be 
made  the  occasion  by  the  bishops  of  Constantinople 
to  improve  their  hierarchical  position,  a  fear  well 
justified  by  subsequent  events.  But  Marcian  had 
already  summoned  the  synod,  and  Leo  therefore  gave 
his  instructions  as  to  the  business  to  be  transacted. 
He  was  then  entitled  to  say,  in  a  letter  to  the  bishops 
who  had  been  at  the  council  that  the  synod  had  been 
brought  together  "ex  preecepto  christianorum  prin- 
cipum  et  ex  consensu  apostolic®  sedis"  (by  order  of 
the  Christian  princes  and  with  the  consent  of  the 
Apostolic  See).  The  emperor  himself  wrote  to  Leo 
that  the  synod  had  been  held  by  his  authority  ((• 
auctore),  and  the  bishops  of  Mceaia,  in  a  letter  to  the 
Byzantine  Emperor  Leo,  said:  "At  Chalcedon  many 
bishops  assembled  by  order  of  Leo,  the  Roman  pon- 
tiff, who  is  the  true  head  of  the  bishops''. 

(5)  The  Fifth  General  Synod  was  planned  by  Jus- 
tinian I  with  the  consent  of  Pope  Vigilius  (q.  v!>,  but 
on  account  of  the  emperor's  dogmatic  pretensions, 
quarrels  arose  and  the  pope  refused  to  he  present, 
although  repeatedly  invited.  His  Constitutum  of  14 
May,  553,  to  the  effect  that  he  could  not  consent  to 
anathematize  Theodore  of  Mopsuestia  and  Theodoret, 
led  to  open  opposition  between  pope  and  counoil.  In 
the  end  all  was  righted  by  Vigilius  approving  the 
synodal  decrees. 

(6,  7,  8)  These  three  synods  were  each  and  all 
called  by  the  emperors  of  the  time  with  the  consent 
and  assistance  of  the  Apostolic  See.  (See  Constan- 
tinople, Councils  or;  Nic*a,  Councils  or.) 

(b)  Direction. — The  direction  or  presidency  of 
councils  belongs  to  the  pope  by  the  same  right  as  their 
convocation  and  constitution.  Were  a  council  di- 
rected in  its  deliberations  and  acts  by  anyone  inde- 
pendent of  the  pope  and  acting  entirely  on  his  own 
responsibility,  such  a  council  could  not  be  the  pope's 
own  in  any  sense:  the  defect  oould  only  be  made  good 
by  a  consequent  formal  act  of  the  pope  accepting 
responsibility  for  its  decisions.  In  point  of  fact,  papal 
legatee  presided  over  all  the  Eastern  councils,  which 
from  their  beginning  were  legally  constituted.  The 
reader  will  obtain  a  clearer  insight  into  this  point  of 
conciliar  proceedings  from  a  concrete  example,  taken 
from  Hefele's  introduction  to  his  "History  of  the 
Councils": — 

Pope  Adrian  II  sent  his  legates  to  the  Eighth  (Ecu- 
menical Synod  (787)  with  an  express  declaration  to 
the  Emperor  Basil  that  they  were  to  act  as  presidents 
of  the  council.  The  legates,  Bishop  Donatus  of  Ostia, 
Bishop  Stephen  of  Nepesina,  and  the  deacon  Marinus 
of  Rome,  read  the  papal  rescript  to  the  synod.  Not 
the  slightest  objection  was  raised.  Their  names  took 
precedence  in  afl  protocols;  they  determined  the  dura- 
tion of  the  several  sessions,  gave  leave  to  make 
speeches  and  to  read  documents  and  to  admit  other 
persons;  they  put  the  leading  questions,  etc.  In 
short,  their  presidency  in  the  first  five  sessions  cannot 
be  disputed.  But  at  the  sixth  session  Emperor  Basil 
was  present  with  his  two  sons,  Constantino  and  Leo, 
and,  as  the  Acts  relate,  received  the  presidency. 
These  same  Acts,  however,  at  once  clearly  distinguish 
the  emperor  and  his  sons  from  the  synod  when, 
after  naming  them,  they  continue:  convenient  sanctA 
ac  universah  eynodo  (the  holy  and  universal  synod 
now  meeting),  thus  disassociating  the  lay  ruler  from 
the  council  proper.  The  names  of  the  papal  legates 
continue  to  appear  first  among  the  members  of  the 
Bynod,  and  it  is  they  who  in  those  latter  sessions 
determine  the  matters  for  discussion,  subscribe  the 
Acts  before  anyone  else,  expressly  as  presidents  of  the 


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rd,  whereas  the  emperor,  to  show  clearly  that  he 
not  consider  himself  the  president,  would  only 
subscribe  after  all  the  bishops.  The  papal  legates 
begged  him  to  put  his  and  his  son's  names  at  the  head 
of  the  list,  but  he  stoutly  refused  and  only  consented, 
at  last,  to  write  his  name  after  those  of  the  papal 
legates  and  of  the  Eastern  patriarchs,  but  before  those 
of  the  bishops.  Consequently  Pope  Adrian  II,  in  a 
letter  to  the  emperor,  praises  him  for  not  having 
assisted  at  the  council  as  a  judge  (judex),  but  merely 
as  a  witness  and  protector  (conscius  et  obsecundotor). 

The  imperial  commissaries  present  at  the  synod 
acted  even  less  as  presidents  than  the  emperor  him- 
self. They  signed  the  reports  of  the  several  sessions 
only  after  the  representatives  of  the  patriarchs, 
though  before  the  bishops;  their  names  are  absent 
from  the  signatures  of  the  Acts.  On  the  other  hand 
it  may  be  contended  that  the  Eastern  patriarchs, 
Ignatius  of  Constantinople,  and  the  representatives 
of  the  other  Eastern  patriarchs,  in  some  degree  par- 
ticipated in  the  presidency:  their  names  are  con- 
stantly associated  with  those  of  the  Roman  legates 
and  clearly  distinguished  from  those  of  the  other 
metropolitans  and  bishops.  They,  as  it  were,  form 
with  the  papal  legates  a  board  of  directors,  fix  with 
him  the  order  of  proceedings,  determine  who  shall  be 
heard,  subscribe,  like  the  legates,  before  the  emperor, 
and  are  entered  in  the  reports  of  the  several  sessions 
before  the  imperial  commissaries.  All  this  being 
granted,  the  fact  still  remains  that  the  papal  legates 
unmistakably  hold  the  first  place,  for  they  are  always 
named  first  and  sign  first,  and — a  detail  of  great  im- 
portance— for  the  final  subscription  they  use  the 
formula:  huic  sanclce  et  universali  synodo  prcesidens 
(presiding  over  this  holy  and  universal  synod), 
while  Ignatius  of  Constantinople  and  the  representa- 
tives o?  the  other  patriarchs  claim  no  presidency, 
but  word  their  subscription  thus:  suscipiens  et  omni- 
bu»  qua  ab  e&  judicata  et  scripia  sunt  concordans  et 
defintens  subscripsi  (receiving  this  holy  and  universal 
synod  and  agreeing  with  all  it  has  judged  and  written, 
and  denning  I  have  signed).  If,  on  the  one  hand,  this 
form  of  subscription  differs  from  that  of  the  president, 
it  differs  no  less,  on  the  other,  from  that  of  the  bishops. 
These,  like  the  emperor,  have  without  exception  used 
the  formula:  suscipiens  (synodum)  subscripsi  (receiv- 
ing the  synod  I  have  signed),  omitting  the  otherwise 
customary  definiens,  which  was  used  to  mark  a  decisive 
vote  (votum  decisivum). 

Hefele  gives  similar  documentary  accounts  of  the 
first  eight  general  synods,  showing  that  papal  legates 
always  presided  over  them  when  occupied  in  their 
proper  business  of  deciding  questions  on  faith  and  dis- 
cipline. The  exclusive  right  of  the  pope  in  this  matter 
was  generally  acknowledged.  Thus,  the  Emperor 
Theodosius  II  says,  in  his  edict  addressed  to  the  Coun- 
cil of  Ephesus,  that  he  had  sent  Count  Candidian  to 
represent  him,  but  that  this  imperial  commissary  was 
to  take  no  part  in  dogmatic  disputes  since  "  it  was  un- 
lawful for  one  who  is  not  enrolled  in  the  lists  of  the  most 
holy  bishops  to  mingle  in  ecclesiastical  inquiries". 
The  Council  of  Chalcedon  acknowledged  that  Pope 
Leo,  by  his  legates,  presided  over  it  as  "the  head  over 
the  members  .  AtNicsea,  Hosius,  Vitus, and  Vincen- 
tius,  as  papal  legates,  signed  before  all  other  members 
of  the  council.  The  right  of  presiding  and  directing 
implies  that  the  pope,  if  he  chooses  to  make  a  full  use 
of  his  powers,  can  determine  the  subject  matter  to  be 
dealt  with  by  the  council,  prescribe  rules  for  conduct- 
ing the  debates,  and  generally  order  the  whole  busi- 
ness as  seems  best  to  him.  Hence  no  conciliar  decree 
is  legitimate  if  carried  under  protest — or  even  without 
the  positive  consent — of  the  pope  or  his  legates.  The 
consent  of  the  legates  alone,  acting  without  a  special 
order  from  the  pope,  is  not  sufficient  to  make  conciliar 
decrees  at  once  perfect  and  operative;  what  is  neces- 
sary is  the  pope's  own  consent.   For  this  reason  no 


decree  can  become  illegitimate  and  null  in  law  on  ac- 
count of  pressure  brought  to  bear  on  the  assembly  by 
the  presiding  pope,  or  by  papal  legates  acting  on  his 
orders.  Such  pressure  and  restriction  of  liberty,  pro- 
ceeding from  the  internal,  natural  principle  of  order 
through  the  use  of  lawful  power,  does  not  amount  to 
external,  unnatural  coercion,  and,  therefore,  does  not 
invalidate  the  Acts  due  to  its  exercise. 

Examples  of  councils  working  at  high  pressure,  if 
the  expression  may  be  used,  without  spoiling  their 
output,  are  of  frequent  occurrence.  Most  of  the 
early  councils  were  convened  to  execute  decisions  al- 
ready finally  fixed  by  the  pope,  no  choice  being  left 
the  assembled  Fathers  to  arrive  at  another  decision. 
They  were  forced  to  conform  their  judgment  to  that 
of  Rome,  with  or  without  discussion.  Should  papal 
pressure  go  beyond  the  limits  of  the  council's  dignity 
and  of  the  importance  of  the  matters  under  discussion, 
the  effect  would  be,  not  the  invalidation  of  the  coun- 
cil's decrees,  but  the  paralysing  of  its  moral  influence 
and  practical  usefulness.  On  the  other  hand,  the  fact 
that  a  synod  is,  or  has  been,  acting  under  the  leader- 
ship of  its  Divinely  appointed  head,  is  the  best  guar- 
antee of  its  freedom  from  unnatural  disturbances,  such 
as  intrigues  from  below  or  coercion  from  above.  In 
the  same  way  violent  interference  with  the  papal 
leadership  is  the  grossest  attack  on  the  council's  nat- 
ural freedom.  Thus  the  Robber  Synod  of  Ephe- 
sus (449),  though  intended  to  be  general  and  at  first 
duly  authorized  by  the  presence  of  papal  legates,  was 
declared  invalid  and  null  by  those  same  legates  at 
Chalcedon  (451),  because  the  prejudiced  Emperor 
Theodosius  II  had  removed  the  representatives  of  the 

Eope,  and  entrusted  the  direction  of  the  council  to 
•ioscurus  of  Alexandria, 
(c)  Confirmation. — Confirmation  of  the  conciliar  de- 
crees is  the  third  factor  in  the  pope's  necessary  co- 
operation with  the  council.  The  council  does  not 
represent  the  teaching  Church  till  the  visible  head  of 
the  Church  has  given  his  approval,  for,  unapproved,  it 
is  but  a  headless,  soulless,  impersonal  body,  unable  to 
give  its  decisions  the  binding  force  of  laws  for  the 
whole  Church,  or  the  finality  of  judicial  sentences. 
With  the  papal  approval,  on  the  contrary,  the  coun- 
cil's pronouncements  represent  the  fullest  effort  of  the 
teaching  and  ruling  Church,  a  judicium  plenissimum, 
beyond  which  no  power  can  go.  Confirmation  being 
the  final  touch  of  perfection,  the  seal  of  authority,  and 
the  very  life  of  conciliar  decrees,  it  is  necessary  that  it 
should  De  a  personal  act  of  the  highest  authority,  for 
the  highest  authority  cannot  be  delegated.  So  much 
for  the  principle,  or  the  question  of  right.  When  we 
look  for  its  practical  working  throughout  the  history 
of  councils,  we  find  great  diversity  in  the  way  it  has 
been  applied  under  the  influence  of  varying  circum- 
stances. 

(1)  Councils  over  which  the  pope  presides  in  person 
require  no  further  formal  confirmation  on  his  part,  for 
their  decisions  formally  include  his  own  as  the  body 
includes  the  souL  The  Vatican  Council  of  1869-70 
offers  an  example  in  point. 

(2)  Councils  over  which  the  pope  presides  through 
his  legates  are  not  identified  with  himself  in  the  same 
degree  as  the  former.  They  constitute  separate,  de- 
pendent, representative  tribunals,  whose  findings  only 
become  final  through  ratification  by  the  authority  for 
which  they  act.  Such  is  the  theory.  In  practice, 
however,  the  papal  confirmation  is,  or  may  be,  pre- 
sumed in  the  following  cases: — 

(a)  When  the  council  is  convened  for  the  express 
purpose  of  carrying  out  a  papal  decision  previously 
arrived  at,  as  was  the  case  with  most  of  the  early 
synods;  or  when  the  legates  give  their  consent  in  vir- 
tue of  a  special  public  instruction  emanating  from  the 
pope;  in  these  circumstances  the  papal  ratification 
pre-exists,  is  implied  in  the  conciliar  decision,  and 
need  not  be  formally  renewed  after  the  council.  It 


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may,  however,  be  superadded  ad  abundantiam,  as, 
e.  g.  the  confirmation  of  the  Council  of  Chalcedon  by 
Leo  I. 

(b)  The  necessary  consent  of  the  Apostolic  See  may 
also  be  presumed  when,  as  generally  at  the  Council  of 
Trent,  the  legates  have  personal  instructions  from  the 
pope  on  each  particular  question  coming  up  for  deci- 
sion, and  act  conformably,  i.  e.  if  they  allow  no  decision 
to  be  taken  unless  the  pope's  consent  has  previously 
been  obtained. 

(c)  Supposing  a  council  actually  composed  of  the 
greater  part  of  the  episcopate,  concurring  freely  in  a 
unanimous  decision  and  thus  bearing  unexceptional 
witness  to  the  mind  and  sense  of  the  whole  Church: 
The  pope,  whose  office  it  is  to  voice  infallibly  the  mind 
of  the  Church,  would  be  obliged  by  the  very  nature  of 
his  office,  to  adopt  the  council's  decision,  and  conse- 
quently his  confirmation,  ratification,  or  approbation 
could  be  presumed,  and  a  formal  expression  of  it  dis- 
pensed with.  But  even  then  his  approbation,  pre- 
sumed or  expressed,  is  juridically  the  constituent 
factor  of  the  decision's  perfection. 

_  (3)  The  express  ratification  in  due  form  is  at  all 
times,  when  not  absolutely  necessary,  at  least  desir- 
able and  useful  in  many  respects: — 

(a)  It  gives  the  conciliar  proceedings  their  natural 
and  lawful  complement,  the  keystone  which  closes  and 
crowns  the  arch  for  strength  and  beauty;  it  brings  to 
the  front  the  majesty  and  significance  of  the  supreme 
head  of  the  Church. 

(b)  Presumed  consent  can  but  rarely  apply  with  the 
same  efficacy  to  each  and  all  of  the  decisions  of  an  im- 
portant council.  A  solemn  papal  ratification  puts 
them  all  on  the  same  level  and  removes  all  possible 
doubt. 

(c)  Lastly  the  papal  ratification  formally  promul- 
gates the  sentence  of  the  council  as  an  article  of  faith 
to  be  known  and  accepted  by  all  the  faithful;  it 
brings  to  light  and  public  view  the  intrinsic  cecumen- 
icity  of  the  council;  it  is  the  natural,  official,  indispu- 
table criterion,  or  test,  of  the  perfect  legality  of  the 
conciliar  transactions  or  conclusions.  If  we  bear  in 
mind  the  numerous  disturbing  elements  at  work  in 
and  around  an  oecumenical  council,  the  conflicting 
religious,  political,  scientific,  and  personal  interests 
contending  for  supremacy,  or  at  least  eager  to  secure 
some  advantage,  we  can  easily  realize  the  necessity  of 
a  papal  ratification  to  crush  the  endless  chicanery 
which  otherwise  would  endanger  the  success  and  effi- 
cacy of  the  highest  tribunal  of  the  Church.  Even 
they  who  refuse  to  see  in  the  papal  confirmation  an 
authentic  testimony  and  sentence,  declaring  infallibly 
the  cecumenicity  of  the  council  and  its  decrees  to  be  a 
dogmatic  fact,  must  admit  that  it  is  a  sanative  act 
and  supplies  possible  defects  and  shortcomings;  the 
oecumenical  authority  of  the  pope  is  sufficient  to  im- 
part validity  and  infallibility  to  the  decrees  he  makes 
his  own  by  officially  ratifying  them.  This  was  done 
by  Pope  Vigilius  for  the  Fifth  General  Synod.  Suffi- 
cient proof  for  the  sanatory  efficacy  of  the  papal  rati- 
fication lies  in  the  absolute  sovereignty  of  the  pope 
and  in  the  infallibility  of  his  ex-cathedra  pronounce- 
ments. Should  it  be  argued,  however,  that  the  sen- 
tence of  an  oecumenical  council  is  the  only  absolute, 
final,  and  infallible  sentence,  even  then,  and  then 
more  than  ever,  the  papal  ratification  would  be  neces- 
sary. For  in  the  transactions  of  an  oecumenical 
council  the  pope  plays  the  principal  part,  and  if  any 
deficiency  in  his  action,  especially  in  the  exercise  of 
his  own  special  prerogatives,  were  apparent,  the  la- 
bours of  the  council  would  be  in  vain.  The  faithful 
hesitate  to  accept  as  infallible  guides  of  their  faith 
documents  not  authenticated  by  the  seal  of  the  fisher- 
man, or  the  Apostolic  See,  which  now  wields  the  au- 
thority of  St.  Peter  and  of  Christ.  Leo  II  beautifully 
expresses  these  ideas  in  his  ratification  of  the  Sixth 
General  Council:  "Because  this  treat  and  universal 


synod  has  most  fully  proclaimed  the  definition  of  the 
nght  faith,  which  the  Apostolic  See  of  St.  Peter  the 
Apostle,  whose  office  we,  though  unequal  to  it,  are 
holding,  also  reverently  receives:  therefore  we  also, 
and  through  our  office  this  Apostolic  See,  consent  to, 
and  confirm,  by  the  authority  of  Blessed  Peter,  those 
things  which  have  been  defined,  as  being  finally  set  by 
the  Lord  Himself  on  the  solid  rock  which  is  Christ." 

No  event  in  the  history  of  the  Church  better  illus- 
trates the  necessity  and  the  importance  of  papal  co- 
operation and,  in  particular,  confirmation,  than  the 
controversies  which  in  the  sixth  century  raged  about 
the  Three  Chapters.  The  Three  Chapters  were  the 
condemnation  (1)  of  Theodore  of  Mopsuestia,  his  per- 
son, and  hiB  writings;  (2)  of  Theodoret's  writings 
against  Cyril  and  the  Council  of  Ephesus ;  (3)  of  a  let- 
ter from  Ibas  to  Maris  the  Persian,  also  against  Cyril 
and  the  council.  Theodore  anticipated  the  heresy  of 
Nestorius:  Ibas  and  Theodoret  were  indeed  restored 
at  Chalcedon,  but  only  after  they  had  given  orthodox 
explanations  and  shown  that  they  were  free  from  Nes- 
torianism.  The  two  points  in  debate  were:  (1)  Did 
the  Council  of  Chalcedon  acknowledge  the  orthodoxy 
of  the  said  Three  Chapters?  (2)  How,  i.  e.  by  what 
test,  is  the  point  to  be  settled?  Now  the  two  contend-, 
ing  parties  agreed  in  the  principle  of  the  test:  the  ap- 
probation of  the  council  stands  or  falls  with  the  appro- 
bation of  the  pope's  legates  and  of  Pope  Leo  I  himself. 
Defenders  of  the  Chapters,  e.  g.  Ferrandus  the  Deacon 
and  Facundus  of  Hermiane,  put  forward  as  their  chief 
argument  (prima  et  immobilis  ratio)  the  fact  that  Leo 
had  approved.  Their  opponents  never  questioned 
the  principle  but  denied  the  alleged  fact,  basing  their 
denial  on  Leo's  epistle  to  Maxim  us  of  Antioch  in 
which  they  read:  Si  quid  sane  ab  his  fratribus  quos 
ad  S.  Synod um  vice  mea,  prater  id  quod  ad  causara 
fidei  pertinebat  gestum  fuerit,  nullius  erit  firmitatis" 
(If  indeed  anything  not  pertaining  to  the  cause  of 
faith  should  have  been  settled  by  the  brethren  I  sent 
to  the  Holy  Synod  to  hold  my  place,  it  shall  be  of  no 
force).  The  point  of  doctrine  (causa  fidei)  referred  to 
is  the  heresy  of  Eutyches;  the  Three  Chapters  refer  to 
that  of  Nestorius,  or  rather  to  certain  persons  and 
writings  connected  with  it. 

The  bishops  of  the  council,  assembled  at  Constan- 
tinople in  533  for  the  purpose  of  putting  an  end  to  the 
Three  Chapters  controversy,  addressed  to  Pope  Vigil- 
ius two  Confessions,  the  first  with  the  Patriarch  Men- 
nas,  the  second  with  his  successor  Eutychius,  in 
which,  to  establish  their  orthodoxy,  they  profess  that 
they  firmly  hold  to  the  four  general  synods  as  ap- 
proved by  the  Apostolic  See  ana  by  the  popes.  Thus 
we  read  in  the  Confessio  of  Mennas:     But  also  the 
letters  of  Pope  Leo  of  blessed  memory  and  the  Con- 
stitution of  the  Apostolic  See  issued  in  support  of  the 
Faith  and  of  the  authority  (firmitas)  of  the  aforesaid  . 
four  synods,  we  promise  to  follow  and  observe  in  alLb 
points  and  we  anathematize  any  man,  who  on  any>o 
occasion  or  altercation  should  attempt  to  nullify.  <fu)f.) 
promises."   And  in  the  Confestio  of  Eutyeifjumq 
"  Suscipimus  autem  et  amplectimur  epistolae  prdwdtm-.i 
Romance  Sedis  Apostolicw,  tarn  aliorum  quam-dieonieA 
sanctce  memoriae  de  fide  scriptas  et  de  quaWaor  aatMfofa 
conciliie  vel  de  uno  eorum"  (We  receive. stadijmibramh 
the  letters  of  the  bishops  of  the  Apostofce  RotriamSetji ) 
those  of  others  as  well  as  of  Leo  of  AMyi  >  metna*jiVi» 
concerning  the  Faith  and  the  f  our  bfcljfisjthafls  ott-any>-i 
of  them).  .  (I)  :'VnoiJi;tKq'tI>" 

VII.  Business  Methods. — lbdimj»in>qdmhfmtute'I 
cils  transact  business  now  o^MarieWiour  afct&ntifmjg 
Here  as  in  most  things,  there  ifioa  idbw  wmoUiJiMiTOS  i 
completely  realized  m  practfceuinr.ifno'/oitnoo  J->  min/jl 

(a)  The  fact* — IthasbeerisUffi^^l^^W^nijn^b 
foregoing  section  that/tho  pope^eithenin  pertcmeffilwq 
deputy,  directed  thalbronBJietjcm  df  «w^liaf^h*tsHi»s^.,[, 
But  when  we  look  foe  ajfiknd*«fder  otf  se*fc^Tttie4jHt(|feiB 
feting  the  prooetfinpi'waikaxaijtq  fionted 


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Vatican  Council  to  find  an  official  Ordo  concilii  <bcu~ 
menici  and  a  Methodus  servanda  in  prima  sessions,  etc. 
In  all  earlier  councils  the  management  of  affairs  was 
left  to  the  Fathers  and  adjusted  by  them  to  the  par- 
ticular objects  and  circumstances  of  the  council.  The 
so-called  Ordo  celebrandi  Concilii  Tridentini  is  a  com- 
pilation posterior  to  the  council,  written  by  the 
conciliar  secretary,  A.  Massarelli;  it  is  a  record  of 
what  has  been  done,  not  a  rule  of  what  should  be 
done.  Some  fixed  rules  were,  however,  already  estab- 
lished at  the  reform  councils  of  the  fifteenth  century 
as  a  substitute  for  the  absent  directing  power  of  the 
pope.  The  substance  of  these  rulings  is  given  in  the 
''Caeremoniale  Romanum"  of  Augustinus  Patritius  (d. 
1496).  The  institution  of  "congregations"  dates 
from  the  Council  of  Constance  (1416).  At  earlier 
councils  all  the  meetings  of  the  Fathers  were  called 
indiscriminately  sessiones  or  ocUonet,  but  since  Con- 
stance the  term  session  has  been  restricted  to  the 
solemn  meetings  at  which  the  final  votes  are  given, 
while  all  meetings  for  the  purpose  of  consultation  or 
provisory  voting  are  termed  congregations. 

The  distinction  between  general  and  particular 
congregations  likewise  dates  from  Constance,  where, 
however,  the  particular  congregations  assumed  a 
form  different  in  spirit  and  composition  from  the 
praotioe  of  earlier  and  later  councils.  They  were 
simply  separate  assemblies  of  the  "nations  '  (first 
four,  then  five)  present  at  the  council;  their  de- 
liberations went  to  form  national  votes  which 
were  presented  in  the  general  assembly,  whose 
decisions  conformed  to  a  majority  of  such  votes. 
The  particular  congregations  of  more  recent  councils 
were  merely  consultative  assemblies  (committees, 
commissions)  brought  together  by  appointment  or 
invitation  in  order  to  deliberate  on  special  matters. 
At  Trent  there  were  congregations  of  prelates  and 
congregations  of  theologians,  both  partly  for  dogma, 
partly  for  discipline.  The  congregations  of  prelates 
were  either  "  deputations  ",  i.  e.  committees  of  specially 
chosen  experts,  or  conciliary  groups,  usually  three, 
into  which  the  council  divided  for  the  purpose  of 
facilitating  discussion. 

The  official  ordo  of  the  Vatican  Council  confirmed 
the  Tridentine  practice,  leaving,  however,  to  the  in- 
itiative of  the  prelates  the  formation  of  groups  of  a 
more  private  character.  The  voting  by  "nations", 
peculiar  to  the  reform  councils,  has  also  been  aban- 
doned in  favour  of  the  traditional  voting  by  individ- 
uals (capita).  At  the  Vatican  Council  there  were 
seven  "commissions"  consisting  of  theologians  from 
all  countries,  appointed  a  year  before  the  actual 
meeting  of  the  assembly.  Their  duty  was  to  prepare 
the  various  matters  to  be  laid  before  the  council. 
The  object  of  these  congregations  is  sufficiently  de- 
scribed by  their  titles:  (1)  Congregatio  cardinalitia 
directrix;  (2)  Comroieflio  cseremoniarum;  (3)politico- 
ecclesiastica;  (4)  pro  ecclesiis  et  missionibuB  Orientis ; 
(5)  pro  Regularibus;  (6)  theologjca  dogmatica;  (7) 
pro  discipline  ecclesiastics,  (i.  e.  a  general  directive 
cardinalitial  congregation,  and  several  commissions 
for  ceremonies,  politico-ecclesiastical  affairs,  the 
churches  and  missions  of  the  Orient,  the  regular  or- 
ders, dogmatic  theology,  ecclesiastical  discipline). 
On  the  basis  of  their  labours  were  worked  out  the 
schemata  (drafts  of  decrees)  to  be  discussed  by  the 
council.  Within  the  council  itself  there  were  seven 
"deputations":  (1)  Pro  recipiendis  et  expendendis 
Patrum  propositionibus  (appointed  by  the  pope  to 
examine  the  propositions  of  the  Fathers) ;  (2)  Judicee 
excusationum  (Judges  of  excuses) ;  (3)  Judices  quere- 
larum  et  controversiarum  (to  settle  questions  of  prece- 
dence and  such  like) ;  (4)  deputatio  pro  rebus  ad  fidem 
pertinentibus  (on  matters  pertaining  to  faith);  (5) 
deputatio  pro  rebus  discipline  ecclesiastics  (on  eccle- 
siastical discipline) ;  (6)  pro  rebus  ordinum  regularium 
(on  religious  orders);  (7)  pro  rebus  ritus  orientate  et 


apostolicis  missionibus  (Oriental  rites  and  Apostolic 
missions). 

All  these  deputations,  except  the  first,  were  chosen 
by  the  council.  Objections  and  amendments  to  the 
proposed  schemata  had  to  be  handed  in  in  writing  to 
the  responsible  deputation  which  considered  the  mat- 
ter and  modified  the  schema  accordingly.  Anyone  de- 
siring further  to  improve  the  modified  draft  had  to 
obtain  from  the  legates  permission  to  propose  his 
amendments  in  a  speech,  after  which  he  put  them 
down  in  writing.  If,  however,  ten  prelates  decided 
that  the  matter  had  been  sufficiently  debated,  leave 
for  speaking  was  refused.  At  this  stage  the  amend- 
ments were  collected  and  examined  by  the  synodal 
congregation,  then  again  laid  before  the  general  con- 
gregation to  be  voted  on  severally.  The  votes  for 
admission  or  rejection  were  expressed  by  the  prelates 
standing  or  remaining  seated.  Next  the  schema,  re- 
formed in  accordance  with  these  votes,  was  submitted 
to  a  general  congregation  for  approval  or  disapproval 
in  tola.  In  case  a  majority  of  placets  were  given  for 
it,  it  was  accepted  in  a  last  solemn  public  session,  after 
a  final  vote  of  placet  or  rum  placet  (™  it  pleases  ",  or  "  it 
does  not  please"). 

(b)  The  theory. — The  principle  which  directs  the 
practical  working  of  a  council  is  the  perfect,  or  best 
possible,  realization  of  its  object,  viz.  a  final  judgment 
on  questions  of  faith  and  morals,  invested  with  the 
authority  and  majesty  of  the  whole  teaching  body  of 
the  Church.  To  this  end  some  means  are  absolutely 
necessary,  others  are  only  desirable  as  adding  perfec- 
tion to  the  result.  We  deal  first  with  these  latter 
means,  which  may  be  called  the  ideal  elements  of  the 
council: 

(1)  The  presence  of  all  the  bishops  of  the  world  is 
an  ideal  not  to  be  realized,  but  the  presence  of  a  very 
great  majority  is  desirable  for  many  reasons.  A  quasi- 
complete  council  has  the  advantage  of  being  a  real 
representation  of  the  whole  Church,  while  a  sparsely 
attended  one  is  only  so  in  law,  i.  e.  the  few  members 
present  legally  represent  the  many  absent,  but  only 
represent  then*  juridical  power,  their  ordinary  power 
not  being  representable.  Thus  for  every  bishop  ab- 
sent there  is  absent  an  authentic  witness  of  the  Faith 
as  it  is  in  his  diocese.  (2)  A  free  and  exhaustive  dis- 
cussion of  all  objections.  (3)  An  appeal  to  the  uni- 
versal belief — if  _  existing-^-witnessed  to  by  all  the 
bishops  in  council.  This,  if  realized,  would  render  all 
further  discussion  superfluous.  (4)  Unanimity  in  the 
final  vote,  the  result  either  of  the  universal  faith  as 
testified  to  by  the  Fathers,  or  of  conviction  gained  in 
the  debates.  It  is  evident  that  these  four  elements  in 
the  working  of  a  council  generally  contribute  to  its 
ideal  perfection,  but  it  is  not  less  evident  that  they  are 
not  essential  to  its  substance,  to  its  conciliary  effec- 
tiveness. If  they  were  necessary  many  acknowledged 
councils  and  decrees  would  lose  their  intrinsic  au- 
thority, because  one  or  other  or  all  of  these  conditions 
were  wanting.  Again,  there  is  no  standard  by  which, 
to  determine  whether  or  not  the  number  of  assisting 
bishops  was  sufficient  and  the  debates  have  been  ex- 
haustive; nor  do  the  Acts  of  the  councils  always  in- 
form us  of  the  unanimity  of  the  final  decisions  or  of 
the  way  in  which  it  was  obtained.  Were  each  and 
all  of  these  four  elements  essential  to  an  authoritative 
council  no  such  council  could  have  been  held,  in  many 
cases,  when  it  was  none  the  less  urgently  required  by 
the  necessities  of  the  Church.  Authors  who  insist  on 
the  ideal  perfection  of  councils  only  succeed  in  under- 
mining their  authority,  which  is,  perhaps,  the  object 
they  aim  at.  Their  fundamental  error  is  a  false  no- 
tion of  the  nature  of  councils.  They  conceive  of  the 
function  of  the  council  as  a  witnessing  to,  and  teaching 
of,  the  generally  accepted  faith ;  whereas  it  is  essen- 
tially a  juridical  function,  the  action  of  judges  as  well 
as  of  witnesses  of  the  Faith.  This  leads  us  to  consider 
the  essential  elements  in  conciliar  action. 


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From  the  notion  that  the  council  is  a  court  of  judges 
the  following  inferences  may  be  drawn:  (1)  The  bish- 
ops, in  giving  their  judgment,  are  directed  only  by 
their  personal  oonviction  of  its  rectitude;  no  previous 
consent  of  all  the  faithful  or  of  the  whole  episcopate  is 
required.  In  unity  with  their  head  they  are  one  solid 
college  of  judges  authoritatively  constituted  for  uni- 
ted, decisive  action: — a  body  entirely  different  from  a 
body  of  simple  witnesses.  (2)  This  being  admitted, 
the  assembled  college  assumes  a  representation  of  their 
colleagues  who  were  called  but  failed  to  take  their 
seats,  provided  the  number  of  those  actually  present 
is  not  altogether  inadequate  for  the  matter  in  hand. 
Hence  their  resolutions  are  rightly  said  to  rest  on  uni- 
versal consent:  universali  consensu  constituta,  as  the 
ftfrmula  runs.  (3)  Further,  on  the  same  supposition, 
the  college  of  judges  is  subject  to  the  rule  obtaining  in 
all  assemblies  constituted  for  framing  a  judicial  sen- 
tence or  a  common  resolution,  due  regard  being  paid 
to  the  special  relations,  in  the  present  instance,  between 
the  head  and  the  members  of  the  college :  the  co-oper- 
ative verdict  embodies  the  opinion  of  the  majority, 
including  the  head,  and  in  law  stands  for  the  verdict  of 
the  whole  assembly;  it  is  communi  sensu  constitvtum 
(established  by  common  consent).  A  majority  ver- 
dict, even  headed  by  papal  legates,  if  disconnected 
from  the  personal  action  of  the  pope,  still  falls  short 
of  a  perfect,  authoritative  pronouncement  of  the 
whole  Church,  and  cannot  claim  infallibility.  Were 
the  verdict  unanimous,  it  would  still  be  imperfect  and 
fallible,  if  it  did  not  receive  the  papal  approbation. 
The  verdict  of  a  majority,  therefore,  not  endorsed  by 
the  pope,  has  no  binding  force  on  either  the  dissen- 
tient members  present  or  the  absent  members,  nor  is 
the  pope  bound  in  any  way  to  endorse  it.  Its  only 
value  is  that  it  justifies  the  pope,  in  case  he  approves 
it,  to  say  that  he  confirms  the  decision  of  a  council,  or 

S'ves  his  own  decision  sacro  approbante  concilia  (with 
le  consent  of  the  council).  This  he  could  not  say  if 
he  annulled  a  decision  taken  by  a  majority  including 
his  legates,  or  if  he  gave  a>  casting  vote  between  two 
equal  parties.  A  unanimous  conciliary  decision,  as 
distinct  from  a  simple  majority  decision,  may  under 
certain  circumstances,  be,  in  a  way,  binding  on  the 
pope  and  compel  his  approbation — by  the  compelling 
power,  not  of  a  superior  authority,  but  of  the  Cath- 
olio  truth  shining  forth  in  the  witnessing  of  the  whole 
Church.  To  exert  such  power  the  council's  decision 
must  be  clearly  and  unmistakably  the  reflex  of  the 
faith  of  all  the  absent  bishops  and  of  the  faithful. 

To  gain  an  adequate  conception  of  the  council  at 
work  it  should  be  viewed  under  its  twofold  aspect  of 
judging  and  witnessing.  In  relation  to  the  faithful 
the  oonciliar  assembly  is  primarily  a  judge  who  pro- 
nounces a  verdict  conjointly  with  the  pope,  and,  at  the 
same  time,  acts  more  or  less  as  witness  in  the  case. 
Its  position  is  similar  to  that  of  St.  Paul  towards  the 
first  Christians:  quod  accepietis  a  me  per  multos  testes. 
In  relation  to  the  pope  the  council  is  out  an  assembly 
of  authentic  witnesses  and  competent  counsellors 
whose  influence  on  the  papal  sentence  is  that  of  the 
mass  of  evidence  which  they  represent  or  of  the  pre- 
paratory judgment  which  they  pronounce;  it  is  the 
only  way  in  which  numbers  of  judges  can  influence 
one  another.  Such  influence  lessens  neither  the  dig- 
nity nor  the  efficiency  of  any  of  the  judges;  on  the 
other  hand  it  is  never  required,  in  councils  or  else- 
where, to  make  their  verdict  unassailable.  The  Vati- 
can Council,  not  excluding  the  fourth  session  in  which 
papal  infallibility  was  denned,  comes  nearer  than  any 
former  council  to  the  ideal  perfection  just  described. 
It  was  composed  of  the  greatest  number  of  bishops, 
both  absolutely  and  in  proportion  to  the  totality  of 
bishops  in  the  Church;  it  allowed  and  exercised  the 
right  of  discussion  to  an  extent  perhaps  never  wit- 
nessed before;  it  appealed  to  a  general  tradition, 
present  and  past,  containing  the  effective  principle  of 
IV.— 28 


the  doctrine  under  discussion,  vis.  the  duty  of  sub- 
mitting in  obedience  to  the  Holy  See  and  of  conforming 
to  its  teaching;  lastly  it  gave  its  final  definition  with 
absolute  unanimity,  and  secured  the  greatest  majority 
— nine-tenths — for  its  preparatory  judgment. 

VIII.  Infallibility  of  General  Councils. — All 
the  arguments  which  go  to  prove  the  infallibility  of 
the  Church  apply  with  their  fullest  force  to  the  infalli- 
ble authority  of  general  councils  in  union  with  the 
pope.  For  conciliary  decisions  are  the  ripe  fruit  of 
the  total  life-energy  of  the  teaching  Church  actuated 
and  directed  by  the  Holy  Ghost.  Such  was  the  mind 
of  the  Apostles  when,  at  the  Council  of  Jerusalem 
(Acts,  xv,  28),  they  put  the  seal  of  supreme  authority 
on  their  decisions  in  attributing  them  to  the  joint 
action  of  the  Spirit  of  God  and  of  themselves:  Visum 
est  Spiritui  sancto  et  nobis  (It  hath  seemed  good  to 
the  Holy  Ghost  and  to  us).  This  formula  and  the 
dogma  it  enshrines  stand  out  brightly  in  the  deposit 
of  faith  and  have  been  carefully  guarded  throughout 
the  many  storms  raised  in  councils  by  the  play  of  the 
human  element.  From  the  earliest  times  they  who 
rejected  the  decisions  of  councils  were  themselves  re- 
jected by  the  Church.  Emperor  Constantine  saw  in 
the  decrees  of  Nictea  "a  Divine  commandment"  and 
Athanasius  wrote  to  the  bishops  of  Africa:  "What 
God  has  spoken  through  the  Council  of  Nicaja  en- 
dureth  for  ever."  St.  Ambrose  (Ep.  xxi)  pronounces 
himself  ready  to  die  by  the  sword  rather  than  give  up 
the  Nicene  decrees,  and  Pope  Leo  the  Great  expressly 
declares  that "  whoso  resists  the  Councils  of  Nictea  and 
Chalcedon  cannot  be  numbered  among  Catholics" 
(Ep.  Ixxviii,  ad  Leonem  Augustum).  In  the  same 
epistle  he  says  that  the  decrees  of  Chalcedon  were 
framed  instruente  Spiritu  Sancto,  i.e.  under  the  guid- 
ance of  the  Holy  Ghost.  How  the  same  doctrine  was 
embodied  in  many  professions  of  faith  may  be  seen  in 
Denringer's  fed.  Stahl)  "Enchiridion  symbolorum  et 
definitionum  ,  under  the  heading  (index)  "Concilium 
generate  representat  ecclesiam  universalem,  eique  ab- 
solute obediendum"  (General  councils  represent  the 
universal  Church  and  demand  absolute  obedience). 
The  Scripture  texts  on  which  this  unshaken  belief  is 
based  are,  among  others:  "  But  when  he,  the  Spirit  of 
truth,  is  come,  he  will  teach  you  all  truth  ..."  (John, 
xvi,  13);  "Behold  I  am  witn  you  [teaching]  all  days, 
even  to  the  consummation  of  the  world"  (Matt.,  xxviii, 
20);  "The  gates  of  hell  shall  not  prevail  against  it 
[Le.  the  Church]"  (Matt.,  xvi,  18). 

IX.  Papal  and  Conciliar  Infallibility. — Papal 
and  conciliar  infallibility  are  correlated  but  not  iden- 
tical. A  council's  decrees  approved  by  the  pope  are 
infallible  by  reason  of  that  approbation,  because  the 
pope  is  infallible  also  extra  concilium,  without  the  sup- 
port of  a  council.  The  infallibility  proper  to  the  pope 
is  not,  however,  the  only  formal  adequate  ground  of 
the  council's  infallibility.  The  Divine  constitution  of 
the  Church  and  the  promises  of  Divine  assistance 
made  by  her  Founder,  guarantee  her  inerrancy,  in 
matters  pertaining  to  faith  and  morals,  independently 
of  the  pope's  infallibility:  a  fallible  pope  supporting, 
and  supported  by,  a  council,  would  still  pronounoe  in- 
fallible decisions.  This  accounts  for  the  fact  that, 
before  the  Vatican  decree  concerning  the  supreme 
pontiff's  ex-cathedra  judgments,  oecumenical  councils 
were  generally  held  to  be  infallible  even  by  those  who 
denied  the  papal  infallibility;  it  also  explains  the  con- 
cessions largely  made  to  the  opponents  of  the  papal 

Erivilege  that  it  is  not  necessarily  implied  in  the  lnfal- 
bility  of  councils,  and  the  claims  that  it  can  be 
proved  separately  and  independently  on  its  proper 
merits.  The  infallibility  of  the  council  is  intrinsic, 
i.e.  springs  from  its  nature.  Christ  promised  to  be  in 
the  midst  of  two  or  three  of  His  disciples  gathered  to- 
gether in  His  name;  now  an  oecumenical  council  is,  in 
fact  or  in  law,  a  gathering  of  all  Christ's  co-workers 
for  tiie  salvation  of  man  through  true  faith  and  holy 


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conduct;  He  is  therefore  in  their  midst,  fulfilling  His 
promises  and  leading  them  into  the  truth  for  which 
they  are  striving.  HiB  presence,  by  cementing  the 
unity  of  the  assembly  into  one  body— His  own  mysti- 
cal body — gives  it  the  necessary  completeness,  and 
makes  up  for  any  defect  possibly  arising  from  the  phys- 
ical absence  of  a  certain  number  of  bishops,  the 
same  presence  strengthens  the  action  of  the  pope,  so 
that,  as  mouthpiece  of  the  council,  he  can  say  in 
truth,  "it  has  seemed  good  to  the  Holy  Ghost  and  to 
us",  and  consequently  can,  and  does,  put  the  seal  of 
infallibility  on  the  conciliar  decree  irrespective  of  his 
own  personal  infallibility. 

_  Some  important  consequences  flow  from  these  prin- 
ciples. Conciliar  decrees  approved  by  the  pope  have 
a  double  guarantee  of  infallibility:  their  own  and  that 
of  the  infallible  pope.  The  council's  dignity  is,  there- 
fore, not  diminished,  but  increased,  by  the  defini- 
tion of  papal  infallibility,  nor  does  that  definition 
imply  a  'circular  demonstration"  by  which  the  coun- 
cil would  make  the  pope  infallible  and  the  pope  would 
render  the  same  service  to  the  council.  It  should, 
however,  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  council  without 
the  pope  has  no  guarantee  of  infallibility,  therefore 
the  conciliar  and  the  papal  infallibilities  are  not  two 
separate  and  addible  units,  but ,  one  unit  with 
■ingle  or  double  excellence.  An  infallible  statement 
of  Divine  truth  is  the  voice  of  Christ  speaking  through 
the  mouth  of  the  visible  head  of  His  mystical  body  or 
in  unison,  in  chorus,  with  all  its  members.  The  united 
voice  of  the  whole  Church  has  a  solemnity,  impressive- 
ness,  and  effectiveness,  an  external,  circumstantial 
weight,  which  is  wanting  in  simple  ex-cathedra  pro- 
nouncements. It  works  its  way  into  the  minds  and 
hearts  of  the  faithful  with  almost  irresistible  force, 
because  in  the  universal  harmony  each  individual  be- 
liever hears  his  own  voice,  is  carried  away  by  the 
powerful  rhythm,  and  moved  as  by  a  Divine  spell  to 
follow  the  leaders.  Again,  the  bishops  who  have  per- 
sonally contributed  to  the  definitions  have,  in  that 
fact,  an  incentive  to  zeal  in  publishing  them  and  en- 
forcing them  in  their  dioceses ;  nay  the  council  itself 
is  an  effective  beginning  of  its  execution  or  enforce- 
ment in 'practice.  For  this  reason  alone,  the  holding 
of  most  Eastern  councils  was  a  moral  necessity;  the 
great  distance  between  East  and  West,  the  difficulty 
of  communication,  the  often  keen  opposition  of  the 
Orientals  to  Old  Rome  made  a  solemn  promulgation  of 
the  definitions  on  the  spot  more  than  desirable.  No 
aids  to  effectiveness  were  to  be  neglected  in  that  cen- 
tre of  heresies. 

These  considerations  further  account  for  the  great 
esteem  in  which  conciliar  definitions  have  always 
been  held  in  the  Church,  and  for  the  great  authority 
they  universally  enjoyed  without  any  detriment  to,  or 
diminution  of,  the  authority  of  the  Apostolic  See. 
From  of  old  it  has  been  customary  to  place  side  by 
side,  in  the  rule  of  faith,  the  authority  of  the  councils 
and  that  of  the  popes  as  substantially  the  same. 
Thus,  we  read  in  the  formula,  or  profession  of  faith, 
imposed  by  Pope  Hormisdas  (514-23)  on  the  East- 
ern bishops  implicated  in  the  schism  of  Acacius: 
"The  first  [step  towards]  salvation  is  to  keep  the  rule 
of  orthodox  [recto]  faith  and  in  no  wise  to  deviate 
from  the  constitutions  of  the  Fathers  [i.e.  councils]. 
But  the  words  of  Our  Lord  to  St.  Peter  (Thou  art 
Peter  .  .  .  )  cannot  be  passed  over,  for  what  He  said 
has  been  verified  by  the  events,  since  in  the  Apostolic 
See  the  Catholic  religion  has  always  been  preserved 
without  spot  or  stain.  Wishing  by  no  means  to  be 
separated  from  this  hope  and  faith,  and  following  the 
constitutions  of  the  Fathers,  we  anathematize  all 
heresies,  especially  the  heretic  Nestorius,  in  his  time 
Bishop  of  Constantinople,  who  was  condemned  in  the 
Council  of  Ephesus  by  Blessed  Celestine,  Pope  of 
Some,  and  by  Cyril,  Bishop  of  Alexandria  .  .  .  We 
isoeive  and  approve  all  the  letters  of  Leo,  Pope, 


which  he  wrote  concerning  the  Christian  religion,  as 
we  have  stated  before,  following  in  all  things  the 
Apostolic  See  and  professing  [praxiicantes]  all  its  con- 
stitutions. And  therefore  lhope  to  be  worthy  to  be 
with  you  [the  pope]  in  the  one  communion  which  this 
Apostolic  See  professes,  in  which  lies  the  entire,  vera- 
cious, and  peaceful  solidity  of  the  Christian  religion. 
. . ."  It  should  be  noted  that  in  this  formula  the  in- 
fallibility of  the  Apostolic  See  is  the  centre  from  which 
radiates  the  infallibility  of  the  councils. 

X.  Subject  Matter  of  Infallibility. — The  sub- 
ject matter  of  infallibility,  or  supreme  judicial  author- 
ity, is  found  in  the  definitions  and  decrees  of  councils, 
and  in  them  alone,  to  the  exclusion  of  the  theological, 
scientific,  or  historical  reasons  upon  which  they  are 
built  up.  These  represent  too  much  of  the  human1 
element,  of  transient  mentalities,  of  personal  interests 
to  claim  the  promise  of  infallibility  made  to  the 
Church  as  a  whole;  it  is  the  sense  of  the  unchanging 
Church  that  is  infallible,  not  the  sense  of  individual 
churchmen  of  any  age  or  excellence,  and  that  sense 
finds  expression  only  in  the  conclusions  of  the  council 
approved  by  the  pope.  Decisions  referring  to  dogma 
were  called  in  the  East  tiarvwibtreis  (constitutions,  stat- 
utes); those  concerned  with  discipline  were  termed 
Karbret  (canons,  rules),  often  with  the  addition  of 
rfjt  <4ra{iaf  (of  discipline,  or  good  order).  The  ex- 
pressions Btviul  and  Spot  apply  to  both,  and  the  short 
formula)  of  condemnation  were  known  as  iraBtiiarwiial 
(anathemas). 

In  the  West  no  careful  distinction  of  terms  was  ob- 
served :  canones  and  decreta  signify  both  dogmatic  and 
disciplinary  decisions.  The  Council  of  Trent  styled 
its  disciplinary  edicts  decreta  de  reformatione;  its  dog- 
matic definitions  decreta,  without  qualification,  where 
they  positively  assert  the  points  of  faith  then  in  dis- 
pute, and  canones  when,  in  imitation  of  the  ancient 
anathematisms,  they  imposed  an  anathema  sit  on 
those  that  refused  assent  to  the  defined  propositions. 
An  opinion  too  absurd  to  require  refutation  pretends 
that  only  these  latter  canons  (with  the  attached  ana- 
themas) contain  the  peremptory  judgment  of  the 
council  demanding  unquestioned  submission.  Equally 
absurd  is  the  opimon,  sometimes  recklessly  advanced, 
that  the  Tridentine  capita  are  no  more  than  explana- 
tions of  the  canones,  not  proper  definitions;  the  coun- 
cil itself,  at  the  beginning  and  end  of  each  chapter,  de- 
clares them  to  contain  the  rule  of  faith.  Thus  Session 
XIII  begins:  "The  Holy  Synod  forbids  to  all  the 
faithful  in  future  to  believe,  teach,  or  preach  concern- 
ing the  Holy  Eucharist  otherwise  than  is  explained 
and  denned  m  the  present  decree",  and  it  ends:  "As, 
however^  it  is  not  enough  to  speak  the  truth  without 
discovering  and  refuting  error,  it  has  pleased  the  Holy 
Synod  to  subjoin  the  following  canons,  so  that  all, 
now  knowing  the  Catholic  doctrine,  may  also  under- 
stand what  heresies  they  have  to  beware  against  and 
avoid."  The  same  remark  applies  to  the  chapters  of 
the  Vatican  Council  in  its  two  Constitutions,  as  appears 
from  the  concluding  words  of  the  proamium  of  the  first 
Constitution  and  from  the  initial  phrases  of  most  chap- 
ters. All  that  may  be  conceded  is  that  the  chapters 
of  both  councils  contain  the  doctrina  caikolica,  Le.  the 
authorized  teaching  of  the  Church,  but  not  always  and 
invariably  dogmata  formalin,  i.e.  propositions  of  faith 
defined  as  such. 

XI.  Promulgation. — Promulgation  of  conciliar 
decrees  is  necessary  because  they  are  laws,  and  no  law 
is  binding  until  it  has  been  brought  unmistakably  to 
the  knowledge  of  all  it  intends  to  bind.  The  decrees 
are  usually  promulgated  in  the  name  of  the  synod 
itself;  in  cases  of  the  pope  presiding  in  person  they 
have  also  been  published  in  the  form  of  papal  decrees 
with  the  formula:  sacra  universale  synodo  approbante. 
This  was  done  first  at  the  Third  Late  ran  Council,  then 
at  the  Fourth  and  Fifth  Lateran,  and  also  partly  at  the 
Council  of  Constance. 


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XII.  Is  a  Council  Above  the  Pope? — The  Coun- 
cils of  Constance  and  of  Basle  have  affirmed  with 
great  emphasis  that  an  oecumenical  council  is  superior 
in  authority  to  the  pope,  and  French  theologians  have 
adopted  that  proposition  as  one  of  the  famous  four 
Gallican  Liberties.  Other  theologians  affirmed,  and 
still  affirm,  that  the  pope  is  above  any  general  council. 
The  leading  exponents  of  the  Gallican  doctrine  are: 
Dupin  (1667-1719),  professor  at  the  Sorbonne  in 
Paris  ("Dissertatio  de  concilii  generalis  supra  Ro- 
manum  Pontificem  auctoritate",  in  his  book  on  the 
ancient  discipline  of  the  Church,  "De  antiqua  Ec- 
clesue  discipline  dissertationes  histories");  and 
Natalis  Alexander,  O.  P.  (1639-1724),  in  the  ninth 
volume  of  his  great  "Historia  Ecclesiastica"  (Diss, 
iv  ad  sseculum  XV).  On  the  other  side  Lucius  Fer- 
raris (Bibliotheca  Canonica,  s.  v.  Concilium)  and 
Roncaglia,  editor  and  corrector  of  Natalis  Alexander's 
history,  stoutly  defend  the  papal  superiority.  Hefele, 
after  carefully  weighing  the  main  arguments  of  the 
Gallicans  (viz.  that  Pope  Martin  V  approved  the 
declaration  of  the  Council  of  Constance,  and  Pope 
Eugene  IV  the  identical  declaration  of  the  Council 
of  Basle,  affirming  the  superiority  of  an  oecumenical 
synod  over  the  pope),  concluded  that  both  popes,  in 
the  interests  of  peace,  approved  of  the  councils  in 
general  terms  which  might  imply  an  approbation  of 
the  point  in  question,  but  that  neither  Martin  nor 
Eugene  ever  intended  to  acknowledge  the  superiority 
of  a  council  over  the  pope.  (See  Hefele,  Concilien- 
geschichte,  I,  50-54.) 

The  principles  hitherto  set  forth  supply  a  complete 
solution  to  the  controversy.  General  councils  repre- 
sent the  Church;  the  pope  therefore  stands  to  them 
in  the  same  relation  as  ne  stands  to  the  Church.  But 
that  relation  is  one  of  neither  superiority  nor  inferior- 
ity, but  of  intrinsic  cohesion:  the  pope  is  neither  above 
nor  below  the  Church,  but  in  it  as  the  centre  is  in 
the  circle,  as  intellect  and  will  are  in  the  soul.  By  tak- 
ing our  stand  on  the  Scriptural  doctrine  that  the 
Church  is  the  mystical  body  of  Christ  of  which  the 
pope  is  the  visible  head,  we  see  at  once  that  a  coun- 
cil apart  from  the  pope  is  but  a  lifeless  trunk,  a 
"rump  parliament",  no  matter  how  well  attended  it 
be. 

XIII.  Can  a  Council  Depose  the  Pope? — This 
question  is  a  legitimate  one,  for  in  the  history  of  the 
Church  circumstances  have  arisen  in  which  several 
pretenders  contended  for  papal  authority  and  coun- 
cils were  called  upon  to  remove  certain  claimants. 
The  Councils  of  Constance  and  Basle,  and  Gallican 
theologians,  hold  that  a  council  may  depose  a  pope 
on  two  main  grounds:  (1)  ob  mores  (for  his  conduct 
or  behaviour,  e.  g.  his  resistance  to  the  synod);  (2)  ob 
fidem  (on  account  of  his  faith  or  rather  want  of  faith, 
i.  e.  heresy).  In  point  of  fact,  however,  heresy  is  the 
only  legitimate  ground.  For  a  heretical  pope  has 
ceased  to  be  a  member  of  the  Church,  and  cannot, 
therefore,  be  its  head.  A  sinful  pope,  on  the  other 
hand,  remains  a  member  of  the  (visible)  Church  and 
is  to  be  treated  as  a  sinful,  unjust  ruler  for  whom  we 
must  pray,  but  from  whom  we  may  not  withdraw  our 
obedience. 

But  the  question  assumes  another  aspect  when  a 
number  of  claimants  pretend  to  be  the  rightful  occu- 
pants of  the  Apostolic  See,  and  the  right  of  each  is 
doubtful.  In  such  a  case  the  council,  according  to 
Bellarmine  (Disputationes,  II,  xix,  de  Conciliis)  nas 
a  right  to  examine  the  several  claims  and  to  depose 
the  pretenders  whose  claims  are  unfounded.  This 
was  done  at  the  Synod  of  Constance.  But  during  this 
process  of  examination  the  synod  is  not  yet  oecumeni- 
cal; it  only  becomes  so  the  moment  the  rightful  pope 
assents  to  its  proceedings.  It  is  evident  that  this  is 
no  instance  of  a  legitimate  pope  being  deposed  by  a 
legitimate  council,  but  simply  the  removal  of  a  pre- 
tender by  those  op  whom  he  wishes  to  impose  his  will. 


Not  even  John  XXIII  could  have  been  deposed  at 
Constance,  had  his  election  not  been  doubtful  and 
himself  suspected  of  heresy.  John  XXIII,  moreover, 
abdicated  and  by  his  abdication  made  his  removal 
from  the  Apostolic  See  lawful.  In  all  controversies 
and  complaints  regarding  Rome  the  rule  laid  down  by 
the  Eighth  General  Synod  should  never  be  lost  sight 
of:  "If  a  universal  synod  be  assembled  and  any 
ambiguity  or  controversy  arise  concerning  the  Holy 
Church  of  the  Romans,  tne  question  should  be  exam- 
ined and  solved  with  due  reverence  and  veneration, 
in  a  spirit  of  mutual  helpfulness;  no  sentence  should 
be  audaciously  pronounced  against  the  supreme  pon- 
tiff of  the  elder  Rome"  (can.  xxi,  Hefele,  IV,  421-22). 

Scheeben  wrote  copiously  and  learnedly  in  defence  of  the 
Vatican  Council;  his  article  in  the  Kirchenlexiam,  written  in 
1883,  contains  the  marrow  of  his  previous  .writings,  while 
Hetele's  History  of  the  Council*  is  the  standard  work  on  the 
subject.  For  a  deeper  study  of  the  councils  a  (rood  collection 
of  the  Acta  Concitiorum  is  indispensable.  The  first  ever  printed 
was  the  very  imperfect  one  of  Merlin  (Paris,  1623).  A  sec- 
ond and  richer  collection,  by  the  Belgian  Franciscan  Peter 
Crabbe,  appeared  in  1538  at  Cologne,  in  3  vols.  Completer 
editions  were  published  as  time  went  on:  Scares  (Cologne, 
1567,  6  vols.);  Bolands  (Venice,  1885,  6  vols.);  BlNltrs  (Col- 
ogne, 1608),  with  historical  and  explanatory  notes  from  Bs.ro- 
niua — republished  1618,  and  in  Paris,  1636,  in  9  vols.;  the 
Roman  collection  of  general  councils  with  Greek  text,  arranged 
by  the  Jesuit  Sirmond  (1608-1612),  in  4  vols. — each  council  is 
preceded  by  a  short  history.  On  Bellarmine's  advice  Sirmond 
omitted  the  Acts  of  the  Synod  of  Basle.  This  Roman  collec- 
tion is  the  foundation  of  all  that  followed.  First  among  these 
is  the  Paris  Collectio  Regia,  in  37  vols.  (1644).  Then  comes  the 
still  completer  collection  of  the  Jesuits  Labbe  and  Cossabt 
(Paris,  1674),  in  17  folio  vols.,  to  which  Baltjie  added  a  supple- 
mentary volume  (Paris,  1683  and  1707).    Host  French  authors 

rte  from  Labbe-Baluze.  Yet  another  and  better  edition  is 
to  the  Jesuit  Habdouin;  it  is  of  all  the  most  perfect  and 
serviceable.  Mansi — later  Archbishop  of  Lucca,  his  native 
town — with  the  help  of  many  Italian  scholars,  brought  out  a 
new  collection  of  31  volumes,  which,  had  it  been  finished,  would 
have  surpassed  all  its  predecessors  in  merit.  Unfortunately  it 
only  comes  down  to  the  fifteenth  century,  and,  being  unfinished, 
has  no  indexes.  To  fill  this  gap,  Welter,  a  Paris  publisher, 
took  up  (1900)  the  new  collection  proposed  (1870)  by  V.  Palm£. 
To  a  facsimile  reprint  of  the  31  volumes  of  Mansi  (Florence- 
Venice,  1757-1797)  he  added  19  supplementary  volumes,  fur- 
mshing  the  necessary  indexes,  etc.  The  Acta  et  Decreta 
conciliorum  recentiorum Collectio  Lacensis  (Freiburg im  Br.,  1870- 
90),  published  by  the  Jesuits  of  Haria-Laach,  extends  from 
1682  to  1869.  An  English  translation  of  HiriLE'e  standard 
History  of  the  Christian  Councils,  by  W.  R.  Clark,  was  com- 
menced in  1871  (Edinburgh  and  London);  a  French  translation 
by  the  Benedictines  of  Fambo rough  is  also  in  course  of 
publication  (Paris,  1907).  Among  the  latest  authors  treating 
of  councils  are  Weknz,  Jus  Decretalium  (Rome,  1899),  I,  II; 
Ojetti,  Synopsis  rarum  moralium  el  juris  canonid,  s.  v. 
Concilium. 

J.  Wllhelm. 

Counsels,  Evangelical  (or  Counsels  or  Perfec- 
tion).— Christ  in  the  Gospels  laid  down  certain  rules  of 
life  and  conduct  which  must  be  practised  by  every 
one  of  His  followers  as  the  necessary  condition  for  at- 
taining to  everlasting  life.  These  precepts  of  the 
Gospel  practically  consist  of  the  Decalogue,  or  Ten 
Commandments,  of  the  Old  Law,  interpreted  in  the 
sense  of  the  New.  Besides  these  precepts  which  must 
be  observed  by  all  under  pain  of  eternal  damnation, 
He  also  taught  certain  principles  which  He  expressly 
stated  were  not  to  be  considered  as  binding  upon  all, 
or  as  necessary  conditions  without  which  neaven 
could  not  be  attained,  but  rather  as  counsels  for  those 
who  desired  to  do  more  than  the  minimum  and  to  aim 
at  Christian  perfection,  so  far  as  that  can  be  obtained 
here  upon  earth.  Thus  (Matt.,  xix,  16  sq.)  when  the 
young  man  asked  Him  what  he  should  do  to  obtain 
eternal  life,  Christ  bade  him  to  "keep  the  command- 
ments". That  was  all  that  was  necessary  in  the 
strict  sense  of  the  word,  and  by  thus  keeping  the  com- 
mands which  God  had  given  eternal  life  could  be  ob- 
tained. But  when  the  young  man  pressed  further, 
Christ  told  him:  "  If  thou  wilt  be  perfect,  go  sell  what 
thou  hast,  and  give  to  the  poor".  So  again,  in  the 
same  chapter,  He  speaks  of  "eunuchs  who  have  made 
themselves  eunuchs  for  the  kingdom  of  heaven",  and 
added,  "He  that  can  receive  it,  let  him  receive  it". 

This  distinction  between  the  precepts  of  the  Gospel 


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which  are  binding  on  all,  and  the  counsels,  which  are 
the  subject  of  the  vocation  of  the  comparatively  few, 
has  ever  been  maintained  by  the  Catholic  Church.  It 
has  been  denied  by  heretics  in  all  ages,  and  especially 
by  many  Protestants  in  the  sixteenth  and  following 
centuries,  on  the  ground  that,  inasmuch  as  all  Chris- 
tians are  at  all  times  bound,  if  they  would  keep  God's 
Commandments,  to  do  their  utmost,  and  even  so  will 
fall  short  of  perfect  obedience,  no  distinction  between 
precepts  and  counsels  can  rightly  be  made.  The  op- 
ponents of  the  Catholic  doctrine  base  their  opposition 
on  such  texts  as  Luke,  xvii,  10,  "  When  ye  have  done 
all  that  is  commanded  you,  say,  we  are  unprofitable 
servants".  It  is  impossible,  they  say,  to  keep  the 
Commandments  adequately.  To  teach  further  "coun- 
sels" involves  either  the  absurdity  of  advising  what 
is  far  beyond  all  human  capacity,  or  else  the  im- 
piety of  minimising  the  commands  of  Almighty  God. 
The  Catholic  doctrine,  however,  founded,  as  we  have 
seen,  upon  the  words  of  Christ  in  the  Gospel,  is  also 
supported  by  St.  Paul.  In  I  Cor.,  vii,  for  instance,  he 
not  only  presses  home  the  duty  incumbent  on  all 
Christians  of  keeping  free  from  all  sins  of  the  flesh,  and 
of  fulfilling  the  obligations  of  the  married  state,  if  they 
have  taken  those  obligations  upon  themselves,  but  also 
gives  his  "counsel"  in  favour  of  the  unmarried  state 
and  of  perfect  chastity,  on  the  ground  that  it  is  thus 
more  possible  to  serve  God  with  an  undivided  alle- 
giance. Indeed,  the  danger  in  the  Early  Church,  and 
even  in  Apostolic  times,  was  not  that  the  "counsels" 
would  be  neglected  or  denied,  but  that  they  should  be 
exalted  into  commands  of  universal  obligation,  "for- 
bidding to  marry"  (1  Tim.,  iv,  3),  and  imposing  pov- 
erty as  a  duty  on  all. 

The  difference  between  a  precept  and  a  counsel  lies 
in  this,  that  the  precept  is  a  matter  of  necessity  while 
the  counsel  is  left  to  the  free  choice  of  the  person  to 
whom  it  is  proposed.  It  is  fitting,  therefore,  that  the 
New  Law,  which  is  a  law  of  liberty,  should  contain 
counsels  of  this  kind,  which  would  have  been  out  of 
place  in  the  Old  Law,  which  was  a  law  of  servitude. 
The  precepts  of  the  New  Law  have  for  their  scope  the 
ordinance  of  those  matters  which  are  essential  for  the 
obtaining  of  life  eternal — the  gift  which  it  is  the  spe- 
cial object  of  the  New  Law  to  place  within  the  reach  of 
its  followers.  But  the  counsels  show  the  means  by 
which  that  same  end  may  be  reached  yet  more  cer- 
tainly and  expeditiously.  Man  is,  in  this  life,  placed 
between  the  good  things  of  this  world  and  the  good 
things  of  eternity,  in  such  a  way  that  the  more  he  in- 
clines to  the  first  the  more  he  alienates  himself  from 
the  second.  A  man  who  is  wholly  given  up  to  this 
world,  finding  in  it  the  end  and  object  of  his  existence, 
loses  altogether  the  goods  of  eternity,  of  which  he  has 
no  appreciation.  So  in  like  manner,  the  man  who  is 
wholly  detached  from  this  world,  and  whose  thoughts 
are  wholly  bent  on  the  realities  of  the  world  above,  is 
taking  the  shortest  way  to  obtain  possession  of  that 
on  which  his  heart  is  fixed.  The  children  of  this 
world  are  in  their  generation  wiser  than  the  children 
of  light,  but  the  case  is  reversed  if  a  larger  view  be 
taken. 

Now  the  principal  good  things  of  this  world  easily 
divide  themselves  into  three  classes.  There  are  the 
riches  which  make  life  easy  and  pleasant,  there  are  the 
pleasures  of  the  flesh  which  appeal  to  the  appetites, 
and,  lastly,  there  are  honours  and  positions  of  author- 
ity which  delight  the  self-love  of  the  individual. 
These  three  matters,  in  themselves  often  innocent  and 
not  forbidden  to  the  devout  Christian,  may  yet,  even 
when  no  kind  of  sin  is  involved,  hold  back  the  soul 
from  its  true  aim  and  vocation,  and  delay  it  from  be- 
coming entirely  conformed  to  the  will  of  God.  It  is, 
therefore,  the  object  of  the  three  counsels  of  perfection 
to  free  the  soul  from  these  hindrances.  The  soul  may 
indeed  be  saved  and  heaven  attained  without  follow- 
ing the  counsels;  but  that  end  will  be  reached  more 


easily  and  with  greater  certainty,  if  the  counsels  be 
accepted  and  the  soul  does  not  wholly  confine  herself 
to  doing  that  which  is  definitely  commanded.  On  the 
other  hand,  there  are,  no  doubt,  individual  cases  in 
which  it  may  be  actually  necessary  for  a  person,  owing 
to  particular  circumstances,  to  follow  one  or  more  of 
the  counsels,  and  one  may  easily  conceive  a  case  in 
which  the  adoption  of  the  religious  life  might  seem, 
humanly  speaking,  the  only  way  in  which  a  particular 
soul  could  be  saved.  Such  cases,  however,  are  always 
of  an  exceptional  character.  As  there  are  three  great 
hindrances  to  the  higher  life,  so  also  the  counsels  are 
three,  one  to  oppose  each.  The  love  of  riches  is  op- 
posed by  the  counsel  of  poverty;  the  pleasures  of  the 
flesh,  even  the  lawful  pleasures  of  holy  matrimony,  are 
excluded  by  the  counsel  of  chastity;  while  the  desire 
for  worldly  power  and  honour  is  met  by  the  counsel  of 
holy  obedience.  Abstinence  from  unlawful  indulg- 
ence in  any  of  these  directions  is  forbidden  to  all 
Christians  as  a  matter  of  precept.  The  further  volun- 
tary abstinence  from  what  is  in  itself  lawful  is  the  sub- 
ject of  the  counsels,  and  such  abstinence  is  not  in  itself 
meritorious,  but  only  becomes  so  when  it  is  done  for 
the  sake  of  Christ,  and  in  order  to  be  more  free  to 
serve  Him. 

To  sum  up:  it  is  possible  to  be  rich,  and  married, 
and  held  in  honour  by  all  men,  and  yet  keep  the  Com- 
mandments and  to  enter  heaven.  Christ's  advice  is, 
if  we  would  make  sure  of  everlasting  life  and  desire  to 
conform  ourselves  perfectly  to  the  Divine  will,  that 
we  should  sell  our  possessions  and  give  the  proceeds 
to  others  who  are  in  need,  that  we  should  live  a  life  of 
chastity  for  the  Gospel's  sake,  and,  finally,  should  not 
seek  honours  or  commands,  but  place  ourselves  under 
obedience. '  These  are  the  Evangelical  Counsels,  and 
the  things  which  are  counselled  are  not  set  forward  so 
much  as  good  in  themselves,  as  in  the  light  of  means  to 
an  end  and  as  the  surest  and  quickest  way  of  obtaining 
everlasting  life.  (See  Asceticism;  Monasticism  ;  Re- 
ligious Orders.) 

All  writers  on  dogmatic  or  moral  theology  touch  on  the  sub- 
ject more  or  less  directly.  The  following  especially  may  be 
consulted:  Sr.  Thomas,  Summa  Theol.,  I-II,  Q.  cviii;  II-II, 
O.  acriv;  Suakkz,  Opera  (ed.  1868),  XV,  p.  38;  Hionb,  Diet, 
aatc&icixmz,  s.  v.;  Maldonatcs,  Commentary  on  Matt.  xix. 

Arthur  S.  Barnes. 

Counterpoint  (Lat.  contrapu nctum;  Ger.  Kontra- 
punkt;  Ft.  contrepoint;  It.  contrapunlo),  from  punc- 
tum, "point" — as  a  note  was  formerly  called  in 
music — and  contra,  "against";  originally,  punctum 
contra  punctum,  or  nota  contra  notam — "  point  against 
point  ,  or  "note  against  note".  The  term  counter- 
point originated  in  the  fourteenth  century,  though 
the  art  designated  by  it  had  been  practised  for  several 
centuries  previous.  The  desire  for  harmony,  that  is, 
the  simultaneous  sounding  with  the  cantos  firmus, 
tenor,  or  theme,  of  one  or  more  voices  on  different 
intervals,  first  found  expression  in  the  so-called  di- 
aphony  or  "Organum"  of  Hucbald  (840-930  or  932). 
[H.  E.  Woolridge  in  his  "Oxford  History  of  Music" 
(1901),  vol.  I,  p.  61,  quotes  from  a  treatise  "De 
divisione  naturae",  by  Scotus  Erigena  (d.  880),  a 
passage,  describing  the  organum,  which  would  indi- 
cate that  diaphony,  even  in  contrary  motion,  was  in 
use  in  England  previous  to  Hucbald's  innovation, 
though  proof  of  its  general  use  in  the  British  Isles  is 
wanting.] 

In  the  twelfth  century,  in  France,  the  custom  arose, 
and  became  general  among  singers,  of  improvising  one 
or  more  independent  melodies  above  the  liturgical 
melody,  or  cantus  ftrmus.  This  was  known  as  diehard, 
or  discantus.  In  England  the  gymel,  or  cantus  gemel- 
lus (twin  song),  flourished  at  an  even  earlier  date. 
The  gymel  consisted  in  adding  the  interval  of  the  third 
both  above  and  below  the  cantus  firmus.  Later,  the 
third  below  was  transposed  an  octave  higher,  giving 
rise  to  the  jalso-bordone,  faux-bourdon,  or  false  bass. 


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All  these  sporadic  attempts  at  polyphony  culminated, 
in  the  fourteenth  century,  in  the  addition  of  different 
melodies  to  the  carU.ua  firmus  in  accordance  with  well- 
formulated  laws  of  counterpoint  which  are  still  valid 
at  the  present  day.  The  aim  was  the  perfect  integrity 
and  independence  of  the  various  melodies  in  their 
flow,  from  which,  of  course,  resulted  passing  disso- 
nances, but  these  were  continually  solved  into  conso- 
nances on  the  accented  notes  of  the  measure.  During 
the  course  of  the  following  century  contrapuntal  skill 
reached  unprecedented  heights  among  both  the  nu- 
merous masters  of  the  Netherlands  and  those  of 
England;  but  it  served  its  highest  purpose  and  bore 
its  ripest  fruit  in  the  Roman  school  of  the  sixteenth 
century.  The  polyphony  for  four,  five,  six,  eight,  or 
more  parts,  produced  in  that  century,  with  its  pre- 
vailing consonance  and  unifying  and  life-giving  prin- 
ciple, the  cantut  firmus  (generally  a  Gregorian  melody), 
is,  in  a  sense,  an  image  of  the  congregation  or  of  the 
Church  itself.  We  have  unity  in  variety:  each  voice 
Ringing  its  own  melody  and  still  harmonizing  with 
every  other  voice,  just  as  every  member  of  the  Church 
aspires  to  the  same  ideal  according  to  his  own  nature 
and  capacity.  When  monody  came  into  fashion  at 
the  end  of  the  sixteenth  and  the  beginning  of  the 
seventeenth  century,  the  study  and  practice  of  coun- 
terpoint was  almost  entirely  neglected,  but  it  received 
a  new  and  wonderful  development  at  the  hands  of 
Handel  and  Bach.  For  a  time  contrapuntal  art 
served  masters  other  than  the  Church  and  tier  liturgy, 
but  with  the  revived  observance  of  her  laws  in  regard 
to  music,  and  with  the  study  and  revival,  during  the 
past  sixty  years,  of  her  greatest  musical  treasures, 
counterpoint  in  accordance  with  its  original  principles, 
has  come  into  its  own  again  and  is  bearing  fruit  as  it 
did  of  yore. 

Ambbas.  QexchichU  der  Musik  (Leipiig,  1881),  III;  Riemawk, 
Handbuch  der  Murikoochichte  (Leip»ig,1907\H,  pt.  I;  Hau- 
ler, KomjxmtiotuieKre  (Ratisbon,  1890) ;  Derm,  Lehrt  mm 
Contrapunkt  (Berlin,  2883).  JOSEPH  OlTEN. 

Counter-Reformation,  The. — The  subject  will  be 
considered  under  the  following  heads :  I.  Significance  of 
the  term;  II.  Low  ebb  of  Catholic  fortunes;  III.  St. 
Ignatius  and  the  Jesuits,  pioneers  of  the  new  move- 
ment; IV.  The  Council  of  Trent;  V.  Three  great 
reforming  popes;  VI.  The  missions;  VII.  Progress 
in  European  States-;  VIII.  Ecclesiastical  literature; 
IX.  Close  of  the  period  and  retrospect. 

I.  Significance  of  the  Term. — The  term  Counter- 
Reformation  denotes  the  period  of  Catholic  revival 
from  the  pontificate  of  Pope  Pius  IV  in  1660  to  the 
close  of  the  Thirty  Years'  War,  1648.  The  name, 
though  long  in  use  among  Protestant  historians,  has 
only  recently  been  introduced  into  Catholic  hand- 
books. The  consequence  is  that  it  already  has  a 
meaning  and  an  application,  for  which  a  word  with  a 
different  nuance  should  perhaps  have  been  chosen. 
For  in  the  first  place  the  name  suggests  that  the 
Catholic  movement  came  after  the  Protestant; 
whereas  in  truth  the  reform  originally  began  in  the 
Catholic  Church,  and  Luther  was  a- Catholic  Reformer 
before  he  became  a  Protestant.  By  becoming  a  Prot- 
estant Reformer,  he  did  indeed  hinder  the  pro- 
gress of  the  Catholic  reformation,  but  he  did  not  stop 
it.  It  continued  to  gain  headway  in  the  Catholic 
South  until  it  was  strong  enough  to  meet  and  roll 
back  the  movement  from  the  North.  Even  if  our 
Catholic  reform  had  been  altogether  posterior  to  the 
Protestant,  we  could  not  admit  that  our  reform  move- 
ment owed  its  motive  power  or  its  line  of  action  to 
the  latter,  in  the  way  that  modern  reform  movements 
among  Orientals  are  due  to  the  influence  of  Euro- 
pean thought.  For  the  principles  of  the  Protestant 
Reformation  are  to  Catholics  principles  leading  to 
deformation  and  to  the  perpetuation  of  abuses,  such 
as  the  subservience  of  Church  to  State,  or  the  mar- 
riage of  the  clergy,  to  say  nothing  of  doctrinal  error. 


Both  the  continuance  and  correction  of  the  same  abuse 
cannot  be  due  to  the  same  movement.  Moreover,  it 
will  be  seen  that  the  Catholic  reform  was  not  even 
originally  due  to  reaction  from  Protestantism,  in  the 
way  in  which  inert  nations  are  sometimes  spurred  by 
initial  defeats  to  increased  energy,  which  in  the  end 
may  even  make  them  victorious.  Though  this  reac- 
tion undoubtedly  had  its  effect  on  certain  Catholic 
reformers,  it  had  little  or  no  influence  on  the  leaders 
or  on  the  best  representatives  of  the  movement,  as, 
for  instance,  on  St.  Ignatius,  its  pioneer,  or  on  St. 
Philip  Neri  and  St.  Vincent  de  Paul,  exemplars  of  its 
maturity. 

Another  point  to  be  noticed  is  that,  though  we 
assign  certain  dates  for  the  beginning  and  end  of  the 
period  under  consideration,  there  has  never  been  any 
break  in  the  striving  of  the  Church  against  the  heresies 
which  arose  in  the  sixteenth  century.  In  this  sense 
the  Counter-Reformation  began  in  the  time  of  Luther 
and  is  not  even  yet  closed.  But  while  the  points  of 
similarity  between  this  period  and  those  which  pre- 
ceded and  followed  it  might  be  dwelt  upon  at  some 
length,  and  must  occasionally  be  called  to  mind,  there 
is  no  reason  for  rejecting  the  term,  or  for  denying  that 
it  corresponds  with  a  real  and  important  historical 
period.  Historical  periods,  it  will  be  remembered, 
are  never  sharply  out  off,  during  the  actual  course  of 
events,  from  what  goes  before  and  comes  after,  as  they 
are  described  in  books;  for  history  in  the  concrete  is 
always  continuous.  In  this  case  the  limits  of  the 
period  are  to  be  measured  not  by  reversals  of  reform- 
ing policy  and  methods,  but  by  the  increased  or  de- 
creased energy  with  which  such  reformation  is  pur- 
sued. When  there  is  intense  zeal  on  the  part  of  many 
for  making  reforms,  then  is  the  "period"  of  reform. 
Similarly  this  "period"  ceases  when  such  zeal  be- 
comes rare,  or  only  mediocre  in  intensityj  even  though 
it  does  really  continue  here  and  there  in  some  indU 
viduals  or  classes.  It  would  be  a  misrepresentation  of 
the  heroes  of  the  Counter-Reformation  to  describe 
their  reforms  as  having  differed  from  those  of  the 
older  opponents  of  Protestantism,  except  in  degree, 
in  earnestness,  thoroughness,  adaptability  to  altered 
circumstances,  etc.  Their  predecessors  had  been 
clear  in  the  condemnation  and  punishment  of  error. 
They  had  preached,  pleaded,  threatened,  even  fought, 
but  they  did  not  remodel  their  ways  seriously  every- 
where, in  small  things  and  in  great.  They  did  not  insti- 
tute new  and  vast  schemes  of  education,  or  alter  the 
constitutions  of  their  States.  They  did  not  succeed 
in  awakening  the  enthusiasm  of  their  party,  or  in 
encouraging  whole  classes  to  make  heroic  sacrifices, 
or  heroic  efforts.  But  there  did  come  a  time  when 
there  was  such  heroism  on  a  large  scale,  when  whole 
classes,  as  for  instance  episcopates,  new  religious  orders, 
and  even  the  laity  (as  in  England  during  the  persecu- 
tions), were  filled  with  enthusiasm;  when  martyrs 
were  numerous;  when  great  writers,  preachers,  and 
leaders  abounded;  when  education  was  attended  to 
from  the  highest  motives  and  with  the  greatest  in- 
terest; when  the  old  duties  of  life  were  discharged 
with  an  alertness,  a  faith,  a  meaning  which  were  new; 
when  for  a  time  Catholic  rulers  andwhole  States  rose 
superior  to  considerations  of  self-interest. 

The  span  of  time  during  which  this  enthusiasm 
lasted  may  be  justly  considered  as  an  historical 
period,  and  it  is  that  which  we  call  the  period  of  the 
Counter-Reformation.  It  may  also  be  well  to  note 
at  the  outset  that  this  period  is  the  harder  to  follow, 
not  only  because  of  its  continuity  with  previous  and 
succeeding  periods,  but  also  because  it  did  not  com- 
mence or  end  at  the  same  time  in  any  two  countries, 
and  in  each  land  began,  grew  strong,  and  died  away, 
through  different  causes,  in  different  ways  and  de- 
grees, and  at  different  times.  Broadly  considered, 
however,  the  dates  assigned  above  will  be  shown  to 
be  perfectly  accurate. 


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II.  Low  Ebb  of  Catholic  Fortunes. — "From  the 
time  of  St.  Peter  there  has  not  been  a  pontificate  so 
unfortunate  as  mine.  How  I  regret  the  past!  Pray 
for  me."  Such  were  the  sad  words  of  Pope  Paul  IV 
to  Father  Laynez,  as  he  lay  dying  in  August,  1559 
(Oliver  Manare,  Commentarius  de  rebus  Soc.  Jesu, 
Florence,  1886, 125).  It  never  looks  darker,  it  is  said, 
than  just  before  dawn;  the  prospects  of  Catholicism 
at  that  moment  did  indeed  seem  gloomy  to  the  watch- 
ers in  the  Vatican.  Luigi  Mocemgo,  Venetian  ambas- 
sador at  Rome,  sent  thence  to  the  seignory  this  report 
on  the  situation:  "In  many  countries,  obedience  to 
the  pope  has  almost  ceased,  and  matters  are  becoming 
so  critical  that,  if  God  does  not  interfere,  they  will 
soon  be  desperate  .  .  .  Germany  .  .  .  leaves  little 
hope  of  being  cured.  Poland  is  in  almost  as  hopeless 
a  state.  The  disorders  which  have  just  lately  taken 
place  in  France  and  Spain  are  too  well  known  for  me 
to  speak  of  them,  and  the  Kingdom  of  England  .  .  . 
after  returning  a  short  time  since  to  her  old  obedience, 
has  again  fallen  into  heresy.  Thus  the  spiritual  power 
of  the  pope  is  so  straitened  that  the  only  remedy  is  a 
council  summoned  by  the  common  consent  of  all 
princes.  Unless  this  reduces  the  affairs  of  religion 
to  order,  a  grave  calamity  is  to  be  feared."  Another 
Venetian  diplomatist  (and  these  men  were  reckoned 
among  the  most  acute  of  their  day)  wrote  not  long 
after,  that  Cardinal  Morone,  when  leaving  for  the 
council,  told  him  that  "there  was  no  hope"  (Alberi, 
Relazioni  degli  ambasciatori  Veneti,  1859,  II,  iv,  22, 
82).  Though  Morone's  prophecy  was  soon  falsified 
by  the  events  about  to  be  described,  his  words  must 
be  considered  as  conclusive  proof  that  even  the  brav- 
est and  best-informed  in  Rome  regarded  the  situation 
with  profound  discouragement,  and  it  will  be  worth 
while  to  seek  an  explanation  by  going  back  to  Mo- 
cenigo's  words.  At  the  same  time,  without  attempt- 
ing an  account  of  the  Reformation  itself,  notice  may 
be  taken  of  what  had  hitherto  been  done  in  order  to 
stem  the  religious  revolution. 

Germany. — Even  before  the  Protestant  Reforma- 
tion the  holding  of  synods  and  provincial  councils  had 
been  frequent,  and  they  had  always  been  attentive  to 
points  requiring  reform.  After  it,  the  popes  had  sent 
thither  a  succession  of  legates  and  nuncios,  such  as 
Aleander,  Campeggio,  Cajetan,  Contarini,  Morone, 
who  had  upon  the  whole  been  men  of  conspicuous  sin- 
cerity, vigour,  and  prudence.  There  had  also  been 
found  among  the  German  Catholics  many  men  of 
splendid  eloquence  and  zeal,  of  holy  life  and  ceaseless 
labour,  such  as  Tetzel,  Johann  von  Eck,  Miltitz, 
Nausea,  Jerome  Emser,  Julius  Pflug,  Johann  Cropper, 
who  had  striven  courageously  and  most  effectively  on 
the  Catholic  side.  The  Emperor  Charles  V  (q.  v.) 
had  laboured  upon  the  whole  with  marked  devotion 
in  favour  of  Catholicism,  though  his  Italian  policy, 
it  is  true,  had  frequently  been  repugnant  to  the  wishes 
and  the  interests  of  the  Roman  pontiffs.  But  now  he 
was  gone,  and  his  successors,  Philip  II  of  Spain  and 
Ferdinand  of  Austria,  whether  their  energy  and  devo- 
tion or  the  power  which  they  wielded  be  considered, 
were  far  inferior  to  him  as  champions  and  protectors 
of  Catholicism.  There  had,  of  course,  been  some,  in- 
deed many,  improvements  on  the  Catholic  side.  The 
German  episcopate,  once  so  worthless,  now  numbered 
many  noble  characters,  of  whom  Otto  von  Truchsess, 
Bishop  of  Augsburg  and  afterwards  cardinal,  was  the 
most  brilliant  representative.  The  Dominican  and 
Franciscan  friars  had  showed  from  the  first  to  advan- 
tage; always  ready  to  meet  the  foe,  they  everywhere 
encouraged  and  strengthened  the  men  of  their  own 
side,  and  prevented  many  defections  (see  N.  Paulus, 
Die  deutschen  Dominikaner  im  Kampf  gegen  Luther, 
1903).  The  first  Jesuits  too  had  won  many  notable 
successes.  Thus  while  on  the  one  hand  it  was  evident 
that  there  was  still  life  in  the  Church  of  Germany, 
while  there  was  no  intrinsic  impossibility  in  carrying 


further  the  good  that  had  begun,  on  the  whole  the  out- 
look was  as  dark  as  the  retrospect.  No  bulwark 
against  Protestantism  had  yet  been  found.  Attempts 
to  conclude -a  "religious  peace"  or  an  "Interim",  at 
the  various  diets  of  Nuremberg,  Speyer,  Ratisbon, 
and  Augsburg  seemed  to  effect  nothing  better  than  to 
give_  the  Protestants  breathing  time  for  fresh  organ- 
ization, and  so  prepare  the  way  for  new  attacks  and 
victories.  The  Turks  were  pressing  on  Hungary  and 
Austria  from  the  south-east;  the  French,  allying 
themselves  with  the  Reformers,  had  invaded  the  Ger- 
man West,  and  had  annexed  the  "three  bishoprics" 
Metz,  Verdun,  and  Toul.  Charles  had  then  made 
large  sacrifices  to  get  the  Protestants  to  agree  to  "  the 
religious  peace  of  Augsburg"  (1555),  in  order  to  com- 
bine all  forces  against  France.  The  alliance  was 
made,  but  was  unsuccessful;  the  French  retained 
their  conquests;  Charles  retreated;  the  power  of 
Catholic  Germany  seemed  to  be  under  an  eclipse. 
Mocenigo  might  well  say  that  "Germany  leaves  little 
hope  of  being  cured". 

Poland. — "Poland  is  in  almost  as  hopeless  a  state. " 
Protestantism  had  latterly  gained  ground  rapidly. 
In  1555  a  "national  synod"  had  been  neld,  which  had 
requested  the  marriage  of  priests,  Communion  under 
both  kinds,  Mass  in  Polish,  the  abolishment  of  "  an- 
nates". Such  demands  had  but  too  often  proved  the 
forerunners  of  a  lapse  to  Protestantism,  and  in  fact  in 
1557  the  weak  King  Sigismund  Augustus  had  allowed 
"liberty"  of  conscience  in  Danzig  and  some  other 
towns.  There  were  waverers  even  among  the  clergy 
and  the  bishops,  like  James  Uchanski,  Archbishop  of 
Gnesen  and  Primate  of  Poland  in  1562.  Fortunately 
the  evil  was  not  yet  deeply  rooted  in  the  country. 
There  had  been  no  sweeping  confiscations  of  church 
property,  nor  apostasies  among  the  actual  rulers. 
The  great  bishop  and  cardinal,  Stanislas  Hosius,  was 
rising  to  fame,  and  behind  him  stood  a  number  of 
zealous  clergy,  who  would  in  due  time  renew  the  face 
of  the  Church.  Still  for  the  moment  the  state  of  the 
country  was  very  serious.  (See  Krause,  Die  Ref- 
ormation und  Gegenreform.  im  ehemaligen  K8nig- 
reiche  Polen,  Posen,  190L) 

France  and  Spain. — "The  disorders  in  France  and 
Spain  are  too  well  known  for  me  to  speak  of  them. " 
The  first  open  revolt  of  the  Huguenots,  styled  the 
Tumulte  d'Amboise,  had  taken  place  just  before  Mo- 
cenigo wrote.  Hitherto,  France  though  allying  herself 
with  the  heretics  of  Germany,  had  preserved  her  own 
religions  peace.  But  the  converts  to  Protestantism 
were  numerous  and  well  organized,  and  counted  not 
a  few  of  the  highest  nobility  and  of  the  blood  royal, 
especially  princes  of  the  House  of  Bourbon,  to  which 
the  crown  was  destined  to  fall  ere  very  long.  The 
ruling  sovereign,  Francis  II,  was  but  a  boy,  and 
though  for  the  moment  the  House  of  Lorraine  and  the 
family  of  the  Guises  brought  victory  to  the  Catholics, 
the  position  was  one  of  evident  danger,  and  was  soon 
to  result  in  a  long  series  of  wars  of  religion. 

The  troubles  of  Spain  were  in  a  sense  rather  foreign 
than  domestic.  It  was  true  that  there  had  been  some 
defections,  as  Enzinas  (Dryander),  Servetus,  and 
Valdez.  Though  not  numerous,  these  had  been  suf- 
ficient to  cause  much  alarm  and  suspicion,  so  much 
so  that  the  Archbishop  of  Toledo  himself,  Bartolome' 
Carranza  (q.  v.)  was  put  on  his  trial.  (Cf.  Schafer, 
"Gesch.  des  spanischen  Protestantismus",  Gflter* 
sloh,  1902 ;  Menendez  y  Pelayo,  "  Historia  de  los  heter- 
odoxos  EspaBoles",  Madrid,  1880-82.)  The  proceed- 
ings lasted  a  long  term  of  years,  but  in  the  end  noth- 
ing could  be  proved  against  him.  There  was  also 
danger  from  the  Moriscoes.  But  what  gave  most 
cause  for  anxiety  to  serious  thinkers  was  the  linking 
of  the  Netherlands,  Naples,  and  so  many  parts  of 
Italy  to  the  Spaniards.  The  latter  were  everywhere 
unpopular,  and  the  Reformers  were  beginning,  espe- 
pecially  in  the  Netherlands,  to  pose  as  patriots,  with 


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OOXTMTXK-BXrOBMATIOlT 


results  very  unfortunate  for  Catholicism.  For  in- 
stance. King  Philip  had  arranged  with  the  Holy  See 
in  1550  for  certain  changes  in  the  Flemish  sees.  Mech- 
lin, Cambrai,  and  Utrecht  were  made  archbishoprics, 
and  fourteen  smaller  districts  were  formed  into  bish- 
opries. This  measure,  wise  and  commendable  in 
itself,  was  badly  received  when  it  came  from  Spanish 
rulers.  The  reaistribution  of  benefices,  which  had  to 
be  made  in  order  to  endow  the  new  sees,  caused  com- 
plaints which  grew  constantly  louder,  and  in  the 
end  proved  one  of  the  chief  causes  of  the  revolt  of  the 
Netherlands. 

England. — Of  all  the  countries  of  Europe  none 
changed  sides  with  such  appalling  facility  as  England. 
At  first  she  had  seemed  the  least  likely  of  any  to  re- 
volt. She  had  been  peaceful  and  contented ;  the  ob- 
servance of  the  canons  compared  favourably  with  that 
in  many  other  countries;  her  king  was  emphatically 
on  the  side  of  the  Church,  until  "the  Gospel  light 
first  shined  in  Boleyn's  eves".  Then  it  was  found 
that  the  absolute  power  of  the  sovereign  was  easily 
greater  than  any  other  force  in  the  realm.  There 
were  some  glorious  martyrs  (see  Fibber;  Hough- 
ton; More)  and,  in  general,  sufficient  resistance  to 
show  that  the  country,  as  a  whole,  clung  to  its  old 
faith,  and  would  never  have  changed  but  for  force. 
When  that  force  was  applied,  the  change  was  shame- 
fully rapid  and  complete.  When  Queen  Mary  gained 
the  upper  hand,  there  was  remarkably  little  difficulty 
found  in  the  much  more  arduous  task  of  restoring  the 
old  order,  in  spite  of  the  church  property,  which  had 
been  confiscated,  and  had  already  been  redistributed 
into  thousands  of  hands.  Only  about  two  years  were 
available  for  the  actual  restoration  of  the  Church,  and 
though  the  work  was  carried  out  in  a  way  that  was 
not  very  conciliating,  yet  the  Marian  establishment 
proved  itself  more  stable,  when  tried  in  the  fire  of 
Elizabeth's  persecution,  than  the  ancient  Church 
when  attacked  by  King  Henry.  In  neither  case, 
however,  could  the  Church  withstand  the  power  of 
the  Crown;  and  again  the  resistance,  though  sufficient 
to  be  reckoned  a  magnificent  protest  against  the  royal 
tyranny,  was  entirely  inadequate  to  hinder  the  dic- 
tates of  the  Tudor  sovereign  and  her  powerful  minis- 
ters. The  Marian  reaction  movement  should  not  be 
reckoned  under  the  Counter-Reformation  proper,  for 
it  was  in  effect  almost  entirely  a  restoration  of  old 
methods  and  old  ideas,  and  derived  its  force  from  the 
old  religious  feelings  of  the  land.  These  had  lain 
dormant  while  beaten  down  by  overwhelming  force, 
but  rose  again  as  soon  as  that  repression  ceased. 

Scotland  and  Ireland. — These  countries  were  prob- 
ably included  by  Mocenigo  under  England,  though 
their  condition  was  in  reality  widely  different.  Scot- 
land, unlike  England,  was  perhaps  of  all  countries  in 
Europe  the  most  likely  to  take  up  the  Reformation. 
Bloody  and  incessant  feuds  had  sadly  demoralized 
monastic  life,  and  rendered  church  government  ex- 
tremely difficult,  while  the  rough  barons  had  intruded 
their  illegitimate  children  into  a  large  number  of  the 
livings,  abbacies,  and  episcopal  sees.  Yet  Scotland 
resisted  for  a  generation  the  reformation  which  Henry 
and  Edward  strove  with  all  their  might  to  impose 
upon  her.  Elizabeth's  efforts  were  more  subtle  and 
more  successful.  Mary  of  Guise,  Queen  Regent  of 
Scotland,  relied  almost  entirely  upon  the  French 
arms  for  the  maintenance  of  royal  and  religious 
authority.  It  was  represented  to  the  nobility  that 
this  was  an  insult  and  an  injury  to  those  on  whom 
the  government  of  Scotland  should  naturally  have 
fallen,  the  House  of  Hamilton  and  the  nobility  of 
the  land.  Moreover  the  Calvinists  in  France  had 
won  over  many  young  Scottish  soldiers  and  students 
in  Paris,  notably  the  Earl  of  Arran  who  stood  but  two 
or  three  steps  from  the  throne.  The  revolution  took 
place,  and  though  the  regent  might  have  held  her  own 
if  England  had  been  neutral,  there  could  be  no  doubt 


as  to  the  issue  when  Elizabeth  actively  supported 
the  rebels  with  money,  men,  and  ships.  Hie  ninth 
clause  of  the  Treaty  of  Edinburgh  (6  July,  1560) 
stipulated  that  "the  matter  of  religion  be  passed  over 
in  silence",  which  in  effect  left  to  the  Scottish  Prot- 
estants, with  England  at  their  back,  absolute  power 
to  do  what  they  liked.  The  estates  of  the  Church 
were  seized  by  the  laity,  and  (except  in  the  inaccessi- 
ble North)  every  vestige  of  Catholic  observance  was 
forcibly  banished  from  the  land.  It  was  the  last  na- 
tional revolt  from  the  Church,  and  was  the  more  la- 
mentable because  of  Scotland's  previous  constancy. 

As  to  Ireland,  Rome  probably  knew  nothing  ex- 
cept the  darkest  features.  The  Marian  bishops  and 
indeed  all  the  Anglo-Irish  of  the  Pale  had  thrown 
in  their  lot  with  Elizabeth,  though  she  had  as  yet 
made  few  changes.  Officially  the  state  of  Ireland 
seemed  as  bad  as  that  of  England.  Communication 
with  the  Irish  beyond  the  Pale  was  most  difficult  to 
keep  up;  it  had  probably  not  yet  been  opened. 

Scandinavia  and  Italy. — Mocenigo  said  nothing  of 
these  nations.  The  former  was  so  far  away  from 
Roman  influence  that  the  Counter- Reformation  never 
reached  it.  Of  the  latter  he  would  surely  have  given 
a  better  account  than  of  any  other  European  nation. 
A  couple  of  generations  back,  when  the  pagan  Renais- 
sance was  at  its  height,  it  might  have  been,  or  at  least 
seemed,  otherwise.  There  was  then  corruption  in 
high  places,  as  everyone  could  see,  but  the  miseries  of 
war  had  checked  the  spread  of  luxury,  which  had  not 
permeated  far  down  among  the  people,  and  better 
conditions  resulted  (Cantu,  Gli  eretici  d'ltalia,  Turin, 
1865-67).  At  every  papal  election  better  men  were 
chosen,  and  the  College  of  Cardinals  certainly  con- 
tained more  enlightened  reformers  than  could  be 
found  in  any  other  body.  Aleander,  Contarini,  Mor- 
one,  Pole,  Sadolet  may  Be  named  as  good  examples  of 
their  class.  There  were  many  admirable  prelates  like 
Gian  Matteo  Giberti,  Bishop  of  Verona.  Moreover,  sev- 
eral new  and  efficient  religious  orders  had  lately  come 
into  existence,  the  Capuchins,  Theatines,  and  Bama- 
bites,  while  St.  Jerome  Emiliani  had  formed  the  Clerics 
Regular  known  as  the  Somaschi. 

Pope  Paul  IV  (Giovanni  Pietro  Caraffa)  was  him- 
self a  representative  of  the  best  traditions  of  the  Ital- 
ian Church  immediately  before  the  Council  of  Trent. 
He  was  holy  and  sincere,  business-like  and  energetic, 
as  he  had  proved  before  his  elevation  to  the  papacy. 
But  the  virtues  of  a  great  reformer  are  not  always  the 
virtues  most  needed  in  a  ruler.  Like  St.  Pius  V,  on 
certain  occasions,  Paul  IV  was  sometimes  rash  in 
having  recourse  to  medieval  methods.  His  Bull 
against  nepotism  was  a  reform  of  the  utmost  impor- 
tance, yet  ne  was  betrayed,  in  a  great  measure  by 
nepotism,  into  the  fatal  war  against  Spain  (1557-58). 
the  misfortunes  and  disturbances  of  which  affected 
the  cause  of  Catholicism  so  adversely  throughout 
Western  Europe.  Because  of  this  war  Mary  Tudor's 
reign  closed  in  gloom,  the  Netherlands  were  distracted, 
intercourse  with  the  pope  was  practically  intermitted 
for  England,  Flanders,  and  Spain,  and  the  Reformers 
in  France  maintained  that  the  evils  of  the  time  were  due 
to  the  ambition  of  the  popes.  As  soon  as  the  Peace 
of  Paris  was  concluded,  in  1559,  the  evils  which  had 
hitherto  been  working  unperceived  became  evident. 
While  England  fell  away,  followed  by  Scotland, 
France  and  the  Netherlands  were  found  to  be  deeply 
infected  by  heresy;  the  Holy  See  had  either  no  repre- 
sentatives in  those  countries  to  combat  the  evil,  or 
they  were  so  out  of  favour  as  to  have  little  or  no 
power.  This  explains  the  words  of  Paul  IV  on  his 
death-bed,  quoted  above,  which  so  vividly  describe 
the  unfortunate  condition  of  the  Church  at  this  mo- 
ment. 

III.  St.  Ignatius  and  the  Jesuits,  Pioneers  or 
the  New  Movement. — But  though  Paul  IV  did  not 
advert  to  it,  the  Catholic  reaction  had  already  made 


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considerable  progress.  The  number  of  great  men 
among  the  cardinals,  and  the  foundation  of  the  Capu- 
chins, Theatines,  and  other  orders,  have  already  been 
mentioned  as  symptomatic  of  the  improvement.  Then 
there  appeared  Ignatius  and  the  Jesuits,  so  conspicuous 
in  the  new  movement.  And  here  it  may  be  well  to 
notice  how  very  different  the  evolution  of  the  Protes- 
tant Reformers  (even  of  those  who  were  most  conscien- 
tious) was  from  that  of  the  vocation  of  this  Catholic 
leader.  The  monk  Luther  and  many  like  him  began 
by  denouncing  abuses.  The  abuses  were  serious,  no 
doubt,  but  from  the  nature  of  the  case  abuses  in 
matters  or  of  matters  themselves  holy  and  laudable. 
Yet  so  violent  did  the  accusers  become  that  they  grad- 
ually forgot  any  good  there  was  connected  with  the 
object  decried,  though  the  good  perhaps  in  reality  far 
outweighed  the  evil.  Then  came  attacks  upon  the 
persons  who  maintained  or  defended  the  thing  im- 
pugned, or  who  failed  to  make  the  changes  demanded, 
and  they  were  almost  always  declared;  to  have  vir- 
tually or  actually  betrayed  or  deserted  the  Church  it- 
self. Finally  the  reformer,  setting  himself  up  as  the 
true  standard  of  orthodoxy,  fell  to  self-exaltation, 
and  at  last  rebelled  and  separated  from  the  Church, 
which  he  had  originally  intended  to  serve. 

The  soldier,  Ignatius,  in  the  enforced  leisure  after 
his  wound  at  Pampeluna  (1521)  bethought  himself  of 
serving  Christ  as  a  captain.  The  idea  slowly  took 
possession  of  him  and  aroused  a  lofty  spiritual  ambi- 
tion. The  imitation  and  service  of  Christ  were  to  be 
most  thorough.  He  would  first  educate  himself  as  well 
as  his  age  would  allow,  become  a  priest,  induce  the 
best  of  his  companions  to  join  him,  and  then  go 
to  the  Holy  Land  and  imitate  the  Saviour's  life  as 
literally  and  exactly  as  possible.  This  was  a  humble 
but  sublime  ideal,  capable  of  appealing  to  and  satis- 
fying the  most  earnest  souls,  ana  sure  to  lead  to  great 
efforts.  There  was  no  preoccupation  here  about  the 
reform  of  abuses,  nor  indeed  any  temporal  concern 
whatever,  even  the  most  praiseworthy.  For  twelve 
years  Ignatius,  now  a  middle-aged  man,  laboured  at 
the  education  and  the  sanctification  of  himself  and  of 
the  few  followers  who  threw  in  their  lot  with  him,  and 
the  plan  would  have  been  completed  as  it  had  been 
conceived,  had  not  war  with  the  Turks  kept  him  and 
his  companions  waiting  for  several  months  at  Venice, 
unable  to  proceed  to  Palestine.  Then  he  turned  to 
Rome,  which  he  reached  in  November,  1537,  and 
never  left  again.  The  services  of  his  small  band  of  com- 
panions were  soon  in  great  request;  they  were  the 

handy  men  "  of  the  hour,  with  heads  and  hearts  ready 
for  any  work.  In  a  short  time  they  had  been  heard 
of  and  seen  everywhere.  Though  few  in  number  they 
had  carried  the  Gospel  to  Abyssinia,  India,  and  China, 
the  ends  of  the  known  world.  They  had  faced  and 
fought  the  most  redoubted  heretics;    they  had 

§ reached  to  the  poor  and  tended  the  sick  in  the 
arkest  purlieus  of  the  manufacturing  cities.  They 
had  not  indeed  as  yet  the  great  colleges  which  after- 
wards made  them  famous,  nor  did  people  feel  their 
force  as  a  corporate  body,  but  this  only  made  their 
position  as  the  pioneers,  or  advance  guard  of  the 
Church,  the  more  noteworthy.  If  so  few_  preachers 
could  do  so  much,  their  calls  on  others  to  join  in  the 
struggle  roused  multitudes  to  confidence,  energy,  and 
fresh  efforts.    (See  Society  or  Jesus.) 

IV.  The  Council  of  Trent. — The  Council  had 
been  originally  summoned  in  the  year  1537,  and  six- 
teen sessions  were  held  during  the  next  fourteen  years. 
In  1552  it  was  prorogued  for  the  third  or  fourth  time, 
and  so  serious  were  the  quarrels  throughout  Europe 
that  its  conclusion  was  almost  despaired  of.  "The 
only  remedy",  said  Mocenigo,  "  is  a  council  summoned 
by  the  common  consent  of  all  princes."  Yet  there 
was  small  chance  that  the  factious,  overbearing 
princes  of  those  days  would  give  up  their  own  views 
and  interests.    Still,  for  the  common  good,  it  had  to 


be  attempted,  and  when  the  bishops  met  again  in  1561 
they  came  with  hearts  resolved  to  do  their  utmost. 
But  "the  consent  of  all  the  princes"  was  not  easy  to 
obtain.  If  they  had  known  of  Elizabeth 's  secret  deal- 
ings with  the  French  Court  (Foreign  Calendars,  1561, 
nn.  682,  684),  they  might  have  put  a  very  sinister 
interpretation  on  the  proposals  with  which  the  Cardi- 
nal of  Lorraine  and  other  Galileans  were  constantly 
interrupting  the  progress  of  business.  At  last  Cardi- 
nal Morone  and  the  Cardinal  of  Lorraine  paid  personal 
visits  to  the  emperor  and  the  pope.  A  better  under- 
standing between  the  clerical  and  the  state  parties 
ensued,  and  so  the  council  was  concluded,  with  much 
more  expedition  and  satisfaction  than  had  seemed 
possible.  While  the  politicians  had  been  squabbling, 
the  theologians  had  been  doing  their  work  well,  and 
when  the  decrees  came  to  be  promulgated,  there  was 
general  admiration  at  the  amount  of  definition  that 
had  been  accomplished.  Though  there  had  been  so 
many  rumours  of  quarrels  and  divisions,  the  points 
on  which  all  were  agreed  were  surprisingly  numerous 
and  formed  a  striking  contrast  to  the  contradictions 
and  feuds  among  the  Protestant  sects,  which  were 
becoming  ever  more  conspicuous  ana  bitter.  No 
council  that  had  ever  been  held  had  pronounced  so 
clearly  nor  on  so  many  useful  points.  Moreover,  the 
Catholic  bishops  and  representatives  of  various  coun- 
tries had  come  to  know  one  another  as  never  before, 
and  when  they  separated  they  returned  to  their 
flocks  with  a  new  perception  of  the  unity  of  the 
Church,  and  edified  by  the  sincere  holiness  of  her 
hierarchy.  From  this  time  we  find  that  a  cer- 
tain readiness  for  compromise,  and  apprehension  of 
change,  which  was  once  widespread,  has  passed 
away.  Though,  for  instance,  many  had  wished  the 
laity  to  receive  the  Chalice,  in  order  to  stay  further 
defections,  and  though  the  council  and  the  Holy  See 
had  allowed  it  for  certain  countries,  it  was  now  found 
that  the  concession  was  unnecessary,  and  it  was  not 
made  use  of.  The  decrees,  at  least  those  which  regarded 
doctrine,  were  everywhere  received  with  approval. 
The  disciplinary  decrees,  on  the  other  hand,  were  not 
accepted  without  serious  qualifications  by  theCatholio 
sovereigns.  Spain  withheld  "the  privileges  of  the 
Spanish  Crown";  France  at  first  refused  them  alto- 
gether as  inconsistent  with  the  Gallican  Liberties,  a 
refusal  significant  of  the  danger  of  Regalism  which 
was  to  beset  the  Church  of  France  for  generations  to 
come.  [Cf .  besides  the  decrees  of  the  council  (Rome, 
1564,  et  seep.),  the  valuable  publication  of  the  Gorres 
Society,  "Concilium  Tridentinum,  Diariorum,  acto- 
rum,  epistularum,  Tractatuum  nova  collectio",  I, 
"Diariorum  pars  prima",  ed.  8.  Merkle  (Freiburg, 
1901),  and  "Actorum  pars  prima",  ed.  S.  Ehsea 
(Freiburg,  1904).] 

V.  Three  Great  Reforming  Popes. — The  popes 
are  as  a  rule,  and  from  the  nature  of  their  position, 
extremely  conservative,  but  it  was  characteristic  of 
the  Counter-Reformation  that  after  the  Council  of 
Trent  three  popes  of  great  reforming  energy  should 
be  elected  in  close  succession. 

(1)  St.  Pius  V. — The  great  achievement  of  this  pope 
was  the  example  which  he  gave  of  heroic  virtue.  In 
the  language  of  the  day;  "he  made  his  palace  into  a 
monastery,  and  was  himself  a  model  of  penance, 
asceticism,  and  prayer".  He  inspired  all  about  him 
with  his  own  high  views,  and  new  life  and  strength 
were  soon  seen  in  all  parts  of  the  papal  administra- 
tion. Many  and  notorious  had  been  the  corruptions 
which  had  crept  in  during  the  reigns  of  the  easy-going 
humanistic  popes  who  had  preceded  him.  They  had 
indeed  passed  severe  laws,  after  the  fashion  of  the 
time,  hoping  to  maintain  good  order  by  occasional 
severities  and  the  constant  dread  of  heavy  penalties, 
but  with  lax  administration  such  a  method  of  govern- 
ment produced  deplorable  results.  Pius  V  applied 
the  laws  with  an  unflinching  regularity  to  rich  and 


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COUNTER- REFORMATIO!! 


noble,  as  well  as  to  mean  and  poor.  His  rigour  and 
vigour  were  sometimes  excessive,  no  doubt,  but  this 
would  not  have  seemed  very  reprehensible  in  those 


days. 


There  had  been  a  popular  outcry  for  "reform 

Vi  n<l  i"^  a  a  mall  aa  in  +Ka  *mAmKA*a''    but  it  had 


in  the  head  as  well  as  in  the  members' , 
seemed  hopeless  to  expect  H,  considering  the  strong 
conservative  traditions  of  the  Roman  Court.  Now 
that  the  seemingly  unattainable  had  been  accom- 
plished, occasional  excesses  in  the  manner  of  its  at- 
tainment were  easily  forgiven,  if  they  were  not 
actually  relished,  as  signs  of  the  thoroughness  with 
which  the  desired  change  had  been  made.  Esteem 
for  the  papacy  rose,  papal  nuncios  and  legates  faced 
with  firmness  the  powerful  sovereigns  to  whom  they 
were  sent,  and  strove  with  dignity  for  the  correction 
of  abuses.  Reforms  were  more  easily  accepted  by 
inferiors  when  superiors  had  already  embraced  them. 
Even  Protestants  mentioned  Pope  Pius  with  respect. 
Bacon  spoke  of  "that  excellent  Pope  Pius  Quintus, 
whom  I  wonder  his  successors  have  not  declared  a 
saint"  ("Of  a  Holy  War",  in  his  Works,  ed.  of  1838, 
I,  523;  the  words  nowever  are  put  into  the  mouth  of 
another).  Though  the  forces  against  Pope  St.  Pius 
were  powerful,  and  the  general  position  was  every- 
where so  critical  that  extreme  caution  might  have 
seemed  the  best  policy,  his  fearless  enforcement  of 
existing  church  law  was  on  the  whole  wonderfully 
successful.  Thus,  though  his  Bull  excommunicating 
and  depriving  Elizabeth  (1570)  was  in  one  sense  ill- 
timed  and  a  failure,  on  the  other  hand  its  results  in 
the  spiritual  sphere  were  admirable.  It  broke  the 
English  Catholics  of  their  subservience  to  Elizabeth's 
tyranny  over  their  consciences  in  a  way  which  no 
milder  measure  could  have  done. 

(2)  Gregory  XIII  became  a  leader  of  the  reform 
movement  by  virtue  of  qualities  very  different  from 
those  of  his  predecessor.  He  was  a  kindly,  sociable 
man,  who  had  risen  to  fame  as  a  lecturer  on  canon 
law,  and  his  successes  were  due  to  his  zeal  for  educa- 
tion, piety,  and  the  machinery  of  government,  rather 
than  to  anything  magnetic  or  inspiring  in  his  personal 
influence.  He  was  bountiful  in  his  support  of  the 
Jesuit  missions,  and  in  his  grants  to  seminaries  and 
colleges.  The  German,  English,  and  Greek  colleges, 
and  many  others  owe  him  their  foundation  Bulls,  ana 
much  of  their  funds.  He  sent  out  missionaries  at  his 
own  expense  to  all  parts  of  the  world.  Though  he 
had  no  great  genius  for  politics,  he  had  an  admirable 
secretary,  Ftolomeo  Galli,  Cardinal  of  Como,  whose 
papers  remain  to  this  day  models  of  perspicacity  and 
order.  Standing  nunciatures  were  now  established 
at  Catholic  courts  in  lieu  of  the  old  special  envoys 
(Vienna,  1581 ;  Cologne,  1584),  and  with  the  happiest 
results.  Thus,  when  Gebhard  Truchsess  (q.  v.)  the 
Archbishop  of  Cologne,  turned  Protestant  and  tried 
(1582)  to  carry  over  his  electorate  with  him,  the 
nuncios  on  all  sides  organized  a  vigorous  counter- 
attack, which  was  completely  successful.  Since  then 
Cologne  has  been  a  tower  of  strength  to  the  Catholi- 
cism of  North- Western  Europe.  The  reform  of  the 
Calendar  was  another  piece  of  large-minded  and  far- 

Sited  office  work,  if  it  may  be  so  described,  which 
ected  much  credit  on  the  pope  who  organized  it. 
Gregory  was  also  most  generous  in  granting  Indul- 
gences, and  he  encouraged  works  of  piety  on  a  large 
scale.  He  took  an  active  part  in  the  celebration  of 
the  Holy  Year  of  Jubilee  m  1575,  and  the  pilgrims, 
who  had  flocked  in  thousands  to  the  Eternal  City, 
returned  to  spread  throughout  Europe  the  satisfac- 
tion they  had  felt  at  the  sight  of  the  good  pontiff 
performing  in  person  the  long  religious  ceremonies, 
leading  processions,  or  tending  poor  pilgrims  with  his 
own  hands. 

(3)  Sixtus  V. — Like  Pius  V,  Gregory  XIII  was  too 
much  of  an  enthusiast  for  abstract  theories  and  medie- 
val practices  to  be  an  ideal  ruler;  he  was  also  a  poor 
financier,  and,  like  many  other  good  lawyers,  was 


somewhat  deficient  in  practical  judgment.  It  was 
exactly  on  these  points  that  his  successor,  Sixtus  V, 
was  strong.  Where  Gregory,  at  the  end  of  his  reign, 
was  crippled  by  debts  and  unable  to  restrain  the 
bandits,  who  dominated  the  country  up  to  the  gates 
of  Rome,  Sixtus,  by  dint  of  good  management,  was 
soon  one  of  the  richest  of  popes,  whose  word  was  law 
in  every  corner  of  his  States.  He  finished  St.  Peter's, 
and  erected  the  obelisk  of  Nero  before  it.  He  built 
the  Vatican  Library  and  that  wing  of  the  palace, 
which  the  popes  have  inhabited  ever  since,  while  he 
practically  rebuilt  the  Quirinal  and  Lateran  Palaces. 
He  constructed  the  aqueduct  known  as  the  Aqua 
Felice,  the  Via  Sistina,  the  hospital  of  San  Girolarao 
and  other  buildings,  though  his  reign  only  lasted  five 
and  a  half  years.  Sixtus  was  large-minded,  strong, 
and  practical,  a  man  who  did  not  fear  to  grapple  with 
the  greatest  problems,  and  under  him  the  delays  (re- 
puted to  be  perpetual)  of  the  Eternal  City  seemed  to 
be  changing  to  briskness,  almost  precipitation. 

As  the  Council  of  Trent  had  given  Catholics,  just 
when  they  most  needed  it,  an  irrefragable  testimony 
to  the  unity  and  catholicity  of  their  Faith,  so  these 
three  pontiffs,  with  their  varying  excellences,  showed 
that  the  papacy  possessed  all  the  qualifications  which 
the  faithful  expected  in  their  leaders,  virtues  which 
afterwards  repeated  themselves  (though  not  quite  so 
often  or  so  frequently)  insucceeding  popes,  especially  in 
Clement  VIII.  Paul  V,  and  Urban  VIII.  Now  at  all 
events,  the  tide  of  the  Counter-Reformation  was  run- 
ning in  full  flood,  and  nowhere  can  its  course  and 
strength  be  better  studied  than  in  the  missions. 

VI.  The  Missions. — While  persecution  and  war, 

g>litics  and  inveterate  custom,  nam pe red  progress  in 
urope,  the  wide  continents  of  America,  Asia,  and 
Africa  offered  a  freer  outlet  for  the  spiritual  energy  of 
the  new  movement.  Beginning  with  St.  Francis 
Xavier  (q.  v.),  there  are  among  the  Jesuits  alone  quite 
a  multitude  of  apostles  and  martyrs,  confessors  and 
preachers  of  the  first  order.  In  India  and  China, 
Antonio  Criminale,  Roberto  de'  Nobili,  Ridolfo  Acqua- 
viva,  Matteo  Ricci,  Adam  Schall.  In  Japan,  after 
Padre  Valignano's  great  successes,  ensued  tne  terrible 
persecution  in  which  there  perished  by  heroic  death 
almost  eighty  Jesuits,  to  say  nothing  of  others. 
Abyssinia  ana  the  Congo  were  evangelized  by  Fathers 
Nuflez,  Baretto,  and  Sylveira.  In  North  America 
there  were  heroic  struggles  to  convert  the  Indians  (see 
Br£beuf;  Lallbmant),  and  in  South  America  St. 
Peter  Claver's  work  for  the  slaves  from  Africa  and  the 
reductions  of  Paraguay.  The  Franciscan  and  Do- 
minican friars  and  the  secular  clergy  were  in  the  field 
before  the  Jesuits  in  Central  America  (where  Las 
Casas  had  left  an  unperishing  name):  elsewhere  also 
they  were  soon  in  the  front  rank.  Later  on  in  the 
period  there  are  St.  Vincent  de  Paul  (q.  v.)  and  his 
zealous  apostolic  followers  and  (1622)  the  Roman 
Congregation  "De  Propaganda  Fide",  with  its 
organized  missionaries  (see  Propaganda,  College 
of). 

In  order  to  appreciate  the  connexion  of  the  afore- 
said names  with  the  movement  under  consideration, 
we  must  remember  that  these  apostles  were  not  only 
showing  forth  in  their  heroic  labours  and  sufferings 
the  true  nature  of  the  Counter-Reformation;  they 
were  also  winning  many  new  converts  to  it  by  their 
preaching,  while  their  letters  raised  to  the  highest 
pitch  the  enthusiasm  of  generous  souls  at  home  (see 
Cros,  "St.  Francois  Xavier,  Sa  vie  et  Ses  lettres", 
Paris,  1900;  also  "Lettres  Edifiantes  et  Curieuses", 
34  vols.,  Paris,  1717,  sqq.). 

VII.  Progress  in  European  States. — Whilst  in 
distant  lands  the  new  spirit  found  to  some  extent  a 
free  field,  its  progress  in  Europe  was  very  largely 
dependent  on  the  varying  fortunes  of  the  Catholic 
and  Protestant  political  powers.  Here  it  will  only 
be  possible  to  indicate  the  chief  stages  in  that  pro- 


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s,  and  it  must  be  remembered  that  controversies 
ave  arisen  at  one  time  or  another  even  about  the 
leading  facts. 

Germany  and  Austria. — Here  it  is  evident  that  in 
the  first  named  country  the  losses  of  the  Catholics  did 
not  cease  with  the  Religious  Peace  Qf  Augsburg  in 
1556.  The  Protestants,  as  the  occasion  arose,  nad 
not  hesitated  to  avail  themselves  of  religious  troubles 
in  various  episcopal  sees  and  had  possessed  themselves 
of  two  archbishoprics  (Magdeburg  and  Bremen),  and 
of  12  important  bishoprics.  It  was  only  by  recourse 
to  arms  that  Cologne  was  saved  in  1583;  and  the 
freedom  of  Strasburg  and  Aachen  was  in  grave  danger. 
There  were  also  many  defections  among  the  lesser 
princes,  and  so  long  as  Maximilian  II  (1564-76) 
was  emperor,  his  Protestant  proclivities  prevented 
the  Catholics  from  acting  with  the  vigour  and  author- 
ity which  became  their  number  and  their  cause.  For 
the  alarming  condition  of  Northern  Germany  about 
1600 see  "R6in.  Quartalschrift"  (1900),  p.  385  sqq.  So 
serious  did  the  general  position  become,  that  St.  Peter 
Canisius  (q.  v.)  rhetorically  compared  the  Catholic 
countries  of  Bavaria  and  the  Tyrol  to  the  two  tribes  of 
Israel,  which  alone  were  saved  while  all  the  others 
were  carried  off  captive  (see  O.  Braunsberger,  Canisii 
Epistuke  et  Acta,  Freiburg,  1896-1905,  I-IV).  In- 
deed, Albert  V  of  Bavaria  (1550-79)  seemed  almost 
the  only  Catholic  prince  who  could  make  head  against 
the  Protestants.  He  used  his  authority  freely  to  ex- 
clude Protestants  from' posts  of  trust,  etc.,  an  example 
afterwards  imitated  by  other  Catholic  princes  (see 
Knopfler,  Die  Kelchbewegung  in  Bayern  unter 
Albrecht  V,  Munich,  1901).  There  was  more  satis- 
factory progress  among  the  Catholics  themselves.  A 
new  generation  of  bishops  was  growing  up.  Though 
it  was  impossible  to  put  an  immediate  end  to  the 
abuses  of  patronage  practised  by  the  nobility  and 
the  princes,  the  proportion  of  men  chosen  for  their 
capacity  and  virtues  nad  everywhere  increased.  Otto 
von  TruchsesB,  Bishop  of  Augsburg,  has  been  men- 
tioned, and  with  him  may  be  classed  Julius  Echter 
von  Mespelbrunn,  Bishop  of  WOrzburg  (said  to  have 
reconciled  some  60,000  souls),  Cardinal  Klessel,  Arch- 
bishop of  Vienna,  Theodore  von  Furstenberg,  Ernst 
von  Me-igersdorf,  Dietrich  von  Raitenau,  of  Pader- 
born,  Bamberg,  and  Salzburg  respectively,  and  many 
others.  They  were  truly  "columns  of  the  church  , 
whose  influence  was  felt  tar  beyond  the  limits  of  their 
dioceses.  Far-reaching,  too,  were  the  good  results 
effected  by  the  Catholic  writers,  Tanner,  Gretscher 
(Gretser),  Laymann,  Contzen,  and  by  preachers  and 
missionaries,  especially  Canisius,  called  the  malleus 
hatreticorum,  and  other  Jesuits  and  Dominicans.  The 
Jesuit  colleges  also  increased  steadily  and  were  pro- 
ductive of  great  and  permanent  good. 

At  last  with  the  reign  of  Rudolph  II  as  emperor 
(1576-1612)  came  the  occasion  tor  the  Counter- 
Reformation  in  Germany  and  Austria.  Wherever  the 
House  of  Hapsburg  had  influence  the  Catholic  princes 
and  lords  began  to  exercise  the  same  right  of  reforma- 
tion (Re/ormalionsrecht,  Jus  reformandi)  in  behalf  of 
the  Church,  wliich  the  Protestants  had  hitherto  used 
against  her.  But  the  latter  ere  long  became  sus- 
picious. In  1608  they  joined  in  an  offensive  and  de- 
fensive "union"  which  the  Catholics  answered  by 
their  "League".  In  this  way  the  opposing  parties 
soon  drifted  into  the  Thirty  Years  War  (q.  v.)  which 
lasted  from  1618  to  1648.  Though  the  Catholic  allies 
commenced  at  the  greatest  disadvantage,  they  grad- 
ually won  the  upper  hand.  By  the  end  of  1631  they 
seemed  so  secure  of  their  superiority,  that  Ferdinand 
II  by  his  "Restitutionsedict"  (Edict  of  Restitution) 
recalled  the  Church  lands  seized  by  Protestants  since 
the  Religious  Peace  of  Augsburg  in  1555,  and  in  partic- 
ular the  aforesaid  two  archbishoprics  and  twelve  bish- 
oprics. The  political  power  of  the  Catholics  now  stood 
at  the  highest  point  it  reached  during  the  Counter- 


Reformation.  But  a  reaction  soon  set  in ;  France  and 
Sweden  joined  hands  with  the  Protestants,  and  the 
Catholics  had  neither  the  enthusiasm  nor  the  unity  of 

Surpose  to  maintain  their  advantage.  The  Peace  of 
[unster  and  Osnabruck,  in  1648,  disastrous  and  hu- 
miliating as  it  was  for  Germany  politically,  was  also 
most  injurious  to  Catholicism.  (See  Westphalia, 
Treaty  of.)  Church  lands  were  freely  secularized, 
and  distributed,  as  the  price  of  peace,  to  lay  lords 
who  practically  had  the  right  of  dictating  to  their 
subjects  the  religion  they  might  profess.  The  secular 
authorities,  even  in  Catholic  countries,  claimed  and 
exercised  a  right  of  placet  in  the  choice  of  bishops, 
which  was  in  the  long  run  most  injurious.  Amid  the 
distractions  of  war,  the  deceits  of  victory,  and  the 
miseries  of  defeat,  the  fervour  of  the  Counter-Refor- 
mation had  evaporated. 

France. — If  the  Counter-Reformation  had  much  to 
fear  and  to  suffer  from  the  politics  of  secular  princes, 
it  was  from  France  that  it  nad  most  to  dread.  The 
wars  of  Francis  I  with  the  Emperor  Charles  V  had 
given  the  Reformation  an  occasion  for  spreading 
f  ranee  had  been  the  chief  difficulty  at  the  Council  of 
Trent.  In  France  the  struggle  between  Catholicism 
and  Protestantism  was  carried  on  with  great  bitter- 
ness and  cruelty.  Though  the  eventual  victory  of 
the  Counter-Reformation  was  very  extensive,  it  was 
nowhere  later  in  coming;  nowhere  had  there  been  such 
danger  of  a  great  disaster.  This  was  due  to  the  close- 
ness of  the  connexion  of  Church  with  State.  In  vir- 
tue of  the  so-called  Gallican  Liberties  (q.  v.)  the 
king  and  nobles  exercised  undue  influence  over  the 
appointment  of  bishops,  abbots,  and  clergy,  and  ec- 
clesiastical administration  in  general.  But  the  later 
rulers  of  the  House  of  VaJois,  as  also  Catherine  de' 
Medici  were  miserably  wanting  in  principle,  and  all 
efforts  at  reform  under  such  leaders  ended  in  turmoil 
and  strife.  Margaret  of  Valois,  sister  of  Francis  I ,  had 
favoured  Protestantism,  and  it  soon  infected  the 
House  of  Bourbon  (Kings  of  Navarre),  into  which  she 
had  married,  and  which  claimed  the  succession  to  the 
French  throne.  Henry  II  had  shamelessly  allied  him- 
self with  Protestant  powers  abroad,  while  he  burned 
heretics  at  home.  Heresy  spread  among  the  princes 
of  the  blood  and  the  highest  nobility,  who  drew  their 
retainers  after  them.  Hence  the  numberless  quar- 
rels and  the  seven  bloody  "Wars  of  Religion"  (1562, 
1567,  1569,  1573.  1577,  1580,  1587-93).  Both  sides 
were  cruel,  but  the  barbarities  of  the  Calvinists  were 
especially  revolting  to  Catholic  feelings.  In  battle 
the  Catholics  were  generally  victorious,  but  in  the 
negotiations  for  peace  the  Protestants  gained  more 
and  more  concessions.  This  was  in  great  measure 
due  to  the  unprincipled  "see-saw''  policy  of  Catherine 
de'  Medici  (q.  v.),  who  cynically  inclined  first  to  one 
side;  then  to  another.  At  last  Henry  III  having  as- 
sassinated the  Catholic  leaders  of  the  House  of  Guise, 
was  himself  assassinated,  and  the  throne  was  claimed 
by  Henry  of  Navarre.  But  as  he  was  a  Huguenot, 
the  Catholic  people  of  France  would  not  accept  him, 
and  the  war  dragged  on,  with  disastrous  effects  to 
French  power,  until  Henry  IV  became  a  Catholic  in 
1593,  and  was  absolved  by  Pope  Clement  VIII  in 
1595.  France  recovered  with  wonderful  rapidity  on 
the  restoration  of  peace,  and  it  was  now  that  the 
Catholic  revival  began  in  earnest,  reaching  its  highest 
point  in  the  following  reign. 

Clement  VIII  had  laid  down  four  principal  condi- 
tions for  absolving  King  Henry:  (1)  the  heir  to  the 
throne  must  be  educated  as  a  Catholic;  (2)  a  convent 
or  monastery  was  to  be  established  in  every  province 
in  reparation  for  the  numbers  which  had  been  de- 
stroyed; (3)  Catholic  worship  must  be  introduced 
even  into  Huguenot  towns;  (4)  the  Council  of  Trent 
must  be  proclaimed.  The  Counter-Reformation  in 
France  may  be  said  to  have  followed  the  lines  here  , 
laid  down,  Thus  (1)  Louis  XIII,  the  son  and  heir  of 


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Henry  IV,  was  educated  by  Pere  Coton  (q.  v.),  and  it 
was  through  him  that  most  of  the  good  traditions  of 
the  French  kings  in  exercising  their  ecclesiastical 
patronage  took  shape.  He  was  also  remarkable,  per- 
haps almost  singular,  among  the  old  French  kings  for 
the  purity  of  his  domestic  relations.  Thus,  though  he 
died  comparatively  young,  and  though  he  was  com- 
pletely eclipsed  by  his  omnipotent  prime  minister 
Richelieu  (q.  v.),  he  was  no  unfit  person  to  preside  over 
and  to  protect  a  movement  of  religious  reform.  (2) 
That  reform  reached  its  highest  development  in  the 
multiplication  of  religious  congregations  and  orders. 
In  his  "  Memoires"  Richelieu  says  of  the  reign  of  Louis 
XIII,  "  Le  vrai  siecle  de  Saint  Louis  fitait  revenu,  qui 
commenca  a  peupler  ce  royaume  de  maisons  religi- 
euses ' '.  The  most  distinguished  founder  and  director 
of  such  congregations  was  St.  Vincent  de  Paul,  whose 
religious  organizations,  beginning  in  1617,  reached 
such  astonishing  extension  in  the  period  immediately 
following.  Besides  these,  there  were  the  foundations 
or  reforms  of  Saint-Maur  (Benedictine);  Port-Royal; 
Brothers  of  Charity;  Congregation  of  Notre  Dame 
(1607) ;  of  the  Visitation  (1610) ;  the  Uraulines  (1612) ; 
the  French  Oratory  by  Cardinal  de  Berulle.  Moreover 
the  Barnabites,  Capuchins,  and  Carmelites  developed 
new  provinces,  and  established  many  new  houses.  St. 
Peter  Fourier  founded  the  Canons  Regular  of  St. 
Saviour.  The  Jesuits,  who  had  previously  had  only 
thirteen  colleges,  now  increased  greatly  both  in  num- 
bers and  influence,  but  amid  many  contradictions  and 
acrimonious  controversies  with  the  University  and 
the  Parlement  of  Paris.  The  Society,  however,  was 
effectively  supported  by  the  Crown,  and  at  Paris  the 
College  de  Clermont,  afterwards  Louis-le-Grand,  be- 
came one  of  the  chief  centres  of  the  Counter-Refor- 
mation. (3)  The  re-establishment  of  Catholicism  in 
the  districts  left  under  the  power  of  the  Huguenots 
through  the  Edict  of  Nantes  (1598)  proceeded  slowly 
and  was  attended  with  difficulty.  But  the  French 
monarchs  had  many  reasons  for  exacting  obedience 
from  their  often  insubordinate  Protestant  subjects. 
Eventually  La  Rochellc,  after  a  celebrated  siege,  was 
reduced  by  force  (1628).  Though  their  quasi-inde- 
pendence  was  now  gone,  and  with  it  their  political  im- 
portance, the  Counter- Reformation  did  not  lead  to  the 
abolition  of  religious  liberty  for  the  Huguenots,  which 
was  fully  confirmed  by  the  Edict  of  Ntmes  in  1629. 
(4)  There  was  much  reluctance  to  admit  the  Council 
of  Trent,  and  an  obstinate  insistence  on  the  Gallican 
Liberties  which  proved  eventually  a  calamity  for  the 
French  Church. 

On  the  one  hand  we  find  great  names  among  the 
bishops  of  this  period,  such  as  St.  Francis  of  Sales, 
Cardinals  de  Berulle  and  de  la  Rochefoucauld,  Hon- 
ot6  de  Laurens,  Archbishop  of  Embrun,  Philippe 
de  Cospean,  Bishop  of  Nantes.  Synods  were  fre- 
quent, the  education  of  the  priests  was  much  im- 
proved. In  1042  St.  Vincent  of  Paul  opened  the  Col- 
lege des  Bons  Enfante,  which  served  as  a  model  for 
seminaries  in  many  other  dioceses;  while  M.  Olier  be- 
tween 1642  and  1645  carried  into  execution  his  idea 
of  the  Grand  Serainaire  of  Saint  Sulpice.  The  clergy 
in  general  reached  so  high  a  level  that  the  period  may 
be  regarded  as  one  of  the  brightest  in  the  history  of 
the  Gallican  Church.  On  the  other  hand  the  great 
influence  of  the  State  and  of  the  nobility  in  the  selec- 
tion of  abbots  and  bishops,  especially  for  the  highest 
and  most  wealthy  sees,  could  not  but  be  injurious. 
We  sometimes  hear  of  prelates,  like  the  Cardinal  de 
Retz,  who  were  a  shame  to  their  order,  and  still  more 
of  worldly  prelates,  like  the  Cardinal  Richelieu,  who 
though  not  proved  to  be  immoral,  lowered  the  ideals 
of  ecclesiastical  devotion  to  the  Church,  which  had 
given  the  Counter-Reformation  so  much  of  its  first 
vigour.  Other  weak  points  in  the  progress  of  the 
Cf>unter-Reformation  in  France  may  be  studied  in  the 
careers  of  Edmond  Richer  and  of  the  Abbe1  of  Saint 


Cyran,  Du  Verger  de  la  Hauranne,  and  in  the  rise  of 
the  Jansenists.    (See  Jansenism.) 

Spain  and  Portuoal. — Turning  now  to  Spain  and 
Portugal,  we  see  the  Counter-Reformation  winning 
here  its  most  signal  spiritual  victories.  There  can  be 
no  question  that  the  saints  of  Spain  who  flourished  at 
this  period,  the  theologians,  canonists,  and  spiritual 
writers  whom  it  educated,  were  more  remarkable  than 
those  produced  by  any  other  country,  e.  g.  St.  Igna- 
tius, St.  Teresa,  St.  Francis  Borgia,  St.  John  of  God, 
St.  Peter  of  Alcantara,  St.  John  of  the  Cross,  St.  Fran- 
cis of  Solano,  John  of  Avila,  Maldonado,  Navarro, 
Salmeron,  Toleto,  Gregory  of  Valencia,  Sanchez, 
Suarez,  Juan  a  Santo  Tomaso,  Ripalda,  Barbosa. 
These  form  a  galaxy  of  brilliant  names,  which  in  their 
sphere  have  never  been  surpassed.  The  Spanish  and 
Portuguese  colonies  in  South  America  ana  the  East 
Indies  were  also  ennobled  by  missionaries,  whose 
heroism,  self-devotion,  and  energy  were  beyond  com- 
pare. Starting  from  Las  Casas,  whose  chief  achieve- 
ments, however,  belong  to  an  earlier  period,  mention 
must  be  made  of  the  reductions  of  Paraguay  and  the 
first  missions  to  the  Philippines,  while  the  majority 
of  the  spiritual  labourers  m  India,  China,  and  Japan 
were  also  furnished  by  the  Spanish  Peninsula.  But 
here  again,  as  in  France,  it  was  in  great  measure  the 
absolutism  of  the  Crown  which  prevented  the  tri- 
umph of  the  new  movement  from  being  as  complete 
and  permanent  as  it  might  have  been.  A  series  of 
second-rate  sovereigns,  an  indifferent  bureaucratic 

government,  slavery,  and  a  very  bad  colonial  system, 
rought  on  the  premature  decay  not  only  of  the 
temporal,  but  also  of  the  spiritual,  greatness  of  these 
countries.  Though  the  Inquisition  was  established 
in  several  European  countries,  it  was  more  active  in 
Spain  than  elsewhere. 

Italy. — This  country  had  from  the  first  been  ready 
for  the  Counter-Reformation,  and  in  the  papacy  and 
the  Council  of  Trent  had,  as  it  were,  opened  the  field  to 
reform.  Nowhere  did  the  course  or  the  movement 
progress  more  uniformly,  or  last  longer.  This  is  best 
seen  in  the  papal  Curia,  where  the  College  of  Cardinals 
continued  to  be  thoroughly  representative  of  the  best 
talent  and  virtue  in  the  Church  and  where  the  Sacred 
Congregations  worked  with  an  efficiency  and  steadfast- 
ness never  known  before.  But  in  truth,  wherever  it 
is  possible  to  look  into  the  religious  life  of  the  nation, 
a  remarkably  high  level  of  fervour  will  be  recognized. 
St.  Charles  Borromeo  did  not  lack  followers  among  the 
bishops,  as  the  great  names  of  Sirleto,  Paleotto,  Ar- 
rigoni,  Rusticucci,  and  many  others  testify.  The  de- 
tailed accounts  that  have  come  down  to  us  of  the  Jubi- 
lees of  1575  and  1600,  give  us  a  glimpse  of  a  whole 
community  sensible  to,  and  familiar  with,  works  of 
piety  and  charity  on  a  very  large  scale.  Among  the 
new  congregations  of  this  period  mention  should  be 
made  of  the  Scolopii,  founded  in  1600  by  St.  Joseph  of 
Calasanza  (Calasanctius).  The  most  serious  set-back 
was  the  quarrel  of  Paul  V  with  Venice,  1606  to  1607, 
and  the  constant  friction  with  unsympathetic  Span- 
ish rulers  of  Milan,  and  of  the  Two  Sicilies,  about  the 
immunities  of  the  clergy  and  the  administration  of 
ecclesiastical  property.  In  the  former  case  the  pope 
may  have  precipitated  the  quarrel  by  the  vigour  with 
which  he  took  extreme  measures.  But  when  the  hos- 
tilities had  commenced  the  Venet»an8  showed  an  om- 
inous tendency  to  ally  themselves  with  the  Galileans 
and  even  with  English  heretics.  The  quarrel,  how- 
ever, only  lasted  one  year.  Such  men  as  Paolo  Sarpi 
and  Antonio  de  Dominis  were  found  but  seldom.  The 
"Index  Librorum  Prohibitorum"  of  1564  may  appro- 
priately be  mentioned  here,  though  it  applies  to  and 
illustrates  all  countries. 

England. — Turning  now  to  England  we  find  the 
spirit  of  the  Counter-Reformation  suddenly  bursting 
into  most  vigorous  life  at  the  preaching  of  Blessed 
Edmund  Campion  in  1580.    The  organization  of  th« 


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mission  was  due  to  the  magnanimous  soul  of  Cardinal 
Allen,  whose  noble  sentiment  oportet  meliora  non  ex- 
pectare  sed  facere  (Letters,  p.  367)  conceived  as  it  was 
in  the  face  of  overwhelming  persecution,  gives  us  the 
measure  of  his  lofty  spirit.  "This  Church  here", 
wrote  Campion,  "shall  never  fail,  so  long  as  priests 
and  pastors  shall  be  found  for  the  sheep,  rage  man 
or  devil  never  so  much."  So  it  fell  out.  Allen's 
seminary,  first  at  Douai,  then  at  Reims,  sent  forth, 

?'ear  after  year,  its  small  quota  of  missionaries,  and 
he  Jesuits,  with  the  lesser  seminaries,  added  a  few 
more.  It  was  an  heroic  struggle,  for  no  persecution 
can  be  heavier  than  that  of  the  law  remorselessly  ap- 
plied in  a  law-loving  country.  But  the  courage  of  the 
whole  Catholic  body  (numerically  small)  rose  to  the 
occasion,  and  if  there  were  many  failures,  as  also  some 
serious  quarrels  and  scandals,  there  was  an  astonish- 
ingly high  average  of  courage  and  perseverance.  In 
time  their  worst  persecutors  died  off,  and  calmer 
days  ensued,  but  at  the  close  of  the  period  the  Puri- 
tans were  renewing  Elizabeth's  cruelties,  and  priests' 
blood  was  flowing  almost  as  fast  as  ever.  This  same 
religious  enthusiasm  manifested  itself  during  the  last 
decade  or  so  of  the  period,  in  the  foundation  of  new 
convents,  orders,  etc.,  on  the  Continent.  The  move- 
ment roughly  corresponded  with  the  similar  move- 
ment in  France.  The  name  of  Mary  Ward  (q.  v.)  is 
one  of  the  most  noteworthy  in  England.  The  mission 
of  the  English  Jesuits  to  Maryland  (q.  v.)  in  spite  of 
home  trials  is  another  manifestation  of  the  same  spirit. 

Ireland. — During  Elizabeth's  reign  the  Irish  were 
almost  always  engaged  in  a  struggle  for  life  against  the 
ever  increasing  forces  of  the  English  "planters". 
Sometimes  they  had  their  hour  of  victory,  but  there 
never  had  been  time  for  reform.  The  process  of  the 
Irish  martyrs  claims  about  a  hundred  sufferers  in  this 
reign,  headed  by  Dermod  O'Hurley,  Archbishop  of 
Cashel.  There  were  also  many  missionaries  of  note, 
the  earliest  of  whom  was  David  Wolfe,  S.  J.,  sent  by 
Pope  Pius  V;  there  were  also  several  heroic  bishops  like 
Richard  Creagh  of  Armagh,  and  many  notable  Fran- 
ciscans and  Jesuits. 

But  it  was  not  until  the  comparative  peace  under 
King  James  that  it  was  possible  to  fill  up  the  gaps  in 
the  episcopate,  to  found  colleges  on  the  Continent,  at 
Paris,  Salamanca,  Lisbon,  Douai,  etc.  (only  one  or 
two  had  commenced  earlier),  to  organize  anew  the  re- 
ligious orders  (especially  the  Franciscans).  The  old 
life  revived  in  many  secluded  sanctuaries  at  home: 
synods  were  actually  held  at  Kilkenny,  Dublin,  and 
Armagh,  and  elsewhere  literary  life  was  reawakening. 
(See  Four  Masters;  Wadding,  Luke.)  There  were 
many  notable  bishops  like  Peter  Lombard,  David 
Rothe,  etc.  Though  the  persecution  never  wholly 
ceased  (Bishop  Cornelius  CDevany,  1612,  and  some 
sixty  others  were  martyred  during  this  period),  the 
Counter- Reformation  made  great  progress,  and  there 
were  moments  when  it  seemed  about  to  triumph,  as, 
for  example,  in  1625  and  1641-49.  But  at  the  close  of 
the  period  Cromwell  was  to  blot  out  with  cruelties 
worse  than  those  of  the  Tudors  all  the  good  that  had 
been  accomplished. 

Scotland  and  Scandinavia. — The  Counter-Reforma- 
tion can  hardly  be  said  to  have  affected  Scotland  and 
Scandinavia,  so  complete  had  been  the  victory  of 
Protestantism.  Yet  while  Queen  Mary  reigned  in 
Scotland  there  had  been  renewed  signs  of  life.  Fathers 
de  Gouda,  Edmund  Hay,  James  Gordon,  S.  J.,  Bishop 
Leslie,  and  Ninian  Winzet  are  the  more  notable  names 
of  this  period.  Mention  must  also  be  made  of  John 
Ogilvie,  S.  J.,  martyred  in  1615,  and  the  heroic  resis- 
tance made  by  many  Catholic  nobles  to  the  tyranny  of 
the  Kirk.  There  was  no  local  ecclesiastical  superior 
or  government,  the  mission  depending  directly  on  the 
Holy  See  till  1653;  but  there  were  some  small  Scottish 
colleges  for  the  secular  clergy  at  Rome,  Douai,  Paris, 
and  Madrid.    In  Scandinavia  the  fall  of  Catholicism 


did  not  come  about  in  a  day  or  a  generation — Fathef 
Posse vin,  S.  J.,  as  also  several  papal  nuncios  strove 
hard  to  avert  it— but  the  Counter-Reformation  as  a 
movement  did  not  reach  any  of  its  peoples. 

The  Netherlands. — In  the  Netherlands  every  effort 
was  made  to  exterminate  Catholicism  in  the  United 
Provinces,  which  had  revolted  from  Spain,  contrary 
to  the  repeated  promises  of  the  Prince  of  Orange. 
Still  considerable  numbers  retained  their  faith — their 
spiritual  needs  being  cared  for  by  missionaries — 
though  it  was  impossible  to  keep  up  the  ancient  hier- 
archy. In  Catholic  Flanders  the  revival  ran  a  more 
or  less  uniformly  prosperous  course.  Amongst  the 
great  prelates  and  writers  of  this  period  were  Lin- 
danus,  Bishop  of  Roermond,  Justus  Lipsius,  Leonard 
Lessius,  Cornelius  a  Lapide,  Martin  Becan,  Thomas 
Stapleton  (an  Englishman),  etc.  But  the  contro- 
versies occasioned  by  Baius  form  a  less  pleasant  epi- 
sode, and  the  wars  at  the  end  of  this  period  were  most 
injurious.  Campaigns  and  battles  ruined  the  country, 
and  the  final  terms  of  peace  notably  reduced  its  power. 

Poland. — In  this  country  there  was  a  long  struggle 
between  Catholicism,  which  was  held  by  the  Crown 
and  the  people,  and  Protestantism,  which  filtered  in 
from  the  neighbouring  Protestant  countries  and  uni- 
versities, and  was  affected  by  many  of  the  faction- 
loving  nobles  and  the  merchants.    Catholicism  at  last 

§ained  the  decided  upper  hand,  through  the  efforts  of 
tanislas  Hosius  and  other  bishops,  preachers  like 
Scarga,  and  the  Jesuit  colleges.  King  Sigismundll 
and  Wladislaus  IV,  co-operating  with  a  series  of  very 
active  and  able  papal  nuncios,  ensured  the  Church  s 
victory;  the  Protestants,  however,  still  retained  much 
power. 

VIII.  Ecclesiastical  Literature. — The  high 
spirit  of  this  period  manifested  itself  in  literature  in 
many  characteristic  forms.  The  age  was  one  of  the 
greatest  for  theology  the  world  has  ever  known  It 
suffices  to  recall  the  names  of  Bellarmine,  Baronius, 
Suarez,  Vasquez,  Petavius,  and  many  others  who 
have  been  alluded  to  already.  More  characteristic 
still  were  the  writers  on  personal  or  interior  reform, 
foremost  among  them  St.  Ignatius,  whose  "Spiritual 
Exercises",  for  their  profound  spiritual  and  practical 
wisdom,  must  be  placed  in  a  class  apart.  Similarly 
distinguished  writers  were  St.  Francis  of  Sales  (de- 
clared, in  1877,  a  Doctor  of  the  Church),  St.  Teresa, 
Scupoli,  Blosius.  Louis  of  Granada,  M.  Olier,  Alfonso 
Rodriguez.  The  teachings  of  the  Church  were  set 
forth  in  the  admirable  catechisms  of  Canisius  (1555- 
60)  and  of  the  Council  of  Trent  (1566).  To  the  same 
period  belong  the  revised  editions  of  the  Vulgate 
(1590-98),  the  Roman  Breviary  (1568),  the  Roman 
Missal  (1570),  the  Roman  Martyrology  (1582),  the 
Corpus  Juris  Canonici  (1582),  the  Decretum  of  Gra- 
tian  (1582).  Father  Campion's  "Decern  Rationes" 
(1581)  and  Father  Person's  "Christian  Directory", 
exercised  an  extensive  influence,  doctrinal  and  relig- 
ious, on  contemporary  opinion,  which  was  also  deeply 
affected  by  the  religious  poems  of  Tasso  and  Calderon, 
of  Southwell  and  Crashaw.  The  music  of  the  age  also 
partook  in  the  revival,  as  is  testified  by  the  great  name 
of  Palestrina  and  the  pleasant  memories  of  the  exer- 
cises of  the  Oratory  of  St.  Philip  Ncri. 

IX.  Close  of  the  Period  and  Retrospect. — It 
has  been  said  before  that  a  period  of  fervour  and 
zeal  comes  to  an  end  when  that  zeal  dies  down  to 
mediocrity  in  many  countries,  or  among  the  large 
majority  of  people.  This  had  taken  place  by  the 
year  1648.  In  Germany  the  period  is  generally  said 
to  close  in  1618,  but  elsewhere,  i.  e.  in  France  and 
in  Ireland,  the  tide  of  fervour  was  still  flowing 
in  many  places,  while  in  Rome  and  Italy  it  was 
still  fairly  strong.  But  this  does  not  prevent  our  re- 
garding the  broad  movement  as  having  spent  itself. 
Though  the  level  of  education  had  risen,  the  diminu- 
tion in  the  number  of  men  of  genius  was  marked. 


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There  were  but  few  new  foundations;  some  great  mis- 
sions (Japan,  Abyssinia,  the  Congo)  were  given  up  or 
in  full  decline,  though  others  still  were  growing  and 
flourishing.  And  the  reason  was  that  the  interior 
fervour,  the  enthusiasm  had  cooled  down.  The  same 
thing  was  true  also  about  the  Protestants.  An  age  of 
fair  mediocrity  had  taken  the  place  of  the  fiercely 
keen  ardour  of  the  previous  century.  In  this  there 
was  no  wonder.  It  is  the  ordinary  course  of  human 
nature  to  slacken  down  after  unusual  effort,  to  wax 
cool  after  an  effervescence  of  excitement.  What  was 
not  ordinary,  what  was  on  the  contrary  one  of  the 
strangest  things  in  the  history  of  the  world,  was  the 
display  of  life  and  vigour  which  had  been  given  by  the 
Church  just  when  she  seemed  to  be  about  to  fall  be- 
hind, and  to  be  beaten  out  of  the  field  by  her  rivals. 
Under  such  circumstances  the  Counter-Reformation 
may  be  regarded  as  one  of  the  most  striking  proofs  of 
the  inherent  vitality  of  the  Church  which  Providence 
has  ever  vouchsafed,  only  to  be  paralleled  by  her  tri- 
umph over  the  persecutions  of  the  Roman  Empire,  the 
invasions  of  the  Barbarians,  or  the  subversive  forces  of 
the  French  Revolution. 

This  wide-spreading  subject  has  occasioned  an  Immense 
literature,  no  adequate  account  of  which  can  be  given  here, 
though  its  classifications  may  be  followed  by  referring  to  Tub 
Catholic  Encyclopedia, where  the  various  persons  and  subjects 
mentioned  above  are  treated  in  detail.  Very  few  writers,  how- 
ever, have  studied  the  broad  but  subtle  influence  of  ideas,  in 
virtue  of  which  this  revival  originated,  passed  from  land  to 
land,  grew,  flourished  and  failed.  No  Catholic  writer  has 
described  the  whole  movement  with  adequate  fullness.  (1 )  The 
best  contemporary  witnesses  were  the  Roman  nuncios,  whose 
special  business  it  was  to  study  these  subjects  and  to  report 
upon  them.  But  few  of  their  papers  are  however  yet  published, 
except  those  relating  to  Germany.  The  reports  of  the  nuncios 
to  Germany  (Nunxiahirberichte  out  DeuUchiond)  are  being 
edited  (since  1892),  partly  by  the  Prussian  and  Austrian  Histor- 
ical Institutes  at  Rome  and  partly  by  the  GSrres  Geeellschaft; 
Da  Hinojosa.  Los  despachos  de  la  diplomacia  pontificia  en 
Espatta  (Madrid,  1806):  Cauchie,  Instructions  generates  aux 
nonce*  de  Flandre,  159G-15S5;  Pollen,  Papal  Negotiations  with 
Mary  Queen  of  Scots,  1561-1067  (London,  1901);  HCbner, 
Sixte-Quint  (Paris.  1870);  Pastor,  Hittorv  of  the  Popes  from  the 
Close  of  the  Middle  Ages;  Janbsen,  History  of  the  German  Peo- 
ple, with  criticisms  of  Maurenbrecher.  Oesch.  der  Kathol, 
Reformation  (1880,  only  one  volume  published),  and  counter 
criticism  by  Ditteich  in  Jahrbuch  der  Oorres  Get.,  U,  610. 
There  are  several  monographs  on  the  details  of  the  progress, 
first  of  the  Reformation,  then  of  the  Counter-Reformation,  in 

Suticular  parts  of  Germany,  e.  g.  Wiedemann,  Oesch.  der 
tformation  und  Qeaenref amotion  im  Lands  tinier  der  Emu 
(6  vols.,  1879-86);  others  by,  Gindelt  (Bohemia),  Keller 
(Westphalia).  Loserth  (Austria).  Mayer  (SwiUerland),  Met- 
es (Sctileswig),  etc.;  Dchr,  Oesch.  der  Jesuiten  in  den  LAndem 
deutscher  Zunoe  (1907);  Drotsen,  Oesch.  der  Gcaenreformation 
(1903,  in  Once  en,  AUpemeine  Oeschichte).  French  history  is  the 
hardest  to  follow.  Consult  Vicomti  de  Mi  aux,  Lultee  reli- 
gtcuses  en  France  (Paris,  1879),  and  La  reforms  et  la  politwue 
Francaise  en  Europe,  jusqu'a  la  paix  de  Westphalie  (Paris.  1889); 
Perrens,  Vtglise  et  Vital  en  France  sous  Henri  IV  (1873); 
Codiard.  Vne  ambassade  a  Rome  sous  Henri  IV  (1902);  Prat, 
Recherche*  sur  laC.de  Jesus  du  Imps  du  P.  Cotonx  1&6U-M6 
(1876);  Chenon,  La  Cour  de  Rome  et  la  reforms  oath,  in  La  visas 
and  Rambaud,  Histoire  Genfrale  (Paris,  1897),  V.  A  more 
objective  treatment  of  the  period  is  to  be  desired.  For  the 
ecclesiastical  writers  of  the  period,  see  Hdrter,  Somendator; 
Bouif BRvooEL,  BM.  delae.de  J.  (1890-1900);  Hiloers,  Der 
htdex  der  verbotenen  Backer  (Freiburg,  1904). 

J.  H.  Pollen. 

Court  (in  Scripture). — I.  Open  Space. — The 
word  covert,  in  the  English  Bible,  corresponds  to  the 
Hebrew  "flfn  (.hafer)  enclosed  space.  The  latter  is 
used  to  designate:  (1)  an  encampment  of  nomads; 
(2)  a  space  protected  by  a  stockade  or  palisades,  or  by 
a  rampart  of  stones  or  earth,  hence  a  village ;  (3)  the 
court-yards  of  the  houses  or  temples.  In  the  first 
sense  the  Hem-ew  term  is,  in  the  D.V.,  rendered  in 
various  ways:  "castle"  (Gen.,  xxv,  16),  "cities  of  the 
desert"  (Is.,  xlii,  11),  "private  places"  (i.  e.  places  of 
ambush  near  the  settlements,  Ps.  ix,  8).  The  word 
village  usually  expresses  the  second  meaning  (Lev., 
xxv,  31;  Jos.,  xiii,  xv,  xvi,  etc.;  I  Par.,  iv,  33,  etc. 
However,  in  Ex.,  viii,  13,  village  is  a  mistransla- 
tion for  court-yard).  In  connexion  with  this  sense 
H  may  not  be  amiss  to  notice  that  the  Hebrew  word, 
either  in  the  form  ffaeer,  or  in  the  slightly  different 


form  ffifOr,  was  not  infrequently  used  in  proper 
names.  One  of  the  first  encampments  of  the  He- 
brews after  their  departure  from  the  foot  of  Mount 
Sinai  was  at  a  place  called  Haseroth  (Num.,  xi,  34). 
There  was  a  Chanaanite  city  of  Asor  near  the  waters 
of  Merom  (Jos.,  xi,  5;  Joseph  as,  Ant.  Jud.,  V,  v,  1); 
this  city,  taken  and  burned  by  Josue  (Jos.,  xi,  10,  11), 
was  allotted  to  the  tribe  of  Nephtali  (Jos.,  xix,  36), 
but  probably  rebuilt  by  the  Chanaanites  (Judges,  iv, 
2),  fortified  by  Solomon  (III  K.,  ix,  15),  and  seised 
by  Theglathphalasar  (IV  K.,  xv,  29).  This  Asor  or 
Aser  was,  according  to  the  Greek  text,  the  native 
place  of  Tobias  (Too.,  i,  2),  and  at  a  short  distanoe 
from  it  Jonathan  Machabeus  defeated  the  army  of 
Demetrius  (I  Mach.,  xi,  67).  We  read  (Jos.,  xv,  23) 
of  another  Asor,  called  Esron,  in  Jos.,  xv,  3,  and 
Hesron,  xv,  25  on  the  southern  frontier  of  Juda. 
The  same  text  (xv,  25)  even  mentions  in  the  same 
borders  a  New  Asor.  A  third  Asor  existed,  at  least 
after  the  Captivity,  near  Jerusalem,  in  the  territory 
of  Benjamin  (II  Esd.,  xi,  33).  Among  the  compound 
proper  names  may  be  mentioned:  Hasar  Adar  (D. 
V.,  "the  town  called  Adar",  Num.,  xxxiv,  4);  Aa- 
ergadda  (Jos.,  xv,  27);  Hasersusa  or  Hasarsusim 
(Jos.,  xix,  5;  I  Par.,  iv,  31);  Hasar  Enon  (D.  V., 
"court  of  Enan",  Ez.,  xlvii,  17;  xlviii,  1:  "village  of 
Enan",  Num.,  xxxiv,  9,  10):  Hasersual  or  Hasar- 
suhal  (Jos.,  xv,  28;  xix,  3;  II  Esd.,  xi,  27;  I  Par., 
iv,  28);  Hasar  hattikhon  (D.  V.,  "the  house  of 
Tichon",  Ez.,  xlvii,  16);  Baalhasor  (II  K.,  xiii,  23); 
Enhasor  (Jos.,  xix,  37). 

The  recent  excavations  in  Syria  and  Palestine,  as 
well  as  the  modern  customs  inherited  from  olden 
times,  give  precise  indications  concerning  the  house- 
courts,  not  seldom  alluded  to  in  Holy  Writ.  When, 
as  occurs  frequently,  the  house  does  not  open  directly 
on  the  street,  there  is  a  first  court-yard  extending  be- 
tween the  outer  wall  and  the  building.  From  this 
outer  court  an  entrance  doorway  leads  into  the  inner 
court,  around  which  the  various  apartments  are  lo- 
cated. The  inner  court  sometimes  contains  in  the 
centre  a  well  (II  K.,  xvii,  18)  or  a  fountain  surrounded 
with  fine  trees;  the  walls,  porches,  and  verandas  are 
usually  covered  with  vines  and  creepers,  and  an  awn- 
ing may  be  stretched  overhead  to  keep  off  the  sun. 
From  the  narration  of  the  Passion  we  may  infer  that 
such  was  the  arrangement  in  the  high-priest's  house. 
While  Jesus  was  being  tried  in  one  of  the  halls,  the 
servants  and  ministers  had  gathered  around  a  fire  of 
coals  in  the  inner  court:  thither  Peter  came  to  warm 
himself,  and  there  he  denied  his  Master.  From  the 
judgment-hall,  Jesus  turning  (Luke,  xxii,  61)  could 
easily  look  outside  (Matt.,  xxvi,  69)  on  Peter.  Then 
the  latter,  smitten  with  remorse,  betook  himself  to  the 
outer  court  (Mark,  xiv,  68 ;  D.  V.,  "  before  the  court ' ', 
a  literal  translation  of  the  awkward  latin  rendering: 
ante  atrium),  there  to  weep  freely.  Royal  residences 
displayed,  on  a  larger  scale  and  in  a  more  elaborate 
way,  a  similar  general  arrangement.  The  Bible 
speaks  of  the  courts  of  the  palaces  of  Solomon  (III  K., 
vii,  9,  etc.),  Ezechias  (Iv  K.,  xx,  4),  and  Sedecias 
(Jer.,  xxxii,  2,  12;  xxxiii,  1 ;  xxxvi,  20;  xxxviii,  6),  as 
well  as  those  of  Assuerus  at  Susan  (Esth.,  ii,  1 1 ;  iv,  1 1 ; 
y,  2;  etc.)  and  of  Seleucus  at  Tyre  (II  Mach.,  iv,  46). 

In  connexion  with  sacred  places,  courts  are  most 
frequently  mentioned.  We  learn  from  Ex.,  xxxviii, 
9  sq.  that  the  place  of  meeting  in  the  wilderness  was 
a  court,  a  hundred  cubits  long  and  fifty  cubits  wide, 
encompassed  by  pillars  supporting  hangings  of  fine 
twisted  linen.  The  sacred  precincts  contained,  be- 
sides the  tabernacle  and  its  furniture,  the  altar  of  holo- 
causts and  the  brazen  laver  (Ex.,  xl,  6,  7).  Still  more 
famous  are  Solomon's  constructions.  All  the  build- 
ings erected  by  this  prince  on  Mount  Sion  were  sur- 
rounded by  a  wall  encompassing  what  may  be  styled 
"the  greater  court".  Southernmost  in  the  lowest 
court  were  the  public  halls,  namely:  the  "house  of  th* 


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forest  of  Libanus",  the  "Porch  of  pillars",  and  the 
throne-hall;  farther  in  from  the  throne-hall  (III  K., 
vii,  8,  Heb.  text)  and  on  a  higher  level  another  court, 
called  "middle  court",  IV  K,  xx,  4  (Heb.;  D.  V., 
"the  middle  of  the  court"),  contained  the  king's  man- 
sion and  the  house  built  for  Pharao's  daughter  (III 
K.,  vii,  8).  North  of  the  middle  court,  on  the  top  of 
the  hill,  was  the  "inner  court"  (III  K.,  vi,  36),  also 
called  "upper  court"  (Jer.,  xxxvi,  10)  and  "court  of 
the  priests  '  (II  Par.,  iv,  9).  No  information  is  sup- 
plied by  the  Sacred  Text  about  the  extent  and  form  of 
this  latter  court.  Judging,  however,  from  the  second 
and  third  temples,  it  would  seem  to  have  been  rect- 
angular ;  the  rabbis  say  that  it  measured  135  (N.  to  S.) 
by  187  (E.  to  W.)  cubits;  but  these  figures,  obtained 
from  the  traditions  concerning  the  second  temple,  can 
claim  no  certainty.  The  floor  of  the  inner  court  was 
paved  with  stones  (II  Par.,  vii,  3 ;  IV  K.,  xvi,  17,  has 
no  reference  to  this  point;"  pavement  in  the  Eng- 
lish Bibles  ought  to  be  understood  here:  stone  base- 
ment). The  descriptions  of  III  K.  and  II  Par.  men- 
tion no  gates,  but  some  must  have  existed ;  one,  very 
likely,  on  the  south  side,  connecting  the  temple  court 
with  the  middle  court,  and  others  probably  on  the 
north  and  east  sides  for  the  accommodation  of  the 
people.  At  any  rate,  that  some  time  before  the  Exile 
there  were  gates  is  evidenced  by  such  passages  as  Jer., 
xxxviii,  14;  IV  K.,  xxv,  18  (cf.  Jer.,  lii,  24).  An 
eastern  gate  is  said  (I  Par.,  ix,  18)  to  have  existed;  it 
was  called  "the  king's  gate".  To  Joatham  is  attrib- 
uted (IV  K.,  xv,  35)  the  construction  of  "  the  highest 
gate  of  the  house  of  the  Lord",  most  probably  the 
same  as  the  "  upper  gate  of  Benjamin"  of  Jer.,  xx,  2, 
or  the  "  new  gate"  of  Jer.,  xxvi,  10,  xxxvi,  10,  and  per- 
haps also  the  "gate  of  the  altar"  of  Ez.,  viii,  5;  all 
these  passages  point  out  a  gate  on  the  north  side. 
Within  the  inner  court  were  the  temple  proper,  the 
altar  of  holocausts,  the  brazen  sea,  and  lavers.  All 
the  walls  encircling  these  various  courts  "  were  made 
of  three  rows  of  hewn  stones  and  one  row  of  cedar 
beams"  (III  K.,  vii,  12).  Modern  archaeologists  are 
inclined  to  attribute  to  the  son  of  David  these  courses 
of  huge  stones  which  may  be  seen  in  various  places  of 
the  walls  of  the  Haram  esh-Sherif. 

We  possess  little  information  concerning  the  second 
temple;  but  there  are  reasons  to  believe  that,  with  the 
exception  of  the  temple-house,  which  was  certainly 
smaller,  the  arrangement  and  dimensions  were  about 
the  same  as  those  of  Solomon's  temple.  In  Herod's 
time  the  temple  area  was  extended  towards  the  north, 
according  to  some;  towards  the  south,  in  the  opinion 
of  others,  so  that  the  outer  court  had  probably  the 
same  form  and  dimensions  as  the  actual  Haram. 
This  court  was  surrounded  by  a  high  wall  covered 
with  spikes.  Along  the  walls  on  the  inside,  north, 
west,  and  east  (Solomon's  Porch),  were  double  porti- 
coes, and  on  the  south  a  triple  portico,  the  "royal 
porch".  Eight  gates  gave  access  from  the  outside: 
four  on  the  west,  two  on  the  south  (Huldah  gates), 
one  on  the  east,  and  one  on  the  north  (Tadhi  gate) : 
between  the  gates,  along  the  outer  walls,  halls  and 
chambers  had  c>een  erected,  among  which  we  may  men- 
tion the  Beth-Din,  or  meeting-place  of  the  Sanhedrin. 
Within  this  outer  court,  towards  the  north,  a  wall  forty 
cubits  high,  limited  the  inner  court.  All  around  this 
wall  extended  a  terrace  (the  p'n,  hel)  ten  cubits  wide 
and  reached  by  a  flight  of  fourteen  steps.  A  stone 
parapet,  about  a  cubit  high,  encircled  the  inner  edge 
of  the  yn,  to  which  thirteen  openings  gave  access; 
on  the  parapets  tablets  warned,  under  penalty  of 
death,  the  non-Jews  against  trespassing.  From  the 
nine  gates  and  stairways  led  the  Israelites  into 
the  inner  courts.  On  the  inside,  along  the  walls, 
twenty-five  cubits  high  (the  ground  was  some  fifteen 
cubits  higher  than  the  court  of  the  Gentiles),  ran 
porticoes,  and  cells  for  sundry  purposes  had  been 
erected  between  the  gates.   The  walls  of  the  inner 


court  encompassed  two  distinct  spaces:  the  eastern 
part,  called  "the  women's  court",  which,  among 
other  things,  contained  the  boxes  for  the  various  col- 
lections ;  thence  a  gate,  preceded  by  a  flight  of  fifteen 
steps,  led  to  the  western  part,  or  "men's  court". 
There  a  balustrade  separated  the  "priests'  court", 
containing  the  temple  proper  and  the  altar  of  holo- 
causts and  all  their  appurtenances,  from  the  place 
assigned  to  the  lay  people. 

II.  Attendance  op  a  Kino. — In  the  English  Bible 
the  word  court  is  occasionally  used  also  to  mean  the 
retinue  of  a  person  of  high  rank  and  authority  (Gen., 
xlv,  16:  IV  K.,  vii,  9;  Esth.,  xi,  3).  It  then  stands 
generally  for  the  Hebrew  word  JV3,  "house",  the 
only  word  which,  in  the  sacred  language,  might  in 
some  instances,  receive  the  sense  with  which  we  are 
now  concerned.  The  Latin  Bible  in  such  places  usu- 
ally has  the  noun  aula,  and  once  in  the  N.  T.  exercitua 
(Luke,  xxiii,  11).  Although  mention  of  a  court  is 
seldom  made  in  connexion  with  the  kings  of  Israel 
and  Juda,  they  nevertheless  naturally  had  their  court, 
consisting,  besides  their  family  and  body-guard,  of 
counsellors,  secretaries,  recorders,  chancellors,  min- 
isters, superintendents  of  public  works,  governors  of 
the  house,  even  the  high  dignitaries  of  the  temple. 
Glowing  descriptions  are  given  of  the  splendour  of  the 
court  of  such  kings  as  David  (II  K.,  xxiii;  I  Par.,  xi) 
and  Solomon  (Cant.,  iii,  7,  8);  they  furnished  to  later 
Jewish  writers  the  colours  wherewith  to  describe  the 
glory  of  the  palace  of  God.  For  Yahweh  is  king,  not 
only  over  Israel,  but  over  the  whole  world,  and  as  be- 
comes a  king,  he  must  have  his  court.  This  is  con- 
stituted by  the  innumerable  host  of  the  angels,  ever 
ready  to  do  his  will.  Several  (seven,  in  the  received 
text)  unceasingly  stand  in  His  presence;  legions  of 
seraphim  surround  his  throne,  as  a  body-guard*  thou- 
sands of  heavenly  spirits  form  his  council  (Tob.,  xii, 
15;  Is.,  vi,  2,  6;  Pss.  lxxxii,  lxxxix).  Ecclesiastical 
writers,  developing  this  idea,  oftentimes  describe  the 
heavenly  court,  made  up  not  only  of  the  angels,  but 
also  of  the  host  of  all  those  blessed  souls  who  enjoy 
the  beatific  vision.  On  the  other  hand  the  courts  of 
the  Temple  have  sometimes  been  regarded  by  mystic 
writers  as  a  figure  of  the  souls  striving  for  Christian 
perfection:  the  brazen  laver  represents  the  purifying 
penance,  whereas  the  altar  of  holocausts  signifies 
Christian  mortification  and  its  necessary  sacrifices. 

Jobbphdb.  Bell.  Jud..  V,  v;  Idem,  Ant.  Jud.,  VI.  ii.  iv,  XIV, 
iv,  xi;  Talmud,  tr.  Middoth  (Amsterdam,  1690-1703),  V; 
Wilson,  Warren,  etc.,  The  Recover]/  of  Jerusalem  (London, 
1870);  Stade,  Qesch.  dee  Volkes  Israel  (1888);  Ds  VooOt,  Le 
temple  do  Jerusalem  (Paris,  1864);  Pebrot  and  Chi  pie*,  Hit- 
toire  ds  Vart  dans  I'anliquiU  (Paris),  IV;  Vincent,  Canaan 
d'aprts  I'  exploration  ricentt  (Paris,  1907);  Revue  bibliqut  inter- 
nal., II,  VII,  etc 

Charles  L.  Souvat. 

Courtenay,  William,  Archbishop  of  Canterbury, 
b.  in  the  parish  of  St.  Martin's,  Exeter,  England,  c. 
1342;  d.  at  Maidstone,  31  July,  1396;  was  the  son 
of  Hugh  Courtenay,  Earl  of  Devon,  and  Margaret, 
daughter  of  Humphrey  Bohun,  Earl  of  Hereford.  He 
studied  at  Oxford,  where  he  took  the  degree  of  D.C.L. 
In  1367  he  was  elected  chancellor  of  the  university. 
On  this  occasion  the  university  successfully  resisted 
the  Bishop  of  Lincoln's  claim  to  the  right  of  confirm- 
ing its  choice,  and  later  Courtenay  obtained  from 
Urban  V  a  Bull  declaring  a  chancellor's  election  valid 
without  the  confirmation  of  the  diocesan.  After  hold- 
ing prebends  in  the  churches  of  Exeter,  Wells,  and 
York,  he  was  elected  Bishop  of  Hereford  and  conse- 
crated, 17  March,  1370.  As  bishop  his  support  was 
given  to  the  Prince  of  Wales  and  Bishop  Wykeham 
against  the  anti-clerical  movement  led  by  John  of 
Gaunt,  Duke  of  Lancaster,  and  later  his  efforts  to  sup- 
press the  Lollards  were  unceasing.  In  the  Convoca- 
tion of  1373  he  strongly  opposed  the  granting  of  a  sub- 
sidy to  the  king  until  the  latter  should  try  to  remedy 
the  evils  then  afflicting  the  Church.    Courtenay  wtsl 


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transferred  to  the  See  of  London,  12  Sept.,  137S.  In 
1377  Pope  Gregory  XI  issued  a  Bull  of  excommunica- 
tion against  the  Florentines,  and  Courtenay  published 
h  at  Paul's  Cross.  The  result  was  that  the  Floren- 
tines in  London  were  attacked  by  the  populace;  the 
magistrates  had  to  interfere,  and  the  king  extended 
his  protection  to  the  foreigners.  Courtenay  was  ac- 
cused of  violating  the  law  by  publishing  the  Bull. 
When  called  upon  to  retract  what  he  haa  published, 
his  answer  was  made  through  an  official,  who  declared 
from  the  pulpit  that  the  bishop's  words  had  been  mis- 
understood, and  there  the  matter  ended.  When  the 
Convocation  was  summoned  in  1377,  the  archbishop, 
in  the  interests  of  John  of  Gaunt,  omitted  to  summon 
the  Bishop  of  Winchester.  Courtenay  protested 
against  this  and  succeeded  in  getting  Wykeham's 
rights  recognized.  Then  followed  his  attempts  to  re- 
press the  Lollards,  and  Wyclif  was  cited  to  appear  be- 
fore the  archbishop  at  St.  Paul's.  Wyclif  came  ac- 
companied by  John  of  Gaunt,  who  insisted  upon  a 
seat  being  provided  for  the  accused ;  an  altercation  en- 
sued which  resulted,  in  the  court  breaking  up  in  con- 
fusion. Courtenay's  authority  alone  restrained  the 
citizens  from  using  violence  towards  Lancaster. 
Again,  in  obedience  to  the  pope,  18  Dec.,  he  sum- 
moned Wyclif,  but  nothing  came  of  the  summons,  and 
the  Lollards  continued  to  increase  in  numbers  and  in- 
fluence. Some  think  that  about  this  time  the  pope 
offered  to  create  Courtenay  a  cardinal;  whether  this 
was  so  or  not,  he  was  never  raised  to  that  dignity,  but 
on  30  July,  1381,  he  became  Archbishop  of  Canter- 
bury. Then  followed  his  appointment  to  the  chancel- 
lorship of  the  kingdom  10  Aug.,  1382,  an  office  which 
he  shortly  afterwards  resigned  (18  Nov.,  1382). 

Urged  by  Parliament  he  again  turned  his  attention 
to  the  Lollards,  calling  a  council  which  condemned 
their  heretical  opinions.  Rigge,  the  Chancellor  of  Ox- 
ford and  a  leading  Lollard,  retracted  and  sued  for  par- 
don on  his  knees,  but  on  his  return  to  the  univer- 
sity continued  as  before.  The  Oxford  Lollards  were 
finally  brought  to  submission  on  18  Nov.,  when  the 
recantation  of  their  leaders  was  received  at  St.  Fride- 
•wide's.  The  archbishop  then  obtained  a  statute  com- 
manding sheriffs  and  other  officers  of  the  king  to  im- 
prison heretics  when  certified  as  such  by  a  bishop. 
Though  this  law  was  repealed  the  next  year,  he  still 
had  the  royal  sanction  allowing  bishops  to  detain 
heretics  in  their  own  prisons.  After  the  subjugation 
of  Oxford  he  turned  to  Leicester  (1389),  placed  the 
town  under  an  interdict,  and  in  the  end  received  the 
recantation  of  the  leaders.  About  1382  he  began  a 
general  visitation  of  his  province  and  met  with  much 
opposition ;  his  interference  was  appealed  against  by 
the  Bishops  of  Exeter  and  Salisbury,  though  both 
finally  submitted.  The  Benedictine  abbots  also  or- 
ganized a  strong  opposition  to  his  proposed  visitation 
of  Gloucester  College,  Oxford  (1389) ;  on  his  arrival 
he  was  treated  with  due  respect,  but  they  so  firmly 
refused  to  acknowledge  his  nght  that  he  abandoned 
his  design.  Though  a  strong  defender  of  the  rights  of 
the  Church  in  England,  he  was  always  true  and  loyal 
to  the  pope.  He  so  fearlessly  condemned  the  extrava- 
gance of  the  king  that  he  once  (1385)  had  to  take 
refuge  in  Devonshire  to  escape  the  royal  anger. 
When  the  relations  between  king  and  Parliament  be- 
came so  strained  as  almost  to  lead  to  war,  it  was 
Courtenay  who  acted  as  mediator  and  averted  the 
danger.  He  was  first  buried  at  Maidstone,  where  he 
had  founded  the  College  of  St.  Mary  and  All  Saints- 
afterwards  his  body  was  removed  to  Canterbury  and 
buried,  in  the  king  s  presence,  at  the  feet  of  the  Black 
Prince,  near  the  shrine  of  St.  Thomas. 

Uunimmta  Academica,  ed.  Anstet  (London,  1888),  I,  320; 
Fasciculi  Zizaniorum,  ed.  Shirlet  (London,  1858),  xxii,  272-8, 
104-9,  356,  493:  Hook,  I  Aval  of  Archbishops  of  Canterbury 
(London.  1880-73).  IV.  316-98;  Stubbs.  Constitutional  His- 
key  of  irtOand  (London.  1887-80),  II,  428-38.  460-88;  III. 
330,  il&Voxm,AcU  ami  Monument,  (London,  1684)  I,  495- 


600;  Gun,  History  of  the  English  People  (London,  1895),  H, 
339-46. 

G.  E.  Horn. 

Courts,  Ecclesiastical. — I.  Judicial  Power  in 
the  Church. — In  instituting  the  Church  as  a  perfect 
society,  distinct  from  the  civil  power  and  entirely 
independent  of  it,  Christ  gave  her  legislative,  judicial, 
and  executive  power  to  be  exercised  over  her  mem- 
bers without  any  interference  on  the  part  of  civil 
society.  It  does  not  fall  within  our  scope  to  prove 
that  the  Church  is  a  perfect  society,  consequently 
endowed  with  the  above-mentioned  power.  If  one 
admits  the  Divine  institution  of  the  Church,  and 
the  authenticity  and  authority  of  the  Gospels,  he 
must  acknowledge  that  Christ  so  constituted  His 
Church  as  to  enable  her  rulers  to  make  laws  and 
regulations  for  the  faithful  conducive  to  the  attain- 
ment of  eternal  happiness.  Moreover,  as  John 
XXII  (1316-34)  wisely  remarks:  "It  would  be  folly 
to  make  laws  unless  there  were  some  one  to  enforce 
them"  (Cap.  un.  de  Judiciis,  II,  1,  in  Extravag. 
Comm.).  It  is  evident,  therefore,  that  Christ  in 
conferring  legislative  power  upon  the  Church  also 
gave  judicial  and  coercive  power.  In  proof  of  this 
we  have,  besides  theological  arguments,  the  practice 
of  the  Church  which  explicitly  claimed  such  power, 
as  well  in  the  beginning  (II  Cor.,  x,  8;  xiii,  2  sqq., 
etc.)  as  during  the  subsequent  centuries  of  her  ex- 
istence; and,  moreover{  made  frequent  use  of  it. 
Suffice  it  to  recall  the  institution  of  canonical  pen- 
ances, the  constitutions  and  laws  of  so  many  pontiffs 
and  councils,  containing  not  only  positive  enactments, 
but  also  sanctions  to  be  incurred  ipso  facto  by  the 
rebellious  and  obstinate,  or  to  be  inflicted  upon  them 
at  the  discretion  of  ecclesiastical  superiors. 

Now  the  infliction  of  punishment  certainly  pre- 
supposes evidence  of  the  crime,  since,  according  to 
the  natural  law,  no  one  should  be  condemned  until 
his  guilt  has  been  established.  Hence  the  Church, 
in  making  use  of  her  powers  of  legislation  and 
coercion,  must  have  also  exercised  judicial  power. 
It  is,  moreover,  historically  evident  that  the  Church 
often  exercised  these  powers  either  through  the 
Roman  pontiff  alone,  by  the  agency  of  his  delegates, 
or  through  councils,  individual  bishops,  or  other 
judges,  ordinary  or  delegated.  St.  Paul  plainly 
refers  to  a  perfect  judicial  procedure  when  he  cau- 
tions his  disciple  Timothy  (I  Tim.,  v,  19)  not  to 
receive  an  accusation  against  a  priest  except  in  the 
presence  of  two  or  three  witnesses.  In  the  next 
century,  Marcion,  after  being  expelled  from  the 
clergy,  vainly  appealed  tu  the  Apostolic  See  for 
restoration  to  his  office.  In  the  trial,  degradation, 
and  excommunication  of  Paul  of  Samoeata  by  the 
Council  of  Antioch  (c.  268)  we  meet  with  a  formal 
ecclesiastical  trial.  The  Council  of  Elvira  (c.  300) 
threatens  with  excommunication  every  accuser'  of 
a  bishop,  a  priest,  or  a  deacon  who  fails  to  prove  his 
charge.  The  Third  Council  of  Carthage  (397)  dis- 
cusses regulations  regarding  appeals,  and  the  Fourth 
Council  of  Carthage  (398)  prescribes  the  manner  in 
which  bishops  are  to  exercise  judicial  authority. 
Finally,  in  tne  Apostolic  Constitutions,  which  cer- 
tainly are  representative  of  the  ancient  practice  of 
the  Church,  we  find  that  certain  days  are  set  for  con- 
ducting trials;  the  mode  of  procedure  and  other 
details  are  also  clearly  set  forth.  For  later  periods 
evidence  abounds. 

II.  The  Historical  Development  or  This 
Power. — In  the  early  centuries,  when  the  Christians 
were  still  few  in  number;  when  their  new  faith  and 
new  moral  life  constrained  the  followers  of  Christ 
to  carry  out  all  His  precepts  (especially  the  one  by 
which  He  wished  them  to  be  distinguished  from  all 
other  men  in  this  period);  and  when  there  existed, 
generally,  among  the  faithful  one  heart  and  one  soul 


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tt  -was  customary,  in  case  a  controversy  arose,  to 
appeal  before  the  bishop  and  accept  his  decision. 
This  was  in  accordance  with  the  grave  admonition 
of  St.  Paul  (I  Cor.,  vi,  1),  who  urged  the  faithful  not 
to  appear  as  litigants  before  the  civil  courts.  Though 
in  such  cases  the  bishops  often  assumed  the  role 
of  friendly  arbiters  rather  than  strict  judges,  we 
should  not  infer  that  they  never  conducted  a 
strict  trial.  Tertullian  (ApoL,  xxxix)  furnishes  us 
with  information  on  this  point  in  these  words  ad- 
dressed to  the  pagans:  "Ibidem  [in  eoclesia]  etiam 
exhortationes  castigationes  et  Centura  divina:  nam 
tt  judical w  magno  cum  pondere,  ut  apud  certos  de 
Dei  conspectu  ,  i.  e.  the  Church  is  wont  to  warn 
and  punish,  is  a  Divinely  appointed  censor,  whose 
weighty  decisions  are  accepted  as  rendered  in  the 
presence  of  God.  Many  similar  utterances  from 
the  Fathers  and  the  councils  could  easily  be  cited. 
It  was,  of  course,  impossible  for  the  ecclesiastical 
magistrates  (the  bishops)  to  make  use  at  that  time 
of  the  legal  solemnities  introduced  at  a  later  period. 
Though  rather  summary,  the  judicial  proceedings 
of  the  primitive  episcopal  tribunals  were  trials  in 
the  strict  sense  of  the  word.  In  the  work  of  Bishop 
Fessler  concerning  the  early  history  of  canonical 
procedure  (Der  kanonische  Process  ...  in  der 
vorjustinianischen  Periode,  Vienna,  1860)  may  be 
found  details  of  interest  concerning  the  ecclesiastical 
trials  of  Montanus,  Origen,  Fortunatus,  Paul  of 
Samosata,  Athanasius,  and  others. 

When  the  Christians  obtained  control  of  the  civil 
power  of  Rome,  the  reasons  that  moved  St.  Paul 
to  persuade  or  command  the  faithful  to  avoid  the 
civil  tribunals  were,  of  course,  no  longer  pertinent. 
Gradually  the  Church  allowed  the  faithful  to  submit 
their  differences  either  to  ecclesiastical  or  to  civil 
tribunals.  From  the  beginning  of  the  new  era  the 
bishops  shared  with  the  secular  magistrates  the 
power  of  settling  the  disputes  of  the  faithful.  Con- 
stantine  the  Great  published  two  constitutions  (321, 
331)  wherein  he  not  only  permits  laymen  to  have 
their  cases  tried  before  their  bishops,  but  also  decrees 
that  all  cases  which  until  then  were  wont  to  be  tried 
by  the  praetorian,  i.  e.  by  the  civil,  law  should,  when 
once  settled  before  the  episcopal  courts,  be  considered 
as  finally  adjudicated.  It  was  rightly  established, 
however,  that  not  all  cases  could  be  submitted  to  the 
civil  courts,  nor  could  all  persons  have  recourse  to 
them.  To  decide  a  controversy  the  judge  must  first 
have  jurisdiction  over  the  matters  in  question  and 
the  parties  engaged  in  the  controversy.  A  private 
individual,  for  instance,  could  not  hand  down  a 
decision,  nor  could  he  compel  others  to  abide  by  it. 
In  the  case  of  a  secular  judge,  his  jurisdiction  comes 
from  the  civil  authority.  Inpurely  spiritual  matters 
the  latter  is  powerless,  since  God  has  committed  them 
exclusively  to  the  Church.  In  this  domain  the  civil 
power  has  neither  legislative  nor  judicial  authority. 
Whatever,  therefore,  concerns  the  Faith,  Divine  wor- 
ship, the  sacraments,  or  ecclesiastical  discipline  is 
foreign  to  the  civil  order.  With  regard  to  such 
matters  the  Church  has  ever  asserted  her  exclusive 
judicial  authority  [c.  1,  dist.  96;  c.  8,  de  arbitriis,  X. 
(I,  43);  c.  2.  de  judiciis,  X.  (II,  1)].  This  solemn 
contention  of  the  ecclesiastical  power  was  recognized 
and  confirmed  by  the  Roman  emperors  in  their  civil 
constitutions  [Cod.  Theod.,  de  religione  (XVI,  2), 
an.  399;  VII,  De  episcop.  audientiA,  C.  (I,  4)].  Like- 
wise, not  all  persons  are  to  be  judged  by  secular 
courts.  The  Church  could  not  permit  her  clergy  to 
be  judged  by  laymen;  it  would  be  utterly  unbecoming 
for  persons  of  superior  dignity  to  submit  themselves 
to  their  inferiors  for  judgment.  The  clergy,  there- 
fore, were  exempt  from  civil  jurisdiction,  and  this 
ancient  rule  was  sanctioned  by  custom  and  confirmed 
f  written  laws.  On  this  point  the  Church  has 
ways  taken  a  firm  stand;  concessions  have  been 


atv 


wrung  from  her  only  where  greater  evils  were  to  be 
avoided.  Thus,  in  Christian  antiquity,  a  Council  of 
Aquileia  condemned  the  bishop,  Palladius,  for  de- 
manding a  civil  trial,  and  a  Council  of  Mileve  decreed 
that  clerics  who  strive  to  bring  their  lawsuits  or 
disputes  before  secular  judges  should  be  deprived  of 
their  clerical  dignity  ana  removed  from  their  offices. 
Innocent  III  reprehended  the  Archbishop  of  Pisa 
[c.  12,  De  foro  competent i,  X.  (II,  2)]  for  maintaining 
that  at  least  in  temporal  matters  a  cleric  could 
renounce  his  right  of  exemption  and  appear  before 
a  secular  court.  Such  action,  said  Innocent,  was 
unlawful  even  when  the  conflicting  parties  agreed  to 
submit  the  matter  to  civil  magistrates.  The  eccle- 
siastical exemption  was  not  a  personal  privilege;  it 
belonged  to  the  entire  ecclesiastical  body  and  could 
not  be  renounced  by  individuals. 

Matters  purely  spiritual,  as  explained  above,  fall 
within  the  exclusive  jurisdiction  of  ecclesiastical  law. 
In  addition  to  these  there  were  in  the  past,  and  are 
still,  cases  in  which  the  natural  and  spiritual  elements 
are  so  conjoined,  as  Lega  remarks  in  his  excellent 
work  "  De  judiciis  ecclesiasticis  ",  that  they  take  on 
juridically  another  nature  and  give  rise  to  different 
rights.  To  make  this  clearer,  the  author,  in  addition 
to  the  example  drawn  from  certain  effects  of  matri- 
mony, borrows  from  the  ancient  canonists  the  illus- 
tration of  a  contract  entered  into  by  lay  persons  and 
confirmed  by  oath.  Here,  to  the  obligation  of  justice 
is  added  that  of  religion,  and  we  easily  recognize  a 
twofold  juridical  element,  bringing  the  matter  in 
question,  at  least  as  far  as  the  value  or  execution  of 
the  contract  is  concerned,  within  the  ecclesiastical  as 
well  as  the  civil  domain.  Were  it  a  question  only  of  the 
value  of  the  oath,  the  matter  would,  of  course,  be  a 
purely  spiritual  one.  There  is  another  order  of  cases 
in  which  the  issues  are  purely  temporal.  Over  these 
the  Church  never  claimed  an  essential  right  to  the 
exclusion  of  civil  power.  Even  in  the  Middle  Ages 
she  recognized  the  principle  that  ecclesiastical  judges 
are  incompetent  in  such  cases  unless  urgent  necessity 
or  custom  should  require  otherwise.  _  If,  in  medieval 
times,  the  Church  exercised  jurisdiction  in  regard  to 
the  temporal  concerns  of  orphans,  widows,  or  other 
persons  of  unfortunate  condition,  no  equitable  mind 
will  see  therein  a  usurpation  of  civil  jurisdiction  on 
the  part  of  the  ecclesiastical  authorities.  The  true 
and  adequate  explanation  lies  in  the  peculiar  neces- 
sities of  the  age,  the  .  deficient  administration  of 
justice,  and  the  undue  power  exercised  by  the  rich 
and  mighty.  Rather  does  it  redound  to  the  honour 
of  the  Church  that  she  then  assumed  the  defence  of 
the  poor  against  the  wealthy  and  powerful,  and  came 
to  tne  aid  of  those  who  were  deprived  of  all  human 
help.  It  must  also  be  mentioned  that  in  medieval 
and  later  times  ecclesiastical  magistrates  were  often 
vested  with  civil  power  legitimately  acquired,  and 
exercised  it,  not  as  ecclesiastics,  but  as  civil  magis- 
trates. 

III.  The  Subject  of  Judicial  Power  in  the 
Church. — Since  the  judicial  power  flows  from  the 
legislative,  it  is  clear  that  the  former  resides  primarily 
and  chiefly  in  those  who  possess  the  latter.  The 
common  welfare,  evidently,  does  not  require  that 
every  person  endowed  with  legislative  power  in  a 
social  organization  should  therefore  enjoy  the  fullness 
of  such  power;  so  also  it  is  obvious  that  not  every  one 
possessed  of  judicial  power  in  a  society  has  at  once  the 
right  to  exercise  it  upon  all  members  of  that  society. 
It  was  this  exigency  of  the  common  welfare  that  made 
it  necessary  to  fix  the  limits  of  the  jurisdiction  of 
magistrates  even  in  civil  societies.  We  know,  for 
instance,  that  in  primitive  Roman  society  there  was 
in  every  district  one  magistrate  who  was  supreme, 
and  who  had  undivided  jurisdiction  in  the  province 
allotted  to  him,  but  none  beyond  its  limits  [Bks.  1  and 
9,  De  off.  proc..  D.  (1, 16)].   This  first  limitation  of  the 


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magistrate's  power  was  based  on  territory;  later  on 
there  followed  another  limitation  based  on  the  im- 

gtrtaoce,  or  "quantity",  of  the  ease  or  controversy, 
ence,  in  later  Roman  law  the  plaintiff  had  to 
inquire  not  only  what  territory  came  under  the 
jurisdiction  of  his  judge,  but  also  what  "quantity", 
or  gravity  of  matter  [Bk.  19  sq.,  1,  De  junsdict.,  D. 
(II,  1)].  In  later  times  these  principles  have  been 
retained  and  even  partially  increased  and  extended 
by  our  civil  codes;  they  serve  even  yet  to  justify 
many  special  courts,  e.  g.  courts  for  aqueducts,  for 
commercial  disputes,  etc.  These  various  arrange- 
ments are  not  altogether  foreign  to  ecclesiastical  law; 
indeed,  in  many  cases  it  has  adopted  them  outright. 
Thus,  it  is  not  only  by  Divine  disposition  that  the 
Roman  pontiff  is  the  supreme  judge  in  the  Universal 
Church — as  he  is  also  its  sovereign  legislator — and 
that  the  bishops  are  the  law-givers  and  judges  in  their 
respective  dioceses;  but  it  is  also  by  ecclesiastical 
ruling  that  certain  cases  are  reserved  to  the  Roman 
pontiff.  These  were  first  called  by  Innocent  I  (401- 
17),  in  his  epistle  to  Victricius  of  Rouen,  causa 
maiores  (greater  cases) ;  other  cases  are  reserved  to  the 
bishops,  to  the  exclusion  of  inferior  magistrates  and 
judges;  and  others,  finally,  to  the  various  Roman 
Congregations.  It  was  likewise  by  ecclesiastical  law 
that  in  former  times  certain  matters  were  reserved 
to  provincial  councils,  particularly  in  the  African 
Church  (Concil.  Hipponense,  393);  this  custom,  how- 
ever, was  never  sanctioned  by  a  general  law. 

Many  facts  go  to  prove  that  this  limitation  of 
ecclesiastical  authority,  a  necessary  consequence  of 
the  primacy  conferred  by  Christ  on  Peter  and  his 
successors,  was  introduced  in  the  earliest  ages  of 
the  Church;  a  brief  mention  of  some  will  suffice. 
About  the  year  96,  we  find  the  celebrated  letter  of 
the  Corinthians  to  St.  Clement  of  Rome,  of  which 
Eusebius  makes  mention  (Hist,  eccl.,  Ill,  xv),  and 
which  he  calls  "  in  every  respeet  excellent  and  praise- 
worthy". This  letter  disclosed  to  St.  Clement  the 
causes  of  the  discords  in  Corinth  and  asked  for  a 
remedy.  In  the  second  century  the  Montanists 
brought  their  grievances  before  the  Roman  pontiff; 
deceived  at  first,  he  restored  them  to  their  standing 
in  the  Church,  but  later  condemned  them.  Many 
other  similar  occurrences  could  be  enumerated;  let 
it  suffice  to  mention  the  letter  of  Marcellus,  Bishop 
of  Ancyra,  in  which  he  clears  himself  before  Pope 
Julius  I  (337-52)  and  makes  profession  of  his  faith; 
also  the  letter  of  the  Arian  Bishops,  Valens  and 
Uraacius,  in  which  they  retract  their  accusations 
against  Athanasius  add  sue  for  pardon.  In  eccle- 
siastical law,  cases  affecting  civil  rulers  or  cardinals, 
also  criminal  cases  of  bishops,  are  still  reserved 
exclusively  to  the  Roman  pontiff.  In  the  Church, 
however,  judicial  authority  is  vested  (by  Divine 
right)  not  only  in  the  Roman  pontiff  and  the  bishops, 
but  in  others  also,  though  in  a  more  or  less  re- 
stricted form.  In  former  times,  there  was  the  pro- 
vincial council,  with  judicial  authority  in  not  a  few 
cases,  also  the  court  of  the  archdeacon,  distinct  from 
that  of  the  bishop,  and  with  these  the  courts  of 
inferior  judges,  whose  authority  was  based  on  custom 
or,  more  generally,  on  privilege.  In  place  of  these 
earlier  judges  we  have  now  the  vicars-general  (q.  v.), 
who,  however,  constitute  but  one  court  with  their 
bishop  and  judge-delegates,  representative  either 
of  bishops  or,  more  particularly,  of  the  sovereign 
pontiff. 

IV.  Classification  of  Ecclesiastical  Courts. — 
In  every  society  courts  may1  be  classified  in  two 
ways,  according  to  the  twofold  manner  in  which 
justice  may  be  administered.  •  Thus  it  may  happen 
that  in  a  certain  society  the  administration  of  justice 
is  so  established  that  a  controversy  is  not  ended 
by  one  sentence,  but  several  appeals  may  be  made. 
The  defendant,  if  unwilling  to  abide  by  the  decision 
IV.— 29 


of  the  first  tribunal,  may  then  appeal  from  a  lower 
to  a  higher  court,  and  this  appeal  may  be  renewed 
as  often  as  the  law  allows  it;  thus  there  may  be  two, 
three,  or  even  more  courts  wherein  a  case  may  be 
tried.  It  may  also  happen  that  any  given  contro- 
versy must  be  settled  by  one  judicial  sentence,  even 
though  diverse  tribunals  exist,  because  the  cases, 
on  account  of  their  "quantity" — to  use  the  termi- 
nology of  the  Roman  law — i.  e.  on  account  of  their 
varying  importance,  come  under  the  cognizance  of 
various  judges  and  tribunals.  In  this  case  separate 
tribunals  are  so  arranged  that  there  exists  a  highest 
and  a  lowest,  between  which  there  may  be  a  third 
or  even  several  other  tribunals.  Or  again  a  mixed 
system  may  prevail,  in  which  are  found  both  systems 
of  regulating  the  administration  of  justice. 

In  the  Church  it  is  precisely  this  last  intermediate 
system  that  prevails.  For,  as  we  have  already  seen, 
there  are  certain  causes  majores  reserved  to  the 
judgment  of  the  Roman  pontiff  exclusively;  and  as 
he  has  no  superior  there  can  be  no  higher  court  of 
appeal,  nor,  indeed,  is  it  becoming  that  nis  judgment 
be  reconsidered  by  any  other,  much  less  that  it  be 
revised.  In  these  cases,  therefore,  there  can  be  but 
one  court  of  judgment.  Nevertheless  it  may  be  well 
to  remark  here  that,  as  the  Roman  pontiff  does  not 
generally  judge  personally,  but  through  delegates 
who  give  sentence  in  his  name,  he  usually  allows  a 
hearing  of  the  case  by  different  judges,  if  it  should 
happen  that  one  of  the  contending  parties,  not 
satisfied  with  the  first  judgment,  requests  this  re- 
vision from  the  pontiff  himself.  All  other  ecclesi- 
astical cases,  however,  in  which  inferior  courts  give 
judgment  admit  of  an  appeal  to  higher  ecclesiastical 
authority,  and  one  may  appeal  not  once  only,  but 
twice.  Hence  in  ecclesiastical  law  there  are, 
generally  speaking,  three  courts  of  judgment,  neither 
more  nor  less.  This  assertion  admits  of  one  excep- 
tion, viz.,  when  there  is  question  of  the  validity  of  a 
marriage,  or  of  similarly  important  matters,  appeal 
to  a  fourth  court  is  then  at  times  admitted.  In  the 
twelfth  and  thirteenth  centuries,  however,  vicars- 
general  succeeded  the  archdeacons,  and  after  the 
Council  of  Trent,  during  the  seventeenth  and  eigh- 
teenth centuries,  the  archdeacons'  courts  ceased 
to  exist.  Consequently  the  first  ecclesiastical  court 
is  now  regularly  that  of  the  bishop  or  of  his  vioar- 

Ssneral.  The  second  court  is  that  of  the  metropolitan, 
ut  if  it  should  happen  that  the  bishop  who  gave 
judgment  in  the  first  court  is  himself  the  metro- 
politan or  an  exempt  bishop,  or  if  the  case  was,  in 
the  first  instance,  brought  before  a  provincial  council, 
then  the  tribunal  of  first  appeal  is  none  other  than 
the  tribunal  of  second  ana  last  appeal,  and  this  is 
always  and  for  all  parties  the  tribunal  of  the  Roman 
pontiff.  In  this  case,  therefore,  only  two  appeals  are 
possible.  This  is  the  provision  made  by  the  common 
law,  though  sometimes  an  approved  custom — more 
frequently  an  express  privilege — provides  differently. 
Thus,  for  instance,  in  the  Austro-Hungarian  Empire 
the  ecclesiastical  court  of  Prague  is  the  court  of 
appeal  for  the  Archdioceses  of  Vienna  and  Salzburg; 
for  Prague  it  is  Olmtttz:  for  Olmutz,  Vienna.  So, 
too,  in  Latin  America,  if  the  first  two  sentences  do 
not  agree,  an  appeal  may  be  taken  in  the  third  in- 
stance to  the  bishop  who  resides  nearest  to  the  one 
who  first  gave  judgment.  This  was  decreed  by 
Leo  XIII  in  his  Encyclical  "Trans  Ocean um, 
18  April,  1897.  It  must  be  borne  in  mind,  however, 
that,  owing  to  the  special  pre-eminence  of  the  Roman 
pontiff,  an  appeal  may  always  be  made  from  the 
tribunal  of  an  inferior  judge  to  his  tribunal  im- 
mediately, thus  passing  over  the  intermediate  courts, 
to  which,  according  to  the  general  rules,  the  appeal 
must  otherwise  be  directed. 

What  haa  been  said  above  applies  to  the  ec- 
clesiastical discipline  now  in  force.    It  must  be 


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,  added  that  in  the  Eastern  Church  the  title  of  metro- 
politan ia  generally,  though  not  always,  a  merely 
honorary  title,  the  metropolitan  power  being  almost 
entirely  in  the  hands  of  the  patriarch  himself;  it  is 
.  consequently  to  him  that  an  appeal  lies  from  the 
r judgment  of  the  bishop.    With  regard  to  the  ancient 
ecclesiastical  discipline  it  is  worthy  of  remark  that 
in  former  times  an  appeal  was  allowed  from  the 
-.tribunal  of  the  metropolitan  to  that  of  the  primate 
i  or  patriarch.   Actually,  with  exception  of  the 
Primate  of  Hungary  in  certain  oases,  this  primate's 
court  no  longer  exists.    Where  appeals  are  possible, 
i  the  courts  are  said  to  be  subordinate  one  to  the 
■  other,  and  are  so  in  fact;  hence,  for  instance,  a  metro- 

-  politan  court  can,  by  a  genuine  order  or  mandate, 
require  such  data  from  the  inferior  court  as  may 
seem  to  it  necessary  for  a  proper  cognizance  of  the 
oaie.  Here  we  must  carefully  note  the  difference 
which  oftentimes  exists  between  subordinate  courts 

-  in  ecclesiastical  and  in  civil  law;  In  the  latter  the 
superior  court  frequently  exercises  a  certain,  true, 
disciplinary  power  over  the  inferior  court,  either  by 
instituting  an  inquiry  into  its  proceedings,  or  by 
delegating  a  substitute,  if  the  inferior  judge  should 
be  prevented  from  exercising  his  office  or  should  be 
found  incapable.  All  this  is  foreign  to  ecclesiastical 
law,  in  which  the  courts  of  suffragan  sees  are  subject 
to  the  metropolitan  court  in  such  matters  only  as 

,  regard  the  appeal  actually  before  the  metropolitan. 
In  all  other  matters  the  episcopal  courts  are  quite 
independent  of  metropolitan  authority.  Other  courts, 
however,  whether  metropolitan  or  episcopal,  are  in 
no  way  subordinate,  but  are  entirely  independent 

I. of  one  another,  though  this  does  not  relieve  them 
from  the  obligation  at  mutual  assistance.  Thus  it 
may  often  happen  that  the  administration  of  justice 
in  one  locality  necessitates  proceedings  in  the  territory 
of  another  judge.  Should  this  happen,  the  court 
which  has  the  case  in  hand  may  request  the  court 

,  of  the  locality  in  which  some  proceeding  necessary 
to  the  administration  of  justice  or  to  a  proper 
cognizance  of  the  case  must  be  instituted  (e.  g.  the 
examination  of  witnesses  or  the  exeoution  of  a 
summons)  to  see  to  its  performance.  And  the 
court  to  which  such  a  petition  has  been  addressed 
through  requisitions!  letters  by  another  court  is 
obliged  to  render  this  subsidium  iuris,  or  legal  assist- 
ance, unless  the  request  be  evidently  unlawful.  But 
the  obligation  arises,  not  from  the  authority  of  the 
court  requesting  assistance,  but  from  the  authority 
of  the  common  law,  which  so  ordains.  This  is 
evidently  just,  for  all  such  courts  are  courts  of  one 
ecclesiastical  society,  the  one  Catholic  Church, 
whose  welfare  demands  that  in  it  justice  be  rightly 

,  administered. 

V.  Constitution  of  the  Courts. — In  ecclesiastical 

,  law  the  Roman  pontiff  and  the  bishops,  as  also  the 
metropolitans  in  cases  of  appeal,  likewise  all  those 

.  who  in  their  own  right  (ordinario  iure)  exercise 
judicial,  power  in  the  Church,  may  pronounce  sentence 
personally  in  all  cases  brought  before  their  tribunal. 
They  may  also,  if  they  think  fit,  entrust  the  hearing 
of  the  case  to  judges  delegated  by  them;  and  they 

.  may  thus  delegate,  not  only  one  person,  but  also 
several,  either — to  use  the  canonical  terms — in 
sdidum  or  coUegialiter.  If  they  were  delegated  in 
aolidum,  or  severally,  then  be  who  first  took  the  case 

.  in  hand  must  examine  it  and  pronounce  judgment. 

.  But  if  they  are  to  proceed  coUegioliier,,  we  have  a  true 
college  of  judges,  in  which,  therefore,  everything  is  to 

,  be  observed  which  the  law  prescribes  and  the  nature 
of  things  demands  in  the  exercise  of  collegiate  acts. 
We  have  many  examples,  both  in  ancient  and  modern 
times,  of  judges  who  had  thus  to  proceed  as  a 
college.    We  have  already  made  mention  of  the 

.  ancient  discipline  that  prevailed,  principally  in  the 
African  Church,  and  according  to  which  certain 


graver  cases  ware  to  be  referred  to  provincial  councils. 
This  regulation  was  retained,  partially  at  least,  by 
the  Council  of  Trent.  It  decreed  that  the  more 
important  criminal  cases  of  bishops  should  be  re- 
served to  the  pope,  whilst  those  of  lesser  importance 
are  left  to  the  cognisance  of  provincial  councils. 
-This  is  also  the  origin  of  the  celebrated  tribunal 
called  the  Rota  Romano. 

The  Roman  congregations  themselves  are  simply 
collegiate  courts  whenever  they  exercise  judicial 
authority.  In  not  a  few  dioceses  the  so-called 
Ojficialatus  (Officialkis)  exist,  whioh  also  administer 
justice  as  a  college.  Gregory  XVI  erected  in  the 
various  dioceses  of  the  States  of  the  Church  courts 
for  criminal  cases  which  were  truly  collegiate  bodies 
,  and  proceeded  as  such ;  though  herein  the  pope  acted, 
not  as  pope,  but  as  temporal  sovereign.  Henoe 
.this  case  does  not  properly  belong  to  canon  law. 
In  these  courts  the  number  of  judges  is  not  definitely 
fixed,  though  there  are  usually,  besides  the  president, 
two  or  four  judges,  seldom  more  than  six.  Therefore 
it  is  generally  the  rule  that  the  number  of  judges  be 
uneven,  as  the  case  might  otherwise  often  be  left 
undecided.  A  majority  of  votes  decides,  especially 
in  giving  sentence ;  if  the  votes  for  both  sides  are  equal 
the  case  (per  se)  remains  undecided.  In  this  event, 
however,  it  is  often  provided  that  the  vote  of  the 

S resident  shall  be  decisive,  or  that  the  case  shall  be 
ecided  in  favour  of  the  defendant  and  not  of  the 
plaintiff,  unless  the  case  be  a  privileged  one,  v.  g., 
if  the  validity  of  a  marriage  is  in  question.  What 
the  powers  of  the  president  are  in  a  college  of  judges 
must  be  gathered  from  the  decree  which  established 
the  court  in  question,  or  also  from  the  latter 's  practice 
and  tradition.  It  is  to  be  noted  that  sometimes  a 
court  resembles  a  college  of  judges  without  being 
such  in  fact.  Thus  a  bishop  can  order  his  vicar- 
general  in  giving  judgment  in  certain  cases,  par- 
ticularly in  those  of  greater  moment,  to  appoint 
assessors,  whose  counsel  he  must  hear  before  pro- 
nouncing sentence.  In  this  case  it  is  evident  that 
there  is  no  real  college  of  judges,  as  only  the  vicar- 
general  can  pronounce  sentence;  still  the  case  must 
Be  examined  by  the  assessors,  who  can  and  ought  to 
manifest  to  the  judge  all  whioh  they  think  may 
conduce  to  a  just  sentence. 

The  Judge.—H  is  evident  that  in  every  trial 
the  judge  has  the  leading  role,  whether  this  judge 
be  an  individual  or  a  college,  and  his  obligation  is  to 
apply  the  law  between  the  two  contending  parties, 
or  to  pronounce  what  is  conformable  to  established 
right  and  equity;  and  as  his  office  is  to  see  to  the 
execution  of  the  law,  he  has  the  right  to  require 
from  the  contending  parties  reverence  and  obedience. 
For  this  same  reason  he  is  empowered  to  do  whatever 
is  necessary  to  make  his  jurisdiction  effective,  and 
.  therefore  to  use  moderate  coercion  towards  obtaining 
the  same.  end.   This  coercion  can  be  exercised  not 
-  only  against  the  contending  parties,  if  they  are  dis- 
obedient, but  also  against  others  who  have  an 
accessary  part  in  the  trial,  e.  g.  the  procurators  and 
i  advocates.   In  his  capacity  as  a  public  person  the 
judge  is  worthy  of  public  confidence:  hence  the  pre- 
sumption is  in  his  favour  that  the  legal  formalities 
.  have  been  properly  observed  in  his  judicial  proceed- 
ings, and  that  what  he  testifies  to  as  judge  is  true. 
Canon  law  commonly  requires  that  in  ecclesiasti- 
.  oal  tribunals  there  shall  be  other  persons  present 
besides  the  judge:  thus  there  are  always  a  notary 
and  a  defender  of  the  marriage  bond  in  matri- 
monial cases,  and  a  fiscal  promoter  (promoter  fiacaUt) 
,  in  the  great  majority  of  criminal  cases.  Ordinarily 
.  other  persons  are  admitted,  not  by  mandate,  but 
through  permission  of  the  law,  for  the  rapid  and 
,  better  administration  of  justice,  v.  g.  assessors  and 
auditors. 

The  Notary   (.actuariua),  whose  presence  to 


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decreed  by  Innocent  III  in  the  Fourth  Lateran 
Council  [cap.  38,  o.  11  de  probat,  X.  (H  19)],  is  a 
public  person  whose  obligation  it  is  to  transcribe 
with  fidelity  the  acts  of  the  case.  As  this  office  is 
merely  that  of  a  clerk,  and  does  not  include  any 
judicial  power  or  jurisdiction,  it  may  be  held  in 
ecclesiastical  courts  even  by  a  layman.   Still,  clerics 

-  are  not  excluded  from  this  office,  nor  does  cap.  8, 
"Ne  oleiki  vol  monaehi",  etc.,  X.  (Ill,  50)  contra- 
dict this,  as  there  it  is  a  question  only  of  clerics  who 
hold  such  office  for  the  sake  of  pecuniary  profit;  nor 
is  the  contrary  affirmation  of  Fagnani  of  any  weight, 
as  it  is  not  supported  by  conclusive  reasons.  This 
is  shown  also  by  the  actual  practice  of  ecclesiastical 
courts.  It  is  sufficient  here  to  call  to  mind  the 
notaries  of  ancient  times  who  wrote  down  the  acts 
of  the  martyrs,  those  who  were  employed  in  the 
councils,  and  still  more  the  class  of  the  prothonotaries, 
who  have  recently  been  divided  by  Pius  X  (21 
Feb.,  1906)  into  four  classes,  and  rank  among  the 
highest  prelates. 

The  Auditor  is  sometimes  a  delegated  judge,  to 
whom  is  entrusted  a  certain  amount  of  jurisdiction, 
v.  g.  the  formal  opening  of  a  case  (conUstatio  litie); 
in  the  practice  of  the  present  day  he  would  be  called 
an  instructing  judge.  He  may  also  be  an  ordinary 
.  official  to  whom  has  been  assigned,  but  without  any 
jurisdiction,  a  part  of  the  proceedings,  e.  g.  the  simple 
examination  of  the  witnesses;  he  is  then  properly 
called  auditor.  It  follows  from  all  this  that  the 
duties  and  powers  of  the  auditor  must  be  deduced 
from  the  mandate  itself.  It  was  customary  to  have 
auditors  even  in  the  Middle  Ages,  especially  in  the 
Roman  Curia,  and  there  still  remains  some  vestige  of 
this  office  in  the  auditors  of  the  Rota  Romano,  who 
after  the  tune  of  Gregory  IX  formed  a  special  college 
(Durandus,  in  Speculum). 

Assessor. — The  title  of  assessor  has  also  a  twofold 
meaning,  L  e.,  he  may  be  a  judge  in  a  collegiate 
tribunal  (Dig.  1, 22;  Cod.  1, 51),  or  one  who  assists  the 
presiding  judge  in  interpreting  the  law.  In  the  latter 
meaning  assessors  are  simply  advisers  of  the  judge, 
who  aid  him  to  obtain  a  full  knowledge  of  the  case  ana 
by  their  advice  help  him  to  decide  justly. 

There  are  some  other  inferior  ministers  of  the  judge 
in  an  ecclesiastical  court,  whose  names  it  will  be 
sufficient  to  mention,  e.  g.  the  appariiores,  tabeUiones, 
cursoree  (sheriffs,  reporters,  messengers),  etc,  accord- 
ing to  the  different  customs  of  the  courts. 

-  _  Fiscal  Promoter. — After  having  spoken  of  the 
judges  and  of  those  who  assist  them  m  the  adminis- 
tration of  justice  in  the  different  courts,  it  is  necessary 
to  say  a  few  words  on  the  fiscal  promoter  (promoter 
ftscalw),  since  he  plays  an  important  part,  especially, 

■  in  criminal  cases*  Although  not  on  the  side  of  the' 
judge,  as,  by  public  authority,  he  rather  takes  the 
place  of  accuser  or  public  prosecutor,  still  he  con- 
tributes greatly  to  the  end  for  which  the  courts 

'  were  established.  The  fiscal  promoter  (fiscue,  public 
treasury) — though  perhaps,  if  we  attend  to  the  most 
important  part  of  his  office,  a  better  title  would  be 
"promoter  of  justice" — is  a  person  who,  constituted 
by  ecclesiastical  authority,  exercises  in  the  ecclesias- 
tical courts  and  in  his  own  name  the  office  of  a  public 
prosecutor,  especially  in  criminal  cases  (Instr.  8.  C. 
Epise.  et  Reg.,  11  Jan.,  1880,  art.  13).  If  we  wish  to 
include  in  the  definition  all  that  is  comprehended  in 

'  his  office,  he  might  be  defined'  as  a  public  person 
legitimately  appointed  to  defend  the  rights  of  his 

'  church,  especially  in  court.   Penes,  in  his  article 

'  "Le  prooureur  fiscal  ou  promotenr"  (Revue  des 
sciences  ecdesuwtiqnes,  April,  1897),  rightly  says  that 
the  whole  office  of  the  fiscal  promoter  may  be  summed 
up  in  three  points:  solicitude  for  the  observance,  of 
discipline,  particularly  among  the  clergy;  attendance 
aft  the  processes  of  beatification  and  canonisation  in 
episcopal  courts;  and  defence  of  the  validity  of  mar- 


riage and  of  religious  profession.  All  these  functions, 
it  is  true,  are  not  always  carried  out  by  one  and  the 
same  person;  they  are  all,  however,  included  in  the 
full  idea  of  the  promoter  jiacalis,  for  it  is  this  official's 
duty  to  defend  the  righto  of  the  Church,  the  decency 
of  Divine  service,  the  dignity  of  the  clergy,  the  holi- 
ness of  matrimony,  and  perseverance  m  the  per- 
fect state  of  life. 

It  is  unnecessary  here  to  say  more  about  the 
plaintiff  and  the  defendant  in  ecclesiastical  oourts,  or 
about  the  persons  appointed  to  assist  both,  e.  g. 
advocates  and  procurators. 

VI.  The  Cqmpstbnch  or  Eocls6iastku&  Juoobs. 
—As  already  explained,  there  are  different  kinds  of 
j  udges  and  courts  in  the  ecclesiastical  forum.  Never- 
theless contending  parties  cannot  choose  their  judge; 
the  trial  must  be  conducted  by  the  proper  judge 
(proprme  judex),  L  e.  by  one  who  can  exert  his  juris- 
diction against  the  accused:  in  other  words,  he  must 
be  a  competent  judge.  Moreover,  as  the  accused  is 
brought  to  court  against  his  will,  it  is  further  neces- 
sary that  the  judge  have  the  power  to  summon  him 
and  oblige  him  to  appear.  There  are  four  chief  titles 
by  which  an  accused  party  comes  under  the  juris- 
diction of  a  certain  judge:  residence  or  domicile,  con- 
tract, situation  of  object  in  dispute,  place  of  crime 
oommitted.  It  is  self-evident  that,  if  in  the  civil 
courts  it  was  necessary  for  the  proper  administration 
of  justice  to  place  territorial  limitations  to  the  exer- 
cise .of  jurisdiction,  this  same  restriction  was  much 
mors  necessary  in  canon  law,  since  the  jurisdiction  of 
the  Church  extends  to  the  entire  world.  Otherwise 
great  confusion  would  have  resulted  and  the  admin- 
istration of  justice  itself  would  have  suffered,  since  it 
would  have  been  very  difficult  to  hear  many  cases  if, 
as  is  often  the  case,  the  persons  and  matters  con- 
cerned were  at  a  great  distance  from  the  court.  For 
this  reason  the  famous  principle  of  the  Roman  law: 
"He  who  acts  as  judge  out  of  his  district  can  be  dis- 
obeyed with  impunity"  [extra  territoriumjus  dicenti 
impune  non  paretur,  §20,  De  jurisdict.,  D.  (II,  1)1 
adopted  also  by  modem  civil  codes,  was  accepted  in 
canon  law.  This  territorial  character  of  certain  courts 
affects  not  only  persons,  but  also  things  (res)  and 
rights  (jura);  competent  judges,  therefore,  have 
power  not  only  over  persons,  but  also  over  things 
situated  hi  their  territory.  In  both  civil  and  criminal 
cases,  therefore,  all  persons  are  subject  to  the  judge 
of  their  place  of  residence  (judex  domicilii).  This 
residential  forum  is  considered  the  most  natural  of  all, 
therefore  the  ordinary  and  general  forum  for  all  cases, 
so  that  a  person  may  be  summoned  to  trial  by  the 
judge  within  whose  jurisdiction  he  resides,  whether 
the  offence  was  committed  within  that  territory  or 
not  Hence  it  is  accepted  that  the  jurisdiction  of 
such  a  judge  always  concurs  with  the  jurisdiction  of 
any  other  judge  or  any  other  forum. 

A  person  may  also  "acquire"  forum,  L  e,  become 
subject  to  trial  in  any  place  by  reason  of  a  crime 
committed  there;  in  other  words,  his  own  act  brings 
him  within  the  jurisdiction  of  a  judge  of  a  given  place 
who  can  punish. him,  and  of  whom  he  would  otherwise 
be  independent. .  It  is  easy  to  see  the  reasonableness 
of  this;  for  it  is  just  that  where  a  person  has  given 
scandal  by  bis  bad  conduct  he  should  there  make 
amends  for  it  by  accepting  the  deserved  punishment. 
Again  it  is  much  easier  to  establish  the  fact  and 
inquire  into  the  authorship  of  a  crime  in  the  very 
place  where  it  has  been  committed.  Thus  a  person 
who  makes  a  contract  in  a  certain  place  thereby 
acquires  right  of'  forum  in  the  same  place,  though  not 
one  of  its  citizens  nor  in  any  sense  a  resident,  provided, 
of  course,  he  be  present  in  that  locality  (o.  1,  J  3,  De 
foro  competenti,  II,  2,  in  6°),  it  being  much  easier  to 
adjudicate  disputes  about  a  contract  in  the  place 
where  it  was  entered  into.  Finally  the  possessor  of 
a  chattel  (res)  may  be  summoned  before  the  judge  of 


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the  territory  where  the  object  in  question  is  situated, 
because  it  is  only  natural  that  where  a  chattel  is  in 
question  (actio  realit),  precisely  such  chattel,  and  not 
the  person,  should  be  taken  chiefly  into  consideration; 
thereby,  also,  the  trial  becomes  more  easy  and  rapid. 
In  addition  there  are  other  (extraordinary)  ways  by 
which  a  person  can  obtain  "right  of  forum"  in  a 
certain  place;  it  will  suffice  to  indicate  them  briefly. 
Besides  the  "forum"  that  everybody  is  considered 
to  have  in  the  Roman  Curia,  there  is  also  the  "forum" 
granted  by  reason  of  the  prorogation  or  suspension  of 
a  case,  to  which  should  be  added  the  prevention 
(quashing  of  indictment)  and  transfer  of  a  case. 

VII.  Ecclbsiasticai.  Procbdurb. — Two  methods 
of  judicial  procedure  are  recognized  in  canon  law: 
one  ordinary,  also  called  full  and  solemn:  the  other 
simple,  extraordinary,  and  summary.  In  the  ordinary 
procedure  all  the  solemnities  prescribed  by  the  law 
are  observed.  These  are  described  in  the  second 
book  of  the  "Decretals"  of  Gregory  IX,  devoted 
entirely  to  the  conduct  of  ecclesiastical  courts. 
They  may  be  summarized  as  follows:— The  party 
intending  to  bring  suit  must  first  send  to  the  judge 
a  written  petition  manifesting  his  intention,  and 
setting  forth  his  claim.  If  the  judge  thinks  the 
claim  reasonable  and  therefore  worthy  of  a  hearing, 
he  issues  a  summons  (citatio)  calling  the  accused 
before  his  court.  In  modern  civil  codes  a  private 
citizen  can  oblige  bis  fellow-citizen  to  present  himself 
before  the  judge  for  the  examination  of  a  case. 
Though  found  m  the  Roman  law  of  the  Twelve 
Tables,  the  canon  law  does  not  recognize  in  the 
private  individual  any  such  right,  and  holds  to 
the  later  procedure  of  Roman  law,  that  dates  from 
Ulpian  and  Paulus,  and  was  afterwards  confirmed 
by  the  laws  of  Justinian.  According  to  this  pro- 
cedure, the  summoning  of  the  accused  implies  power 
of  jurisdiction,  and  must  therefore  proceed  from 
the  judge  himself.  Generally  an  ecclesiastical  judge 
ought  not  to  be  satisfied  with  one  summons;  it  should 
be  repeated  three  times  before  the  accused  can  be 
considered  contumacious.  However,  if  in  the  sum- 
mons itself  it  be  clearly  stated  that  it  must  be  con- 
sidered as  final,  a  repetition  of  the  Bummons  is  not 
necessary.  The  defendant,  being  summoned,  must 
appear  before  the  judge,  and,  unless  the  case  be  a 
criminal  one,  instituted  to  bring  about  the  legal 
punishment  of  the  guilty  party,  or  one  of  certain 
other  exceptional  cases,  he  may,  after  hearing  the 
cause  of  the  summons,  immediately  enter  a  counter- 
plea  against  the  plaintiff  before  the  same  judge. 

When  the  defendant  is  summoned,  whether  it  be 
his  wish  to  enter  a  counter-plea  or  not,  he  must 
appear  along  with  the  plaintiff  before  the  judge, 
and  within  the  time  fixed  by  the  latter.  When  they 
have  come  before  the  judge,  the  plaintiff  states 
clearly  and  precisely  what  he  demands  of  the  de- 
fendant, and  the  defendant  on  his  part  either  admits 
the  justice  of  the  plaintiff's  demand,  in  which  case 
he  must  make  complete  satisfaction,  or  he  denies 
it  (at  least  in  part),  and  makes  known  his  wish  to 
contest  the  matter  judicially;  we  then  have  a  con- 
tested case  (lis  contestata).  Such  a  contestation 
accomplishes  two  things:  first,  it  fixes  precisely  the 
object  of  the  trial,  and,  second,  the  parties  bind  them- 
selves by  a  quasi-contract  to  prosecute  the  trial, 
and  agree  from  that  moment  to  accept  all  the  obliga- 
tions imposed  by  the  sentence,  including  the  obliga- 
tion of  the  condemned  party  to  make_  payment: 
in  a  word,  they  agree  to  abide  by  the  legitimate  find- 
ing of  the  court.  Then  follows  the  "  oath  of  calumny" 
(juramentum  columnist),  i.  e.  if  demanded  by  either 
party.  This  oath  covers  the  entire  case,  and  can 
therefore  be  taken  but  once  in  the  course  of  the  same 
trial.  Its  object  is  the  credibility  which  both  plain- 
tiff and  defendant  are  anxious  to  maintain,  convinced 
as  each  is  that  be  has  a  just  case.    By  this  oath 


each  party  affirms  that  he  will  continue  the  trial 
solely  for  the  purpose  of  litigation,  and  not  of 
calumny;  he  promises,  moreover,  to  observe  good 
faith  throughout  the  proceedings.  To  this  oath  is 
added  another,  namely,  to  tell  the  truth,  and  also 
an  oath  of  malice  or  fraud  (juramentum  malitia). 
This  latter  would  not  be  called  for  with  reference  to 
the  entire  case,  but  only  to  some  part  of  the  pro- 
ceedings, if  ever  a  presumption  arose  against  one 
of  the  litigants  as  acting  from  malice  or  fraud.  In 
modem  canonical  procedure  the  "oath  of  calumny" 
is  no  longer  called  for.  At  this  stage,  the  judge  fixes 
a  period  within  which  the  parties  must  set  forth 
their  arguments  in  defence  of  their  rights;  this  period 
can  easily  be  extended  by  the  judge  at  the  request 
of  one  of  the  parties,  should  he  declare  that  he  has 
not  yet  been  able  to  produce  all  his  evidence.  There- 

Xn  the  case  is  argued,  and  the  judge  must  weigh 
;he  evidence  brought  forward  by  the  contestants, 
whether  this  evidence  be  written  or  oral.  If  after 
this  the  parties,  on  being  questioned,  answer  that 
they  have  no  further  arguments  to  make,  the  judge 
declares  that  the  time  for  producing  evidence  is 
closed.  The  aforesaid  judicial  interrogatory  and 
declaration  are  known  as  the  eoncluaio  in  causA, 
or  the  last  act  of  the  judicial  hearing  of  the  case, 
and  with  it  expires  the  time  allowed  for  submission 
of  evidence. 

To  this  period  of  argumentation  succeeds  the 
interval  during  which  the  judge  studies  and  weighs 
the  arguments  advanced.  During  this  time  the 
judge  may  ask  the  parties  to  supply  declarations 
and  explanations  of  their  evidence.  If,  in  spite  of 
this,  the  judge  is  unable  to  form  a  morally  certain 
judgment  as  to  the  rights  of  the  plaintiff  or  of  the 
defendant,  he  must  request  that  the  proceedings 
be  supplemented  by  further  proofs;  if,  notwithstand- 
ing, the  case  is  still  doubtful,  he  must  decide  that  the 
plaintiff  has  not  established  his  claim.  If;  on  the 
other  hand,  the  judge  can  arrive  at  a  decision  from 
the  proceedings  and  from  the  evidence  adduced, 
he  must  legally  acquit  or  condemn  the  defendant 
by  a  definitive  sentence,  this  being  precisely  the 
legal  decision  of  the  judge  concerning  the  case  pro- 
posed by  the  litigants.  What  has  been  said  thus 
far  holds  good  for  a  solemn  ecclesiastical  trial. 
In  a  summary  trial,  as  already  Btated,  some  of 
these  solemnities  may  be  omitted*.  To  begin  with, 
the  formal  written  petition  may  be  omitted.  The 
plaintiff  may  present  his  petition  orally,  and  the 
chancellor  of  the  court  makes  record  of  it  m  the  acts 
of  the  proceedings.  Nor  are  throe  judicial  summons 
required:  one  suffices,  even  though  it  be  not  expressly 
stated  that  it  must  be  considered  peremptory  and 
finaL  The  solemn  declaration  of  mutual  purpose 
to  pursue  the  case  to  a  legal  ending  is  likewise 
omitted,  being  implicitly  contained  in  the  articles 
on  which  the  mutual  argumentation  of  the  case  is 
based.  The  proceedings  may  continue  even  on  days 
when  the  court  would  not  otherwise  sit  (tempore 
ftriato).  As  far  as  possible,  all  postponements  (dUa- 
tionet)  are  avoided.  The  formal  declaration  of  the 
judge  that  the  hearing  is  closed  is  not  necessary,  and 
sentence  may  be  pronounced  without  the  usual  solemn 
formalities;  it  must,  however,  be  written,  and  the 
parties  must  have  previously  been  cited  by  at  least 
one  summons. 

Those  things,  however,  which  are  demanded  in 
all  trials  by  the  natural  law  or  the  common  usage 
of  nations  must  not  be  omitted  in  this  summary 
trial  The  promise  under  oath  to  speak  the  truth 
is  never  dispensed  with.  Each  litigant  may  present 
a  full  argumentation  (positiones  et  articuii)  of  his 
case,  and  may  produce  his  evidence.  Finally,  the 
judicial  interrogatory  of  the  two  parties  cannot  be 
omitted,  whether  it  takes  place  at  the  request  of  the 
litigants,  or  because  the  judge  considers  it  his  duty. 


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0OTJ3SKMAKKR 


Summary  proceedings  are  oommonly  entered  upon 
for  one  of  two  reasons:  either  because  the  cases  are 
of  such  a  nature  as  to  demand  prompt  settlement 
(alimony  or  necessary  support,  marriage  cases,  and 
many  cases  of  ecclesiastics,  e.  g.  elections,  offices 
and  benefices);  or  because  the  cases  are  of  minor 
importance,  slight  and  easily  remediable  injuries, 
comparable  to  civil  lawsuits  for  trifling  debts.  In 
all  such  cases  the  judge  is  allowed  to  base  his  sen- 
tence on  evidence  somewhat  less  conclusive  than 
would  be  called  for  in  cases  of  greater  importance 
(semiplena  probatio).  Summary  procedure  is  now 
frequently  employed  in  criminal  cases  of  clerics; 
the  canon  law,  however,  by  an  instruction  of  the 
Congregation  of  Bishops  and  Regulars  (11  June, 
1880),  restricts  its  use  to  countries  whose  bishops 
have  formally  obtained  the  right  to  proceed  accord- 
ing to  said  instruction,  originally  granted  to  the 
bishops  of  France.  In  1883  the  Congregation  of 
Propaganda  extended  its  use  to  the  bishops  of  the 
United  States  of  America.  (See  also  the  decrees 
of  the  First  Plenary  Council  of  South  America, 
art.  965-991.) 

It  may  be  asked,  finally,  what  influence  has  the 
Roman  law  exercised  on  the  canonical  procedure 
described  above?  It  is  certain,  on  the  one  hand 
(Fessler,  op.  cit.),  that  the  judicial  procedure  of  the 
canon  law  was  already  quite  elaborate  in  form  when, 
early  in  the  sixth  century,  the  Emperor  Justinian 
published  his  "Institutes",  "Digest'',  and  "Code". 
On  the  other  hand,  it  is  very  evident  that  Roman 
law,  and  particularly  that  of  Justinian,  has  exercised 
a  very  great  influence  upon  canon  law;  it  is  universally 
admitted  as  one  of  the  subsidiary  sources  (Jonteii) 
of  canon  law,  especially  in  court  procedure.  The 
canon  law,  however,  has  wisely  perfected  certain 
enactments  of  the  Roman  law.  Thus,  the  right 
of  provisional  possession,  instiiutum  possessonum 
in  the  Roman  law,  was  amplified  and  highly 
developed  by  canon  law,  which  gave  additional 
legal  protection  in  the  case  of  actual  possession 
obtained  by  injunction  (interdictum)  of  the  magis- 
trate. The  possessory  interdict  (wide  vi),  it  is  well 
known,  was  granted  by  Roman  law  for  immovable 


a  strictly  legal  suit  (actio  spoilt)  was  open  to  a  person 
despoiled  of  his  goods,  the  canon  law  allowed  him  an 
additional  plea  in  equity  (exceptio  spolii).  In  addi- 
tion, in  the  Roman  law,  a  suit  lay  only  against  the 
despoiler  (spoliarUem)  or  the  one  who  ordered  or 
approved  the  act  (spolium  mandantem,  ratiha- 
bentem),  whereas  the  canon  law  permitted  the  enter- 
ing of  Buit  against  any  third  person  found  in  pos- 
session of  the  plaintiff's  goods,  whether  such  detention 
were  in  good  faith  or  not. 

Pbktes,  La  procedure  can.  mod.  dan*  les  causes  discip.  et 
trim.  (Paris,  1898);  Boorx,  De  judiciis  ted.  (Paris,  1855); 
Molttor,  Vebtr  canon.  Qerichtsverf .  gegen  Kleriker  (1856); 
MOnchen,  Canon.  Gerichisverf.  (2d  ed.,  Cologne,  1874); 
Foornier,  Let  offlcialMs  au  moven  Age  (Paris,  I860):  Fessler, 
Oct  canon.  Process  nach  semen  positiven  Grundl.  una  seiner  alt. 
hist.  Entwick.  in  der  vorjustinianischen  Periods  (Vienna,  I860); 
Piebantonelij,  Praxis  fori  eed.  (Rome,  1883);  Leoa  De 
judiciis  sect.  (2d  ed.,  Rome,  1905);  Keller,  Der  rim.  Zivil- 
prosess  (Leipzig,  1855);  Endemann,  Das  ZivUprozessverf.  nach 
canon.  Lehre  (Berlin,  1890). 

Benedetto  Ojetti. 

Cousin,  Jean,  a  French  painter,  sculptor,  etcher, 
engraver,  and  geometrician,  b.  at  Soucy,  near  Sens, 
1500:  d.  at  Sens  before  1593,  probably  in  1590. 
Cousin  began  his  long  art-life  in  his  native  town  with 
the  study  of  glass-painting  under  Hympe  and  Grassot. 
At  the  same  time  he  was  diligently  applying  himself 
to  this  branch  of  art,  wherein  he  was  to  become  a 
master,  the  young  man  became  a  great  student  of 
mathematics  and  published  a  successful  book  on  the 


subject.  He  also  wrote  on  geometry  in  his  student- 
days.  In  1530  Cousin  finished  the  beautiful  windows 
for  the  Sens  cathedral,  the  subject  chosen  being  the 
"  Legend  of  St.  Eutropius".  He  had  also  painted  the 
windows  of  many  of  the  noble  chateaux  in  and 
around  the  city.  The  latest  date  on  any  of  his  Sens 
work,  1530,  points  to  this  as  the  year  he  went  to  Paris, 
where  he  began  work  as  a  goldsmith;  but  the  amount 
and  kind  of  his  productions  in  the  precious  metals  are 
alike  unknown. 

In  Paris  Cousin  continued  his  eminent  career  as  a 
glass-painter,  and  his  masterpiece,  the  windows  of  the 
Sainte-Chapelle  in  Vincennes,  are  considered  the 
finest  examples  of  glass-painting  in  all  France.  He 
subsequently  devoted  himself  to  painting  in  oil.  and 
is  said  to  be  the  first  Frenchman  to  use  the  new 
medium".  For  this  and  other  reasons  Cousin  has 
been  called  "The  Founder  of  the  French  School";  but 
his  work  in  oil,  while  graceful,  refined,  reserved,  and 
even  classically  severe,  is  more  that  of  an  Italian 
"Eclectic"  than  of  a  "founder  of  a  national  school". 
Pictures  attributed  to  him,  all  of  much  merit,  are 
found  in  several  of  the  large  European  collections,  but, 
excepting  "The  Last  Judgment,  none  is  known  to  be 
authentic.  "The  Last  Judgment"  is  fine  in  compo- 
sition, noble  in  conception,  and  beautiful  and  har- 
monious in  colour,  strongly  suggesting  Correggio. 
For  a  long  time  this  masterpiece,  which  won  him  the 
name  of  the  "French  Michelangelo",  lay  neglected  in 
the  sacristy  of  the  church  of  the  Minims,  Vincennes, 
until  it  was  rescued  by  a  priest  and  became  one  of  the 
important  works  in  the  Louvre.  It  is  also  celebrated 
for  being  the  first  French  picture  to  be  engraved. 

In  the  sixteenth  century  Cousin's  renown  came 
from  his  historical  and  glass-paintings;  to-day  he  is 
best  known  as  an  illustrator  of  books.  He  made 
many  fine  designs  for  woodcuts  and  often  executed 
them  himself.  The  "Bible",  published  in  1596  by 
Le  Clerc,  and  the  "Metamorphoses"  and  "Epistles" 
of  Ovid  (1566  and  1571  respectively)  contain  his  most 
celebrated  work  as  an  illustrator.  Cousin  etched  and 
engraved  many  plates  after  the  manner  of  Mazzuola 
of  Parma,  to  whom  the  invention  of  etching  has  been 
ascribed;  but  he  excels  all  his  contemporaries  in 
facility  of  execution  and  classical  breadth  and  sim- 
plicity of  idea  and  feeling.  His  etched  work 
approaches  in  excellence  the  oil-paintings  of  the  great 
masters.  Cousin's  sculptures  are  full  of  strength  and 
dignity.  The  mausoleum  of  Admiral  Philippe  de 
Chabot  is  the  best  piece  of  French  sculpture  of  the 
sixteenth  century;  the  strikingly  beautiful  tomb  of 
Louis  de  Brez6  (Rouen)  is  another  celebrated  achieve- 
ment. In  addition  to  his  early  writings  on  mathe- 
matics, he  published,  in  1560,  a  learned  treatise  on 
perspective,  and,  in  1571,  an  excellent  work  on 
portrait-painting.  During  his  life  Cousin  success- 
fully pursued  every  branch  of  the  fine  arts,  and 
enjoyed  the  favour  of,  and  worked  for  four  kings  of 
France:  Henry  II,  Francis  II,  Charles  IX,  and 
Henry  III.  Among  his  paintings,  in  addition  to  the 
"Last  Judgment",  mention  should  be  made  of  the 
miniatures  in  the  prayer  book  of  Henry  II  now  in  the 
Bibliotheque  Nationale;  among  his  etchings  and 
engravings,  the  "Annunciation"  and  the  "Conversion 
of  St.  Paul";  among  his  woodcuts,  the  "Entree  de 
Henry  II  et  Catherine  de  MeViicis  a  Rouen"  (1551). 

FlwnN-DiDoT,  Etude  sur  Jean  Cousin  (Paris,  1872);  Patti- 
SON,  The  World's  Painters  since  Leonardo  (New  York,  1906). 

Leigh  Hunt. 

Ooussemaker,  Charleb-Edmond-Henride,  French 
historian  of  music,  b.  at  Bailleul,  department  of 
Nord,  France,  19  April,  1805;  d.  at  Lille,  10  January, 
1876.  Coussemaker  rendered  great  service  to  musi- 
cal science  by  bringing  to  the  notice  of  students 
the  early  development  and  history  of  harmony  and 
counterpoint,  as  shown  by  the  treatment  of  these  divi- 
sions of  music  in  that  section  of  the  "Musica  Encbi- 


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OOUsTAltV 


riadis"  In  which  diaphony  is  treated.  This  he  did  in  a 
work  on  Hucbald,  who  lived  from  about  840  to  9%,  was 
a  monk  of  the  monastery  of  Saint- Amand,  and  wrote 
the  "  Enchiriadis  "  as  well  as  other  works  on  music. 
While  pursuing  his  law  studies  in  Paris,  Cousse- 
maker  studied  singing  under  Pellegrini  and  Payer  and 
harmony  under  Reicha.  Even  after  entering  upon 
his  career  as  a  lawyer  at  Douai,  he  took  a  course  in 
counterpoint  under  Victor  Lefebvre.  His  early  ambi- 
tion to  become  a  composer,  especially  of  church  music, 
did  not  produce  permanent  results,  as  most  of  hiapro- 
ductions  in  that  field  remain  in  manuscript.  While 
acting  as  judge  at  Bergues,  Hazebrouck,  Cambrai, 
Dunkerque,  and  Lille  successively,  he  pursued  studies 
and  made  researches  which  resulted  in  works  of  the' 
highest  historical  importance  and  of  permanent  value. 
His  writings  have  had  an  important  part  in  the  revival 
of  true  church  music  that  began  some  sixty  years  ago, 
and  in  the  restoration,  which  has  not  yet  reached  its 
culmination,  of  the  chant.  The  pioneer  nature  of 
Coussemaker's  labours  in  many  fields  explains  and 
condones  to  some  extent  the  fact  that  he  was  not 
always  correct  in  his  deductions.  Thus  his  assertion 
(Histoire  de  ITiarmonie,  c.  ii,  pp.  158-159)  that  the 
neums  "have  their  origin  in  the  accents  of  the  Latin 
language",  an  assumption  which  became  the  basis  for 
the  so-called  oratorical  rhythm  in  plain  chant,  was  dis- 
proved long  ago  by  the  mensuralist  school  of  chant 
rhythm  and,  more  reoently,  by  the  Rev.  J.  Thibaut  in 
his  work Origine  byzantine  de  la  notation  neu- 
matique  de  l'egllse  latine"  (Paris,  1907).  Cousse- 
maker's most  noted  musico-historical  works  are: 
"  Memoires  sur  Hucbald  "  (1841) ;  "  Histoire  de  l'har- 
monie  au  moyen  age"  (1852);  "Les  harmonistes  des 
XII"  et  XIII* siecles"  (1864) ;  " (Euvres  completes  du 
trouvere  Adam  de  la  Halle"  (1872);  "Joannis  Tinc- 
toris  Traotatus  de  Musica",  and  his  collection  in  four 
volumes,  intended  to  be  a  continuation  of  Gerbert's 
"8criptores",  of  writings  by  medieval  authors  enti- 
tled: "Scriptorum  de  musica  medii  «vi  nova  series  a 
Gerbertino  altera ' '  (1866-76) .  Besides  these,  Cousse- 
maker  published  numerous  essays  and  magazine 
articles  on  historical,  technical,  and  aesthetic  ques- 
tions in  regard  to  music. 

Waaldwdof.,  The  Oxford  History  of  Music  (Oxford,  1901- 

1905)  ;    Riiuann,  Handbuck  der  MvtikgaehichU  (Leipaig. 

1906)  . 


Joseph  Ottbn. 


Constant,  Ptbrre,  a  learned  Benedictine  of  the 
Congregation  of  Saint-Maur,  b.  at  Compidgne,  France, 
30  April,  1664;  d.  at  the  Abbey  of  Sainl^Germain-des- 
Pres  near  Paris,  18  October,  1721.  After  receiving 
his  classical  education  in  the  Jesuit  College  at  Com- 

Siegne,  he  entered  the  Benedictine-  monastery  of 
atat-Remi  at  Reims  as  novice  at  the  age  of  seven- 
teen, and  took  vows  on  12  August,  1672.  He  made 
his  philosophical  and  theological  studies  partly  at 
Saint- Rami,  partly  at  the  monastery  of  Saint-Medard 
in  8oissons  whither  he  was  sent  to  study  philosophy 
under  Francois  Lamy.  In  1681  his  superiors  sent 
him  to  the  Abbey  of  Saint- Germain -des-Prea  to  assist 
his  confrere  Thomas  Blampin  in  editing  the  works  of 
St.  Augustine.  Coustant's  chief  contribution  to  this 
publication,  which  still  remains  the  best  edition  of  St. 
Augustine's  works,  consisted  in  the  separating  of  the 
spurious  from  the  genuine  writings.  He  also  aided 
his  fellow  Benedictines  Edmond  Martene  and  Robert 
Morel  in  making  the  indexes  for  the  fourth  volume 
containing  the  commentaries  on  the  Psalms.  In  an 
appendix  to  the  fifth  volume  he  collected  all  the  spuri- 
ous homilies  and  traoed  them  to  their  true  sources. 

The  learning  and  acumen  which  Coustant  displayed 
in  his  share  of  the  edition  of  St.  Augustine's  works  did 
not  remain  unnoticed  by  the  Abbot  General  of  the 
Maurist  Congregation.  When  Mabillon  suggested  a 
new  edition  of  the  works  of  St.  Hilary  of  Poitiers,  it 
was  Coustant  whom  the  abbot  general  selected  for 


this  difficult  undertaking.  There  was  before  this  time 
practically  only  one  edition  of  this  great  Gallic  Doctor 
of  the  Church,  namely  the  defective  and  uncritical 
one  published  by  Erasmus  (Basle,  1523).  The  subse- 
quent editions  of  Mineus  (Paris,  1544),  Lipsius  (Basle, 
1550),  Grynreus  (Basle,  1570),  Gillotius  (Paris,  1572), 
and  tne  one  issued  by  the  Paris  Typographical  Soci- 
ety in  1605  were  little  more  than  reprints  of  the  Eras- 
mian  text.  After  making  himself  thoroughly  con- 
versant with  St.  Hilary's  terminology  and  train  of 
thought,  Coustant  compared  numerous  manuscripts 
with  a  view  to  restoring  the  original  text.  In  an  ex- 
tensive general  preface  he  proved  the  Catholicity  of 
Hilary's  doctrine  concerning  the  birth  of  Christ  from 
the  Virgin  Mary,  the  Holy  Eucharist,  Grace,  the  Last 
Judgment,  the  Holy  Trinity,  and  other  Catholic  dog- 
mas. The  preface  is  followed  by  two  biographical 
sketches  of  the  saint,  the  former  of  which  was  com- 
posed by  Coustant  himself  from  the  writings  of  Hilary, 
'  while  the  latter  is  a  reproduction  of  the  life  written 
by  Fortunatus  of  Poitiers.  Each  treatise  is  preceded 
by  a  special  preface  stating  its  occasion  and  purpose, 
and  the  time  when  it  was  written.  Difficult  and  ob- 
scure passages  are  explained  in  foot-notes.  This  edi- 
tion of  St.  Hilary  is  a  model  work  of  its  kind  and  ranks 
as  one  of  the  most  esteemed  literary  productions  of  the 
Maurist  Congregation.  It  was  published  in  one  folio 
volume  at  Paris  in  1693  and  bears  the  title:  "Sancti 
Hilarii  Pictavorum  episcopi  opera  ad  manuscriptos 
codices  gallicanos,  romanos,  belgicos,  nec  non  ad 
veteres  editiones  castigata,  aliquot  aucta  opusculis", 
etc.  The  work  was  republished  with  a  few  additions 
by  Scipio  Maffei  (Verona,  1730)  and  by  Migne,  P.  L., 
IX  and  X. 

Coustant's  love  for  study  did  not  prevent  him  from 
being  an  exemplary  monk.  Though  often  over- 
whelmed with  work,  ne  was  punctual  m  attending  the 
common  religious  exercises  and  found  time  for  private 
works  of  piety.  After  completing  the  edition  of  St. 
Hilary's  works  he  requested  his  superiors  to  release 
him  temporarily  from  literary  labours  and  to  allow 
him  to  devote  more  of  his  time  to  prayer  and  medita- 
tion. The  wish  was  granted,  though  not  as  he  ex- 
pected. He  was  appointed  prior  of  the  monastery  of 
Nogent-sous-Coucy.  After  three  years  he  was,  upon 
his  own  urgent  request,  relieved  from  the  priorate  and 
returned  to  Saint-Germain-des-Pres.  For  some  time 
he  worked  on  the  new  edition  of  the  Maurist  Breviary; 
then  he  assisted  his  confrere  Claude  Guesnie'  in  mak- 
ing the  elaborate  general  index  to  the  works  of  St. 
Augustine. 

immediately  upon  the  publication  of  St.  Augus- 
tine's works  in  1700,  Coustant  was  entrusted  by  his 
superiors  with  the  editing  of  a  complete  collection  of 
the  letters  of  the  popes  from  St.  Clement  I  to  Innocent 
III  (c.  88-1216).  To  understand  the  colossal  labour 
which  such  an  undertaking  entailed,  it  must  be  borne 
in  mind  that  very  little  had  been  done  in  this  direction 
before.  There  were,  indeed,  the  papal  decretals  from 
Clement  I  to  Gregory  VII,  collected  by  Cardinal  An- 
tonio Caraffa  and  published  by  Antonio  d'Aquino  in 
1591,  but  they  were  incomplete  and  their  chronological 
order  was  frequently  incorrect.  There  were  also  the 
"Annales"  of  Baronius  and  the  "Concilia  antiqua 
Gallia;"  of  the  Jesuit  Jacques  Sirmond,  and  other 
works  containing  scattered  letters  of  the  popes;  but 
no  one  had  ever  attempted  to  make  a  complete  collec- 
tion of  papal  letters,  much  less  to  sift  the  spurious 
from  the  authentic,  to  restore  the  original  texts  and 
to  order  the  letters  chronologically. 

After  devoting  more  than  twenty  years  to  this 
gigantic  undertaking,  Coustant  was  able  to  publish 
the  first  volume  in  1721.  It  contains  the  letters  from 
the  year  67  to  the  year  440,  and  is  entitled  "  Epistohe 
Romanorum  Pontificum  et  qua;  ad  eos  scripts  sunt  a 
S.  Qemente  I  usque  ad  Innocentium  III,  quotquot 
reperiri  potuerunt.  .  .  ."  (Paris,  1721).  In  the  ex- 


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tensive  preface  of  150  pages  Coustant  explains  the 
origin,  meaning  and  extent  of  the  papal  primacy  and 
critically  examines  the  existing  collections  of  canons 
and  papal  letters.  The  letters  of  each  pope  are  pre- 
ceded by  a  historical  introduction  and  furnished  with 
copious  notes,  while  the  spurious  letters  are  collected 
in  the  appendix.  Coustant  had  gathered  a  large 
amount  of  material  for  succeeding  volumes,  but  he 
died  the  same  year  in  which  the  first  volume  was  pub- 
lished. Simon  Mopinot,  who  had  assisted  Coustant 
in  the  preparation  of  the  first  volume,  was  entrusted 
with  the  continuation  of  the  work,  but  he  also  died 
(11  October,  1724)  before  another  volume  was  ready 
for  publication.  About  twelve  years  later,  Ursin 
Durand  undertook  to  continue  the  work;  in  his  case 
the  Jansenistic  disorders  in  which  he  became  involved 
prevented  the  publication  of  the  material  he  had  pre- 
pared. Finally  the  French  Revolution  and  the  disso- 
lution of  the  Maurist  Congregation  gave  the  death- 
blow to  the  great  undertaking.  A  new  edition  of 
Coustant's  volume  was  brought  out  by  Sch&nemann 
(G6ttingen,  1796);  a  continuation,  based  chiefly  on 
Coustant's  manuscripts  and  containingthe  papal  let- 
ters from  461-521,  was  published  by  Thiel  (Brauns- 
berg,  1867).  There  are  extant  in  the  Bibliotheque 
Nationale  at  Paris  fourteen  large  folio  volumes  con- 
taining the  material  gathered  by  Coustant  and  his 
Benedictine  continuators.  Coustant  also  took  part 
in  the  controversy  occasioned  by  Mabillon's  "  De  Re 
Diplomatic^"  between  the  Jesuit  Germon  and  the 
Maurist  Benedictines.  In  two  able  treatises  he  de- 
fends himself  and  his  confreres  against  Germon  who 
disputed  the  genuineness  of  some  sources  used  in  the 
Benedictine  edition  of  the  works  of  St.  Hilary  and  St. 
Augustine. 

TAB8IN,  Histoire  litUraire  de  la  congregation  de  Saint-Maur 
(Brussels,  1770),  417  sqq.;  Pez,  Bibliotheca  Benediclino- 
Mauriana  (Augsburg,  1716).  345  sqq.;  Le  Cerf,  Bibliothique 
historique  et  critique  dcs  auteurs  de  La  congr,  de  Saint-Maur 
(The  Hague.  1726),  62  sop.;  Mopinot  in  Journal  des  savants 
(Paris,  January,  1722);  Herbst  in  Theologieche  QuartaUchrijl 
(Tubingen,  1833),  438  sqq.;  Sdralek,  ibid.  (1880),  222  sqq.; 
Kerker  in  Kirchcnlex..  s.  v.;  Kukula  in  Wiener  Sitzungs- 
berichte  (1890,  1893,  1898);  Valinti.  Los  Benedictines  de  S. 
Mauro  (Palma  de  Mallorca,  1899),  199;  Hurter,  Nomenclator, 
II,  1103  sqq. 

Michael  Ott. 

Ooustou,  Nicolas,  French  sculptor,  b.  at  Lyons, 
9  January,  1658;  d.  at  Paris,  1  May,  1733.  He  was 
the  son  of  a  wood-carver,  from  whom  he  received  his 
first  instruction  in  art.  At  the  age  of  eighteen  he 
went  to  Paris,  and  studied  under  the  tutorship  of  his 
uncle,  the  sculptor  Coysevox.  On  the  occasion  of 
Colbert's  last  visit  to  the  Royal  Academy,  Coustou 
received  from  his  hands  the  gold  medal  for  sculpture 
(Colbert  prize),  which  enabled  him  to  go  to  Rome  as 
a  pensioner  from  1683  to  1686.  Here  he  applied  him- 
self especially  to  the  study  of  Michelangelo  and 
Algarcu,  hoping  to  unite  in  his  own  work  the  strength 
of  the  one  and  the  grace  of  the  other.  On  his  return 
he  settled  in  Paris,  and  showed  his  independence  by 
declining  to  submit  to  the  decrees  of  the  ruling  school 
of  sculpture.  The  design  made  by  him  for  a  public 
monument  being  refused,  he  appealed  directly  to  the 
king,  who  decided  in  his  favour  and  awarded  nim  the 
commission.  Nicolas  was  joined  by  his  younger 
brother  Guillaume,  also  a  sculptor,  whom  he  admitted 
to  a  share  in  his  labours,  so  that  it  is  not  always  easy 
to  ascribe  particular  works  definitely  to  one  or  the 
other.  In  1720  Nicolas  was  appointed  rector  of  the 
academy  of  painting  and  sculpture  and  held  his  post 
until  his  death,  shortly  before  which  he  was  also  made 
chancellor  of  the  academy.  Coysevox  and  the  Cous- 
tous  formed  a  school  in  French  sculpture  and  were 
distinguished  by  grace,  naturalness  and  truth  to  life. 
Many  of  the  works  of  Nicolas  were  destroyed  in  the 
fury  of  the  Revolution,  but  a  number  still  remain. 
Chief  among  them  are  the  "Union  of  the  Seine  and 
Marne"'  toe  "Huntsman  Resting"  (called  in  French 


"Berger  Chasseur");  "Daphne  Pursued  by  Apollo". 
All  of  these  are  now  in  the  garden  of  the  Tufleries; 
further,  the  statues  of  Julius  Csesar  and  Louis  XV  in' 
the  Louvre,  and  the  "  Descent  From  the  Cross"  in  the 
choir  of  Notre-Dame,  Paris,  one  of  his  best  efforts. 
There  are  also  statues  by  Coustou  at  Versailles  and 
Marly.  A  good  terra-cotta  bust  of  him  by  his  brother 
Guillaume  is  in  the  Louvre. 

LObks,  History  of  Sculpture,  tt.  Btjnnbtt  (London,  lSTS)!* 
Marquand  asd  Frothinqham,  History  of  Sculpture  (Ne« 
York^l888);    Dilxh,  Frmch  Architects  and  Sculptors  of  the. 


Century  (London,  1900). 


M.  L.  Hantolet. 


Coutances,  Diogbsb  of  (Constantibnsis),  com- 
prises the  entire  department  of  La  Manche  and  is  a 
suffragan  of  the  Archbishopric  of  Rouen.  It  was 
enlarged  in  1802  by  the  addition  of  the  former 
Diocese'  of  Avranohes  and  of  two  archdeaconries  from.' 
the  Diocese  of  Bayeux;  since  1854  its  bishops  have 
held  the  title  of  Bishop  of  Coutances  and  Avranches. 


Diocese  of  Coutances.— The  catalogue  of  the 
bishops  of  Coutances,  as  it  was  made  out  about  the 
end  oi  the  eleventh  century,  gives  as  the  first  bishops 
St.  Ereptiolus  and  St.  Exuperatus  (fourth  century). 
Leontianus,  the  first  bishop  historically  known, 
attended  the  Council  of  Orleans  in  511.  Coutances 
counted  among  its  prelates  Saint  Ld  (Lauto),  promi- 
nent in  the  great  councils  of  the  middle  of  the  sixth 
century;  St.  Rumpharius,  apostle  of  Barfleur  (d. 
about  586):  St.  Fremond  (Frodomundus),  who, 
assisted  by  Thierry  III,  founded  a  monastery  and  a. 
church  in  honour  of  the  Blessed  Virgin  in  679  at  Ham, 
near  Valognes;  Blessed  Geoffroy  de  Montbray  (1049- 
1093),  friend  of  William  the  Conqueror,  whose 
episcopate  was  signalized  by  the  building  of  the 
cathedral  of  Coutances,  to  which  purpose  he  devoted 
large  sums  of  money  that  he  had  gathered  in  Apulia,, 
and  also  by  the  founding  of  the  Benedictine  Abbeys 
of  Lessay,  Saint-Sauveur-le-Vicomte,  and  Montebourg, 
and  of  the  canonries  of  Cherbourg;  Hugues  de 
Morville  (1202-1238),  organizer  of  charities  in  the 
diocese  and  founder  in  1209  of  the  celebrated  H6tel- 
Dieu  of  Coutances;  Philibert  de  Montjeu  (1424-1439), 
who  presided  over  the  deputation  of  theologians  sent 
by  the  Council  of  Basle  to  the  Bohemians  and  Mora- 
vians in  order  to  reconcile  them  to  the  Church,  and 
Giuliano  della  Rovere  (1476-1478),  afterwards  pope 
under  the  name  of  Julius  II.  The  account  book  of 
Thomas  Marest,  curt?  of  Saint-Nicolas  of  Coutances 
(1397-1433).  is  very  interesting  for  the  history  of 
social  life  during  the  Hundred  Years'  War.  The 
Huguenots  took  possession  of  the  city  in  1562,  but 
were  banished  in  1575.  Through  the  efforts  of  the 
Venerable  Pere  Eudes  the  cathedral  of  Coutances 
was  the  first  church  in  the  world  to  have  an  altar 
dedicated  to  the  Sacred  Heart- 


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COUTURIER 


Diocese  or  Avranches. — Nepoa,  the  first  bishop 
known  to  history,  assisted  at  the  Council  of  Orleans 
in  511.  Among  its  bishops  Avranches  included: 
St.  Pair,  or  Faternus  (d.  566),  a  great  founder  of 
monasteries,  notably  that  of  Sessiacum,  near  Gran- 
ville, which  took  the  name  of  Saint-Pair;  St.  Leodo- 
valdus  (second  half  of  sixth  century);  St.  Ragert- 
rannus,  Abbot  of  Jumieges  (about  682) ;  St.  Aubert, 
who  in  708  founded  the  Abbey  of  Mont  Saint-Michel; 
Robert  Ceneau  (1533-1560),  author  of  numerous 
works  against  the  Calvinists;  and  Pierre- Daniel  Huet 
(1689-1699),  a  celebrated  savant  who  assisted 
Bossuet  in  educating  the  son  of  Louis  XIV  and 
directed  the  publication  of  the  Delphin  edition  of  the 
classics.  Between  875  and  990,  in  the  troubled 
period  caused  by  the  victories  of  the  Bretons  and  the 
incursions  of  the  Normans,  the  archbishops  of  Rouen 
were  titulars  of  the  See  of  Avranches.  In  the 
Middle  Ages  the  bishops  of  Avranches  were  at  the 
same  time  barons  of  Avranches,  barons  of  Saint- 
Phil  bert-sur-Rilles,  and  proprietors  of  numerous 
domains  in  England  ana  Jersey.  The  school  of 
Avranches,  in  which  Lanfranc  taught  and  Anselm 
studied,  was  famous  in  the  eleventh  century.  The 
cathedral  where,  in  September,  1171,  Henry  II  of 
England  swore  before  the  legates  of  Alexander  III 
that  he  was  entirely  innocent  of  the  murder  of  St. 
Thomas  Becket  was  a  beautiful  monument  of  the 
eleventh  and  twelfth  centuries.  It  collapsed  during 
the  Revolution.    (See  Mont  Saint-Michel.) 

The  Diocese  of  Coutances  and  Avranches  honours 
in  a  special  way  St.  Pientia  (Pience),  put  to  death 
in  the  third  century  for  having  facilitated  the  burial 
of  St.  Nicasius,  the  apostle  of  Vexin,  and  conspicuously 
honoured  in  the  liturgy  of  Avranches;  St.  Floxel, 
bom  in  the  district  of  Cotentin,  and  martyred  at  the 
beginning  of  the  fourth  century;  St.  Scubilio,  com- 
panion of  the  bishop  St.  Pair,  and  founder  of  the 
monastery  of  Mandane  on  Mont  Tombe  (subse- 
quently Mont  Saint-Michel);  Sts.  Senier,  Gaud,  and 
Fragaise,  monks  of  Sessiacum;  St.  Germanus  of  Scot- 
lama,  who,  in  the  fifth  century,  evangelized  the 
Saxon  colonies  of  the  district  of  Bessin;  St.  Severus, 
the  shepherd  (sixth  century),  who  was  perhaps  Bishop 
of  Avranches;  the  monk  St.  Marcouf  (sixth  century), 
founder  of  an  abbey  called  after  mm,  and  whose 
name  is  borne  by  an  island  to  which  he  retired 
each  Lent  for  extraordinary  mortification;  St.  Heiier, 
disciple  of  St.  Marcouf,  beheaded  in  a  grotto  at 
Jersey;  St.  Ortaire,  Abbot  of  Landelles  (end  of  sixth 
century);  St.  Paternus  of  Coutances, monk  at  Sessiac- 
um, then  at  Sens,  and  finally  assassinated  (eighth  cen- 
tury); St.  Leo  of  Carentan,  born  about  810,  a  protege' 
of  Louis  the  Debonair  and  martyred  at  Bayonne; 
the  English  hermit  St.  Clair  (ninth  century);  St. 
Guillaume  Firmat  (eleventh  century),  hermit,  pil- 
grim to  the  Orient,  and  patron  of  the  collegiate  church 
of  Mortain;  Blessed  Thomas  Heiie  of  BiviUe,  chaplain 
to  St.  Louis  (thirteenth  century);  Julie  Postel,  known 
in  religion  as  Soeur  Marie-Madeleine  (1756-1846), 
a  native  of  Barfleur,  declared  Venerable  in  1897. 

Many  men  worthy  of  mention  in  ecclesiastical 
history  were  natives  of  this  diocese:  Alexandre  de 
Villedieu  (thirteenth  century),  canon  of  Avranches 
and  author  of  a  Latin  grammar  universally  studied 
during  the  Middle  Ages;  the  learned  but  visionary 
Guillaume  Postel  (d.  1581),  professor  of  mathematics 
and  Oriental  languages  in  the  College  de  France; 
the  Franciscan  friar  Feuardent  (1539-1610),  promi- 
nent in  the  Wars  of  the  League;  Cardinal  du  Perron 
(1556-1618),  who  converted  Henry  IV;  the  Calvin- 
istic  publicist  Benjamin  Basnage  (1580-1652);  the 
physician  Hamon  (1618-1687),  well  known  in  the 
history  of  Jansenism;  Jean  de  Launoy  (1603-1678), 
celebrated  for  his  critical  work  in  ecclesiastical  his- 
tory; Marie  des  VaUeess  the  demoniac  (d.  1656),  who 
made  a  great  sensation  in  her  day  and  whose  sayings 


were  gathered  into  four  volumes  by  the  Venerable 
Pere  Eudes,  who  had  exorcised  her;  the  Abb6  de 
Beauvais  (1731-1790)  and  the  Jesuit  Neuville  (1693- 
1774),  both  great  preachers;  the  Abb6  de  Saint- 
Pierre  (1658-1743),  author  of  the  "  Paix  perpetuelle", 
and  the  Eudist  Le  Franc,  superior  of  the  Coutances 
seminary  in  the  eighteenth  century  and  the  first 
Catholic  publicist  to  write  against  Freemasonry. 

Before  the  enforcement  of  the  law  of  1901  there 
were  in  the  diocese  Oratorians,  Sulpicians,  Eudists, 
and  a  local  congregation  of  Brothers  of  Mercy  of 
the  Christian  Schools,  founded  in  1842  (mother- 
house  at  Montebourg),  and  there  are  Trappists  still 
at  Bricquebec.  The  diocese  includes  several  congre- 
gations of  women:  the  Tertiary  Sisters  of  Our  Lady 
of  Mount  Carmel, 
founded  in  1686; 
the  Sisters  of  the 
Sacred  Heart  of 
Jesus,  founded  in 
the  seventeenth 
century  by  Pere 
du  Pont,  a  Eudist, 
and  in  1783  placed 
under  the  patron- 
age of  the  Sacred 
Heart,  being  the 
oldest  French  con- 
gregation known 
by  that  title;  the 
Sisters  of  Mercy 
of  the  Christian 
Schools,  founded 
in  1802  at  Saint- 
Sau  veur-le-Vi- 
c  o  m  t  e  by  the 
Venerable  Soeur 
Postel.  Diocesan 
missionaries  are 
installed  at  Bi  ville, 
near    the  tomb 


Cathedral,  Cootancbs 


of  Blessed  Thomas  Heiie,  a  much  frequented  place 
of  pilgrimage. 

In  1900  the  diocese  included  in  religious  in- 
stitutions, 28  infant  schools,  1  orphanage  for  boys 
and  girls,  3  boys'  orphanages,  24  girls'  orphanages, 
6  industrial  schools,  35  hospitals,  hospices,  and 
asylums,  30  houses  of  nursing  sisters,  and  3  insane 
asylums.  The  statistics  for  the  end  of  1905  (close 
of  the  Concordat  period)  indicate  a  population 
of  491,372,  with  61  pastorates,  612  succursal  parishes 
(mission  churches),  and  284  curacies,  then  remu- 
nerated by  the  State. 

Gallia  Christiana  (ed.  nova,  1750),  XI,  466-609.  662-3, 
863-911,  983,  and  Instrumenta,  106-24,  217-82.  VHistoire 
chronoloaiqus  des  Mgves  a"  Avranches  de  mattre  Julien  Nxcols 
(1669)  and  L'Histoire  eccUsiastique  du  diodes  de  Coutaneee, 
also  written  in  the  seventeenth  century  by  Rene  Toostain  Da 
BiiJ/r  (1643-1709),  cunS  of  Mesnil-Opac,  are  works  of  sufficient 
historic  value  to  have  been  republished  in  our  day,  the  first  by 
Beaurepaire,  the  second  by  Heron  (Rouen,  1884-6).  Lecanh, 
Histoire  du  diocese  de  Coutances  el  Avranches  (Coutances, 
1877);  Pigeon,  Le  diocese  <f  Avranches  (Coutances,  1890); 
Idem,  Vies  des  saints  du  dioctse  de  Coutances  et  Avranches 
(Avranches,  1892,  1898);  La  Cachsux,  Bssai  historian*  tut 
VHHet-Dieu  de  Coutances  (Paris,  1896);  Duchesne,  Fastes 
episcopaux,  II,  221-4,  236-40;  Chevalier,  Topo-bM.,  816-818, 
285-7. 

Georges  Gotatj. 

Couturier,  Louis-Charles,  Abbot  of  the  Benedio- 
tine  monastery  of  Saint-Pierre  at  Solesmes  and  Presi- 
dent of  the  French  Congregation  of  Benedictines;  b. 
12  May,  1817,  at  Chemul6-sur-D6me  in  the  Diocese 
of  Tours;  d.  29  October,  1890,  at  Solesmes.  He  was 
educated  at  the  petit  efminaire  of  Combree  in  Anjou 
and  at  the  grand  seminaire  of  Angers,  and  was  or- 
dained priest  12  March,  1842.  After  teaching  history 
at  Combree  from  1836  to  1854,  he  entered,  in  the 
latter  year,  the  Benedictine  monastery  of  SaintrPierre 
at  Solesmes,  then  newly  restored  by  Dom  Gueranger. 


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OOTOUHTBtS 


His  religious  zeal  and  ascetics!  learning  endeared  him 
to  the  latter,  who  appointed  him  master  of  novices 
one  month  alter  his  profession,  and  towards  the  end 
of  1861  made  him  prior  of  the  monastery.  As  prior, 
Couturier  was  so  esteemed  that  on  the  death  of 
Gueranger  he  was  unanimously  elected  Abbot  of 
SamtPierre  (11  February,  1875).  Pius  IX  appointed 
him  consul  tor  of  the  Sacred  Congregation  of  the  In- 
dex, and  granted  him  and  his  successors  the  privilege 
of  wearing  the  cappa  magna. 

Couturier  was  a  worthy  successor  of  the  great 
Gueranger.  Despite  the  persecutions  of  the  French 
Government,  which  turned  the  reign  of  Couturier  into 
a  veritable  martyrdom  for  the  abbot  and  his  com- 
munity, the  monies  of  Solesmes  not  only  upheld  but 
even  enhanced  the  high  prestige  for  piety  and  learn- 
ing which  they  had  gained  during  the  rule  of  Gueran- 
ger. Couturier  and  his  monks  were  forcibly  expelled 
from  their  monastery  by  the  French  Government  on 
6  November,  1880,  and,  having  attempted  to  reoccupy 
it,  they  were  driven  out  a  second  time  on  29  March, 
1882.  During  the  remainder  of  Couturier's  life  the 
community  lived  in  three  separate  houses  in  the  town 
of  Solesmes,  using  the  parochial  church  as  their  abbey 
church.  Nevertheless  the  community  continued  to 
flourish.  By  word  and  example  Abbot  Couturier 
encouraged  the  numerous  learned  writers  among  his 
monks,  and  contributed  to  the  spread  of  the  Bene- 
dictine Order  by  restoring  old  and  deserted  monas- 
teries and  by  fostering  the  foundations  made  by 
Gueranger.  On  28  March,  1876,  he  raised  the  priory 
of  St.  Mary  Magdalene  at  Marseilles  to  the  dignity  of 
an  abbey;  in  1880  he  restored  and  re  peopled  the 
monastery  of  Silos  in  Spain:  in  July,  1889,  he  estab- 
lished the  priory  of  Saint-Paul  at  Wisques,  in  the 
Diocese  of  Arras;  and  on  15  September,  1890,  shortly 
before  his  death,  he  reopened  the  ancient  monastery 
of  Glanfeufl  in  the  Diocese  of  Angers,  deserted  since 
the  beginning  of  the  French  Revolution  in  1789.  His 
literary  labours  are  confined  chiefly  to  his  collabora- 
tion in  the  publication  of  "  Les  Actes  des  Martyrs",  a 
French  translation  of  the  Acts  of  the  martyrs  from 
the  beginning  of  the  Christian  Era  to  our  times.  The 
third  edition  of  the  work  appeared  in  four  volumes 
(Paris,  1900). 

Hootin,  Dim  Couturier,  abbi  de  SoUemee  (Angers,  1899); 
Babin  in  Revue  Btntdictine  (Maredaoui,  1890).  VII,  578-588; 
Bibliographic  dee  Benedictine  de  la  congregation  de  France  (Paris, 
1906),  •.  v. 

Michael,  Ott. 

Oovarrnviu  (or  Covarrttbias  t  Letva),  Diego, 
b.  in  Toledo,  Spain,  25  July,  1512;  d.  in  Madrid,  27 
Sept.,  1677.  According  to  his  biography  by  Schott 
(in  the  Geneva,  1679,  edition  of  Covarruvias),  his 
maternal  grandfather  was  the  architect  of  the  Toledo 
cathedral.  His  master  in  law,  both  canonical  and 
civil,  was  the  famous  Martin  Aspilcueta  (q.  v.),  who 
was  wont  to  glory  in  having  such  a  disciple.  At  the 
age  of  twenty-one,  Covarruvias  was  appointed  pro- 
fessor of  canon  law  in  the  University  of  Salamanca. 
Later  on  he  was  entrusted  with  the  work  of  reforming 
that  institution,  already  venerable  for  its  age,  and  the 
legislation  which  he  drew  up  looking  to  this  end  re- 
mained in  effect  long  after  his  time.  Such  was  the 
recognized  eminence  of  his  legal  science  that  he  was 
styled  the  Bartholo  of  Spain.  His  vast  legal  learning 
was  always  set  forth  with  a  peculiar  beauty  of  diction 
and  lucidity  of  style,  says  Von  Scherer  (see  below). 
His  genius  was  universal,  and  embraced  all  the  sci- 
ences subsidiary  to,  and  illustrative  of,  the  science  of 
law.  If  report  be  true,  the  large  library  of  Oviedo, 
where  at  the  age  of  twenty-six  he  became  professor, 
did  not  contain  a  single  volume  which  he  had  not 
richly  annotated.  In  1549  Covarruvias  was  desig- 
nated by  Charles  V  for  the  archiepiscopal  See  of  San 
Domingo  in  the  New  World,  whither,  however,  he 
never  went.   Eleven  years  later  he  was  made  Bishop 


of  Ciudad  Rodrigo  in  Spain.  In  this  capacity  he  at- 
tended the  Council  of  Trent,  where,  according  to  the 
statement  of  his  nephew,  conjointly  with  Cardinal 
Ugo  Buoncompagni  (afterwards  Gregory  XHI),  he 
was  authorised  to  formulate  the  famous  reform-decrees 
(De  Reformatione)  of  the  council.  Pressure  of  other 
duties  having  prevented  Cardinal  Buoncompagni 
from  doing  his  part  of  the  work,  the  task  devolved 
upon  Covarruvias  alone.  The  text  of  these  far-reach- 
ing decrees,  therefore,  formally  approved  by  the  coun- 
cil, we  apparently  owe  to  him.  (Von  Scherer,  in 
Kirchenlexikon,  III,  1170,  doubts  the  accuracy  of  this 
tradition.)  Having  returned  to  Spain,  Covarruvias 
was  in  1565  transferred  to  the  See  of  Segovia.  Up  to 
this  time  his  extraordinary  talents  had  been  discov- 
ered in  matters  more  or  less  scholastic  only;  they  were 
hereafter  to  reveal  themselves  also  in  practical  affairs 
of  state.  Appointed  in  1572  a  member  of  the  Council 
of  Castile,  he  was  two  years  later  raised  to  the  presi- 
dency of  the  Council  of  State .  In  the  discharge  of  this 
office  he  was  eminently  successful.  While  president 
of  the  Council  of  State  he  was  nominated  by  Philip  II 
for' the  Bishopric  of  Cuenca,  but  death  prevented  him 
from  assuming  the  duties  of  this  new  see.  The  prin- 
cipal work  of  Covarruvias  is  his  "  Variarum  resolu- 
tionum  ex  jure  pontificio  regio  et  csesareo  libri 
IV".  He  wrote  also  on  testaments,  betrothal  and 
marriage,  oaths,  excommunication,  prescription, 
restitution,  etc.  Quite  distinct  in  character  from  his 
other  productions  is  his  numismatic  treatise,  "Vet- 
erum  numismatum  collatio  cum  his  que  modo  ex- 
pendtmtur".  etc.  (1594).  His  complete  works  have 
been  several  times  edited,  the  Antwerp  edition  (5 
vols.,  1762)  being  the  best.  Among  his  manuscripts 
have  been  found  notes  on  the  Council  of  Trent,  a 
treatise  on  punishments  (De  poenis)  and  an  historical 
tract,  "Catalogo  de  los  reyee  de  Espafia  y  de  otras 
cosas",  etc. 

Hurtzb,  Nomendator,  I,  38;  Antonio,  BM.  Hup.  nova 
(Madrid,  1783),  I.  276-79;  Schulti,  Geech.  d.  Quellen  u.  Lit. 
dee  eon.  Rechte  (1880),  III,  721. 

John  Webster  Melodt. 

Covenanters,  the  name  given  to  the  subscribers 
(practically  the  whole  Scottish  nation)  of  the  two 
Covenants,  the  National  Covenant  of  1638  and  the 
Solemn  League  and  Covenant  of  1643.  Though  the 
Covenants  as  national  bonds  ceased  with  the  conquest 
of  Scotland  by  Cromwell,  a  number  continued  to  up- 
hold them  right  through  the  period  following  the 
Restoration,  and  these  too  are  known  as  Covenanters. 
The  object  of  the  Covenants  was  to  band  the  whole  na- 
tion together  in  defence  of  its  religion  against  the  at- 
tempts of  the  king  to  impose  upon  it  an  episcopal  system 
of  church  government  and  a  new  and  less  anti-Roman 
liturgy.  The  struggle  that  ensued  was  a  struggle  for 
supremacy,  vis. :  as  to  who  should  have  the  last  word, 
the  King  or  the  Kirk,  in  deciding  the  religion  of  the 
country.  How  this  struggle  arose  must  first  be  briefly 
explained. 

The  causes  of  this  Protestant  conflict  between 
Church  and  State  must  be  Bought  in  the  circumstances 
of  the  Scottish  Reformation.  (For  a  summary  of  the 
history  of  the  Scottish  Reformation  down  to  1601  see 
ch.ii  of  Gardiner's  "History  of  England".)  Owingto 
the  fact  that  Scotland,  unlike  England,  had  accepted 
Protestantism,  not  at  the  dictates  of  her  rulers,  but  in 
opposition  to  them,  the  Reformation  was  not  merely 
an  ecclesiastical  revolution,  but  a  rebellion.  It  was, 
therefore,  perhaps  no  mere  chance  that  made  the  Scot- 
tish nation,  under  the  guidance  of  John  Knox  and  later 
of  Andrew  Melville,  adopt  that  form  of  Protestantism 
which  was,  in  its  doctrine,  farthest  removed  from 
Rome,  to  which  their  French  regents  adhered,  and 
which  in  its  theory  of  church  government  was  the 
most  democratic.  Presbyterianism  meant  the  sub- 
ordination of  the  State  to  the  Kirk,  as  Melville  plainly 
told  James  VI  at  Cupar  in  1596,  on  the  famous  occa- 


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jion  ■when  he  seized  his  sovereign  by  the  sleeve  and 
called  him  "  God's  silly  vassal".  In  the  Church,  king 
and  beggar  were  on  an  equal  footing  and  of  equal  im- 
portance; king  or  beggar  might  equally  and  without 
distinction  be  excommunicated,  and  be  submitted  to  a 
degrading  ceremonial  if  he  wished  to  be  released  from 
the  censure ;  in  this  system  the  preacher  was  supreme. 
The  civil  power  was  to  be  the  secular  arm,  the  instru- 
ment, of  the  Kirk,  and  was  required  to  inflict  the  pen- 
alties which  the  preachers  imposed  upon  such  as  con- 
temned the  censure- and  discipline  of  the  Church.  The 
Kirk,  therefore,  believing  that,  the  Presbyterian  sys- 
tem, with  its  preachers,  lay  elders,  and  deacons,  kirk 
sessions,  synods,  and  general  assemblies,  was  the  one, 
Divinely  appointed  means  to  salvation,  claimed  to  be 
absolute  and  supreme.  Such  a  theory  of  the  Divine 
right  of  Presbytery  was  not  likely  to  meet  with  the  ap- 
proval of  the  kings  of  the  Stuart  line  with  their  exag- 
gerated ideas  of  their  own  right  Divine  and  preroga- 
tive. Nor  could  a  Church  where  the  ministers  and 
elders  in  their  kirk  sessions  and  assemblies  judged, 
censured,  and  punished  all  offenders  high  or  low, 
'craftsman  or  nobleman,  be  pleasing  to  an  aristocracy 
that  looked  with  feudal  contempt  on  all  forms  of  la- 
bour. Both  noble  and  kingwere  therefore  anxious  to 
humble  the  ministers  and  deprive  them  of  some  of 
their  influence.  James  VI  was  soon  taught  the  spirit 
of  the  Presbyterian  clergy;  in  1692  he  was  compelled 
formally  to  sanction  the  establishment  of  Presbytery; 
he  was  threatened  with  rebellion  if  he  failed  to  rule  ac- 
cording to  the  Gospel  as  interpreted  by  the  ministers. 
If  bis  kingly  authority  was  to  endure,  James  saw  that 
he  must  seek  for  some  means  by  which  he  could  check 
•  their  excessive  claims.  He  first  tried  to  draw  together 
the  two  separate  representative  institutions  in  Scotland 
—the  Parliament,  representing  the  king  and  the  no- 
bility, and  the  General  Assembly,  representing  the 
Kirk  and  the  majority  of  the  nation — by  granting  to 
the  clergy  a  vote  in  Parliament.  Owing,  however,  to 
the  hostility  of  clergy  and  nobility,  the  scheme  fell 
through.  James  now  adopted  that  policy  which  was 
to  be  so  fruitful  of  disaster ;  he  determined  to  re-intro- 
duce episcopacy  in  Scotland  as  the  only  possible  means 
of  bringing  the  clergy  to  submit  to  his  own  authority. 
He  had  already  gone  some  way  towards  accomplishing 
his  object  when  his  accession  to  the  English  throne 
still  further  strengthened  his  resolve.  For  he  consid- 
ered the  assimilation  of  the  two  Churches  both  in  their 
form  of  government  and  m  doctrine  essential  to  the 
furtherance  of  his  great  design,  the  union  of  the  two 
kingdoms. 

By  1612  James  had  succeeded  in  carrying  out  the 
first  part  of  his  policy,  the  re-establishment  of  diocesan 
episcopacy.  Before  his  death  he  had  also  gone  a  long 
way  towards  effecting  changes  in  the  ritual  and  doc- 
trine of  Presbyterianism.  On  Black  Saturday,  4 
Aug.,  1621,  the  Five  Articles  of  Perth  were  ratified  by 
the  Estates.  Imposed  as  these  were  upon  an  unwill- 
ing nation  by  means  of  a  packed  Assembly  and  Parlia- 
ment, they  were  to  be  the  source  of  much  trouble  and 
bloodshed  in  Scotland.  Distrust  of  their  rulers,  hatred 
of  bishops,  and  hatred  of  all  ecclesiastical  changes  was 
the  legacy  bequeathed  by  James  to  his  son.  James 
had  sowed  the  wind  and  Charles  I  was  soon  to  reap  the 
whirlwind.  Charles'  very  first  action^  his  "matching 
himself  with  the  daughter  of  Heth",  l.  e.  France  (see 
Leighton,  "Sion's  Plea  against  Prelacy",  quoted  by 
Gardiner,  "Hist,  of  England,  ed.  1884.  VII,  146), 
aroused  suspicion  as  to  his  orthodoxy,  and  in  the  light 
of  that  suspicion  every  act  of  his  religious  policy  was 
interpreted,  wrongly  we  know,  as  some  subtle  means 
of  favouring  popery.  His  wisest  course  would  have 
been  to  annul  the  hated  Five  Articles  of  Perth,  which 
to  Scotchmen  were  but  so  many  injunctions  to  com- 
mit idolatry.  In  spite  of  concessions,  however,  he  lei 
it  be  known  that  the  Articles  were  to  remain  (Row, 
Historic  of  the  Kirk  of  Scotland,  p.  340;  Balfour,  An- 


nals, II,  142;  Privy  Council  Register,  N.  S.,  1, 91*413). 
Further,  he  took  the  unwise  step  of  increasing  the 
powers  of  the  bishops;  five  were  given  a  place  in  the 
Privy  Council;  and  Archbishop  Spottiswoode  was 
made  President  of  the  Exchequer  and  ordered  as  pri- 
mate to  take  precedence  of  every  other  subject.  This 
proceeding  not  merely  roused  the  indignation  of  Prot- 
estants, who  in  the  words  of  Row  considered  bishops 
"bellie-gods",  but  it  further  offended  the  aristocracy, 
who  felt  themselves  thus  slighted.  But  a  persecution 
of  the  Kirk  and  the  preachers  would  not  have  brought 
about  a  rebellion.  Charles  could  always  count  on  his 
subservient  bishops,  and  on  the  nobles  ever  willing  to 
humble  the  ministers.  But  he  now  took  a  step  which 
alienated  his  only  allies.  James  had  always  been  care- 
ful to  keep  the  nobles  on  his  side  by  lavish  grants  of 
the  old  church  lands.  By  the  Act  of  Revocation, 
which  passed  the  Privy  Seal,  12  October,  1625  (Privy 
Council  Register,  1, 193),  Charles  I  touched  the  pockets 
of  the  nobility,  raised  at  once  a  serious  opposition,  and 
led  the  barons  to  form  an  alliance  with  toe  Kirk  against 
the  common  enemy,  the  king.  It  was  a  fatal  step  and 
proved  "  the  ground-stone  of  all  the  mischief  that  fol- 
lowed after,  both  to  this  king's  government  and  fam- 
ily" (Balfour,  Annals,  II,  128).  Thus,  before  he  had 
set  foot  in  Scotland,  Charles  had  offended  every  class 
of  his  people.  His  visit  to  Scotland  made  matters 
worse;  Scotchmen  were  horrified  to  see  at  the  corona- 
tion service  such  "popish  rags"  as  "white  rochets  and 
white  sleeves  and  copes  of  gold  having  blue  silk  to  their 
foot"  worn  by  the  officiating  bishops,  which  "bred 
great  fear  of  inbringing  of  popery"  (Spalding,  Hist,  of 
the  Troubles  in  England  and  Scotland,  1624-45,  I, 
36).  Acts,  too,  were  passed  through  Parliament 
which  plainly  showed  the  king's  determination  to 
change  the  ecclesiastical  system  of  Scotland.  Scot- 
land was  therefore  ready  for  an  explosion. 

The  spark  was  the  New  Service  Book.  Both 
Charles  and  Laud  had  been  shocked  at  the  bare  walls 
and  pillars  of  the  churches,  all  clad  with  dust,  sweep- 
ings, and  cobwebs;  at  the  trafficking  that  went  on  In 
the  Scottish  churches:  at  the  lengthy  "conceived 
prayers"  often  spoken  by  ignorant  men  and  not  infre- 
quently as  seditious  as  the  sermons  (Balllie,  O.  S.  B., 
writing  in  1627,  cited  by  Wm.  Kintoch,  "Studies  in 
Scottish  Ecclesiastical  History'',  pp.  23,  24;  also, 
"Large  Declaration",  p.  16).  The  king  desired  to 
have  decency,  orderliness,  uniformity.  Hence  he  or- 
dered a  new  service  book,  prepared  by  himself  and 
Laud,  to  be  adopted  by  Scotland.  The  imposition  of 
the  New  Service  Book  was  a  piece  of  sheer -despotism 
on  the  part  of  the  king;  it  had  no  ecclesiastical  sanc- 
tion whatever,  for  the  General  Assembly,  and  even  the 
bishops  as  a  body,  had  not  been  consulted;  neither 
had  it  any  lay  authority,  for  it  had  not  the  approval  of 
Parliament ;  it  went  counter  to  all  the  religious  feeling 
of  the  majority  of  the  Scottish  people;  it  offended 
their  national  sentiment,  for  it  was  English.  Row 
summed  up  the  objections  to  it  by  calling  it  a  "  Pop- 
ish-English-ScoUiah-Majs-Service-Book"  (op.  cit.,  p. 
398).  There  could,  therefore,  be  very  little  doubt  as 
to  how  Scotland  would  receive  the  new  liturgy.  The 
famous  riot  in  St.  Giles',  Edinburgh,  23  July,  1637 
(account  of  it  in  the  King's  "  Large  Declaration"  and 
Gordon's  "Hist,  of  Scots  Affairs",  I,  7),  when  at  the 
solemn  inauguration  of  the  new  service  somebody, 
probably  some  woman,  threw  the  stool  at  the  dean's 
head,  was  but  an  indication  of  the  general  feeling  of 
the  country.  From  all  classes  and  ranks  and  from 
every  part  of  the  country  except  the  north-east,  the 
petitions  came  pouring  into  the  Council  for  the  with- 
drawal of  the  liturgy.  Every  attempt  to  enforce  the 
prayer  book  led  to  a  riot.  In  a  word,  the  resistance 
was  general.  The  Council  was  powerless.  It  was 
suggested  therefore,  that  each  of  the  four  orders — 
nobles,  lairds,  burghers,  and  ministers — should  choose 
four  commissioners  to  represent  them  and  transact 


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business  with  the  Council,  and  that  then  the  crowd  of 
petitioners  should  return  to  their  homes.  Accord- 
ingly four  committees  or  "Tables"  (Row,  pp.  486,  6) 
were  ohosen,  the  petitioners  dispersed,  and  the  riots  in 
Edinburgh  ceased.  But  this  arrangement  also  gave 
the  opposition  the  one  thing  necessary  for  a  successful 
action,  a  government.  The  sixteen  could,  if  only 
united,  direct  the  mobs  effectively.  The  effect  of  hav- 
ing a  guiding  hand  was  at  once  seen.  The  demands  of 
the  supplicants  became  more  definite  and  peremptory 
and  on  21  December  the  Tables  presented  the  Council 
a  collective  "Supplication"  which  not  only  demanded 
the  recall  of  the  liturgy,  but,  further,  the  removal  of 
the  bishops  from  the  Council  on  the  ground  that,  as 
they  were  parties  in  the  case,  they  should  not  be 
judges  (Balfour,  Annals,  II,  244-5;  Rothes,  Relation, 
etc.,  pp.  26  sqq.,  gives  an  account  of  the  formation  of 
the  "Tables").  The  supplicants,  in  other  words, 
looked  upon  the  quarrel  between  king  and  subjects  as 
a  lawsuit. 

Charles'  answer  to  the  "Supplication"  was  read  at 
Sterling  on  19  February,  1638.  He  defended  the 
prayer  book  and  declared  all  protesting  meetings  il- 
legal and  treasonable.  A  counter  proclamation  had 
been  deliberately  prepared  by  the  supplicants  and  no 
sooner  had  the  kmg  8  answer  been  read  than  Lords 
Home  and  Lindsay,  in  the  name  of  the  four  orders, 
lodged  a  formal  protestation.  The  same  form  was 
gone  through  in  Linlithgow  and  Edinburgh.  By  these 
formal  protestations  the  petitioners  were  virtually  set- 
ting up  a  government  against  a  government,  and  as 
there  was  no  middle  party  to  appeal  to,  it  became  nec- 
essary to  prove  to  the  king  that  the  supplicants,  and 
not  he,  had  the  nation  behind  them.  The  means  was 
ready  to  hand.  The  nobility  and  gentry  of  Scotland 
had  been  in  the  habit  of  entering  into  "bands"  for 
mutual  protection.  Archibald  Johnston  of  Warris- 
toun  is  said  to  have  suggested  that  such  a  band  or 
covenant  should  no  w  be  adopted,  but  not  as  heretofore 
by  nobles  and  lairds  only,  but  by  the  whole  Scottish 
people;  it  was  to  be  a  national  covenant,  taking  as  its 
basis  the  Negative  Confession  of  Faith  which  had  been 
drawn  up  by  order  of  James  VI  in  1581.  The  great 
document  was  composed.  After  reciting  the  reason 
of  the  band,  that  the  innovations  and. evils  contained 
in  the  supplications  have  no  warrant  in  the  word  of 
God,  they  promise  and  swear  "to  continue  in  the  pro- 
fession and  obedience  of  the  aforesaid  religion,  that 
we  shall  defend  the  same  and  resist  all  those  contrary 
errors  and  corruptions,  according  to  our  vocation,  and 
to.  the  uttermost  of  that  power  that  God  hath  put  in 
our  hands  all  the  days  of  our  life".  Yet,  whilst  utter- 
ing oaths  that  seem  scarcely  compatible  with  loyalty 
to  the  king,  they  likewise  promised  and  swore  "that 
we  shall,  to  the  uttermost  of  our  power  with  our 
means  and  lives,  stand  to  the  defence  of  our  dread 
sovereign,  his  person  and  authority,  in  the  defence  of 
the  foresaid  true  religion,  liberties  and  laws  of  the 
kingdom ' '  (Large  Declaration,  p.  57),  and  they  further 
swore  to  mutuaTdefenoe  and  assistance.  In  these  pro- 
fessions of  loyalty  the  Covenanters,  for  so  we  must 
now  call  the  supplicants,  were  probably  sincere;  dur- 
ing the  whole  course  of  the  struggle  the  great  majority 
never  wished  to  touch  the  throne,  they  only  wished  to 
carry  out  their  own  idea  of  the  strictly  limited  nature 
of  the  king's  authority.  Charles  was  to  be  king  and 
they  would  obey,  if  he  did  as  they  commanded. 

The  success  of  the  Covenant  was  great  and  imme- 
diate. It  was  completed  on  28  February  and  carried 
for  signature  to  Greyfriars  church.  Tradition  tells 
how  the  parchment  was  unrolled  on  a  tombstone  in 
the  churchyard  and  how  the  people  came  in  crowds 
weeping  with  emotion  to  sign  the  band.  This  strange 
scene  was  soon  witnessed  in  almost  every  parish  of 
Scotland;  if  we  except  the  Highlands  and  the  North- 
East.  Several  copies  of  the  Covenant  were  distributed 
for  signature.   "Gentlemen  and  noblemen  carried  ; 


copies  of  it  in  portmantles  and  poekats  requiring  sub- 
scriptions thereunto,  and  using  their  utmost  endeav- 
ours with  their  friends  in  private  for  to  subscribe." 
"  And  such  was  the  seal  of  many  subscribers,  that  for 
a  while  many  subscribed  with  tears  on  their  cheeks"; 
and  it  is  even  said  "  that  some  did  draw  their  blood, 
and  used  it  in  place  of  ink  to  underwrite  their  name 
(Gordon,  Scots  Affairs,  I,  46).  Not  all,  however,  were 
willing  subscribers  to  the  Covenant.  For  many  per- 
suasion was  sufficient  to  make  them  join  the  cause; 
others  required  rougher  treatment.  All  those  who  re- 
fused to  sign  were  not  merely  looked  upon  as  ungodly, 
but  as  traitors  to  their  country,  as  ready  to  help  the 
foreign  invader.  And  "as  the  greater  that  the  num- 
ber of  subscriber!  ts  grew,  the  more  imperious  they  were 
in  exacting  subscriptions  from  others  who  refused  to 
subscribe,  so  that  by  degrees  they  proceeded  to  con- 
tumelies and  reproaches,  and  some  were  -threatened 
and  beaten  who  durst  refuse,  especially  in  the  greatest 
cities"  (ibid.,  p.  46).  No  blood,  however,  was  shed 
till  the  outbreak  of  the  war.  Ministers  who  had  re- 
fused to  sign  were  silenced,  ill-treated,  and  driven  from 
their  homes.  Toleration  and  freedom  of  conscience 
was  hated  by  both  parties  and  by  none  more  fanati- 
cally than  by  the  Scottish  Presbyterians.  Scotland 
was  in  truth  a  covenanted  nation.  A  few  great  land- 
owners, a  few  of  the  clergy,  especially  the  Doctors  of 
Aberdeen  who  feared  that  their  quiet  studies  and  intel- 
lectual freedom  would  be  overwhelmed,  stood  aloof 
from  the  movement.  Many,  no  doubt,  signed  in  igno- 
rance of  what  they  were  doing,  some  because  they 
were  frightened,  but  more  still  because  they  were 
swayed  by  an  overpowering  excitement  and  frensy. 
Neither  side  could  now  retreat,  but  Charles  was  not 
ready  for  war.  So  to  gain  time  he  made  a  show  of 
concession  and  promised  a  General  Assembly.  The 
Assembly  met  at  Glasgow  21  Nov.,  and  at  once  brought 
matters  to  a  head.  U  attacked  the  bishops  accusing 
them  of  all  manner  of  crimes ;  in  conaequenoe  Hamil- 
ton, as  commissioner,  dissolved  it.  Nothing  daunted, 
the  Assembly  then  resolved  that  it  was  entailed  to  re- 
main in  session  and  competent  to  judge  the  bishops, 
and  it  proceeded  to  pull  down  the  whole  ecclesiastical 
edifice  built  up  by  James  and  Charles.  The  Service 
Book,  Book  of  Canons,  the  Articles  of  Perth  were 
s*ept  away;  episcopacy  was  declared  forever  abol- 
ished and  all  assemblies  held  under  episcopal  jurisdic- 
tion were  null  and  void ;  the  bishops  were  all  ejected 
and  some  excommunicated;  Presbyterian  government 
was  again  established. 

War  was  now  inevitable.  In  spite  of  their  protesta- 
tions of  loyalty  the  Covenanters  had  practically  set  up 
a  theory  in  opposition  to  the  monarchy.  The  ques- 
tion at  issue,  as  Charles  pointed  out  in  his  proclama- 
tion, was  whether  he  was  to  be  king  or  not.  Was  he 
supreme  head  of  the  Church  or  was  he  not?  Tolera- 
tion was  the  only  basis  of  compromise  possible;  but 
toleration  was  deemed  a  heresy  by  both  parties,  and 
hence  there  was  no  other  course  but  to  fight  it  out. 
In  two  short  wars,  known  as  the  Bishops' Wan,  the 
Covenanters  in  arms  brought  the  king  to  his  knees, 
and  for  the  next  ten  years  Charles  was  only  nominally 
sovereign  of  Scotland.  A  united  nation  could  not  be 
made  to  change  its  religion  at  the  command  of  a  king. 
The  triumph  of  the  Covenants,  however,  was  destined 
to  be  Short-lived.  The  outbreak  of  the  Civil  War  in 
England  was  soon  to  split  the  Covenanting  party  in 
twain.  Men  were  to  be  divided  between  their  alle- 
giance to  monarchy  and  their  allegiance  to  the  Cove- 
nant. Scotchmen  in  spite  of  their  past  actions  still 
firmly  adhered  to  the  monarchical  form  of  government, 
and  there  cannot  be  much  doubt  that  they  would 
much  rather  have  acted  as  mediators  between  the  king 
and  his  Parliament  than  have  interfered  actively. 
But  the  royalist  successes  of  1643  alarmed  them. 
Pre8byterianism  would  not  endure  long  in  Scotland 
if  Charles  won.   For  this  reason  the  majority  of  the 


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nation  sided  with  the  Parliament,  but  it  was  with 
reluctance  that  the  Covenanters  agreed  to  give  the 
English  brotherly  assistance.  This  assistance  they 
were  determined  to  give  only  on  one  condition,  name- 
ly, that  England  should  reform  its  religion  according 
to  the  Scottish  pattern.  To  this  end  England  and 
Scotland  entered  into  the  Solemn  League  and  Cov- 
enant (17  Aug.,  1643).  It  would  have  been  well  for 
Scotland  if  she  had  never  entered  the  League  to  en- 
force her  own  church  system  upon  England.  If  she 
had  been  satisfied  with  a  simple  alliance  and  assist- 
ance, all  would  have  been  well.  But  by  materially 
helping  the  English  Parliament  to  win  at  Mare  ton 
Moor  she  had  helped  to  place  the  decision  of  affairs  of 
state  in  the  hands  of  the  army,  which  was  predomi- 
nantly Independent  and  hated  presbyters  as  much  as 
bishops.  If  the  Scotch  had  recrossed  the  Tweed  in 
1646  and  left  the  Parliament  and  the  army  to  fight 
out  for  themselves  the  question  of  ecclesiastical  gov- 
ernment, England  would  not  have  interfered  with 
their  religion;  but  the  Covenanters  thought  it  their 
duty  to  extirpate  idolatry  and  Baal-worship  and  estab- 
lish the  true  religion  in  England,  and  so  came  in  con- 
flict with  those  who  wielded  the  sword.  The  result 
was  that  England  not  only  did  not  become  Presby- 
terian, but  Scotland  herself  became  a  conquered 
country.  In  military  matters  the  Covenanters  were 
successful  in  England,  but  in  their  own  country  they 
were  sorely  tried  for  a  year  (1644)  by  the  brilliant 
career  of  Montrose  (an  account  of  the  year  of  Montrose 
is  given  in  A.  Lang,  Hist,  of  Scot.,  Ill,  v).  On  ac- 
count of  the  nature  of  the  troops  engaged,  the  encoun- 
ters were  fought  with  a  vindictive  ferocity  unknown 
in  the  English  part  of  the  Civil  War.  Not  merely  was 
the  number  of  slain  very  great,  but  both  sides  slaked 
their  thirst  for  vengeance  in  plunder,  murder,  and 
wholesale  massacres.  In  this  respect  the  Covenanters 
must  bear  the  greater  share  of  blame.  The  Catholic 
Celts  whom  Montrose  led  undoubtedly  committed 
outrages,  especially  against  their  personal  enemies  the 
Campbells,  during  the  winter  campaign  of  Inverlochy 
(Patrick  Gordon,  Britane's  Distemper,  pp.  95  sqq.), 
but  restrained  by  Montrose  they  never  ^perpetrated 
such  perfidy  as  the  Covenanters  after  Pniliphaugh, 
and  the  slaughter  of  three  hundred  women,  "married 
wives  of  the  Irish".  Montrose's  success  and  the  fact 
that  he  was  a  leader  of  Scoto-Irish  lashed  the  hatred 
of  the  preachers  into  fury.  They  raved  for  the  blood 
of  the  Malignants.  The  preachers,  with  a  fanaticism 
revoltingly  blasphemous  and  as  ferocious  as  that  of 
Islam,  believed  that  more  blood  must  be  shed  to 
propitiate  the  Deity  (Balfour,  Annals,  III,  311). 

The  victory  of  Pniliphaugh  (13  Sept.,  1645)  removed 
the  immediate  danger  to  the  Covenanters  and  likewise 
extinguished  the  last  glimmer  of  hope  for  the  Royalist 
cause,  which  had  suffered  irreparable  defeat  a  few  weeks 
earlier  at  Naseby.  But  the  very  triumph  of  the  Parlia- 
mentary forces  in  England  was  fatal  to  the  cause  of  the 
Solemn  League  and  Covenant.  The  victory  had  been 
gained  by  the  army  which  was  not  Presbyterian  but 
Independent,  and  capable  now  of  resisting  the  inflic- 
tion of  an  intolerant  and  tyrannical  church  government 
upon  itself  and  upon  England.  When,  therefore,  the 
Scottish  army  recrossed  the  Tweed,  February,  1647,  it 
was  with  its  main  purpose  unfulfilled.  England  had 
not  been  thoroughly  reformed ;  heresy,  especially  in  the 
army,  was  still  rampant.  The  Solemn  League  and 
Covenant  had  been  a  failure,  and  the  Scots  had  fought 
in  vain.  Worse  than  this,  the  Covenanters  themselves 
were  divided.  The  success  of  the  Covenant  had  been 
due  to  the  alliance  between  the  Kirk  and  the  nobility. 
The  latter  had  joined  the  cause  from  jealousy  of  the  au- 
thority of  the  bishops  and  from  fear  of  the  loss  of  then- 
estates  by  the  Act  of  Revocation.  But  now,  bishops 
there  were  none,  and  the  nobility  were  still  in  pos- 
session of  their  estates.  Since  the  causes  for  further 
co-operation  were  thus  wanting,  the  feudal  instincts  of 


the  nobility,  love  of  monarchical  government,  eon- 
tempt  for  the  lower  orders  to  which  the  majority  of  the 
Kirk  belonged,  naturally  reasserted  themselves.  To 
this  must  Be  added  their  intense  jealousy  of  Argyll, 
who  owed  his  influence  to  the  support  he  gave  the  Kirk. 
A  Royalist  party  began  thus  to  be  formed  among  the 
Covenanters.  The  cleavage  in  their  ranks  was  shown 
in  the  dispute  over  the  question  of  the  surrender  of 
Charles  I  to  the  Parliament  (1646).  Hamilton  had 
pressed  the  Estates  to  give  the  king  honour  and  shelter 
m  Scotland,  but  Argyll,  backed  by  the  preachers,  op- 
posed him.  There  must  be  no  un covenanted  king  m 
Scotland.  The  breach  was  widened  when  Charles  fell 
into  the  hands  of  the  heretical  army.  To  many  it  now 
seemed  best  to  support  the  king,  for  if  the  army  should 
prove  successful  Presbyterianism  would  be  lost.  Ac- 
cordingly Scottish  commissioners,  Loudoun,  Lanark, 
and  Lauderdale  visited  Charles  at  Carisbrooke  ana 
signed  the  hopeless  and  foolish  "Engagement"  (27 
Dec.,  1647).  In  Scotland  the  Engagers  had  a  large 
following,  and  a  majority  in  the  Estates.  In  the  Par- 
liament the  Hamiltonian  party  could  carry  all  before 
it  and  was  ready  to  take  immediate  action  for  the  king. 
But  the  Kirk,  with  Argyll  and  some  ten  nobles,  re- 
mained immovably  on  the  other  side.  They  would  not 
defile  themselves  by  making  common  cause  with  the 
unco  vena  n  ted.  The  preachers  cursed  and  thundered 
against  the  Engagers  and  the  levies  that  were  being 
raised  for  an  invasion  of  England.  Scotland  thus  di- 
vided against  itself  had  not  much  chance  against  the 
veterans  of  Cromwell  and  Lambert.  After  Preston, 
Wigan,  and  Warrington  (17-19  Aug^,  1648)  the  Scot- 
tish Royalist  forces  were  no  more.  The  destruction  of 
Hamilton's  force  was  a  triumph  for  the  Kirk  and  the 
anti-Engagers.  But  an  event  now  occurred  that  once 
more  divided  the  nation.  On  30  January,  1649, 
Charles  I  was  executed.  Scotchmen  of  whatever  party 
looked  upon  the  deed  as  a  crime  and  as  a  national  in- 
sult. The  day  after  the  news  reached  Scotland,  they 
proclaimed  Charles  II  King,  not  only  of  Scotland,  but  of 
England  and  Ireland.  The  acceptance  of  Charles  II, 
however,  had  been  saddled  with  the  condition  that  he 
should  pledge  himself  to  the  two  Covenants.  After 
some  hesitation  and  after  the  failure  of  all  his  hopes  to 
use  Ireland  as  a  basis  of  an  invasion  of  England 
Charles  II  swore  to  the  Covenants,  11  June,  1650. 

To  the  more  extreme  portion  of  the  Covenanters 
this  agreement  with  the  kmg  seemed  hypocrisy,  an  in- 
sult to  Heaven.  They  knew  that  he  was  no  true  con- 
vert to  the  Covenants,  that  he  had  no  intention  of 
keeping  them,  that  he  had  perjured  himself,  and  they 
refused  to  have  dealings  with  the  king.  Argyll  with 
the  more  moderate  wing,  still  anxious  to  avoid  a  defi- 
nite rupture  with  the  extremists,  had  perforce  to  make 
concessions  to  these  feelings;  he  made  the  unfortunate 
prince  walk  through  the  very  depths  of  humiliation 
(Peterkin,  Records,  p.  599).  This  split  was  to  prove 
fatal.  Only  a  united  Scotland  could  have  defeated 
Cromwell.  Instead,  to  propitiate  the  Deity,  Charles 
was  kept  apart  from  the  army,  and  while  every  avail- 
able man  was  wanted  to  meet  the  soldiers  of  Cromwell, 
the  fanatics  were  "purging"  the  army  of  all  Royalists 
and  Malignants  (op.  cit.,  p.  623).  To  allow  them  to 
fight  would  be  to  court  disaster.  How  could  Jehovah 
give  victory  to  the  children  of  Israel,  if  they  fought  side 
by  side  with  the  idolatrous  Amalekites?  The  purgings 
of  the  army  went  merrily  on  daily,  and  the  preachers 
promised  in  God's  name  a  victory  over  the  erroneous 
and  blasphemous  sectaries.  Like  the  Scots  Cromwell 
also  looked  upon  war  as  an  appeal  to  the  god  of  bat- 
tles, and  the  judgment  was  delivered  at  Dunbar,  3 
Sept.,  1650.  Surely  it's  probable  the  Kirk  has  done 
their  do.  I  believe  their  kmg  will  set  up  upon  his  own 
score  now."  This  was  Cromwell's  comment  upon  his 
victory  and  he  was  right.  The  rout  of  Dunbar  de- 
stroyed the  ascendancy  of  the  Covenanters.  The 
preachers  had  promised  victory,  but  Jehovah  had  sent 


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them  defeat.  The  extremists,  under  such  leaders  as 
Johnston  of  Warristoun,  James  Guthrie,  and  Patrick 
Gillespie,  attributing  their  defeat  to  the  unholy  alli- 
ance with  the  Malignants  grew  in  vehemence  and  pre- 
sented to  the  Committee  of  Estates  (30  Oct.,  1650)  a 
"Remonstrance"  arraigning  the  whole  policy  of  Ar- 

Sil's  government  and  refusing  to  accept  Charles  as 
eir  kmc  "till  he  should  give  satisfactory  evidence  of 
his  real  change"  (ibid.).  Seeing  his  power  gone  with 
the  "Remonstrants"  or  "Protesters  ,  Argyll  deter- 
mined definitely  to  go  over  to  the  king ;  Malignant  and 
Covenanter  had  joined  hands.  In  answer  to  the  Re- 
monstrance the  Committee  of  Estates  passed,  25  No- 
vember, a  resolution  condemning  it  and  resolved  to 
crown  Charles  at  Scone.  On  1  January,  1651  the  coro- 
nation took  place.  Cromwell's  answer  was  the  battle 
of  Worcester,  3  September,  1651.  For  nine  years 
Scotland  was  a  conquered  country  kept  under  by  the 
mUitarysaints.  It  was  a  sad  time  for  the  Presbyter- 
ians. The  English  soldiers  allowed  all  Protestants,  as 
long  as  they  did  not  disturb  the  peace,  to  worship  in 
then-  own  way.  In  October,  1651,  Monk  forbade  the 
preachers  to  impose  oaths  and  covenants  on  the  lieges, 
and  prohibited  the  civil  magistrates  from  molesting 
excommunicated  persons,  or  seizing  their  goods,  or 
boycotting  them.  Lest  the  Remonstrants  and  Revolu- 
tioners,  who  all  the  while  with  ever  increasing  bitter- 
ness quarrelled  as  to  which  was  the  true  inheritor  of 
the  Covenants,  should  cause  trouble  to  the  common- 
wealth, the  General  Assembly  was  broken  up  (July, 
1653),  and  all  such  assemblies  forbidden  for  the  future 
(Kirkton,  Secret  and  True  History  of  the  Church  of 
Scotland,  p.  54). 

Dunbar,  Worcester,  and  the  Cromwellian  domi- 
nation destroyed  the  ascendancy  of  the  Covenanters. 
But  not  on  that  account  did  the  extreme  wing,  the 
Remonstrants,  abate  a  jot  of  their  pretensions;  they 
still  believed  in  the  eternally  binding  force  of  the  two 
Covenants.  On  the  other  hand  neither  had  the  king 
fully  learnt  the  lesson  from  his  father's  fate.  Like 
him  he  considered  it  his  right  to  force  his  ecclesiastical 
viewfc  upon  his  people.  Episcopacy  was  restored,  but 
without  the  prayer  book,  and  the  meetings  of  synods 
were  forbidden.  Partly  because  he  had  the  support  of 
the  nobility  and  gentry,  partly  because  even  many 
Presbyterians  had  weaned  of  the  strife,  and  partly  be- 
cause of  his  dishonesty  Charles  succeeded  in  gaining 
his  ends,  but  at  the  cost  of  straining  to  the  utmost  his 
relations  with  his  subjects.  It  only  required  the  at- 
tempt of  James  II  to  introduce  hated  Catholicism  into 
the  country  to  sweep  the  Stuarts  forever  from  the 
throne  of  Scotland.  The  history  of  the  Covenanters 
from  the  Restoration  to  the  Revolution  is  the  history 
of  a  fierce  persecution  varied  with  occasional  milder 
treatment  to  win  the  weaker  members  to  the  moderate 
side.  As  the  Covenanters  would  no  longer  meet  in  the 
churches  they  now  began  to  meet  in  their  own  homes 
and  have  private  conventicles.  Against  these  pro- 
ceedings, an  Act  was  passed  (1663)  declaring  preaching 
by  "ousted"  ministers  seditious,  and  it  was  rigor- 
ously enforced  by  quartering  soldiers  under  Sir  James 
Turner  in  the  houses  of  recusants.  (For  Turner's 
methods  see  Lauderdale  Papers,  II,  82.)  Driven 
from  their  homes  the  Covenanters  took  to  holding 
their  gatherings  in  the  open  air,  in  distant  glens,  known 
as  field-meetings  or  conventicles.  The  Pentland  Ris- 
ing (1666)  was  the  result  of  these  measures  and  proved 
to  the  Government  that  its  severities  had  been  unsuc- 
cessful. On  the  advice  of  Lauderdale  Charles  issued 
Letters  of  Indulgence,  June,  1669,  and  again  in  Au- 
gust, 1672,  allowing  such  "ousted"  ministers  as  had 
Bved  peaceably  and  orderly  to  return  to  their  livings 
(Wodrow,  Hist,  of  the  Sufferings,  etc.,  II,  130).  These 
indulgences  were  disastrous  to  the  Conventiclers,  for 
many  of  the  ministers  yielded  and  conformed.  Stung 
by  the  secessions  the  remnant  became  more  irreconcil- 
able; their  sermons  were  simply  political  party  ora- 


tions denunciatory  of  king  and  bishops.  They  were 
especially  wroth  against  the  indulged  ministers;  they 
broke  into  their  houses,  bullied  and  tortured  them  to 
force  them  to  swear  that  they  would  cease  from  their 
ministrations.  These  Lauderdale  determined  to  crush 
by  a  persecution  of  the  utmost  severity.  Soldiers 
were  quartered  in  the  disaffected  districts  (the  West  and 
South- West),  ministers  were  imprisoned,  and  finally, 
as  conventicles  still  increased,  a  band  of  half-savage 
Highlanders,  "The  Highland  Host"  (Lauderdale  Pa- 
pers, III,  93  saq.) ,  was  let  loose  on  the  wretched  inhab- 
itants of  the  Western  Lowlands,  where  they  marauded 
and  plundered  at  will. 

The  Covenanters  now  became  reckless  and  wild,  for 
again  torn  asunder  by  the  "cess"  controversy  (a  dis- 
pute arose  as  to  whether  it  was  lawful  to  pay  the  tax 
or  "  cess ' '  raised  for  an  unlawful  object,  the  carrying  on 
of  a  Government  persecuting  the  true  Kirk)  they  were 
but  a  remnant  of  the  once  powerful  Kirk,  and  every 
year  became  less  capable  of  effectual  resistance.  They 
patrolled  the  country  in  arms  protecting  conventicles; 
and  their  leaders,  Welsh,  Cameron,  and  others,  went 
about  as  "soldiers  of  Christ",  organizing  rebellion, 
even  murdering  the  soldiers  of  Claverhouse,  who  was 
engaged  in  dispersing  the  conventicles.  The  murder 
of  Archbishop  Sharpe  (2  May,  1679),  regarded  by 
them  as  a  glorious  action  and  inspired  by  the  spirit  of 
God,  was  the  signal  for  a  general  rising  in  the  Western 
Lowlands.  At  Rutherglen  they  publicly  burnt  the 
Acts  of  the  Government  which  had  overthrown  the 
Covenants,  and  at  Loudoun  Hill,  or  Drumclog,  de- 
feated the  troops  under  Claverhouse.  It  was  there- 
fore deemed  necessary  to  send  a  strong  force  under 
Monmouth  to  suppress  the  rebellion.  At  Bothwell 
Bridge  (22  June,  1679)  the  insurgents  were  utterly  de- 
feated. There  followed  a  third  Act  of  Indulgence 
which  again  cut  deep  into  the  ranks  of  the  Covenant- 
ers. But  in  spite  of  persecution  and  secessions  a  mi- 
nority continued  faithful  to  the  Covenant  and  the  fun- 
damental principles  of  Presbyterianism.  Under  the 
leadership  of  Richard  Cameron  and  Donald  Cargill,  and 
styling  themselves  the  "Society  People",  they  con- 
tinuedto  defy  the  royal  authority.  At  Sanquhar  they 
published  a  declaration,  22  June,  1680  (Wodrow,  III, 
213)  disowning  the  king  on  the  ground  of  "his  perjury 
and  breach  of  covenant  to  God  and  his  Kirk".  At  a 
conventicle  held  at  Torwood  (1680)  Cargill  solemnly 
excommunicated  the  king,  the  Duke  of  York,  Mon- 
mouth, and  others  (ibid.,  Ill,  219).  These  proceed- 
ings served  no  further  purpose  than  to  embitter  par- 
ties and  make  the  Government  all  the  more  determined 
to  extirpate  the  sect.  But  what  roused  the  Govern- 
ment more  than  anything  else  was  the  "  Apologetical 
Declaration"  (ibid.,  IV.  148)  of  October,  1684,  in- 

ejired  by  Renwick  who  had  taken  up  the  standard  of 
ameron.  The  document  threatened  that  anyone 
connected  with  the  Government,  if  caught,  would  be 
judged  and  punished  according  to  his  offences.  These 
threats  were  carried  out  by  the  Cameronians  or  Ren- 
wickites;  they  attacked  and  slew  dragoons,  and  pun- 
ished such  of  the  conformist  ministers  as  they  could 
get  hold  of.  It  was  at  this  period  that  the  "killing 
time"  properly  began.  Courts  of  justice  were  dis- 
pensed with  and  officers  having  commissions  from  the 
Council  were  empowered  to  execute  anyone  who  refused 
to  take  the  oath  of  abjuration  of  the  Declaration. 
With  the  accession  of  James  H  to  the  English  throne 
the  persecution  waxed  fiercer.  An  Act  was  passed 
which  made  attendance  at  field-conventicles  a  capital 
offence.  Claverhouse  carried  out  his  instructions 
faithfully,  many  were  summarily  executed,  while 
many  more  were  shipped  off  to  the  American  planta- 
tions. The  last  victim  for  the  Covenant  was  James 
Renwick  (Jan.,  1688).  His  followers  kept  to  their 
principles  and  even  at  the  Revolution  they  refused  to 
accept  an  un covenanted  king;  one  last  brief  day  of 
triumph  and  of  vengeance  they  had,  when  they  "rab- 


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bled"  the  conformist  curates.  The  day  of  the  Gove* 
nants  had  long  since  passed.  How  much  the  ancient 
spirit  of  Presbyterianiflm  was  broken  was  clearly  seen 
by  tiie  subservient  letter  in  which  James  was  thanked 
for  the  Indulgence  of  1687,  for  allowing  all  "to serve 
God  after  their  own  way  and  manner"  (Wodrow,  IV, 
428,  note).  The  majority  had  learned  to  submit  to 
compromise,  and  thus  at  the  Revolution  the  Scottish 
nation  forgot  the  Covenants  and  was  allowed  to  retain 
Presbytenanism.  The  strife  of  a  century  between 
Kirk  and  State  had  come  to  an  end.  Both  sides  in  the 
struggle  had  in  fact  lost  and  won.  The  king  had  been 
defeated  in  his  attempt  to  dictate  the  religion  of  his 
subjects;  Presbyterianiam  became  the  established  re- 
ligion. But  it  had  been  equally  proved  that  the  sub- 
jection of  the  State  to  the  Church,  the  supremacy, 
political  as  well  as  ecclesiastical,  of  the  Kirk,  was  an 
impossibility.    In  this  the  Covenants  had  failed. 

La.no,  A  History  of  Scotland  (Edinburgh  and  London,  1904), 
vol.  Ill;  Hums  Bbown,  History  of  Scotland  (Cambridge,  1005), 
vol.  II;  Bustoh,  History  of  Scotland  (Edinburgh  and  London, 
1870),  vol*.  VI  and  VII:  Mathiebon,  Politics  and  Religion  in 
Scotland  (Glasgow,  1902);  Stephen,  History  of  Scottish  Church 
(Edinburgh,  1894-96).— Contemporary  authorities:  Row,  His- 
tory of  As  Kirk  of  Scotland  (1658-1637)  (Wodrow  Society, 
1841);  BiuoDS,  Annals  of  Scotland  (to  1652)  (Edinburgh. 
1824);  Baillie,  Letters  and  Journals  (1637-1662)  (Bannatyne 
Club,  Edinburgh,  1841-42);  Spaxdimg,  History  of  the  Troubles 
in  England  and  Scotland  (1624-45)  (Bannatyne  Club,  Edin- 
burgh, 1828-29;  Gordon,  History  of  Scots  Affairs  from  1637 
to  leil  (Spalding  Club,  Aberdeen,  1841);  Peterkin,  Records 
of  the  Kirk  of  Scotland  (from  1638)  (Edinburgh,  1837):  Wod- 
bow,  The  History  of  the  Sufferings  of  the  Church  of  Scotland 
from  the  Restoration  to  the  Revolution  (Glasgow,  1830);  Kirk- 
ton,  The  Secret  and  True  History  of  the  Church  of  Scotland 
(Edinburgh,  1817);  Lauderdale  Papers  (1630-79)  (Camden 
Society,  London,  1884-85). 

Noel  J.  Campbell. 

Oovetousness,  generally,  an  unreasonable  desire 
for  what  we  do  not  possess.  In  this  sense,  it  differs 
from  concupiscence  only  in  the  implied  notion  of  non- 
possession,  and  thus  may  cover  all  things  which  are 
sought  after  inordinately.  Classified  under  this  gen- 
eral head,  we  may  have  covetousness  of  honours,  or 
pride;  of  the  flesh,  or  concupiscence  properly  so  called; 
of  riches,  or  covetousness  proper  (Lat.  avaritxd),  or  ava- 
rice. When  covetousness  of  the  flesh  or  of  wealth  has 
for  its  object  that  which  is  already  the  lawful  posses- 
sion of  another,  ft  falls  under  the  ban  of  the  Ninth  or 
Tenth  Commandment  of  God;  and  such  desires,  wil- 
fully indulged,  partake,  as  we  are  told  by  the  Lord 
(Matt.,  v),  in  their  malice,  of  the  nature  of  the  external 
acts  themselves.  For  he  who  deliberately  desires  the 
possession  of  another  man's  lawful  wife  or  goods  has 
already  in  his  heart  committed  the  sin  of  adultery  or 
theft.  In  its  specific  meaning,  covetousness  looks  to 
riches  in  themselves,  whether  of  money  or  of  property, 
whether  possessed  or  not,  and  pertains  less  to  their 
acquisition  than  to  their  possession  or  accumulation. 
Thus  defined,  it  is  numbered  among  the  sins  which  are 
called  capital,  because  it  is,  as  St.  Paul  says  (Tim., 
vi),  a  radix  omnium  peccatorum. 

The  capital  sin  of  covetousness  is  in  reality  rather 
a  vice  or  inclination  to  sin,  which  is  sinful  only  in 
that  it  proceeds  from  the  unholy  condition  of  origi- 
nal sin  in  which  we  are  born,  and  because  it  leads 
us  into  sin.  And  so  far  is  the  desire — natural  in  us 
alt— to  acquire  and  hold  possessions  from  being  re- 
proved as  offensive  by  God,  that,  if  kept  within  the 
bounds  of  reason  and  justice  ana  resisted  triumph- 
antly in  its  inordinate  cravings,  it  is  positively  meri- 
torious. Even  when  indulged,  covetousness  is  not 
a  grievous  sin,  except  in  certain  conditions  which  in- 
volve offence  of  God  or  the  neighbour,  e.  g.  when  one  is 
prepared  to  employ,  or  does  actually  employ,  illicit  or 
unjust  means  to  satisfy  the  desire  of  riches,  holds  to 
them  in  defiance  of  the  strict  demands  of  justice  or 
charity,  makes  them  the  end  rather  than  the  means  of 
happiness,  or  suffers  them  to  interfere  seriously  with 
one  s  bounden  duty  to  God  or  man.  Nourished  and 
developed  into  an  unrestricted  habit,  it  becomes  the 


fruitful  mother  of  all  manner  of  perfidy,  heartlessneas 

and  unrest. 

Slater,  Manual  of  Moral  Theology  (New  York,  1908),  I; 
Lehmkukl,  Theologia  Moralis  (Freiburg,  1898),  I. 

John  H.  Stapleton. 

Covington,  Diocese  of  (Covinotonensis),  com- 
prises that  part  of  Kentucky.  U.  S.  A.,  lying  east  of 
the  Kentucky  River,  and  of  the  western  limits  of 
Carroll,  Owen,  Franklin,  Woodford,  Jessamine,  Gar- 
rard, Rockcastle,  Laurel,  and  Whitley  Counties,  an 
area  of  17,286  square  miles.  It  was  established  29 
July,  1853,  by  the  division  of  the  Diocese  of  Louis- 
ville, then  embracing  the  whole  State  of  Kentucky. 
This  portion  of  the  State  had  been  ministered^  to  by  a 
body  of  clergy  conspicuous  for  ability,  learning,  and 
devotion  to  duty.  White  Sulphur,  the  first  organ- 
ized congregation  in  this  jurisdiction,  rejoiced  in  the 
zealous  administration  of  a  Kenrick,  who  in  later 


Cathedral,  Covlnoton,  Kentucky 

years  graced  the  metropolitan  See  of  Baltimore,  and  of 
a  Reynolds,  destined  to  become  successor  of  the  great 
Bishop  England  of  Charleston.  Lexington  was  grow- 
ing into  an  important  parish  under  the  watchful  guid- 
ance of  Rev.  John  McGill,  afterwards  Bishop  of  Rich- 
mond, Virginia.  All  of  the  clergy  manifested  in  their 
lives  the  glorious  traditions  of  Flaget,  Badin,  David, 
and  Nerinckx,  whose  successors  they  were.  Catholio 
immigration  has  been  almost  exclusively  confined  to 
two  nationalities:  German  and  Irish.  The  former 
compose  a  large  majority  of  the  Catholio  population 
of  the  cities  ancl  towns  along  the  Ohio  River,  while  the 
latter  have  sought  the  interior  of  the  diocese.  In 
Covington  and  Newport  German  Catholics  predomi- 
nate, while  in  Lexington,  Frankfort,  and  Paris,  the 
Irish  are  in  the  majority.  Lying  south  of  Mason  and 
Dixon's  Line,  although  rich  in  raw  material,  the  dio- 
cese has  been  handicapped  by  a  lack  of  industrial  and 
mineral  development.  Within  its  confines  there  is  a 
total  population  of  about  900,000,  of  whom  64,423  are 
Catholic.  The  attitude  of  non-Catholics  is  uniformly 
respectful,  considerate,  and  kind. 

Bishops". — (1)  The  choice  of  the  Holy  See  for  the 
first  bishop  of  the  new  diocese  fell  upon  the  Rev. 
George  Alovsitts  Carrell,  S.  J.,  rector  of  St. 
Francis  Xavier's  Church,  Cincinnati.  He  was  born 
in  Philadelphia,  13  June,  1803,  ordained  priest  20  De- 
cember, 1827,  and  entered  the  Society  of  Jesus  19 
August,  1835.  He  was  consecrated  1  November, 
1853,  at  Cincinnati.  The  burden  resting  on  the  shoul- 
ders of  the  new  bishop  of  a  diocese  sparsely  settled  by 
8000  Catholics,  without  influence  or  material  re- 
sources, was  a  heavy  one;  but  at  his  death  (25  Sept., 
1868),  after  fourteen  years  of  zealous  labours,  he  left 
it  thoroughly  organized  with  a  Catholic  population 
three  times  as  great  as  he  found  there,  a  self-sacrifio- 


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irig  clergy,  a  devoted  people,  and  many  educational 
and  eleemosynary  institutions. 

(2)  The  second  bishop,  Augustus  Marie  Toebbe, 
was  bora  15  January,  1829,  at  Meppen,  Hanover, 
Germany,  and  ordained  priest  14  September,  1854,  at 
Cincinnati.  He  was  consecrated  9  January,  1870, 
and  died  2  Hay,  1884.  He  contributed  largely  to  the 
increase  of  the  parishes  of  the  diocese  and  the  growth 
of  Catholiefan. 

(3)  Camillub  Paul  Maes,  his  successor,  was  born 
in  Belgium,  13  March,  1846,  studied  at  the  American 

Louvain,  for  the  Diocese  of  Detroit,  where  he 
was  chancellor  when  appointed  to  the  See  of  Coving- 
ton. He  was  consecrated  25  January,  1885,  and  soon 
cleared  off  a  diocesan  debt  of  $150,000.  He  next 
undertook  to  replace  the  old  cathedral,  rapidly  tot- 
tering to  decay,  with  a  magnificent  Gothic  pile  in  the 
most  prominent  part  of  the  city.  Bishop  Maes  also 
found  time  to  care  for  the  remote  population  dwelling 
in  the  mountainous  parts  of  the  diocese.  Few  people 
of  the  diocese  were  blessed  with  an  abundance  of 
wealth.  James  Walsh,  a  conspicuous  benefactor, 
made  possible  the  first  free  parochial  school,  and  later 
enabled  Bishop  Macs  to  begin  the  erection  of  the 
cathedral.  His  son,  Nicholas  Walsh,  followed  gen- 
erously in  the  footsteps  of  his  father.  Mrs.  Mary 
Howard  Preston,  a  zealous  convert,  gave  the  neces- 
sary funds  to  start  the  great  work  of  the  missions  to 
non-Catholics  in  Eastern  Kentucky. 

Statistics. — The  ( Catholic  population  (1908)  is 
54,423  (10,102  families).  The  clergy  number  77  (68 
secular,  9  regular).  There  are  74  churches,  38  sta- 
tions, and  9  chapels;  3  orphan  asylums  (204  inmates); 
2  hospitals  (2962  patients) ;  2  homes  for  aged  poor  (351 
inmates)  ;7femaleacademies(1491  pupils)  ;37  parochial 
schools  (7782  pupils,  of  these  3744  are  in  Covington). 

The  religious  communities  in  the  diocese  include: 
Men — Benedictine  Fathers,  five  charges,  and  the 
Marist  Brothers.  Women — Sisters  of  St.  Benedict, 
Sisters  of  Charity,  Sisters  of  St.  Francis,  Sisters  of  the 
Poor,  Sisters  of  the  Good  Shepherd,  Sisters  of  Notre 
Dame,  Sisters  of  Providence,  Loretto  Sisters,  Visita- 
tion Nuns. 

Maes,  Life  of  Rev.  Charles  Nerinckx  (Cincinnati,  1880);  Idem, 
Golden  Jubilee  of  the  Diocese  of  Covington  (Pastoral  Letter,  Nov., 
1903);  Webb,  The  Centenary  of  Catholicity  in  Kentucky  (Louis- 
ville, 1884);  Spalding,  Life  of  Benedict-Joseph  Flaget  (Louis- 
ville, 1852);  Idem,  Sketches  of  Early  Cath.  Missions  in  Kentucky 


(Louisville,  1844). 


James  L.  Goret. 


Oowgill,  J.  R.    See  Leeds,  Diocese  or. 

Oowl  (mmoCXsor,  oucullus,  cuculla,  cuenOio. — 
Ducange,  "Gloss.",  s.  v.),  a  hood  worn  in  many 
religious  orders.  The  name  was  originally  used  for 
a  kmd  of  bag  in  which  grocers  sold  their  wares  (ibid.), 
then  for  an  article  of  dress  that  was  like  it  in  shape. 
The  lacsrna  or  byrrhua  (our  cope),  the  usual  cloak  for 
outdoor  wear  until  far  into  the  Middle  Ages,  had  a 
cowl  fixed  behind,  that  could  be  drawn  over  the  head. 
So  also  had  the  pamuia  (chasuble— Wilpert,  "Oe wan- 
dung  der  Christen",  pp.  13,  45,  etc;  Braun,  "Liturg. 
Gewandung",  pp.  240,  348).  Juvenal  (VI,  118)  and 
Martial  (3U,  98)  refer  to  the  cucxMus  of  the  lacerna. 
SoEomen  says  that  monks  covered  their  heads  with 
a  hood  called  eueullus  (H.E.,III,  adil),  and  Palladius 
tells  us  the  same  fact  about  St.  Ephrsem  and  the 
disciples  of  Pachomins  (Hist  Laus.,  XIII).  Both  St. 
Jerome  (Ep.  xxfi,  ad  Eustochium)  and  Cassian  (De 
habitu  num.,  I,  iv)  refer  to  it  as  part  of  a  monk's 
dress.  St.  Benedict  ordered  two  kinds  of  cowls  for 
his  monks,  a  warm  one  for  winter  and  a  light  one  for 
summer  (Regula-  8.  Ben.,  lv).  The  cowl  became  a 
great  cloak  with  a  hood.  Benedict  of  Anagni  forbade 
his  monks  to  wear  one  that  came  below  the  knees 
(Ardo,  Vita  Ben.  Asian.,  xl).  The  Benedictines, 
Cistercians,  and  all  the  old  monastic  orders  now  use 
the  cowl,  a  great  mantle  with  a  hood  that  can  be 
thrown  back  over  the  shoulders,  at  a  oeremonial  dress 


for  choir;  the  Franciscans  have  a  smaller  hood  Bxed 
to  their  habit;  canons  wear  it  on  their  mossetta,  and,' 
bishops  and  cardinals  on  the  cappa.  With  the  Au- 
gustinians  and  Servites  it  is  still  a  separate  hood  not 
attached  to  anything.  Ducange  (s.  v.)  says  the  name1 
is  a  diminutive  of  caaula — :"quasi  minor  cella".  A 
cowl  fixed  to  a  cloak  is  stffl  commonly  worn  in  Tyrol,: 
parts  of  Austria  and  Hungary,  etc.  Cucullala  eon- 
gregatio  occurs  occasionally  as  a  general  name  for 
monastic  orders  (Ducange).  The  colour  of  the  eowl: 
is  that  of  the  habit,  black  among  Benedictines,  white 
with  the  Cistercians,  etc. 

Docanok,  Glossarium  media  et  infima  Latinitatis,  s.  v. 
CucuUus;  Wilpkx,  Die  Qevxmdunq  der  Christen  in  den  ertten 
Jahrhundcrtm  (Cologne,  1898),  13,  46,  etc.:  Braun,  Dm- 
lituraitche  Gacandxauj  im  Occident  und  Orient  (Freiburg  iro  Br., 
1807),  240,  S48.  ADRIAN  FoRTESCUE. 

Ooxde,  Micsiel,  Flemish  painter,  imitator  of: 
Raphael,  known  as  the  Flemish  Raphael;  b.  at  Meoh- 
lin,  1499;  d.  there  1692.  There  are  several  spellings 
for  his  name:  Cocxie,  Coxa*,  CoxU,  Coxcien,  Coxcyen. 
He  was  a  pupil  of  his  father,  and  afterwards  studied 
under  Van  Orley,  with  whom  he  visited  Rome  in 
1532,  where  he  made  the  acquaintance  of  Vasari. 
There  he  married  his  first  wife,  Ida  van  Hasselt,  with 
whom  he  returned  to  Mechlin,  in  1539,  and  the  same 
year  became  a  member  of  the  Academy  of  that  place. 
In  1561  he  was  in  Brussels,  and  after  that  back  in 
Mechlin,  where,  at  the  age  of  seventy,  in  1569,  he 
married  his  second  wife,  Jeanne  van  Schelle.  By  bis 
first  wife  he  had  three  children,  Anne,  a  sculptor, 
William,  and  Raphael,  painters ;  by  his  second,  two 
sons,  Michael,  a  painter,  and  Conrad.  Coxcie  painted 
several  large  works  for  the  Emperor  Charles  V  and 
for  Philip  II,  King  of  Spain,  to  whom  he  was  court 
painter.  He  designed  thirty-two  subjects  from  the 
table  of  Cupid  anjd  Psyche,  which  were  engraved, 
and,  in  conjunction  with  Van  Orley,  he  directed  the 
execution  of  some  tapestry  made  from  the  designs  of 
Raphael.  He  copied  part  of  the  great  Van  Eyck 
altar-piece  for  Philip  II  of  Spain,  and  portions  of  his 
copy  are  in  Berlin  and  Munich  and  the  remainder  in 
Ghent.  Several  of  his  paintings  are  to  be  seen  at 
Brussels,  Antwerp,  Bruges,  Berlin,  Madrid,  St.  Peters- 
burg, and  Vienna.  In  his  paintings  he  bestowed  spe- 
cial care  on  the  figures  of  women,  and  they  are  well  - 
modelled  and  invariably  graceful.  In  male  figures- 
he  too  often  exaggerated  the  anatomy  and  selected 
awkward  and  unreasonable  attitudes.  His  composi- 
tion is  very  Italian  in  character,  sometimes  too 
academic  in  line  and  grouping,  but  agreeable  in  effect. 
His  best  works  are  signed  and  dated  and  are  remarka- 
ble for  their  splendid  colouring  and  harmonious  result. 

George  Charles  Williamson. 

Ooysevox,  Charles- Antoine,  a  distinguished. 
French  sculptor,  b.  at  Lyons,  29  Sept.,  1640;  d.  at 
Paris,  10  Oct.,  1720 ;  he  belonged  to  a  family  originally 
from  Spain.  At  the  age  of  seventeen  he  executed 
ft  much  admired  Madonna.  In  1671  he  was  employed 
by  Louis  XIV  on  various  sculptures  at  Versailles  and 
at  Marly.  He  was  elected  a  member  of  the  Academy 
in  1676,  and  had  among  his  pupils  his  two  nephews,: 
Nicolas  and  Guillaume  Coustou.  Goysevox  made  two- 
bronze  statues  of  Louis  XIV,  the  "Charlemagne" 
at  Saint-Louis  dee  Invalides,  and  other  famous: 
works,  but  his  most  famous  is  probably  "  La  Renom- 
mee"  at  the  entrance  of  the  Tuileries — two  winged 
horses  bearing  Mercury  and  Fame.  Napoleon  is  said 
to  have  delighted  in  the  sculptor's  fancy  that  the- 
hpree  of  Mercury  should  have  a  bridle,  but  not  that 
of  Fame.  Coysevox  also  produced  some  fine  sepulchral 
monuments  for  the  churches  of  Paris.  We  owe  him 
a  special  debt  for  his  contemporary  portraits. 

LOaxa,  History  of  Sculpture,  tr.  Benttbtt  (London,  1878); 
Dilks,  French  Architect!  and  Sculptors  af  As  XV 111  Century 
(London,  1900). 

M.  L.  Handlbt.  - 


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Ookm,  Lorenzo,  Friar  Minor,  cardinal,  and 
theologian,  b.  at  San  Lorenzo  near  Bolsena,  31  March, 
1654;  d.  at  Rome,  18  January,  1729.  He  filled  the 
position  of  lector  at  Naples  and  Viterbo,  where  he 
became  guardian  of  the  convent.  Cardinal  Sacchetti 
chose  Cozza  as  his  confessor  and  adviser,  thus  giving 
rise  to  a  friendship  that  lasted  through  life.  While 
in  the  Orient,  whither  he  had  been  sent  as  superior 
of  the  Franciscan  monastery  in  Jerusalem,  Cozza 
found  leisure  to  compose  several  important  works, 
and  as  legate  of  the  supreme  pontiff  he  recon- 
ciled the  Maronites  and  the  Patriarch  Jacobus 
Petrus  of  Antioch,  who  had  long  been  at  variance 
with  the  Holy  See.  In  1715  he  returned  to  Rome, 
in  1723  was  elected  minister  general,  and  on  9  Decem- 
ber, 1726,  was  made  cardinal  by  Benedict  XIII. 
The  remaining  years  of  his  life  were  passed  at  Rome 
in  quiet  and  study  in  the  little  convent  of  St.  Bar- 
tholomew on  the  Island.  His  writings  include  "  His- 
toids polemics  de  Grsecorum  schismate"  (Rome,  1719- 
20);  "Commentarii  historico-dogmatici"  (Rome, 
1707);  and  "Terra  Sancta  vindicate  a  calumniis", 
the  last  still  unpublished. 

Marcilltno  da  Civbzza,  Saggio  di  Bibliograjla  Sanfran- 
eeeeana  (Prato,  1879),  129-130,  n.  166;  Qolobovtch,  Serie 
dei  Superiori  di  Terra  Santa  (Jerusalem,  1898),  98,  n.  168; 
Hooter,  Nomendator,  II,  1001:  Cardella,  Memorie  ttoriche 
dei  eardinali  delta  S.  Romana  China  (Rome,  1792),  VIII,  223. 

Stephen  M.  Donovan. 

Co«*a-Luzi,  Giuseppe,  Italian  savant,  Abbot  of  the 
Basilian  monastery  of  Grottaf errata  near  Rome;  b.  24 
Dec.,  1837,  at  Bolsena  in  the  Province  of  Rome;  d. 
there  1  June,  1905.  In  early  youth  he  entered  the 
ancient  monastery  of  which  he  became  abbot  in  1882. 
Pius  IX  was  attracted  by  his  scholarship,  as  was  later 
Leo  XIII.  In  1898  he  was  freed  from  all  official 
cares  and  devoted  himself  thenceforth  to  his  be- 
loved studies.  He  won  distinction  by  his  edition  of 
several  ancient  Vatican  MSS.,  and  was  also  learned  in 
the  history  of  art  and  in  archaeology.  Under  his  di- 
rection was  executed  the  phototype  edition  of  the 
Codex  Vaticanus,  (q.  v.)  (Vetus  et  Novum  Testamen- 
tum  e  Cod.  Vaticano  1209  phototyp.,  5  vols,  fol.,  Rome, 
1889),  also  a  Vatican  codex  of  the  Prophets  (ibid., 
1889),  and  from  a  Vatican  MS.  the  miniatures  of 
Giulio  Clovio  to  Dante's  "  Paradiso".  Nearly  all  the 
copies  of  these  artistic  publications  perished  at  the 
burning  of  the  Danesi  establishment  in  Rome.  To- 
gether with  the  well-known  Scriptural  scholar,  Carlo 
Vercellone  (q.  v.),  he  supervised  the  printing  of  the 
Greek  text  of  the  Codex  Vaticanus  (see  Codex  Vati- 
canus), in  five  volumes  (Rome,1868-81) ;  he  also  edited 
other  Scriptural  MSS.,  e.  g.  theGreek  codex  of  Daniel  in 
the  Chigi  Library  at  Rome.  His  most  important  scien- 
tific work  was  the  publication  of  some  fragments  of 
the  "Geography"  of  Strabo  (Rome,  1884),  originally 
discovered  by  Cardinal  Mai  (q.  v.),  who  was,  however, 
unaware  of  their  importance.  We  owe  also  to  Cozza- 
Luzi  the  publication  of  the  eighth  and  ninth  volumes 
of  Mai's  "Nova  Bibliotheca  Patrum",  and  a  part  of 
the  cardinal's  correspondence. 

Among  the  theological  treatises  of  Cozza-Luzi  is  an 
important  study  on  the  evidence  of  the  Greek  litur- 
gies to  the  papal  supremacy  (De  Rom.  Pont,  auo- 
torit.  doctrinah  testim.  liturg.  ecclesise  grsecje,  Rome, 
1870).  He  wrote  also  on  the  antiquities  of  his  native 
Bolsena,  on  the  cathedral  of  Orvieto,  the  Vatican  col- 
lection of  Assyrian  antiquities,  etc.  Among  his  more 
interesting  publications  is  an  edition  of  the  Greek 
version  of  St.  Gregory  the  Great's  account  of  St.  Bene- 
dict (Historia  S.  P.  N.  Benedioti  a  Pontif.  Gregorio  I 
descripta  et  a  Zacharia  grsece  reddita,  Tivoli,  1880). 
Many  of  his  writings  are  scattered  in  various  Italian 
periodicals,  ecclesiastical  and  historical.  Though 
possessed  of  a  strong  intellect  and  a  broad  culture  he 
often  lacked  scientific  accuracy  and  it  is  regrettable 
that  no  organic  plan  dominated  his  numerous  studious 


researches.    As  yet  there  exists  no  biography  of  him. 

Onorante  ret  a  Giuseppe  Coaa-Luti  (Rome,  1898)  contains 
a  list  of  his  principal  writings. 

U.  Bbnigni. 

Oracow  (Pol.  Krakow),  the  Prince-Bishopric  or 
(Cracoviensit);  comprises  the  western  portion  of 
Galicia  in  Austria,  and  borders  on  the  Diocese  of 
Kielce  in  Russian  Poland,  Breslau  in  Prussia,  Tar- 
now  in  Galicia,  and  Zips  in  Hungary. 

It  has  long  been  disputed  at  what  time  the  Diocese 
of  Cracow  was  created.  There  is  no  doubt  that  it  was 
already  in  existence  in  the  year  1000;  for  at  that  time 
Poppo,  its  bishop,  was  made  a  suffragan  to  Radzym 
(the  Latin  St.  GaudentCus)  the  first  Archbishop  of 
Gnesen  (Thietmar  Chronicon,  IV,  in  P.  L.,  CXXXIX, 
1226).  Father  Augustine  Arndt,  S.  J.  (Zeitschrift  far 
kath.  Theologie,  XIV,  45-47,  Innsbruck,  1890)  ad- 
duces some  reasons  in  support  of  the  opinion  that  the 
Diocese  of  Cracow  was  founded  by  the  Polish  King 
Mieceslaw  I  as  early  as  984,  and  that  Poppo,  who  had 
been  tutor  of  Duke  Henry  of  Bavaria  until  983,  be- 
came its  first  bishop;  but  most  authorities  agree 
that  it  was  not  created  until  1000  or  shortly  before. 
There  are  extant  five  lists  of  the  bishops  of  Cracow. 
The  oldest  was  compiled  about  1 266  (Mon.  Germ.  Hist. : 
Script.,  XIX,  608),  the  second,  shortly  before  1347 
(Mon.  hist.  Polon.  Ill,  801);  the  others  are  of  a  later 
date.  During  the  invasion  of  the  Bohemians  in  1039, 
and  the  succeeding  period  of  anarchy,  all  ecclesiastical 
documents  were  lost,  and  the  names  and  dates  of  the 
bishops  of  Cracow  up  to  Bishop  Aaron  (1046-1059) 
are  very  unreliable.  Trochorus  and  Proculphus,  who 
are  mentioned  in  the  lists  as  predecessors  of  Poppo,  are 
entirely  legendary.  Three  of  the  bishops  of  Cracow 
are  publicly  venerated:  St.  Stanislaus  Szczepanowski 
(1072-1079),  who  suffered  martyrdom  at  the  hands  of 
King  Boleslaw,  canonized  in  1253,  patron  of  Poland 
and  of  the  Dioceses  of  Cracow  and  Posen;  Blessed 
Vincent  Kadlubek  (1208-1218),  the  earliest  Polish 
historian  of  Poland,  resigned  his  see  and  entered  the 
Cistercian  monastery  of  Jedrzejow  in  1218,  died  8 
March,  1223,  beatified  in  1764;  John  Prandotha 
(1242-1266),  who  drove  the  heretical  Flagellants  from 
his  diocese,  and  was  venerated  until  the  seventeenth 
century,  when  his  veneration  ceased,  owing  to  a  mis- 
interpretation of  the  Bull  "De  cultu  servorum  Dei'' 
issued  by  Pope  Urban  VIII,  5  July,  1634.  Other 
renowned  bishops  were:  Matthaeus  (1143-1165)  a 
historian;  Zbigniew  Olesnicki  (1423-1455),  a  great 
statesman  and  fearless  opponent  of  the  Hussites, 
oreated  cardinal  in  1439;  and  George  Radii  will 
(1591-1600),  founder  of  seminaries  and  hospitals. 

Originally  the  Diocese  of  Cracow  seems  to  have 
comprised  the  towns  and  districts  of  Sandomir,  Cra- 
cow, and  Lublin,  and  the  castellanies  of  Sieradz,  Spici- 
mir,  Rozpoza,  Lenczyc,  and  Wolborg;  but  its  area 
underwent  various  changes.  From  the  year  1443  to 
1795  the  Bishops  of  Cracow  were  at  the  same  time 
sovereign  dukes  of  Severia,  a  territory  situated  be- 
tween Silesia  and  Cracow.  Before  the  first  partition 
of  Poland  in  1772  the  Diocese  of  Cracow  comprised  the 
whole  of  Little  Poland,  Sieradz,  a  large  portion  of 
Silesia,  and  part  of  the  present  Diocese  of  Zips  (Soep- 
usium).  In  1772  it  lost  its  territory  south  of  the 
Vistula  (DicBcesis  Cisvistulana),  which  in  1783  consti- 
tuted the  new  Diocese  of  Tarnow.  In  1790  the  new 
Diocese  of  Lublin  and  in  1805  the  new  Diocese  of 
Kielce  were  severed  from  its  remaining  territory. 
Pope  Pius  VII  made  Cracow  an  exempt  diocese  m 
1815  and  restored  to  it  a  portion  of  the  Diocese  of 
Kielce  in  1817,  which  portion,  however,  was  returned 
to  Kielce  in  1846,  so  that  then  the  Diocese  of  Cracow 
was  confined  to  the  city  Cracow  and  two  deaneries 
south  of  the  Vistula.  From  1851  to  1879  the  diocese  was 
ruled  by  administrators.  Under  Albin  Dunajewski. 
who  became  bishop  in  187C-  it  was  somewhat  enlarged 


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towards  the  sooth,  in  1880  and  again  in  1886.  In  1889 
it  was  made  a  prince-bishopric,  and  a  year  later 
Prince-Bishop  Dunajewski  was  raised  to  the  cardinal- 
ate.  John  Puzyna  de  Koziel  was  made  Prince-Bishop 
of  Cracow  in  1895,  and  Anatole  Nowak  auxiliary 
bishop  in  1900.  The  diocese  numbers  197  parishes, 
181  vicariates,  457  diocesan  and  223  regular  priests, 
850,000  Catholics,  4000  Protestants,  and  60,000  Jews. 
The  Emperor  of  Austria  has  the  privilege  of  appoint- 
ing the  prinoe-bishop,  after  consulting  with  the 
bishops  of  Galicia.  The  cathedral  chapter  includes  3 
prelates  (dean,  scholasticus,  and  custos)  and  6  canons. 
The  most  important  educational  institution  in  the 
diocese  is  the  Cracow  University  (Uniwersitet  Jagiellon- 
ski),  founded  by  Casimir  the  Great  in  1364  and  ap- 
proved by  Pope  Urban  V  the  same  year.  The  dio- 
cese has  also  an  ecclesiastical  seminary,  various 
oolleges,  and  minor  institutions  of  learning.  The  cathe- 
dral of  Cracow  is  one  of  the  most  venerable  struc- 
tures in  Europe.  Here  lie  buried  most  of  the  Polish 
kings,  the  two  national  heroes,  Kosciusko  and  Ponia- 
towski,  the  greatest  Polish  poet,  Mickiewicz,  and 
many  other  noble  sons  of  Poland;  here  also  are 
preserved  the  relics  of  St.  Stanislaus  (see  above).  It 
is  of  Gothic  architecture,  originally  built  probably  by 
Mieoeslaw  I  about  966,  where  now  stands  the  church 
of  St.  Michael  and  where  St.  Stanislaus  suffered  mar- 
tyrdom; rebuilt  on  its  present  site  by  Ladislaus  Her- 
man, King  of  Poland  (1083-1102);  restored  by  Nan- 
ker  Oksza,  Bishop  of  Cracow  (1320-132?);  rebuilt  in 
the  eighteenth  century  in  barocco  style:  and  renov- 
ated from  1886-1901.  It  contains  the  beautiful 
chapel  of  Sigmund,  the  best  specimen  of  the  Renais- 
sance style  in  Eastern  Europe,  built  by  Bartolommeo 
da  Firenze  in  the  sixteenth  century  and  renovated  in 
1894.  The  Church  of  St.  Mary,  a  Gothic  structure 
built  1226-1397  and  restored  in  the  fourteenth  cen- 
tury, has  on  its  high  altar  a  large  Gothic  wood-carving 
representing  the  death  of  the  Blessed  Virgin,  the 
masterpiece  of  Veit  Stoss. 

The  chief  charitable  institution  is  the  Archeonfra- 
ternity  of  Mercy,  founded  by  the  Jesuit  Peter  Skargo 
(d.  1618),  which  distributes  alms  to  the  poor  and  is 
the  owner  of  a  mo nt-de-piiti.  There  are  also:  another 
monlrde-pUU ;  an  asylum  for  old  men  and  women, 
three  orphan  asylums,  an  insane  asylum,  various  hos- 
pitals and  workhouses.  All  these  establishments  are 
subject  to  the  diocesan  authorities.  The  Catholic 
press  is  represented  by  two  dailies,  two  weeklies  ed- 
ited by  priests,  three  monthlies  published  by  religious, 
and  two  monthly  magazines  of  high  literary  standard. 
They  are  all  in  Polish. 

The  following  religious  orders  and  congregations  of 
men  are  engaged  in  parish,  educational,  or  charitable 
work:  Augustinians,  Brothers  of  Mercy,  Camaldolese, 
Canons  Regular  of  the  Late  ran,  Canons  Regular  of  the 
Holy  Sepulchre,  Carmelites,  Discalced  Carmelites  (2 
houses),  Capuchins,  Cistercians  (Abbey  of  Mogila), 
Conventual  Franciscans,  Observant  Franciscans  (here 
called  Bernard  inea  (3  houses),  Reformed  Franciscans 
(3  houses),  Dominicans,  Hermits  of  St.  Paul,  Jesuits  (2 
houses),  Lazarista  (3  houses),  Piarists,  Resurrectionists. 
The  religious  orders  and  congregations  of  women  are 
represented  by  the  following:  Augustinians,  Benedic- 
tines, Bernaraines,  Canonesses  of  the  Holy  Ghost  de 
Saxia,  Discalced  Carmelites,  Clarissas,  Daughters  of 
Divine  Love,  Dominicans,  Franciscans,  Premonstra- 
tensians,  Resurrectionists,  Sales ians,  Servite  Ter- 
tiaries,  Ursulines,  Sisters  of  St.  Albert,  Sisters  of  St. 
Charles  Bonotneo,  Sisters  of  St.  Felix,  Sisters  of  the 
Holy  Family,  Sisters  of  the  Mother  of  Mercy,  Sisters  of 
Nasareth,  Sisters  of  the  Presentation,  Vincentian  Sis- 
ters, Servants  of  the  Sacred  Heart  of  Jesus. 

ifmummta  Polonia)  hi»l.  vetuslintima  (Lemberg.  1872),  II, 
180  and  (Cracow,  1878),  III.  313-376;  Malecki.  The  Original 
MedmituHeal  Condition*  at  Poland  (Lemtwrg,  1875),  in  Polish; 
Stabowolski,  Vita  antiatitum  Cracovientium  (Cracow.  IBM); 
Boaratx,  OmdneKtt  Mm  (Hamburg.  1840);  Chotkowbju  in 
IV.— 30 


Die  katholMe  Kirch*  wwarar  Ztit  vnd  ihr*  Dinar  (Hani eh. 
1900).  II.  527-533;  Nxhu  in  Kirehenlex.  u.  r.  Kratau. 

Michael  Ott. 

Thb  University  or  Cracow. — The  first  document- 
ary evidence  regarding  the  scheme  that  King  Casimir 
the  Great  conceived  of  establishing  a  university  dates 
from  1362.  Urban  V  favoured  the  plan,  and  King 
Casimir  issued  the  charter  of  the  university,  12  May, 
1364.  It  was  modelled  after  the  schools  of  Padua  and 
Bologna,  consequently  the  faculty  of  law  and  the 
study  of  Roman  law  held  the  first  place.  The  pope 
gave  his  approval,  1  September,  1364,  but  excluded 
theology.  Casimir's  school,  however,  was  refounded 
during  the  reign  of  Jagiello  and  Hedwig  of  the  house 
of  Anjou.  The  consent  of  Boniface  IX  was  given,  11 
February,  1397,  and  King  Jagiello  signed  the  charter, 
26  July,  1400.  The  university  now  included  all  four 
faculties  and  was,  therefore,  patterned  on  that  of 
Paris.  The  first  chancellor  was  Bishop  Peter  Wysz  of 
Cracow,  who  also  gave  the  opening  lecture.  The  first 
professors  were  Bohemians,  Germans,  and  Poles,  most 
of  whom  bad  been  trained  at  Prague.  In  the  first 
year  the  number  of  matriculated  students  was  205;  in 
the  course  of  the  fifteenth  oentury  it  rose  to  500. 

The  university  took  an  active  part  in  the  ecclesias- 
tical controversies  of  the  fifteenth  century  and  showed 
itself  a  strong  supporter  of  the  concifiar  doctrine: 
concilium  supra  papam  (i.  e.  a  council  is  above  the 
pope).  It  maintained  nevertheless  a  strictly  Catholic 
position  during  the  Hussite  troubles.  In  the  struggle 
between  the  Nominalists  and  Realists  it  took  hut 
little  part.  Realism  having  almost  exclusive  sway  at 
the  school.  Still  the  effect  on  the  university  of  the 
active  intercourse  with  the  West  was,  at  the  tune,  but 
slight  and  transient.  King  Jagiello  died  in  1434:  in 
the  period  following,  the  university  was  controlled  by 
its  powerful  chancellor,  Zbigniew  Olesnicki,  who  was 
also  Bishop  of  Cracow  from  1423  to  1455.  A  circle  of 
learned  men  who  followed  the  new  tendencies  gath- 
ered around  him.  Among  these  scholars  was  Po- 
land's great  historian,  Dlugozs.  At  the  time  of  the 
Council  of  Basle  the  university  and  its  chancellor  were 
partisans  of  the  council,  and  Olesnicki  even  accepted 
the  cardinals te  from  Felix  V.  After  the  Union  of  Flor- 
ence Olesnicki  went  over  to  the  side  of  Nicholas  V,  but 
the  university  did  not  submit  to  the  control  of  the 
Church  until  1449.  The  age  of  Olesnicki  was  one  of 
great  scholars,  among  whom  were:  the  physician  and 
astronomer,  Martin  Krol;  the  decretalist.  Johann 
Elgot;  the  theologians,  Benedict  Hesse  and  Jacobus 
of  Paradyz.  St.  John  Cantius,  student  and  later  pro- 
fessor of  theology,  was  distinguished  for  virtue  even 
more  than  for  learning.  He  was  bom  at  Kenty,  1397 ; 
died,  1473;  was  canonized  by  Clement  XIII,  1767; 
his  feast  is  observed  20  October.  Olesnicki  showed 
favour  to  men  who  were  not  Poles,  suppressed  the 
Hussite  tendencies  with  a  firm  hand,  and  was  very 
generous  to  the  university.    He  died  in  1455. 

The  causes  which  finally  brought  the  university  into 
line  with  the  new  tendencies  were  various.  Poland 
was  then  the  great  power  of  Eastern  Europe,  the  court 
of  Casimir  of  the  Jagellon  dynasty  was  a  brilliant  one, 
and  Cracow  was  a  very  rich  city.  It  was,  therefore, 
not  surprising  that  many  famous  men  were  drawn  to 
this  centre.  From  1470  to  1496  Callimachus  was 
preceptor  in  the  royal  household.  Attracted  by  the 
fame  of  Callimachus,  Conrad  Celtes,  the  celebrated 
Humanist,  made  his  appearance  at  Cracow  before  the 
end  of  the  century.  Printing  also  soon  had  its  repre- 
sentatives here;  towards  the  close  of  the  fifteenth  cen- 
tury Haller  established  his  press  in  Cracow  and  began 
his  patronage  of  art  and  letters.  In  this  way  the  num- 
ber of  those  who  followed  the  new  humanistic  tenden- 
cies of  the  West  continually  increased,  but  unfortu- 
nately there  was  also  an  increase  in  profligacy.  In 
1492,  John  I  Albert,  the  pupil  and  friend  of  Callim- 
achus, ascended  the  throne  of  Poland;  he  did  not 


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however,  fulfil  the  expectations  excited  by  him. 
Callimaehus  died  in  1496;  as  time  went  on  the  seed 
which  he  and  Celtes  had  sown  produced  its  fruit,  as  is 
shown  in  Rhagius  Sommerfeld,  also  called  JSsticam- 
pianus,  and  in  Heinrich  Bebel.  Thus;  at  the  opening 
of  the  sixteenth  century,  the  classic  writers  were 
more  and  more  read,  at  first  outside  of  the  lecture- 
rooms  of  the  university,  in  the  students'  halls.  In 
1520  the  study  of  Greek  wag  introduced  into  the  uni- 
versity ^the  professors  being  Constanzo  Claretti,  Wea- 
sel of  Hiracnberg,  and  Libanus.  Hebrew  was  also 
taught  in  spite  of  the  opposition  to  the  "Judateers". 
and  the  notorious  Italian,  Francesco  Stancari,  arrived 
at  Cracow  in  1646. 

Decline  of  the  University. — la  the  midst  of  this 
progress  signs  of  decay  were  visible,  though  the  de- 
cline did  not  originate  in  the  university  itself.  The 
national  policy  of  Poland,  the  founding  of  the  uni- 
versities of  Wittenberg  and  Frankfort-on-the-Oder, 
and  a  strong  anti-German  tendency,  caused  the  Uni- 
versity of  Cracow  to  lose  its  original  cosmopolitan 
character  and  to  become  rather  a  national  Polish  uni- 
versity; thus  a  gradual  decline  ensued.  Neverthe- 
less it  maintained  during  this  period  a  remarkably 
high  standing.  Such  scholars  as  Martin  Krol,  Martin 
Bylica,  and  finally  Adalbert  Brudcewski  made  the 
school  famous  as  a  seat  of  astronomical  studies  while 
the  name  of  Nicholas  Copernicus,  the  pupil  of  Brud- 
lewski,  sheds  upon  it  undying  lustre.  Elementary 
studies  were  taught,  conseauently  students  of  from 
fourteen  to  sixteen  years  of  age  entered  from  Hun- 
gary, Moravia,  Silesia,  Prussia,  and  the  provinces 
of  the  Polish  crown.  At  first  the  students  lived  in 
private  houses,  but  gradually  halls  were  established  in 
which  "commons"  were  provided,  and  a  clerical  dress 
was  worn.  The  expenses  of  these  halls  were  covered 
by  the  fees  which  the  studentspaid  for  board,  matricu- 
lation, room  rent,  and  fuel.  The  rector  of  the  univer- 
sity was  chosen  by  a  committee  of  doctors  and  mas- 
ters. Up  to  1419  a  rector  was  chosen  for  the  whole 
year,  but  from  this  date  until  1778  one  was  selected 
for  each  semester.  Other  officers  were:  the  curators 
who  watched  over  the  rights  and  privileges  of  the  uni- 
versity, the  procurator  and  notarius,  and  the  consil- 
iarii  who  had  to  decide  in  case  of  an  appeal.  From 
the  start  the  professors  lived  together  in  colleges,  and 
were  divided  according  to  faculties .  They  had  a  com- 
mon table,  decided  as  to  the  reception  of  members, 
and  bestowed  the  positions  of  canon  and  prebend,  of 
which  each  faculty,  with  the  exception  of  the  medical, 
had  often  as  many  as  twelve  at  its  disposal.  During 
the  seventeenth  and  eighteenth  centuries  the  fortunes 
of  the  university  sank  to  a  very  low  ebb.  J.  Gorski,  in 
his  "Apology"  (1681),  and  Petrycy  give  as  the  chief 
reasons  for  this  the  utter  insubordination  of  the  stu- 
dents, complete  indifference  of  the  profesaore  to  the 
advances  of  learning  in  the  West,  and  lack  of  means 
for  the  support  of  the  university.  Above  all,  there 
arose  after  the  opening  of  the  seventeenth  century,  a 
bitter  conflict  on  the  part  of  the  university  against  the 
Jesuits,  who,  on  the  strength  of  their  constitutional 
privileges,  had  opened  schools  in  Cracow,  Posen,  Lem- 
berg,  and  other  places,  to  protect  Polish  youth  against 
the  advances  of  Protestantism.  The  university,  how- 
ever, appealed  to  a  privilege,  the  jus  exclusion-is,  and 
demanded  the  closing  of  the  Jesuit  institutions.  For 
nearly  one  hundred  and  fifty  years  this  conflict  was 
carried  on  with  incredible  tenacity.  The  common 
people,  nobility,  clergy,  kings,  bishops,  and  popes 
were  drawn  into  it,  ana  the  struggle  ended  in  the  dis- 
comfiture of  the  Jesuits  (cf.  Zaleski,  Jezuici  ev  Polsic, 
II,  III).  When,  towards  the  close  of  the  eighteenth 
century,  national  misfortunes  overtook  the  country, 
and  the  three  Partitions  of  Poland  put  an  end  to  Po- 
lish freedom,  the  life  of  the  univerity  came  to  a  com- 
plete standstill.  It  is  true  that  Bishop  Softyk,  and 
after  him  the  energetic  Koftataj,  undertook  a  thor- 


ough reform  by  breaking  with  the  medieval  routine 
and  giving  prominence  to  the  natural  sciences.  But 
the  political  conditions  in  the  decades  following  these 
efforts  were  unfavourable  to  quiet  and  serious  study. . 

Modern  Times. — After  Cracow  had  become,  in  1846, 
a  part  of  the  Austrian  Empire,  the  central  Govern- 
ment at  Vienna  endeavoured  to  make  the  university 
more  German,  but  did  nothing  to  improve  ft.  A  new 
era  did  not  open  for  the  school  until  1861,  when  Francis 
Joseph  I  permitted  Polish  to  be  again  used  as  the  lan- 
guage of  instruction  and  official  life,  and  the  Govern- 
ment allowed  a  new  building  to  be  erected  for  the 
university.  The  number  of  professors  and  students 
now  increased  each  year.  While,  in  1863  there  were 
only  47  professors,  of  whom  37  were  regular  professors, 
2  assistant  professors,  and  8  docents,  in  1900,  the  fifth 
centennial  of  the  university,  there  were  103  professors; 
of  this  number  48  were  regular,  36  assistant  professors, 
and  19  docents  and  lecturers.  In  1907  the  professors 
numbered  116.  In  1863  there  were  176  students;  in 
1893, 1320;  in  1907,  over  2700.  The  university  library 
contains  260,000  works  in  330,000  volumes;  6600 
manuscripts  in  7000  volumes  (some  of  them  very  val- 
uable and  as  yet  unpublished);  about  10,000  coins, 
and  1200  atlases.  The  university  has  a  college  of  the 
physical  sciences,  and  &  medical  college  for  anatomical 
and  physiological  lectures;  the  medical  school  is  en- 
tirely modern  in  its  equipment  and  possesses  very  fine 
collections.  There  are  also  surgical,  gynaecological, 
and  ophthalmic  clinics,  besides  one  for  internal  and 
nervous  diseases:  an  agricultural  institute  is  in  pro- 
cess of  construction.  Among  thedistinguished  scholars 
connected  with  the  university  (1908)  are:  Professor 
Oboeewski,  the  discoverer  of  a  new  method  for  liquify- 
ing gases,  the  surgeon  Professor  Kader,  and  Professor 
Wicherkiewioe,  the  oculist. 

Codex  diplomatic™  Univ.  Cram.  (Oraoow,  1870-84);  lAber 
diligenliarum  (Craoow,  1886);  Album  ttudiatonm  Univ.  Croon. 
(Cracow.  1887);  Ada  reetoralia  (Cracow.  1803-97),  I,  II:  Ra»t« 
HiNSKi,  Fatti  Univ.  Croon.  1658,  in  Me.  Cod.  JageU.,  226; 
Idku,  Annates  utgue  ad  ann.  1060  in  Alt.  Cod.  JooaU.,  226; 
Bout tx o wicx,  O  Stanie  AkaaemU  Krakowkiej  (on  the  Condition 
of  the  Cracow  Academy)  (Cracow,  1810);  Mcczkowbki,  Mieet- 
kania  i  pottepowania  ucmidw  Krakovukich  (Residences  and 
Customs  of  the  Cracow  Students)  (Cracow,  1842);  Ldkasxo 
wicz,  Hietorya  safcoi  w  Koronie  i  W.  As.  LUemkiem  (History  of 
the  Schools  in  the  Kingdom  of  Poland  and  the  Grand  Duchy  of 
Lithuania)  (Posen,  1849-81);   Brandowski,  Zt 


Odrodzenie  -  HiMory  of  the  Jageuon  University  in  the  Middle 
Ages  and  the  Renaissance  Period  (Cracow,  1900). 

Oscar  Rtjdsbx 

Oraigie,  Pearl  Mart  Teresa,  better  known,  under 
the  pseudonym  which  first  won  her  fame,  as  John 
Oliver  Hobbes,  Engl  inn  novelist,  dramatist,  and  con- 
vert; b.  3  November,  1867;  d.  13  August,  1906.  She 
was  the  eldest  daughter  of  John  Morgan  Richards,  a 
successful  man  of  business  in  Boston,  Massachusetts, 
U.  S.  A.,  and  of  Laura  Hortense  Arnold,  a  lady  of  dis- 
tinguished colonial  descent.  Her  father  came  of  am 
intensely  Calvinistio  stock  long  settled  in  and  about 
New  York  and  New  Jersey;  and  her  grandfather,  the 
Rev.  James  Richards,  D.D.,  was  a  preacher  and  theo- 
logical writer  of  some  distinction  in  his  time.  In  Feb- 
ruary, 1887,  before  she  had  completed  her  twentieth 
year,  Miss  Richards  was  married  to  Mr.  Reginald  Wal- 
pole  Craigie,  an  English  gentleman  of  good  connex- 
ions. The  union,  however,  proved  an  uncongenial 
one,  and  Mrs.  Craigie  soon  sought  and  obtained  a 
legal  separation  with  the  right  to  the  custody  of  her 
child.  In  1892,  as  the  result,  it  would  seem,  of  much 
private  and  independent  reflection,  she  waa  received  ' 
into  the  Church.  She  had  begun  to  turn  her  thoughts 
seriously  to  literature  some  time  before  this  event;  for 
already  in  1891  she  had  ventured  before  the  public 
under  the  pseudonym  which  she  insisted  on  retaining 
long  after  her  identity  was  known,  and  challenged  the 
puwled  critics  by  a  book  to  which  she  gave  the  unoott- 


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ventfanal  title  of  "Some  Emotions  and  a  Moral". 
Success  waited  upon  ber  from  the  start:  "  The  Sin- 
ner's Comedy"  (1892);  "A  Study  in  Temptations" 
(1893);  "A  Bundle  of  Life  "(1894);  "TheGods,  Some 
Mortals,  and  Lord  Wickenham"  (1895);  "The  Herb 
Moon"  (1896);  "The  School  for  Saints"  (1897): 
"Robert  Orange"  (1900);  "A  Serious  Wooing'' 
(1901);  "Love  and  the  Soul  Hunters"  (1902);  "Tales 
About  Temperaments"  (1902);  "The  Vineyard" 
(1904);  "TheFluteof  Pan"  (1905);  "The  Dream  and 
the  Business"  (published  after  her  death  in  1906); — 
these  with  plays  like  "Journeys  End  in  Lovers 
Meeting:  Proverb,"  in  one  act,  written  for  Miss 
EUen  Terry  (1894);  "The  Ambassador",  produced  at 
the  St.  James's  theatre  in  London  (1898);  "Osbern 
and  Ursyne  ",  a  tragedy  in  three  acts,  published  in  the 
"Anglo-Saxon  Review"  (1899);  "A  Repentance",  a 
drama  in  one  act,  produced  at  the  St.  James's  Theatre 
and  afterwards  at  Carisbrooke  Castle  (1899);  "The 
Wisdom  of  the  Wise",  produced  at  the  St.  James's 
Theatre  (1900);  and  ''The  Bishop's  Move"  (1902), 
of  which  she  was  author  only  in  part,  represent  the 
sum  of  her  considered  work,  the  output  she  preferred 
to  be  judged  by.  As  she  grew  older  in  the  wisdom  of 
her  art,  the  religious  quality  which  seems  to  lie  inevi- 
tably behind  all  her  theory  of  life  emerged  more  and 
more  into  prominence.  It  reached  its  height  in  "Hie 
School  for  Saints"  and  its  sequel  "Robert  Qrange". 
Whether  in  literary  form  or  in  artistic  intention  she 
never  rose  beyond  the  achievement  of  these  two 
books.  They  are  intensely  serious,  intensely  human, 
and  almost  too  religious;  yet  they  are  modern  and 
alive.  Mrs.  Craigie  was  in  the  full  enjoyment  of  a  well 
deserved  fame,  yet  hardly  at  the  acme  of  her  powers, 
when  death  came  to  her  suddenly  from  heart  disease. 

Cornelius  Clifford. 

Oranganor.   See  Damao. 

Craniotomy.   See  Abortion;  Embbyotomt. 

Crashaw,  Richard,  poet,  Cambridge  scholar  and 
convert;  d.  1649.  The  date  of  his  birth  is  uncertain. 
All  that  can  be  affirmed  positively  is  that  he  was  the 
only  child  of  a  one-timef  amoiis  Puritan  divine,  William 
Crashaw,  by  a  first  marriage,  and  that  he  was  born  in 
London,  probably  not  earner  than  the  year  1613.  Of 
the  mother  nothing  is  known  except  that  she  died  in 
her  child's  infancy,  while  his  father  was  one  of  the 
preachers  in  the  Temple ;  and  not  even  her  family  name 
has  been  preserved  to  us.  William  Crashaw,  the 
father,  was  born  in  Yorkshire  of  a  prosperous  stock, 
which  had  been  settled  for  some  generations  in  or 
about  Handsworth,  a  place  some  few  miles  to  the  east 
of  the  present  town  of  Sheffield .  He  was  a  man  of  un- 
challenged repute  for  learning  in  his  day,  an  argumen- 
tative but  eloquent  preacher,  strong  in  his  Protes- 
tantism, and  fierce  in  his  denunciation  of  "Romish 
falsifications"  and  "besotted  Jesuitries".  He  mar- 
ried a  second  time  in  1619,  and  was  once  more  made  a 
widower  in  the  following  year.  Richard,  the  future 
poet,  could  scarcely  have  been  more  than  a  child  of  six 
when  this  event  took  place;  but  the  relations  between 
the  boy  and  his  step-mother,  brief  as  they  must  have 
been,  were  affectionate  to  an  unusual  degree.  Sit* 
was  but  four  and  twenty  when  she  died  in  child-birth 
early  in  October,  1620,  and  she  was  buried  in  White- 
chapel.  No  other  details  of  this  period  of  Crashaw 's 
life  nave  come  down  to  us,  but  the  few  to  which  refer- 
ence has  been  made  make  it  abundantly  evident  that 
neither  his  poetic  gifts  nor  the  strange  bias  which  he 
afterwards  displayed  for  the  more  mystical  side  of 
Christianity  can  be  explained  altogether  by  heredity 
or  even  by  early  environment. 

Owing  to  the  elder  Crash  aw 'b  fame  as  a  Temple 
preacher  and  the  scarcely  less  notable  distinction 
which  most  have  attached  to  him  as  a  hard-hitting 
Protestant  pamphleteer,  H  was  only  natural  that,  in 


the  then  state  of  public  opinion,  a  career  should  In 
time  be  opened  to  his  promising  son.  On  the  nomina- 
tion of  Sir  Randolph  Crewe  and  Sir  Henry  Yelverton, 
the  latter  one  of  trie  judges  of  the  King's  Bench,  the 
boy  was  placed  on  a  foundation  in  the  Charterhouse 
School  where  he  was  brought  under  the  influence  of 
Robert  Brooke,  a  master  of  high  ideals  and  great  prac- 
tical success.  The  elder  Crashaw  died  in  1626,  leaving  ' 
his  son  unprovided  for;  but  the  influence  of  his  friend* 
was  exerted  in  the  boy's  behalf,  and  on  6  July,  1631, 
some  five  years  after  his  father's  death,  Richard  en- 
tered Pembroke  Hall  in  Cambridge.  He  did  not  form- 
ally matriculate  as  a  scholar  until  26  March  of  the  fol- 
lowing year,  when  he  succeeded  in  getting  elected  to  a 
pensionership.  That  he  had  lived  for  some  time  at 
Pembroke  previous  to  his  actual  election  on  one  of  the 
foundations  there  seems  to  be  proved  by  the  poems 
composed  on  the  death  of  William  Henrys  for  Harris) 
which  took  place  in  October,  1631.  Life  at  Cambridge 
was  not  niggardly  to  Crashaw  in  spite  of  the  improvi- 
dence which  led  him  to  deplete  his  uncertain  resources 
by  spending  his  little  all  on  books.  From  this  time 
forth  books  and  friends  and  religion  were  to  make  up 
the  staple  of  existence  for  him. 

It  is  significant  of  the  essential  aloofness  of  his  spirit, 
during  even  the  chief  formative  years  of  his  life,  that 
his  poems  contain  no  reference  to  his  early  London 
house  or  to  his  family.  Brooke,  his  kindly  Charterhouse 
master,  however,  he  commemorates  more  than  once  in 
affectionate  terms  both  in  Latin  and  in  English;  and 
the  ties  of  university  friendship  seem  ever  to  nave  been 
strong  with  him.  Benjamin  Laney,  the  Master  of 
Pembrooke,  a  man  of  Laudian  views,  who  came  into  his 
own,  after  the  Cromwellian  troubles  were  over,  by 
being  appointed  successively  to  the  Sees  of  Peter- 
borough, Lineoln,  and  Ely;  John  Tournay,  the  High 
Churchman,  tutor  of  his  college,  who  was  refused  a 
divinity  degree  because  of  his  temerity  in  attacking 
the  Lutheran  doctrine  of  justification  by  faith  alone; 
Nicholas  Ferrer,  the  enthusiast  who  dreamed  of  reviv- 
ing the  cenobitical  idea  in  the  Anglican  Church  in  his 
home  at  Little  Gidding;  Cos  in,  the  Royalist  master  of 
Peterhouse ;  John  Beaumont,  the  author  of  "  Psyche ' ' ; 
and  most  characteristic  of  all,  perhaps  tenderest  of  all, 
and  certainly  not  the  least  notable  of  the  "Metaphyri-  - 
cians",  the  poet,  Abraham  Cowley; — these  were  the 
intimates  who  watched  the  ripening  of  those  Cam- 
bridge years  during  which  Crashaw  achieved  his  titles 
to  permanent  fame.  His  feeling  for  the  remote  and 
more  learned  sense  of  words,  which  accounts  in  part 
for  the  defects  as  well  as  for  the  felicities  of  his  poetic 
style,  had  manifested  itself  early  in  his  academio  ca- 
reer; and  he  had  been  but  a  short  while  at  the  univer- 
sity before  he  was  known  as  an  adept  in  five  lan- 
guages. His  knowledge  of  Greek  and  Latin  was  above 
the  average,  even  for  a  generation  distinguished  in  no 
small  degree  for  its  classical  scholarship,  and  one  fa- 
mous line  on  the  Miracle  of  the  Marriage  Feast  of  Cana 
in  his  "  Epigramrnar  urn  S  aero  rum  Liber",  issued  from 
the  University  Prrss  in  1634,  will  probably  be  quoted 
as  long  as  the  Latin  tongue  retains  its  spell  over  West- 
ern Christianity: "  Nympha  pudica  Deum  vidit,  et  era- 
birit".  (The  conscious  water  saw  its  Lord,  and 
blushed.)  Cf.  Aaron  Hill's  translation,  1688-1 76a 
The  year  in  which  the  "  Epigrammatum  Sacrorum 
Liber  appeared  was  the  year  in  which  Crashaw  took 
his  bachelor's  degree.  He  could  scarcely  have  been 
more  than  twenty-one  at  the  time,  and  two  years  later, 
possibly  on  the  promise  of  a  more  lucrative  fellowship, 
he  joined  his  friend  Dr.  Cosin  at  Peterhouse  ana 
proceeded  M.A.  in  1638. 

For  the  details  of  his  life  during  the  next  ten  or  eleven 
years  we  are  indebted  largely  to  the  conjectures  of  the 
late  Dr.  Grosart,  based  upon  the  chance  statements  of 
his  friends  and  an  entry  here  and  there  in  registers  and 
diplomatic  correspondence ;  that  it  was  a  life  sincerely 
devoted  to  religious  meditation  is  proved  by  the  pre- 


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vailing  note  of  his  poetry  and  by  a  quaintly  significant 
remark  or  two  of  the  unknown  friend  who  wrote  the 
original  preface  to  the  "Steps  to  the  Temple".  That 
writer  calls  him  "Herbert's  second,  butequall,  who 
hath  retriv'd  Poetry  of  late,  and  returned  it  up  to  its 
Primitive  use;  Let  it  bound  back  to  heaven  gates, 
whence  it  came".  And  he  goes  on  to  tell  us  how  the 
"divine  poet"  had  passed  his  life  "in  St.  Maries 
Church  nee  re  St.  Peter's  Colledge;  there  he  lodged 
under  Tertullian's  roofe  of  Angels;  there  he  made  nis 
nest  more  gladly  than  David's  Swallow  neere  the  house 
of  God,  where,  like  a  primitive  Saint,  he  offered  more 
prayers  in  the  night  than  others  usually  offer  in  the 
day;  there  he  penned  these  Poems,  Steps  for  happy 
soules  to  climbe  heaven  by".  Cambridge  was  at  this 
time  the  home,  not  only  of  "thorough"  or  Royalist 
principles  in  politics,  but  of  Laudian  ventures  in  An- 
glicanism ;  and  it  was  only  to  be  expected,  that,  when 
the  Puritan  storm  broke  at  last  in  the  guise  of  civil 
war,  Crashaw  and  his  friends  should  be  among  the 
first  to  suffer  from  its  fury.  The  poet  joined  the  king 
at  Oxford  sometime  after  March,  1643;  there  he  re- 
mained but  a  short  while.  When  next  we  hear  from 
him  it  is  as  an  impecunious  scholar  in  great  distress  in 
Paris  where  his  friend  Cowley  unexpectedly  discovered 
him  and  obtained  for  him  an  introduction  to  Queen 
Henrietta  Maria.  Cowley  went  to  Paris  as  secretary 
to  Lord  Jermyn  in  1646;  but  some  time  before  this — 
the  date  and  immediate  circumstances  of  the  event  are 
entirely  unknown — Crashaw  had  become  dissatisfied 
with  Anglican  Christianity  and  had  made  his  sub- 
mission to  the  Roman  See. 

Through  the  intervention  of  Queen  Henrietta  he  ob- 
tained an  honourable  post  in  the  great  household  of 
Cardinal  Palotta.  It  is  pathetic  to  have  to  note  that 
the  conscience  of  the  man  who  had  suffered  so  much  to 
win  for  himself  the  grace  of  a  consistent  creed  was 
scandalized  at  the  spectacle  of  inconsistency  afforded 
by  the  curious  lives  of  some  of  his  new-found  Italian 
fellow-believers.  Difficulties  multiplied  for  him,  and 
it  was  said  that  his  life  was  threatened.  ("  Pope  Alex- 
ander the  Seventh  and  the  College  of  Cardinals",  ed- 
ited for  the  Camden  Society,  1867,  and  quoted  by 
Canon  Beeching  in  Tutin's  edition  of  the  "Poems", 
Introduction,  pp.  XXX-XXXI).  The  kindly  cardi- 
nal, however,  interested  himself  in  his  behalf  and  ob- 
tained for  him  a  more  congenial  post  in  the  shape  of  a 
minor  benefice  at  toe  shrine  of  Loretto.  He  wag 
"inducted"  on  the  24th  of  April,  1649,  and  there 
some  four  weeks  later  he  died,  suddenly  it  would 
seem,  from  heat-apoplexy  brought  on  by  his  exer- 
tions during  a  pilgrimage. 

His  plaoe  in  English  literature  may  be  said  to  be 
fixed  now  for  all  time.  If  he  is  not  the  most  impor- 
tant, he  is  at  any  rate  not  the  least  distinguished  of 
that  remarkable  group  of  Caroline  lyrists  described  so 
unsympatoetically,  it  might  even  be  said  so  ineptly,  by 
Dr.  Johnson,  as  belonging  to  the  Metaphysical  School. 
Like  Herbert  and  Donne  and  Cowley,  he  is  in  love 
with  the  smaller  graces  of  life  and  the  profounder 
truths  of  religion,  while  he  seems  forever  preoccupied 
with  the  secret  architecture  of  things.  He  has,  in 
his  better  moments  of  inspiration,  a  rare  and  singularly 
felicitous  gift  of  epithet  and  phrase,  as  when  he  ad- 
dresses St.  Teresa  in  the  famous  outburst  of  religious 
enthusiasm  that  marks  the  close  of  the  "Apology'': — 

O  thou  undaunted  daughter  of  desires  I 

By  all  thy  dower  of  lights  and  fires; 

By  all  the  eagle  in  thee,  all  the  dove; 

By  all  thy  lives  and  deaths  of  love; 

By  thy  large  draughts  of  intellectual  day, 

And  by  thy  thirsts  of  love  more  large  than  they; 

By  all  thy  brim-filled  bowls  of  fierce  desire. 

And  by  thy  last  morning's  draughts  of  liquid  fire ; 

By  the  full  kingdom  of  that  final  kiss 

That  seized  thy  parting  soul,  and  seal'd  thee  His, — 


or  when  he  bespeaks  for  the  ideal  wife  in  the  justly 
famed  "  Wishes  to  his  (supposed)  Mistress." 

Whate'er  delight, 

Can  make  Day's  forehead  bright, 

Or  give  down  to  the  wings  of  Night. 

If  his  predilection  is  for  those  wanton  arabesques  of 
rhythm  in  which  fancy  seems  suddenly  to  become 
crystallized  as  wit,  on  the  other  hand  his  lyric  gift  too 
often  becomes  merely  elaborate  and  Sags  because  he 
is  forever  in  quest  of  a  surprise.  In  addition  to  the 
collections  of  his  verse  referred  to  above,  he  wrote  a 
group  of  sacred  songs  under  the  title  of  "Carmen  Deo 
Nostro"  which  he  dedicated  to  his  friend  and  patron, 
Lady  Denbigh,  but  which  was  not  published  until 
three  years  after  his  death,  and  another  group  of 
occasional  pieces  which  he  called  "  The  Delights  of 
toe  Muses*  (1648). 

Giltillan,  The  Life  and  Poetry  of  Richard  Crathaw,  a  bio- 
graphical essay  prefixed  to  his  edition  of  the  poems  (Edinburgh, 
1857);  Fuller.  Worthiee'  Library,  ed.  Qroeart,  first  printed  in 
1872-1873,  and  supplemented  in  1887-1888  by  conation  with 
the  British  Museum  MS.  (Addit.  MS.  33310):  Diet.  Nat.  Biog. 
s.  v.;  Beeching,  Introduction,  prefixed  to  the  edition  of  the 
poems  edited  by  J.  R.  Tutin  (London,  The  Muses  Library;  no 
date):  Steps  to  the  Temple,  Delight*  of  the  Mueee  and  other  Poem*. 
ed.  Waller  (Cambridge,  1804);  Wood,  Faeti  Oxen.,  ii,  4;  Col- 
eridge, Literary  Recollection*  (1836). 

Cornelius  Clifford. 

Or&aset,  Jean,  ascetical  writer,  b.  at  Dieppe, 
France,  3  January,  1618;  d.  at  Paris,  4  January,  1692. 
He  entered  the  Society  of  Jesus  in  1638,  became  pro- 
fessor of  humanities  and  philosophy,  was  director  for 
twenty-three  years  of  a  famous  sodality  of  men  con- 
nected with  the  professed  house  of  the  Jesuits  in 
Paris,  and  was  also  a  successful  preacher.  Crasset  is 
the  author  of  many  ascetical  works,  among  which  are: 
"Methode  d'oraison";  "Considerations  chretiennes 
pour  to  us  les  jours  de  l'annee";  "Le  Chretien  en  soli- 
tude"; "Dissertation  sur  les  oracles  des  Sibyiles", 
which  was  vigorously  attacked ;  "  Entretiens  pour  la 
ieunesse".  He  also  published  in  1689  a  "  His  to  ire  de 
l'eglise  du  Japon"  which  has  been  translated  into  sev- 
eral languages  but  which  is  considered  inferior  to  that 
of  Charlevoix.  Cresset's  history  was  scarcely  origi- 
nal for  it  was  drawn  in  great  part  from  the  work 
which  Father  Solier  had  issued  in  1627;  he  merely  re- 
touched the  style  and  continued  the  narrative  from 
1624  to  1658.  The  objection  is  made  that  the  work 
lacks  precision,  is  heavy,  and  is  crowded  with  details. 
The  author  attributed  the  origin  of  the  persecution  of 
1597  to  the  imprudence  of  the  friars  in  making  their 
religious  ceremonies  too  public.  There  is  a  posthu- 
mous work  of  his  entitled:  "La  foy  victorieuse  de 
l'mfidelite  et  du  libertinage".  On  9  September, 
1656,  the  Bishop  of  Orleans  issued  an  interdict  against 
him  for  having  in  one  of  his  sermons  charged  several 
ecclesiastics  with  sustaining  the  propositions  con- 
demned by  the  Bull  of  Innocent  X,  "Cum  occasione  " 
(31  May,  1653).  The  interdict  was  removed  in  the 
following  February. 

Feller,  Biog.  univ.  (Paris,  1837);  De  Bicker,  BMiotheque 
de  la  c  de  J.  (1st  i  '   


Liege,  1863). 


T.  J.  Campbell. 


Craven,  Mrs.  Augustus  (Pauline-Marie- Ar- 
m  ande-Ag lae-Ferron  de  la  Ferronnats),  b.  12 
April,  1808,  in  London;  d.  in  Paris,  1  April,  1891. 
Her  parents,  Comte  Auguste-Marie  de  la  Ferronnays, 
of  old  Breton  stock,  and  Marie-Charlotte- Albertine  de 
Sourches  de  Montsoreau,  likewise  of  ancient  family, 
had  undergone  all  the  miseries  attendant  on  the  emi- 
gration during  the  French  Revolution,  including  the 
loss  of  estates.  Their  attachment  to  the  Due  de 
Bern  brought  about  their  return  to  France,  followed 
shortly  afterwards  by  the  appointment  of  M.  de  la 
Ferronnays  as  ambassador  to  St.  Petersburg,  where 
he  continued  for  eight  years.  In  1827  he  returned  to 
France  as  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs  to  Charles  X, 


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and  Pauline  was  introduced  into  the  brilliant  society 
of  the  Restoration.  In  1830  her  father  was  given  the 
post  of  ambassador  to  Rome,  where  he  was  accom- 
panied by  his  family.  It  was  probably  in  Naples  that 
she  met  Augustus  Craven,  son  of  Keppel  Craven  and 
grandson  of  the  Margravine  of  Anspach,  who  in  1830 had 
been  appointed  attache  to  the  British  Legation  at  Na- 
ples. Their  marriage  was  celebrated,  24  August,  1834, 
in  the  chapel  of  the  Acton  Palace,  Naples,  and  a  few 
days  afterwards  Augustus  Craven  was  received  into  the 
Church.  In  1836  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Craven  returned  to 
England,  whence  they  went  successively  to  Lisbon, 
Brussels  (1838),  and  Stuttgart  (1843),  where  Mr. 
Craven  held  diplomatic  appointments.  Up  to  this 
time  Mrs.  Craven's  life  had  been  intimately  bound  up 
with  those  of  her  immediate  family,  whom  the  world 
has  come  to  know  and  love  in  the  pages  of  "Le  R£cit 
d'une  Soeur".  She  took  a  keen  interest  in  English 
politics,  and  in  1861  wrote  a  protest  against  an  attack 
in  the  House  of  Commons  on  conventual  life  as  it 
was  being  revived  in  England. 

In  1851  Mr.  Craven  made  an  unsuccessful  stand  for 
Parliament,  which  caused  him  severe  financial  losses. 
In  1863  the  Cravens  took  up  their  residence  at  Naples 
in  the  Palazzino  Chiatamone,  or  as  it  came  to  be 
called,  the  Casa  Craven,  formerly  occupied  by  Mr. 
Craven's  father,  who  had  died  in  1851.  During 
the  years  that  followed,  this  became  the  centre  of  the 
brilliant  Neapolitan  society  depicted  in  Mrs.  Craven's 
"  Le  mot  de  l'enigme  ".  By  1864  she  had  arranged  the 
mass  of  materials  for  "  Le  Recit  d'une  Soeur",  and  had 
begun  "Anne  Severin".  "Le  Recit"  appeared  in 
January,  1866.  In  March.  1868,  the  first  part  of 
"Anne  Severin"  began  in  "Le  Correspondant",  and 
Lady  Fullerton  commenced  the  translation. 

The  winters  of  1868-69  and  1869-70  were  spent  in 
Rome,  and  at  the  Craven  apartments  numbers  of  dis- 
tinguished people  met,  among  them  many  nf  the  prel- 
ates present  at  the  Vatican  Council.  Mrs.  Craven's 
best  known  novel,  "Fleurange",  appeared  in  1872 
simultaneously  at  Paris  in  "Le  Correspondant"  and 
at  New  York  in  English  through  the  efforts  of  Father 
Hecker  in  "The  Catholic  World".  This  work  was 
crowned  by  the  Academy.  It  was  followed  in  1874  by 
"  Le  mot  de  l'enigme  ".  In  the  same  year  Mrs.  Craven's 
answer  to  Gladstone's  article  in  the  "Contemporary 
Review",  entitled  "Ritualism  and  Ritual",  and  his 
subsequent  pamphlet,  appeared  in  "Le  Correspon- 
dant" on  the  same  day  as  Cardinal  Newman's  "  Letter 
to  the  Duke  of  Norfolk". 

After  1870  Mrs.  Craven's  life  was  spent  chiefly  in 
Paris,  varied  by  lengthy  visits  to  English  friends,  and 
more  particularly  to  Monabri,  the  beautiful  chalet  of 
Princess  Sayn  Wittgenstein,  between  Lausanne  and 
Ouchy,  where  the  Empress  Augusta  was  also  a 
frequent  guest.  The  life  of  Natalie  Narischkin,  on 
which  Mrs.  Craven  had  long  been  at  work,  appeared  in 
1876.  Mr.  Craven  died  at  Monabri,  4  October,  1884, 
and  was  buried  at  Boury.  During  the  remaining 
seven  years  of  Mrs.  Craven's  life  she  was  busy  with 
various  articles  for  reviews,  but  chiefly  with  her  last 
novel,  "Le  Valbriant",  and  the  life  of  her  friend. 
Lady  Georgiana  Fullerton,  published  in  1888,  and 
adapted  by  Father  Coleridge  in  his  life.  On  5  June, 
1890,  she  was  attacked  by  a  species  of  paralysis, 
which  after  ten  months,  during  which  she  was  de- 
prived of  speech,  resulted  in  her  death. 

Bishop.  A  Memoir  of  Mrs.  Augustus  Craven  (2nd  ed.,  Lon- 
don. 1806);  Lei,  in  Diet.  Nat.  Biog.,  a.  r.  in  Supplement 

F.  M.  Rudge. 

Grayer,  Caspar  db,  Flemish  painter,  b.  at  Ant- 
werp, 1582;  d.  at  Ghent,  1669.  He  was  a  pupil  of 
Raphael  van  Coxcie,  but  speedily  surpassed  his 
master,  vand  was  appointed  painter  to  the  Governor 
of  the  Low  Countries  at  Brussels,  was  given  a  con- 
siderable pension,  and  employed  in  the  churches 


and  public  edifices  of  that  place.  He  resigned  his 
position,  however,  and  removed  to  Ghent,  where  he 
painted  his  most  celebrated  works.  Of  his  picture 
of  the  "Centurion  and  Christ",  painted  for  the 
refectory  of  the  abbey  at  Afnighem,  Rubens  is  said 
to  have  declared:  "Crayer,  nobody  will  surpass  you". 
He  was  one  of  the  most  eminent  Flemish  painters, 
and,  although  not  a  man  of  profound  genius,  was  a 
perfect  draughtsman  and  an  admirable  colourist. 
His  compositions  are  simple,  correct,  and  pleasing, 
his  colouring  clear  and  fresh,  comparable  only  in 
his  own  school  to  that  of  Van  Dyck.  In  many  of  his 
important  works  he  employed  De  Vadder  and 
Acntschellinck  to  paint  the  landscapes,  he  himself 
being  responsible  lor  the  composition  and  figures. 
His  chief  work  is  the  "  Death  of  the  Virgin  "  in  Madrid, 
and  his  principal  portrait  is  that  of  the  Cardinal  In- 
fant Don  Ferdinand,  brother  of  the  King  of  Spain, 
on  horseback.  There  are  several  of  his  paintings 
at  Brussels,  three  in  Ghent,  one  at  Antwerp,  and 
others  at  Amsterdam,  Munich,  Nancy,  Pans,  St. 
Petersburg,  and  Rotterdam.  His  portrait  was 
painted  by  Van  Dyck  and  engraved  by  Pontius, 
and  he  himself  is  said  to  have  been  responsible  for 
more  than  one  woodcut. 

Conwat,  Early  Flemish  Artists  (London.  1887):  Passavant. 
La  peintra  de  I  (cole  flamandt  (Ghent,  1842) ;  Kuoi.br,  Hand- 
buch  der  Geschichie  der  Malerei  (Berlin,  1837) ;  Waaqkn,  Hand- 
book of  Flemish  Painting  (London,  1860) ;  HocaaAYE,  L'Histoire 
de  la  peinture  flamande  (Paris,  1848);  Cnow«  and  Cavalca- 
i.  Early  Flemish  Painters  (London,  1857). 


George  Charles  Williamson. 

Oreagh,  Richard,  Archbishop  of  Armagh,  Ireland, 
b.  at  Limerick  early  in  the  sixteenth  century;  d.  in 
the  Tower  of  London,  in  1585.  The  son  or  a  mer- 
chant, he  followed  the  same  calling  in  his  youth  and 
made  many  voyages  to  Spain.  A  providential  escape 
from  shipwreck  led  him  to  embrace  a  religious  lite, 
and  after  some  years  of  study  abroad  he  was  ordained 
priest.  Returning  to  Ireland,  he  taught  school  for  a 
time  at  Limerick.  He  refused  nominations  for  the 
Sees  of  Limerick  and  Cashel,  but  the  papal  nuncio, 
David  Wolfe,  determined  to  conquer  nis  humility, 
named  him  for  the  primacy  when  it  became  vacant, 
and  would  accept  no  refusal.  Creagh  was  consecrated 
at  Rome,  and  m  1564  returned  to  Ireland  as  Arch- 
bishop of  Armagh.  Shane  O'Neill  was  then  the  most 
potent  of  the  Ulster  chiefs.  From  the  first  he  and 
Creagh  disagreed.  O'Neill  hated  England;  Creagh 
preached  loyalty  to  England  in  the  cathedral  of 
Armagh,  even  in  his  presence.  O'Neill  retorted  by 
burning  down  the  cathedral.  Creagh  then  cursed 
him  and  refused  to  absolve  him  because  he  had  put 
a  priest  to  death.  Shane  retaliated  by  threatening 
the  life  of  the  primate,  and  by  declaring  publicly  that 
there  was  no  one  on  earth  he  hated  so  much,  except 
the  Queen  of  England,  whom  he  confessed  he  hated 
more.  In  spite  of  all  this,  Creagh  was  arrested  and 
imprisoned  by  the  English.  Twice  he  escaped,  but 
he  was  retaken  and  in  1567  lodged  in  the  Tower  of 
London,  and  kept  there  till  his  death.  From  his  re- 
peated examinations  before  the  English  Privy  Coun- 
cil his  enmity  to  Shane  O'Neill  and  his  unwavering 
loyalty  to  England  were  made  plain.  But  his  stead- 
fastness in  the  Faith  and  his  great  popularity  in  Ire' 
land  were  considered  crimes,  and  in  consequence  the 
Council  refused  to  set  him  free.  Not  content  with 
this  his  moral  character  was  assailed.  The  daughter 
of  his  jailer  was  urged  to  charge  him  with  having 
assaulted  her.  The  charge  was  investigated  in  publio 
court,  where  the  girl  retracted,  declaring  her  accusa- 
tion absolutely  false.  It  has  been  said  that  Creagh 
was  poisoned  in  prison,  and  this,  whether  true  or  false, 
was  believed  at  the  time  of  his  death.  His  grand- 
nephew,  Peter  Creagh,  was  Bishop  of  Cork  about 
1676.  He  was  imprisoned  for  two  years  in  conse- 
quence of  the  false  accusations  of  Titus  Oates,  but 


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acquitted  (1682),  was  transferred  to  the  Archdiocese 
of  Tuam  in  1686.  He  followed  James  II  to  the  Con- 
tinent, was  appointed  Archbishop  of  Dublin  in  1693, 
but  was  never  able  to  return  and  take  possession.  He 
became  Coadjutor  Bishop  of  Strasburg,  where  he  died 
(July,  1705). 

Bbadt,  Bpitcopal  Succmion  in  Ireland  (Rome,  1876);  Bbq- 
lbt,  Hittorv  of  the  Dioceee  of  Limerick  (Dublin,  1900);  Ware- 
Habbii,  Buhopt  of  Ireland  (Dublin,  1764);  Renehatt,  Collec- 
>  of  Irish  Church  HieUny  (Dublin,  1881):  8tu/ 


mm*  v,  nwi  vimm  . 1 j  fuuuwi,  uwi/,  0*oabt,  Historical 
Memoirt  of  Armafih,  ed.  Coleman  (Dublin,  1900);  Hokan, 
SpicQepium  Oetortente  (Dublin,  1874),  I;  O'Suluvan  Beau, 
Catholic  History  of  Ireland  (partly  translated  from  the  Latin 
by  M.  J.  Btbme,  Dublin,  1903);  Hamilton  and  Cajuiw,  Calen- 
dart  of  State  Papers  (1609-65);  O'Rehay,  Memorial*  of  those 
who  tuff  end  for  the  Catholic  Faith  in  Ireland  (London,  1868). 

E.  A.  D'Ai/ton. 

Creation  (Lai.  creatio). — I.  Definition. — Like 
other  words  of  the  same  ending,  the  term  creation  sig- 
nifies both  an  action  and  the  object  or  effect  thereof. 
Thus,  in  the  latter  sense,  we  speak  of  the  "  kingdoms  of 
creation",  "the  whole  creation",  and  so  on.  In  the 
former  sense  the  word  sometimes  stands  for  produc- 
tive activity  generally  (e.  g.  to  create  joy,  trouble,  etc.), 
but  more  especially  for  a  higher  order  of  such  efficiency 
(e.  g.  artistic  creation).  In  technically  theological 
and  philosophical  use  it  expresses  the  act  whereby 
God  brings  the  entire  substance  of  a  thing  into  exist- 
ence from  a  state  of  non-existence — productio  totius 
substantia  ex  nihilo  tut  et  subiecti.  In  every  kind  of 
production  the  specific  effect  had  as  such  no  previous 
existence,  and  may  therefore  be  said  to  have  been 
educed  ex  nihilo  tm — from  a  state  of  non-existence — 
so  far  as  its  specific  character  is  concerned  (e.  g.  a 
statue  out  of  crude  marble);  but  what  is  peculiar  to 
creation  is  the  entire  absence  of  any  prior  subject-mat- 
ter— ex  nihilo  subjecti.  It  is  therefore  likewise  the 
production  totius  substantia — of  the  entire  substance. 
The  preposition  ex,  "out  of ",  in  the  above  definition 
does  not,  of  course,  imply  that  nihil,  "nothing",  is  to 
be  conceived  as  the  material  out  of  which  a  thing  is 
made — materia  ex  qua — a  misconception  which  has 
given  rise  to  the  puerile  objection  against  the  possibil- 
ity of  creation  conveyed  by  the  phrase,  ex  nihilo  nihil 
ft—  "nothing  comes  of  nothing  .  The  ex  means  (a) 
the  negation  of  prejaoent  material,  out  of  .which  the 
product  might  otherwise  be  conceived  to  proceed,  and 
(b)  the  order  of  succession,  viz.,  existence  after  non- 
existence. It  follows,  therefore,  that  (1)  creation  is 
not  a  change  or  transformation,  since  the  latter  pro- 
cess includes  an  actual  underlying  pre-existent  subject 
that  passes  from  one  real  state  to  another  real  state, 
which  subject  creation  positively  excludes;  (2)  it  is 
not  a  procession  within  the  Deity,  like  the  inward 
emission  of  the  Divine  Persons,  since  its  term  is  ex- 
trinsic to  God;  (3)  it  is  not  an  emanation  from  the 
Divine  Substance,  since  the  latter  is  utterly  indivisi- 
ble; (4)  it  is  an  act  which,  while  it  abides  within  its 
cause  (God),  has  its  term  or  effect  distinct  therefrom; 
formally  immanent,  it  is  virtually  transitive;  (5)  in- 
cluding, as  it  does,  no  motion,  and  hence  no  successive- 
ness, it  is  an  instantaneous  operation;  (6)  its  immedi- 
ate term  is  the  substance  of  the  effect,  the  "accidents" 
(q.  v.)  being  "con-created";  (7)  since  the  word  crea- 
tion in  its  passive  sense  expresses  the  term  or  object  of 
the  creative  act,  or,  more  strictly,  the  object  in  its  en- 
titative  dependence  on  the  Creator,  it  follows  that,  as 
this  dependence  is  essential,  and  hence  inamissible, 
the  creative  act  once  placed  is  coextensive  in  duration 
with  the  creature's  existence.  However,  as  thus  con- 
tinuous, it  is  called  conservation,  an  act,  therefore, 
which  is  nothing  else  than  the  unceasing  influx  of  the 
creative  cause  upon  the  existence  of  the  creature.  In- 
asmuch as  that  influx  is  felt  immediately  on  the  crea- 
ture's activity,  it  is  called  concurrence.  Creation, 
conservation,  and  concurrence  are,  therefore,  really 
identical  and  only  notionally  distinguished.  Other 
characteristics  there  are,  the  more  important  of  which 
will  come  out  in  what  follows. 


II.  History  of  the  Idea. — 1.  The  idea  of  creation 
thus  outlined  is  intrinsically  consistent.  Given  a  per- 
sonal First  Cause  possessing  infinite  power  and 
wisdom,  creative  productivity  would  a  priori  be  nec- 
essarily one  of  His  perfections,  i.  e.  absolute  independ- 
ence of  the  external  limitations  imposed  by  a  material 
subject  whereon  to  exert  His  efficiency.  Besides,  the 
fecundity  which  organic  creatures  possess,  and  which, 
in  the  present  supposition,  would  be  derived  from  that 
First  Cause,  must  be  found  typically  and  eminently  in 
its  source.  But  creative  productivity  is  just  the  trans- 
cendent exemplar  of  organic  fecundity.  Therefore,  a 
priori,  we  should  look  for  it  in  the  First  Cause.  How 
the  creature  is  produced,  how  something  comes  from 
nothing,  is  of  course  quite  unimaginable  by  us,  and  ex- 
tremely difficult  to  conceive.  But  this  is  scarcely  less 
true  of  any  other  mode  of  production.  The  intimate 
nexus  between  cause  and  effect  is  in  every  case  hard 
to  understand.  The  fact,  however,  of  such  a  connex- 
ion is  not  denied  except  by  a  few  theorists;  and  even 
they  continually  admit  it  in  practice.  Consequently 
the  indistinctness  of  the  notion  of  creation  is  no  valid 
reason  for  doubting  its  inner  coherence.  Moreover, 
though  the  idea  of  creation  is  not,  of  course,  based  upon 
immediate  experience,  it  is  the  product  of  the  mind's 
endeavour,  aided  by  the  principle  of  sufficient  reason, 
to  interpret  experience.  Creation,  as  will  presently 
appear,  is  the  only  consistent  solution  that  has  ever 
been  given  to  the  problem  of  the  world's  origin. 

2.  On  the  other  hand,  though  the  idea  of  creation  is 
self -consistent  and  naturally  attainable  by  the  mind 
interpreting  the  world  in  the  light  of  the  principle  of 
causality,  nevertheless  snch  is  not  its  actual  source. 
The  conception  has  a  distinctly  theological  origjn. 
The  early  Christian  writers,  learning  from  Revelation 
that  the  world  was  produced  from  nothing,  and  seeing 
the  necessity  of  having  a  term  to  designate  such  an  act. 
chose  the  word  creare,  which  theretofore  had  been  used 
to  express  any  form  of  production,  e.  g.  creare  con- 
sulem  (Cicero).  The  theological  usage  afterwards 
passed  into  modern  language.  Probably  the  idea  of 
creation  never  entered  the  human  mind  apart  from 
Revelation.  Though  some  of  the  pagan  philosophers 
attained  to  a  relatively  high  conception  of  God  as  the 
supreme  ruler  of  the  world,  they  seem  never  to  have 
drawn  the  next  logical  inferenoe  of  His  being  the  abso- 
lute cause  of  all  finite  existence.  The  truth  of  crea- 
tion, while  not  a  mystery — not  supernatural  in  its 
very  nature  {quoad  essentiam) — is  supernatural  in  the 
mode  of  its  manifestation  (quoad  modum).  Implicitly 
natural,  it  is  explicitly  revealed.  The  distinct  con- 
ception of  his  created  origin  which  primitive  man,  as 
described  in  Genesis,  must  have  received  from  his 
Creator  was  gradually  obscured  and  finally  lost  to  the 
majority  of  his  descendants  when  moral  corruption  had 
darkened  their  understanding;  and  they  substituted 
for  the  Creator  the  fantastic  agencies  conjured  up  by 
polytheism,  dualism,  and  pantheism.  The  overarch- 
ing sky  was  conceived  of  as  divine,  and  the  heavenly 
bodies  and  natural  phenomena  as  its  children.  In  the 
East  this  gradually  gave  rise  to  the  identification  of 
God  with  nature.  Whatever  exists  is  but  the  mani- 
festation of  the  One — i.  e.  Brahma.  In  the  West  the 
forces  of  the  universe  were  separately  deified,  and  a 
more  or  less  esoteric  conception  of  the  Supreme  Being 
as  the  father  of  the  gods  and  of  man  was  feebly  held  by 
some  of  the  Egyptians  and  probably  by  the  Greek  and 
Roman  sages  and  priests.  The  Creator,  however,  did 
not  leave  Himself  without  witness  in  the  race  of  men. 
The  descendants  of  Sem  and  Abraham,  of  Isaac  and 
Jacob,  preserved  the  idea  of  creation  clear  and  pure; 
and  from  the  opening  verse  of  Genesis  to  the  closing 
book  of  the  Old  Testament  the  doctrine  of  creation 
runs  unmistakably  outlined  and  absolutely  undefiled 
by  any  extraneous  element.  "  In  the  beginning  God 
created  the  heavens  and  the  earth."  In  this,  the  first, 
sentence  of  the  Bible  we  see  the  fountain-head  of  the 


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Btream  which  is  carried  over  to  the  new  order  by  the 
declaration  of  the  mother  of  the  Machabees:  "Son. 
look  upon  heaven  and  earth,  and  all  that  is  in  them:  ana 
consider  that  God  made  them  out  of  nothing  "  (II  Mach ., 
vii,  28) .  One  has  only  to  compare  the  Mosaic  account 
of  the  creative  work  with  that  recently  discovered  on 
the  clay  tablets  unearthed  from  the  ruins  of  Babylon 
to  discern  the  immense  difference  between  the  un- 
adulterated revealed  tradition  and  the  puerile  story 
of  the  cosmogony  corrupted  by  polytheistic  myths. 
'  Between  the  Hebrew  and  the  Chaldean  account  there 
;  is  just  sufficient  similarity  to  warrant  the  supposition 
that  both  are  versions  of  some  antecedent  record  or 
tradition ;  but  no  one  can  avoid  the  conviction  that  the 
Biblical  account  represents  the  pure,  even  if  incorn- 
.  plete,  truth,  while  the  Babylonian  story  is  both  legend- 
ary and  fragmentary  (Smith,  "  Chaldean  Account  of 
Genesis",  New  York,  1875).  Throughout  the  New 
Testament,  wherein  God's  creative  activity  is  seen  to 
merge  with  the  redemptive,  the  same  idea  is  continu- 
ous, now  reaffirmed  to  the  Greek  pagan  in  explicit 
forms,  now  recalled  to  the  Hebrew  believer  by  expres- 
sions that  presuppose  it  too  obvious  and  fully  admitted 
to  need  explicit  reiteration. 

3.  The  extra-canonical  books  of  the  Jews,  notably 
the  Book  of  Henoch  and  the  Fourth  Book  of  Esdras, 
repeat  and  expand  the  teaching  of  the  Old  Testament 
on  creation;  the  Fathers  ana  Doctors  of  the  early 
Church  in  the  East  and  West  everywhere  proclaim  the 
same  doctrine,  confirming  it  by  philosophical  argu- 
ments in  their  controversies  with  Paganism,  Gnosti- 
cism and  Manichsism;  while  the  early  Roman  symbols, 
that  of  Nicsea  and  those  of  Constantinople  repeat,  in 
practically  unvarying  phrase,  the  universal  Christian 
belief  "  in  God  the  Father  Almighty,  Creator  of  Heaven 
and  earth,  of  all  things  visible  and  invisible". 

4.  After  the  controversy  with  Paganism  and  the 
Oriental  heresies  had  waned,  and  with  the  awakening 
of  a  new  intellectual  life  through  the  introduction  of 
Aristotle  into  the  Western  schools,  the  doctrine  of 
creation  was  set  forth  in  greater  detail.  The  revival 
of  Maniclueism  by  the  Cathari  (q.  v.)  and  the  Albi- 
genses  (q.  v.)  called  for  a  more  explicit  expression  of 
the  contents  of  the  Church's  belief  regarding  creation. 
This  was  formulated  by  the  Fourth  Lateran  Council  in 
1215  [Denzinger,  "Enchiridion",  428  (355)].  The 
council  teaches  the  unicity  of  the  creative  principle — 
unua  solus  Dent;  the  fact  of  creation  out  of  nothing  (the 
nature  of  creation  is  here  for  the  first  time,  doubtless 
through  the  influence  of  the  schools,  designated  by  the 
.formula,  condidit  ex  nihilo) ;  its  object  (the  visible  and 

S visible,  the  spiritual  and  material  world,  and  man) ; 
i  temporal  character  (ab  initio  temporis) ;  the  origin 
of  evil  from  the  fact  of  free  will. 

.  5.  The  conflict  with  the  false  dualism  and  the  ema- 
nationism  introduced  into  the  schools  by  the  Arabian 
philosophers,  especially  Avicenna  (1036)  and  Aver- 
roee  (1198),  brought  out  the  more  philosophically 
elaborated  doctrine  of  creation  found  in  the  works  of 
the  greater  Scholastics,  such  as  Blessed  Albert,  St. 
Thomas,  and  iit.  Bona  venture.  The  Aristotelean 
theory  of  causes  is  here  made  use  of  as  a  defining  in- 
strument in  the  synthesis  which  is  suggested  by  the 
well-known  distich: — 

Efficiens  causa  Deus  est,  formal  ie  idea, 
Finalis  bonitas,  materialis  hyle 
(Albert.  Magn.,  Summa,  I,  Tr.  xiii ;  Q.  liv.  Vol.  XXXI, 
,p.  551  of  Bosquet  ed7  Pans,  1895).  On  these  lines  the 
Schoolmen  built  their  system,  embracing  the  relation 
of  the  world  to  God  as  its  efficient  cause,  the  continu- 
ance of  creation  in  God's  conservation  thereof  and  His 
concurrence  with  every  phase  of  the  creature's  activ- 
ity ;  the  conception  of  the  Divine  idea  as  the  archetypal 
cause  of  creation:  the  doctrine  that  God  is  moved  to 
create  (speaking  by  analogy  with  the  finite  will)  by 
His  own  goodness,  to  which  He  gives  expression  in 
creation  in  order  that  the  rational  creature  recognizing 


it  may  be  led  to  love  it  and,  by  a  corresponding  mental 
and  moral  adjustment  thereto  in  the  present  fife,  may 
attain  to  its  complete  fruition  in  the  life  to  come;  in 
other  words  that  the  Divine  goodness  and  love  is  the 
source  and  final  cause  of  creation  both  active  and  pas- 
sive. Thus  the  application,  by  a  constantly  sustained 
analogy  of  the  three  causes— efficient,  final,  and  formal 
(archetypal)-— results  in  the  Scholastic  philosophy  of 
creation.  There  being  no  previously  existing  material 
cause  (hyle)  of  creation,  the  application  of  the  fourth 
cause  appears  in  the  Scholastic  theory  on  potency  and 
materia  prima,  the  radical  and  undifferentiated  constit- 
uent of  nature. 

ft,  The  idea  of  creation  developed  by  the  Scholas- 
tics passed  without  substantial  change  along  that  cur- 
rent of  modern  thought  which  preserved  the  essential 
elements  of  the  Theistio-Christian  world-view — that  of 
Descartes,  Malebranche,  Leibniz — and  of  course  along 
the  continuous  stream  of  traditional  teaching  within 
the  Catholic  Church.  In  the  opposing  current  it  dis- 
appears with  Spinoza,  and  gives  way  to  realistic  Pan- 
theism; with  Fichte,  Schelhng,  and  Hegel,  its  place  is 
taken  by  some  phase  of  varying  idealistic  Pantheism; 
while  in  our  own  day  Agnosticism  (Spencer),  material- 
istic Monism  (Hacked),  and  spiritualistic  Monism 
(Neo-Hegelianism  and  the  New  Theology)  have  been 
put  forward  as  substitutes.  Amongst  recent  Catholic 
theologians  there  is  a  practically  uniform  tendency  to 
interpret  the  traditional  and  Scriptural  data  as  postu- 
lating the  creative  act  to  account  for  the  origin  of  un- 
embodied  spirits  (the  angels),  of  the  primordial  matter 
of  the  universe,  and  of  the  human  soul.  The  develop- 
ment of  the  universe,  the  introduction  of  plant  and 
animal  life,  the  formation  of  the  first  human  bodies 
can  be  explained  by  the  administrative  or  formative 
activity  of  God,  an  activity  which  is  sometimes  called 
second  creation  (secunda  creatio),  and  does  not  demand 
the  creative  act  as  such.  Catholic  philosophers  de- 
velop the  purely  rational  arguments  for  these  same 
positions,  except  for  the  origin  of  the  angelic  world, 
which  of  course  lies  beyond  the  sphere  of  philosophy. 
The  remainder  of  this  article  will  offer  a  summary  of 
the.  aforesaid  theological  and  philosophical  positions 
and  their  bases. 

III.  Arguments  for  Creation. — 1.  For  the  doc- 
trine of  the  Church  on  the  origin  of  the  spiritual  world 
the  reader  is  referred  to  the  article  Anokl. 

2.  That  the  material  of  which  the  universe  is  com- 
posed was  created  out  of  nothing  is  the  implicit,  rather 
'  than  specifically  explicit,  statement  of  the  Bible. 
The  Scriptural  teaching  on  God  and  the  relation  of  the 
universe  to  Him  unmistakably  affirms  creation.  God 
alone  is  declared  to  be  underived,  self-existent  (Ex., 
iii,  14),  and  in  comparison  with  Him  all  things  else  are 
as  nothing  (Wisdom,  xi,  23;  Is.,  xl,  17).  God  is  said 
to  be  the  beginning  and  end  of  all  things  (Is.,  xlviii,  12; 
Apoc.,  i,  8) ;  all  things  else  are  from  Hun,  and  by  Him, 
and  in  Him  (Rom.,  xi,  36;  I  Cor.,  viii,  6;  Coloas.,  i, 
16).  God  is  the  absolute  and  independent  sovereign 
(Ps.xlix,  12,andls.,xliv,24;  Heb.,i,  10).  Thatthese 
texts  equrvalently  assert  that  God  is  the  Creator  of  all 
things  finite  is  too  obvious  to  call  for  further  com- 
ment. The  most  explicit  Scriptural  statement  re- 
specting the  created  origin  of  the  universe  is  found  in 
the  first  verse  of  Genesis:  "In  the  beginning  God  cre- 
ated heaven  and  earth".  The  objects  here  designated 
evidently  comprise  the  material  universe;  whether 
the  originative  act  is  to  be  understood  as  specifically 
creative,  depends  upon  the  meaning  of  the  Hebrew 
verb  bora.  On  this  point  the  following  interpre- 
tations by  unimpeachable  authority  may  be  ad- 
duced. Gesenius  says:  "  The  use  of  this  verb  [bora]  in 
Kal,  the  conjugation  here  employed,  is  entirely  differ- 
ent from  its  primary  signification  (to  cut,  shape, 
fashion);  it  signifies  rather  the  new  production  of  a 
thing  than  the  shaping  or  elaborating  of  the  pre-exist- 
ing material.   That  the  first  verse  of  Genesis  teaches 


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that  the  original  creation  of  the  world  in  its  rude  and 
chaotic  state  was  from  nothing  while  the  remaining 
part  of  the  chapter  teaches  the  elaboration  and  distri- 
bution of  the  matter  thus  created,  the  connection  of 
the  whole  section  shows  sufficiently  clearly"  (The- 
saurus, p.  367  b).  Muhlan  and  Volck  in  the  new  edi- 
tion of  Gesenius'  "Handworterbuch"  say:  "Bora  is 
used  only  of  Divine  creation  and  never  with  an  accusa- 
tive of  the  material".  Dillmann  (Gen.,  c.  i)  notes: 
"The  Hebrews  use  only  the  conjugation  Pid  (inten- 
sative)  in  speaking  of  human  'forming'  or  'shaping', 
while  on  the  otherhand  they  use  only  Kal  in  speaking 
of  creation  of  God".  Delitzschsays:  (Gen.,p.9l)  "The 
word  bara  in  its  etymology  does  not  exclude  a  previ- 
ous material.  It  has,  as  the  use  of  Kal  shows,  the 
fundamental  idea  of  cutting  or  hewing.  But  as  in 
other  languages  words  which  define  creation  by  God 
have  the  same  etymological  idea  at  their  root,  so  bara 
has  acquired  the  idiomatic  meaning  of  a  divine  creat- 
ing, which,  whether  in  the  kingdom  of  nature,  or  of 
history,  or  of  the  spirit,  calls  into  being  that  which 
hitherto  had  no  existence.  Bara  never  appears  as  the 
word  for  human  creation,  differing  in  tins  from  the 
synonyms  asah,  yatzar,  yalad,  which  are  used  both  of 
men  and  of  God ;  it  is  never  used  with  an  accusative 
of  the  material,  and  even  from  this  it  follows  that  it 
defines  the  divine  creative  act  as  one  without  any  lim- 
itations, and  its  result,  as  to  its  proper  material,  as  en- 
tirely new:  and,  as  to  its  first  cause,  entirely  the  crea- 
tion of  divine  power."  Again  Kalisch  observes 
(Gen.,  p.  1):  "God  called  the  universe  into  being  out 
of  nothing;  not  out  of  formless  matter  coeval  with 
Himself"  (Geikie,  Hours  with  the  Bible,  1, 16). 

3.  The  patristic  teaching  as  to  the  created  origin  of 
the  world  is  too  explicit  and  well  known  to  require  ci- 
tation here.  The  few  ambiguous  expressions  occur- 
ring in  the  works  of  Origen  and  Tertullian  are  more 
than  counterbalanced  by  other  unmistakable  declara- 
tions of  these  same  writers,  while  their  at  most  excep- 
tional divergencies  are  as  nothing  in  comparison  with 
the  unanimous  and  continuous  teaching  of  the  other 
Fathers  and  Doctors  of  the  Church. 

4.  Approaching  the  problem  of  origin  from  the  pure- 
ly rational  side,  we  find  the  field  preoccupied  almost 
from  the  beginning  of  the  history  of  philosophy  by  two 
directly  opposite  solutions:  one  maintaining  that  the 
world-matter  is  self-existent,  underived  from  any  ex- 
traneous source,  and  hence  eternal;  the  world  has 
therefore  attained  its  present  complex  condition  by  a 
gradual  evolutionary  process  from  an  original,  simple, 
undifferentiated  state  (materialistic  Monism);  the 
other  asserting  that  the  world  is  derived  from  an  ex- 
traneous cause,  either  by  emanation  from  or  evolution 
of  the  Divine  being  (Pantheism)  or  by  creation  (Cre- 
ationism).  Creationism,  though  an  essentially  philo- 
sophical solution,  is  never  found  divorced  from  Reve- 
lation. Materialistic  Monism  includes  a  varying 
number  of  philosophies;  but  all  agree  in  maintaining 
that  the  world-matter  is  eternal,  unproduoed,  and  abso- 
lutely indestructible.  They  differ  in  that  some  attrib- 
ute the  formation  of  the  universe  to  chance  (the 
ancient  Atomists),  others  to  a  sort  of  ubiquitous  cos- 
mica!  life  or  world-soul  (Anaxagoras,  Plato,  Pan- 
psychists,  Fechner,  Lotse,  Paulsen),  others  to  forces 
essentially  inherent  in  matter  (Feuerbach,  BQchner, 
Hackel).  Against  materialistic  Monism  Catholic 
philosophers  (Creationists)  argue  thus:  The  world- 
matter  is  not  self-existent;  for  what  is  self -existent  is 
essentially  necessary,  immutable,  absolute,  infinite. 
But  the  world-matter  is  not  necessary;  its  essence  as 
such  furnishes  no  reason  why  it  should  exist  rather 
than  not  exist,  nor  why  it  is  definitely  determined  as 
to  number,  extension,  and  space.  It  is  not  immuta- 
ble, for  it  undergoes  incessant  change;  not  absolute, 
since  it  depends  upon  the  natural  forces  which  condi- 
tion its  states;  not  infinite  as  to  extent,  since,  being 
extended,  it  is  numerable,  and  hence  finite;  nor  in- 


finite in  active  power,  since  it  is  inert  and  essentially 
limited  by  external  stimulation.  The  aggregate  of 
natural  forces  must  also  be  finite,  otherwise  there 
could  be  no  change,  no  laws  of  inertia,  no  con- 
stancy and  equivalence  of  energy.  The  world-sub- 
stance is  not  eternal.  For  that  substance  must  be 
conceived  either  as  possessing  eternal  motion  or  not. 
If  eternally  active  it  would  have  passed  through  an 
infinite  number  of  changes,  which  is  self-contradictory. 
Moreover,  the  supposed  evolutionary  process  would 
not  have  begun  so  late  as  geology  teaches  that  it  did, 
and  would  long  since  have  come  to  an  end,  i.  e.  to  a 
static  equilibrium  of  forces  according  to  the  law  of  en- 
tropy. If  the  primal  matter  was  not  endowed  with 
an  eternal  activity,  evolution  could  not  have  begun — 
not  from  within,  the  law  of  inertia  forbidding;  nor 
from  without,  since  the  materialistic  hypothesis  ad- 
mits no  extraneous  cause.  Moreover,  since  chance  is 
no  cause,  but  the  negation  thereof,  some  reason  must 
be  assigned  for  the  differentiation  of  the  original 
material  into  the  various  chemical  elements  and  com- 
pounds. That  reason  may  be  supposed  either  in- 
trinsic or  extrinsic  to  the  primary  matter.  If  in- 
trinsic, it  does  not  explain  why  just  these  elements  (or 
compounds)  in  kind  and  number  become  differenti- 
ated ;  if  extrinsic,  the  supposition  contradicts  the  very 
basis  of  materialism  wnich  negates  transmaterial 
agency. 

A  similar  line  of  argument  may  be  used  to  prove  the 
impossibility  of  explaining,  on  the  materialistic  hypo- 
thesis, the  order  prevailing  everywhere  throughout  the 
universe.  To  the  counter  argument  that,  given  an 
infinite  series  of  atomic  arrangements,  the  present 
order  must  needs  result,  it  may  be  answered:  (a)  the 
origin  of  both  atoms  and  motion  still  remains  unex- 

S lamed ;  (b)  an  infinite  series  of  combinations  would 
emand  infinite  time,  while  geology  indicates  a  limited 
time  for  the  earth's  formation;  (c)  some  sort  of  order 
might  result  from  a  chance  concurrence  of  atoms,  but 
no  constant  and  universal  order;  (d)  the  present  order 
presupposes  some  disposition  of  the  elements  for  this 
rather  than  another  order.  Now  the  question  still  re- 
mains: Whence  came  precisely  this  disposition,  and 
why  did  not  the  atoms  concur  in  a  way  unfavourable 
to  a  continuous  evolution,  since  the  number  of  possible 
arrangements  of  an  infinite  number  of  atoms  must  be 
infinite? 


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The  hypothesis  of  a  world-soul  exhibits  another 
oup  of  inconsistencies.    If  the  universe  were  "in- 


formed" by  a  principle  of  life,  there  would  not  be  that 
essential  difference  between  inanimate  and  animate 
bodies  which  both  science  and  philosophy  establish; 
inanimate  bodies  would  manifest  signs  of  life,  such  as 
spontaneous  and  immanent  activity,  organs,  etc.  The 
materialistic  principle,  "  No  matter  without  force,  no 
force  without  matter"  (Buchner),  though,  with  some 
obvious  qualification,  true  as  to  its  first  part,  is  untrue 
as  to  its  second.  Force  is  the  proximate  principle  of 
action,  and  may  be  or  not  be,  but  it  is  not  of  necessity 
conjoined  with  matter.  The  principle  of  action  in 
man  is  not  intrinsically  dependent  on  matter. — For 
the  development  of  these  and  more  serious  arguments 
against  materialistic  Monism  see  "  Institutions  Phil- 
osophise Naturalis",  by  Willems  or  Peach. 

Pantheistic  differs  from  materialistic  Monism  in  as- 
serting a  being,  in  some  sense  unitary,  which  unfolds 
itself  in  the  material  universe  and  in  human  conscious- 
ness. That  such  a  being  is  called  "God"  is  an  obvious 
misuse  of  language.  Moreover,  God  is  indivisible, 
spiritual,  eternal,  necessary,  immutable,  omnipresent, 
absolute,  and  cannot,  therefore;  "evolve"  into  a  uni- 
verse of  matter  which  possesses  just  the  contrary  attri- 
butes. For  a  like  reason  bodies  cannot  be  modes, 
either  real  (Spinoza)  or  logical  (Hegel),  of  the  divine 
substance.  Since,  then,  the  world-material  is  not 
self-existent,  but  produced,  and  that  not  from  sone 
antecedent  material  (for  such  a  supposition  wo  <td 


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only  defer  and  not  solve  the  problem) ;  since,  moreover, 
the  world-substance  has  not  emanated  from  the  divine 
nature,  it  follows  that  it  must  have  been  produced  by 
some  extraneous  cause,  from  no  pre-existing  material, 
i.  e.  it  must  have  been  created.  That  that  extraneous 
cause  is  God,  the  self-existent,  necessary,  absolute,  in- 
finite, and  consequently  personal  Deity,  is  proved 
from  the  finality  and  order  manifest  in  the  cosmos  that 
has  developed  from  the  original  material,  which  order 
demands  an  efficient  and  a  directive  cause  of  supreme 
if  not  infinite  intelligence;  and  from  the  further  fact 
that  the  creative  act  can  proceed  only  from  a  truly 
infinite  and  therefore  personal  agent,  as  will  be  shown 
towards  the  end  of  this  article. 

To  the  question:  In  what  condition  was  the  world- 
matter  created,  whether  homogeneous  or  differenti- 
ated into  various  specific  substances?  neither  Reve- 
lation nor  science  gives  answer.  Until  lately  the 
practically  universalopinion  of  Catholic  philosophers 
favoured  an  original  essential  differentiation  of  the 
elements.  Since,  however,  the  tendency  of  physico- 
chemical  experimentation  and  inference  now  points 
with  some  probability  to  a  radical  homogeneity  of  mat- 
ter, and  since  philosophy  is  bound  to  reduce  the  world 
to  its  fewest  and  simplest  principles,  the  opinion  seems 
justified  that  the  original  matter  was  created  actually 
undifferentiated,  but  with  inherent  potency  toward 
elemental  and,  subsequently,  compound  diversifica- 
tion through  the  action,  reaction,  and  grouping  of  the 
ultimate  particles. 

When — probably  through  some  such  processes  as 
are  suggested  by  the  well-known  nebular  hypothesis 
(Kant,  Laplace)  and  by  the  inductions  of  geology — 
the  material  universe  was  disposed  for  the  simplest 
forms  of  life,  then  God  said :  "  Let  the  earth  bring  forth 
the  green  herb,  and  such  as  may  seed,  and  the  fruit 
tree  yielding  fruit  after  its  kind,  which  may  have 
seed  in  itself  upon  the  earth.  And  it  was  so  done  " 
(Gen.,  i,  11)— the  work  of  the  third  creative  day. 
At  a  subsequent,  "  God  created  the  great  whaleB  and 
every  living  and  moving  creature,  which  the  waters 
brought  forth,  according  to  their  kinds,  and  every 
winged  fowl  according  to  its  kind"  (ib.,  21) — the 
work  of  the  fifth  day.  And  again,  "God  said:  Let 
the  earth  bring  forth  the  living  creature  in  its  kind, 
cattle  and  creeping  things,  and  beasts  of  the  earth, 
according  to  their  kinds.  And  it  was  so  done.  And 
God  made  the  beasts  of  the  earth  according  to  their 
kinds,  and  cattle,  and  every  thing  that  creepeth  on 
the  earth  after  its  kind"  (ib.,  24,  25)— part  of  the 
work  of  the  sixth  day.  In  these  simple  words  the  in- 
spired author  of  Genesis  describes  the  advent  of  life, 
plant  and  animal ,  on  our  earth .  It  does  not  fall  within 
the  scope  of  the  present  article  to  discuss  the  various 
meanings  that  have  been  assigned  to  "the  days  of 
creation ' '.  Suffice  it  to  say  that  Catholic  exegetes  are 
allowed  the  widest  liberty  of  interpretation  compati- 
ble with  the  obvious  substance  and  purport  of  the 
sacred  narrative,  via.,  that  God  is  "the  creator  of 
heaven  and  earth".  Accordingly,  we  find  some  theo- 
logians following  St.  Augustine  (In  Gen.  ad  litt.,  I), 
that  the  six  days  signify  only  a  logical  (not  a  real)  suc- 
cession, i.  e.  in  the  order  in  which  the  creative  works 
were  manifested  to  the  angels.  Others  interpret  the 
days  as  indefinite  cosmical  periods.  Others,  though 
these  are  at  present  a  vanishing  number,  still  follow 
the  literal  interpretation.  An  immense  amount  of 
time,  patient  research,  and  ingenuity  has  been  spent  in 
the  task  of  harmonizing  the  successive  stages  of  ter- 
restrial evolution,  as  deciphered  by  geologists  from  the 
records  of  the  rocks,  with  the  Mosaic  narrative ;  but  the 
highest  tribute  to  the  success  of  these  efforts  is  that 
they  more  or  less  graphically  corroborate  what  must  be 
already  a  priori  certain  and  evident,  at  least  to  the 
believer,  that  between  the  truth  of  Revelation  and  the 
(ruth  of  science  there  is,  and  can  be,  no  discord.  But 
whatever  may  be  thought  of  the  effort  to  vindicate  in 


detail  the  parallelism  claimed  to  exist  between  the  - 
geological  succession  of  living  forms  and  the  order  de- 
scribed in  the  Bible,  it  is  certain  that  some  general  par- 
allelism exists;  that  the  testimony  of  the  strata  cor- 
roborates the  story  of  the  Book,  according  to  which 
the  lowliest  forms  of  plant  life,  "the  green  herb", 
appeared  first,  then  the  higher, "  the  seed-bearing  tree ' 
followed  in  turn  by  the  simpler  animal  types,  the  water 
creature  and  the  winged  fowl,  and  finally  by  the  highest 
organisms,  "  the  beasts  of  the  earth  and  the  cattle". 

IV.  Creation  and  Evolution. — If  now,  from  the 
general  interpretation  of  the  Biblical  account  of  crea- 
tion, we  turn  to  the  biologico-philosophical  problems 
which  it  suggests,  and  which  revert  to  it  for  what  solu- 
tion it  may  have  to  offer,  we  find  Catholic  thinkers 
exercising  an  equally  large  liberty  of  speculation. 
"  Considered  in  connection  with  the  entire  account  of 
creation",  says  a  recent  eminent  Jesuit  exegete,  "the 
words  of  Genesis  cited  above  proximately  maintain 
nothing  else  than  that  the  earth  with  all  that  it  con- 
tains and  bears,  together  with  the  plant  and  animal 
kingdoms,  has  not  produced  itself  nor  is  the  work  of 
chance;  but  owes  its  existence  to  the  power  of  God. 
However,  in  what  particular  manner  the  plant  and 
animal  kingdoms  received  their  existence:  whether  all 
species  were  created  simultaneously  or  only  a  few  which 
were  destined  to  give  life  to  others:  whether  only  one 
fruitful  seed  was  placed  on  mother  earth,  which  under 
the  influence  of  natural  causes  developed  into  the  first 
plants,  and  another  infused  into  the  waters  gave  birth 
to  the  first  animals — all  this  the  Book  of  Genesis  leaves 
to  our  own  investigation  and  to  the  revelations  of 
science,  if  indeed  science  is  able  at  all  to  give  a  final  and 
unquestionable  decision.  In  other  words,  the  article 
of  faith  contained  in  Genesis  remains  firm  and  intact 
even  if  one  explains  the  manner  in  which  the  different 
species  originated  according  to  the  principle  of  the 
theory  of  evolution"  (Knabenbauer,  "Stimmen  aua 
Maria-Laach",  XIII,  74;  cf.  Muckermann,  "Attitude 
of  Catholics  towards  Darwinism  and  Evolution",  78.) 
The  two  general  biological  problems  connected  with 
the  Biblical  cosmogony  are  the  origin  of  life  and  the 
succession  of  organisms.  Concerning  both  these  prob- 
lems all  that  Catholic  Faith  teaches  is  that  the  begin- 
nings of  plant  and  animal  life  are  due  in  some  way  to 
the  productive  power  of  God.  Whether,  with  St. 
Augustine  and  St.  Thomas,  one  hold  that  only  the 
primordial  elements,  endowed  with  dispositions  and 
powers  (rationet  seminales)  for  development,  were 
created  in  the  strict  sense  of  the  term,  and  the  rest  of 
nature — plant  and  animal  life — was  gradually  evolved 
according  to  a  fixed  order  of  natural  operation  under 
the  supreme  guidance  of  the  Divine  Administration 
(Harper,  "Metaphysics  of  the  School",  II,  746);  or 
whether,  with  other  Fathers  and  Doctors  of  the  School, 
one  hold  that  life  and  the  classes  of  living  beings — 
orders,  families,  genera,  species — were  each  and  all,  or 
only  some  few,  strictly  and  immediately  created  by 
God — whichever  of  these  extreme  views  he  may  deem 
more  rational  and  better  motived,  the  Catholic  thinker 
is  left  perfectly  free  by  his  faith  to  select.  It  is  well 
known  that  the  theory  of  spontaneous  generation  of 
certain  animalcule,  worms,  insects,  etc.  was  held  by 
theologians  and  philosophers  alike  until  compara- 
tively recent  times,  until,  indeed,  experimental  evi- 
dence demonstrated  the  opposite  thesis.  The  estab- 
lishment of  the  universal  truth  of  biogenesis  (q.  v.), 
ornne  vivum  ex  vivo,  was  then  seen  to  corroborate  the 
teaching  of  the  Bible,  that  life,  plant  and  animal,  is  due 
to  the  Divine  productive  agency.  Since  the  charac- 
teristics of  living  substance  are  contrary  to  those  of  the 
non-living  substance,  the  characteristics  of  life  being 
spontaneity  and  immanent  activity,  those  of  inani- 
mate matter  being  inertia  and  transitive  activity,  the 
Divine  efficiency,  to  which  the  origin  and  differentia- 
tion of  life  are  ascribed,  has  received  the  distinctive 
name  of  administration.   The  idea  conveyed  by  the 


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latter  term  is  thus  explained  by  a  philosopher  who  has 
drawn  it  out  from  the  suggestion  supplied  by  St. 
Thomas.  (De  Potentia,  Q.  iv.)  Though  God  can 
operate  as  He  does  in  the  creative  act,  without  the  co- 
operation of  the  creature,  it  is  absolutely  impossible  for 
the  creature  to  elicit  even  the  smallest  act  without  the 
co-operation  of  the  Creator.  Now  the  Divine  Admin- 
istration includes  this  and  more,  two  things,  namely, 
as  regards  the  present  subject.  The  one  is  the  con- 
stant order,  the  natural  laws,  of  the  universe.  Thus, 
e.  g.,  that  all  living  things  should  be  ordinately  prop- 
agated by  seed  belongs  to  the  Divine  Administration. 
The  second,  which  may  be  called  exceptional,  relates 
to  the  initial  organisms,  the  first  plant,  fish,  bird,  and 
beast,  upon  which  'hereditary  propagation  must  have 
subsequently  succeeded.  That  these  original  pairs 
should  have  been  evolved  out  of  the  potency  of  matter 
without  parentage — that  the  matter,  otherwise  in- 
capable of  the  task,  should  have  been  proximately  dis- 
posed for  such  evolution— belongs  to  a  special  Divine 
Administration.  In  other  words,  God  must  have  been 
the  sole  efficient  cause — utilising,  of  course,  the  ma- 
terial cause — of  the  organisation  requisite,  and  hence 
may  strictly  be  said  to  have  formed  such  pairs,  and  in 
particular  the  human  body,  out  of  the  p re-existent 
matter  (Harper,  op.  oit.,  743).  It  need  hardly  be  said 
that  the  distinctions  between  creation  and  co-opera- 
tion, administration  and  formation,  are  not  to  be  con- 
sidered as  subjectively  realised  in  God.  They  are  only 
so  many  aspects  which  the  analytical  mind  must  take 
note  of  in  the  fundamental  and  essential  relation  of  de- 
pendence— contingency — in  which  the  creature  stands 
to  the  First  Cause.  For  a  sympathetic  account  of  the 
relation  of  Evolutionism  to  Creationism,  the  reader 
may  be  referred  to  Muckermann  (who.  has  popularized 
Wasmann's  technical  illustrations  of  specific  trans- 
formations among  the  ant-guests).  Harper,  Mivart, 
Guibert,  Didiot,  Farges,  etc.,  mentioned  in  the  bibli- 
ography below.  A  more  vigorous  criticism  of  Evolu- 
tionism is  to  be  found  in  the  works  of  Gerard,  Gutber- 
let,  Pesch,  Willems,  Hunter,  Thein,  and  Hughes. 

V.  Final  Cause  op  Creation.-— Since  the  produc- 
tion of  something  from  nothing,  the  bridging  of  the 
chasm  between  non-existence  and  existence  demands 
infinite  power,  and  since  the  reason  for  the  action  of 
an  infinite  being  must  lie  within  that  being  Himself, 
the  primary  subjective  motive  of  creation  must  be  the 
Creator's  love  of  His  own  intrinsic  goodness.  The 
love  of  that  absolute  good  is  conceived  by  us  as  "in- 
ducing" the  Creator  to  give  it  an  extrinsic  embodi- 
ment (creation  in  its  passive  sense,  the  universe). 
The  type-idea  according  to  which  this  embodiment  is 
constructed  must  exist  within  the  Creator's  intelli- 
gence and  as  such  is  called  the  "exemplary"  or  arche- 
typal cause  of  creation  (passive).  The  objective 
realisation  hereof  is  the  absolutely  final  objective  end, 
or  final  cause,  of  creation.  In  the  material  universe 
this  realization,  exhibited  in  the  purposiveness  of  each 
individual  part  conspiring  to  the  purposiveness  of  the 
whole,  remains  imperfect  and  is  but  a  vestige  of  the 
original  design.  In  the  rational  creature  it  reaches  a 
certain  completeness,  inasmuch  as  man's  personality, 
with  its  intellectual  and  volitional  endowments,  is  a . 
sort  of  (analogous)  "image"  of  the  Creator,  and.  as 
such,  a  more  perfect  realization  of  the  creative  plan. 
Moreover;  in  man's  consciousness  the  creative  purpose 
comes  to  explicit  manifestation  and  reflective  recogni- 
tion. His  intelligent  reaction  thereon  by  reverential 
attitude  and  orderly  conduct  realizes  the  absolutely 
final  purpose  of  creation,  the  actual  "formal  glorify- 
ing" of' the  Creator,  so  far  as  that  is  possible  in  the 
present  life.  But  even  as  the  orderly  or  normal  activ- 
ity of  the  individual  organisms  and  subordinate  parts 
of  the  universe  develop  and  complete  those  organisms 
and  parts,  so  man's  rational  conduct  perfects  him  and, 
as  a  consequence,  results  in  a  state  of  happiness,  the 
full  complement  whereof  is  attainable,  however,  only 


in.  a  life  beyond  the  present.  This  completion  and 
happiness  of  man  are  said  to  be  the  relatively  ultimate 
end  of  creation,  and  thereby  the  creative  plan  is  ab- 
solutely completed,  the  Creator  finally  explicitly 
formally  glorified  by  the  return  of  the  creation,  carried, 
up  by  and  in  man  to  conscious  inter-communion  with 
the  Source  and  End  of  the  creative  act.  Lactantius 
thus  sums  up  the  hierarchy  of  finality  in  creation: 
"The  world  was  made  that  we  might  De  born.  We 
were  born  that  we  might  know  God.  We  know  Him 
that  we  may  worship  Him.  We  worship  Him  that  we 
may  earn  immortality.  We  are  rewarded  with  im- 
mortality that,  being  like  unto  the  angels,  we  may 
serve  Our  Father  andLord  forever,  and  be  the  eternal 
kingdom  of  God"  (Inatit.,  VII,  vi).  When  man  is  said 
to  be  the  (relatively)  ultimate  end  of  creation,  this 
obviously  does  not  exclude  other  coexistent  and  sub- 
ordinate purposes. 

VI.  Creation  the  Prerogative  of  God  Alone. — 
The  Fourth  Lateran  Council  defined  that  "God  is  the 
sole  principle  of  all  things  visible  and  invisible,  the 
creator  of  all"  [Denzinger,  op.  cit.,  428  (356)];  and  the 
Bible  throughout  ascribes  the  creative  act  to  Him 
alone:  "I  am  the  Lord,  that  make  all  things  .  .  .  and 
there  is  none  with  me"  (Is.,  xliv,  24  ;  cf.  xl,  25;  Ps  , 
cxxxv,  4).  As  to  the  question,  whether  it  is  intrin- 
sically possible  for  a  creature  to  be  endowed  with  crea- 
tive power,  theologians  answer  with  a  distinction.  (1) 
No  creature  can  possibly  be  a. principal  cause  of  crea-  . 
tion.  This  is  the  unanimous  teaching  of  the  Fathers. 
The  philosophical  reasons  are:  (a)  the  creative  act, 
being  absolutely  independent  of  material  and  instru- 
ment, supposes  an  absolutely  independent  subject 
(agent):  (b)  the  term  of  the  creative  act  is  the  com- 
plete substance  of  the  effect  (spiritual  or  material),  and 
the  act  can  extend  indefinitely  to  whatever  is  intrinsic- 
ally possible,  while  the  act  of  the  created  agent  reaches 
only  to  the  accidents,  or  partial  constituents,  of  bod- 
ies, and  is  definitely  limited  in  range;  (c)  the  creative 
act  produces  its  effects  by  will  alone;  it  is  immanent, 
while  its  term  is  extraneous;  it  is  as  unlimited  as 
is  the  extent  of  will  power;  it  is  instantaneous.  No 
finite  cause  can  thus  operate.  (2)  Some  theologians 
(Peter  the  Lombard  and  Suarez)  have  thought  that  a 
creature  might  be  used  by  God  as  an  instrumental  , 
cause  of  creation.  The  general  opinion,  however,  is 
to  the  contrary,  on  the  ground  that  since  creation  ex- 
cludes materia  ex  qua  there  is  no  subject  whereon  the  , 
dispositive  influence  of  an  instrument  could  be  ex- 
erted. 

God  wot  absolutely  free  to  create  or  not  to  create,  and  to 
create  the  present  or  any  possible  world.  This  is. 
an  article  of  Catholio  Faith  defined  by  the  Vatican 
Council  (Can.,  De  Deo  Creante,  v).  It  is  the  explicit 
teaching  of  Scripture,  God  "  worketh  all  things  accord- 
ing to  the  counsel  of  his  will"  (Eph.,  i,  11),  and  of  the 
Fathers  generally.  It  is  an  obvious  rational  deduc- 
tion from  the  infinitude  and  absolute  self-sufficiency  of 
God.  The.  creative  act,  as  a  subjective  aspect  of  the 
Divine  Will,  is  necessary,  but  the  external  positing  of 
a  term  is  free.  This  doctrine  of  creative  freedom  ex- 
cludes the  exaggerated  optimism  of  Leibniz  and  others, 
who  held  that  God  was  bound  to  create  the  best  possi- 
ble world.  The  Divine  act  must  be  perfect,  but  the 
effect  need  not,  and  indeed  cannot,  be  absolutely  per- 
fect; the  creature  being  necessarily  finite,  a  more  per- 
fect creature  is  always  possible  and  creatable  by  in- 
finite power.  The  world  is  the  very  best  possible  for 
the  Creator's  purpose;  it  is  relatively,  not  absolutely, 
perfect.    (See  Optimism.) 

VII.  The  World  was  Created  in  Time,  not  from 
Eternity. — The  Yatkan  Council  defined  that  God 
created  ab  initio  temporis.  The  opening  words  of 
Genesis,  " In  the  beginning  God  created",  are  re- 
echoed in  similar  phrases  throughout  the  Bible.  The 
Fathers  reiterate  the  same  teaching.  As  to  the 
question,  whether  eternal  creation  is  intrinsically  poa- ' 


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sible,  St.  Thomas,  in  his  solicitude  that  infidels  might 
have  no  ground  to  cavil  with  the  arguments  which  be- 
lievers assign  for  the  temporal  origin  of  creation  (pas- 
sive), says:  "That  the  world  has  not  always  existed  is 
held  by  faith  alone,  and  cannot  be  demonstrated" 
(Summa,  I,  Q.  xtri,  a.  2).  St.  Bonaventure  and  many 
others  maintain  that  the  inherent  impossibility  of 
eternal  creation  is  demonstrable.  Arguments  too 
subtle  for  discussion  here  are  adduced  by  both  sides 
of  the  controversy. 

VIII.  Speculative  and  Practical  Position  Of 
the  Doctrine  of  Creation. — From  what  has  been 
said  it  follows  that  belief  "in  God  the  Creator  of 
heaven  and  earth"  is  the  theoretical  basis  of  all  relig- 
ious and  theological  truth,  the  real  foundation  under- 
lying all  other  truths  concerning  God,  and  the  objec- 
tive principle  whence  all  other  truths  proceed.  The 
Incarnation  completes  in  the  supernatural  order  the 
creative  purpose  and  plan  by  the  Divine  Personal 
Idea,  the  Word,  assuming  to  Himself  man's  nature, 
wherein  the  natural  order  of  creation  is  synthesized, 
and  thus  carrying  back  completely  the  whole  creation 
to  its  origin  and  end.  The  Redemption,  the  Church, 
and  the  sacramental  system  are  obviously  the  exten- 
sion of  the  Incarnation,  and  so,  through  the  medium 
of  the  latter  mystery,  follow  from  creation.  The 
proposition  that  the  Infinite  is  the  absolutely  primary 
source  of  all  other  reality  is  also  the  first  philosophical 
truth,  not  of  course  in  our  order  of  attainment  but  in 
itself.  All  created  being,  truth,  goodness,  beauty, 
perfection  are  eminently  contained  in  the  Creator's 
essence,  conceptually  in  His  creative  intelligence,  po- 
tentially in  His  creative  omnipotence,  and  are  deter- 
mined to  their  measure  of  actual  objective  existence 
by  the  creative  will.  The  real  distinction  of  the  finite 
from  the  Infinite  opposes  every  form  of  exaggerated 
monism,  While  the  entitative  contingency  and  depend- 
ence of  the  creature  on  the  Creator  refutes  an  ex- 
aggerated dualism.  A  rational  mediating  dualistic 
monism  is  based  on  the  troth  of  creation.  Lastly,  the 
end  and  purpose  of  creation  sets  before  man  the  first 
ideal  and  norm  of  life;  and  thus  the  final  reason  of  the 
distinction  between  right  and  wrong  conduct  is  found 
in  the  conformity  of  the  one  and  the  diff  ormity  of  the 
other  with  the  orginal  exemplar  in  the  Creator  s  mind. 
Acting  up  to  his  complete  nature,  man  is  at  once  self- 
consistent  and  accordant  proximately  with  the  cre- 
ated copy  and  hence  mediately  accordant  with  the 
original  pattern  in  the  eternal  design  of  his  Creator. 

(See  Cosmology,  Cosmogony,  Evolution,  God, 
Life,  Man,  Soul,  World,  Materialism,  Pantheism.) 

Harper,  Metaphysics  of  tht  School  (New  York,  1881),  II; 
Mivart,  Lessons  from  Nature    S'  u  ">  ..rk,  1K76);  In.,  tienesis 

2f  Species  (New  York,  1871);  '  ■>  tin :rt  Les  origines^lr.  In  the 
legmning  (New  York,  1001);  Co  hard.  Evolutionary  Philosophy 
ana  Common  Senas  (London,  1902);  Muckermann,  Attitude  of 
the  Catholic*  towards  Darwinism  ond  Evolution  (St.  Louis,  1906); 
Huoheb,  Principles  of  Anthropolopt/  and  Biology  (New  York, 
1890);  Clerks,  Modern  Cosmogonies  (London  1905);  Thein, 
Christian.  Anthropology  (New  York,  1881);  Vaugiian,  Faith 
artd  -FoUv  (London.  1901);  Hunter,  Outlines  of  Dogmatic 
Theology  (New  York,  1908),  II;  Wilhelm  and  Scannell, 
Manual  of  Catholic  Theology  New  York,  1890),  I;  McCosh, 
Realistie  Philosophy  (New  York,  1881);  Wallace,  Darwin- 
ism (New  York.  1881);  Shields,  Ultimate  Philosophy  (New 
York,  1906),  III;  Croll,  Basis  of  Evolution  (London,  1890); 
WrLLEMB,  Institution's  Philosophic!  (Treves,  1906),  II;  Pesch, 
WeltrlUsel  (Freiburg,  1907);  Pratectiones  PhUosophioi  Naturalis 
(Freiburg,  1897);  Didiot,  Contribution  phUosophique  A  Vetude 
des  sciena  Lille  1902);  Gutberlet.  Apologetue  (MQnster, 
1895);  Dsr  \!>  n-  r!t  <  Minister,  1905);  Mercier,  La  psychologic, 
(Lou  Tain,  1HUO):  t  arges,  Untie  et  Vivolution  des  espices  (Paris, 
1894);  Pesgb,  Pralectiones  Dogmatical;  De  Deo  Creante  (Frei- 
burg, 1895);  Van  Noort,  De  Deo  Creante  (Amsterdam,  1903) : 
Pin ard  In  Diet,  de  thiol,  ealh.,  e.  v. — the  most  thorough  and 
best  documented  monograph  on  the  subject. 

F.  P.  Siegfried. 

Oreationism  (Lat.  creatio). — (1)  In  the  widest 
sense,  the  doctrine  that  the  material  of  the  universe 
was  created  by  Qod  out  of  no  pre-existing  subject. 
It  is  thus  opposed  to  all  forms  of  Pantheism.  (2) 
i  widely,  the  doctrine  that  the  various  species  of 


living  beings  were  immediately  and  directly  created 
or  produced  by  God,  and  are  net  therefore  the  outcome 
of  an  evolutionary  process.  It  is  thus  opposed,  to 
Transformism. 

(3)  In  a  restricted  but  more  usual  sense,  the  doc- 
trine that  the  individual  human  soul  is  the  immediate 
effect  of  God's  creative  act  It  is  thus  opposed  to 
Traducianism.  The  first  two  acceptations  of  the 
term  are  treated  in  the  article  Creation;  the  third 
alone  is  here  considered.  The  proposition  that  the 
human  soul  is  immediately  created  by  God  is  a 
corollary  of  the  soul's  spirituality.  Certain  psychical 
phenomena,  viz.  intellectual  and  volitional — espe- 
cially when  these  regard  immaterial  objects— indicate 
that  their  radical  principle  subsists  essentially  and 
intrinsically  independent  of  the  purely  corporeal 
organism.  This  transmaterial  subsistence  supposes  a 
corresponding  mode  of  origin;  for  that  the  soul  must 
have  had  a  beginning  follows  obviously  from  its 
finitude  and  contingency.    That  origin  cannot  be: 

(a)  by  way  of  emanation  from  God,  as  Pantheists 
declare,  since  the  Divine  substance,  being  absolutely 
simple,  cannot  be  subject  to  any  emissions!  process; 

(b)  nor  by  spiritual  generation  from  the  souls  of  par- 
ents— as  the  German  theologianFrohschammer  (1821- 
1893)  maintained  -because  human  souls,  being  essen- 
tially and  integrally  simple  and  indivisible,  can  give 
forth  no  spiritual  germs  or  reproductive  elements; 

(c)  still  less  by  physical  generation  (as  corporeal 
Traducianists  suppose'),  since  such  a  mode  of  produc- 
tion plainly  conflicts  both  with  the  essential  simplicity 
and  the  spirituality  of  the  soul.  The  only  other 
intelligible  source  of  the  soul's  existence  is  God;  and 
since  the  characteristic  and  exclusive  act  of  the 
Divine  Cause  is  creation  (q.  v.),  the  soul  must  owe  its 
origin  to  that  operation. 

As  regards  the  time  when  the  individual  soul  is 
created,  philosophical  speculation  varies.  The  an- 
cient Platonic  doctrine  of  the  pre-natal  existence  of 
souls  and  their  subsequent  incarceration  in  bodies 
may  be  passed  over  as  poetic  fiction  and  not  scientific 
theory.  The  same  may  be  said  of  the  ancient  hy- 
pothesis of  transmigration,  which,  however;  still 
survives  in  Buddhism  and  is  revived  by  recent  Theow- 
ophy.  Besides  being  entirely  gratuitous,  metempsy- 
chosis rests  on  a  false  view  which  conceives  of  body 
and  soul  as'  only  accidentally,  not  essentially,  com- 
bined in  the  unity  of  the  human  person.  The 
traditional  philosophy  of  the  Church  holds  that  the 
rational  soul  is  created  at  the  moment  when  it  is 
infused  into  the  new  organism.  St.  Thomas,  follow- 
ing Aristotle's  embryology,  taught  that  the  human 
foetus  passes  through  progressive  stages  of  formation 
wherein  it  is  successively  animated  by  the  vegetative, 
sensitive,  and  rational  principles,  each  succeeding 
form  summing  up  virtually  the  potencies  of  its  prede- 
cessor. Accordingly,  the  rational  bouI  is  created  when 
the  antecedent  principles  of  life  have  rendered  the 
foetus  an  appropriate  organism  for  rational  life, 
though  some  time  is  required  after  birth  before  the 
sensory  organs  are  sufficiently  developed  to  assist 
in  the  functions  of  intelligence.  In  this  view  the 
embryonic  history  of  man  is  an  epitome  of  the  stages 
through  which  the  upward  march  of  life  on  our  globe 
is  now  held  by  paleontologists  to  have  passed.  On 
the  other  hand,  most  neo-Scholastics  hold  that  the 
rational  soul  is  created  and  infused  into  the  incipient 
human  being  at  the  moment  of  conception.  It  should 
be  noted  that  the  doctrine  of  Creationism  is  not  an 
appeal  to  the  supernatural  or  the  ''miraculous''  to 
account  for  a  natural  effect.  The  creation  of  the 
soul  by  the  First  Cause,  when  second  causes  have 
posited  the  pertinent  conditions,  falls  within  the 
order  of  nature;  it  is  a  so-called  "  law  of  nature",  not 
an  interference  therewith,  as  is  the  case  in  a  miracle. 

So  much  for  the  philosophical  or  purely  rational 
aspect  of  Creationism;  as  regards  the  theological,  h 


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should  be  noted  that  while  none  of  the  Fathers  main- 
tained Traducianism — the  parental  generation  of  the 
soul — as  a  certainty,  some  of  them,  notably  St.  Augus- 
tine, at  the  outbreak  of  Pelagianism,  began  to  doubt 
the  creation  by  God  of  the  individual  soul  (there  was 
never  any  doubt  as  to  the  created  origin  of  the  souls 
of  Adam  and  Eve),  and  to  incline  to  the  opposite 
opinion,  which  seemed  to  facilitate  the  explanation 
of  the  transmission  of  original  sin. 
Thus,  writing  to  St.  Jerome,  St. 
Augustine  says:  "If  that  opinion  of 
the  creation  of  new  souls  is  not  op- 
posed to  this  established  article  of 
faith  [sc.  original  sin]  let  it  be  also 
mine;  if  it  is,  let  it  not  be  thine" 
(Ep.  cbtvi,  n.  25).  Theodoras  Abucara 
(Opusc.  xxx  v),  Macarius  (Hom.xxx), 
and  St.  Gregory  of  Nyssa  (De  Opif., 
Horn.,  c.  xxix)  favoured  this  view. 
Amongst  the  Scholastics  there  were 
no  defenders  of  Traducianism.  Hugh 
of  St.  Victor  (De  Sacr.,  VII,  o.  xli) 
and  Alexander  of  Hales  (Summa, 
I,  Q.  lx,  mem.  2,  a.  3)  alone  char- 
acterize Creationism  as  the  more 
probable  opinion;  all  the  other 
Schoolmen  hold  it  as  certain  and 
differ  only  in  regard  to  the  censure 
that  should  be  attached  to  the  op- 
posite error.  Thus  Peter  Lombard  simply  says :  "  The 
Catholic  Church  teaches  that  souls  are  created  at 
their  infusion  into  the  body"  (Sent.  II,  d.  xviii);  while 
St.  Thomas  is  more  emphatic:  "It  is  heretical  to  say 
that  the  intellectual  soul  is  transmitted  by  process 
of  generation"  (I,  Q.  cxviij,  a.  2).  For  the  rest, 
the  following  citation  from  the  Angelic  Doctor  sums 
up  the  diverse  opinions:  "Regarding  this  question 
various  opinions  were  expressed  in  antiquity.  Some 
held  that  the  soul  of  the 
child  is  produced  by  the 
soul  of  the  parent  just 
as  the  body  is  generated 
by  the  parent-body. 
Others  maintained  that 
all  souls  are  created  apart, 
moreover  that  they  are 
united  with  their  respec- 
tive bodies,  either  by 
their  own  volition  or  by 
the  command  and  action 
of  God.  Others,  again, 
declared  that  the  soul  in 
the  moment  of  its  crea- 
tion is  infused  into  the 
body.  Though  for  a  time 
these  several  views  were 
upheld,  and  though  it 
was  doubtful  which  came 
nearest  the  truth  (as  ap- 
pears from  Augustine's 
commentary  on  Gen.,  x, 
and  from  his  books  on 
the  origin  of  the  soul), 
the  Church  subsequently 
condemned  the  first  two 
and  approved  the  third" 
(De  Potentia,  Q.  iii,  a. 
9).    Others  (e.  g.  Greg- 


Lobenzo  di  Cridi  (By  himself) 


IX  (1050),  in  the  symbol  presented  to  the  Bishop 
Peter  for  subscription,  lays  down:  "I  believe  and 
profess  that  the  soul  is  not  a  part  of  God,  but  is 
created  out  of  nothing,  and  that,  without  baptism,  it 
is  in  original  sin"  (Denzinger,  Enchir.,  n.  296).  That 
the  soul  sinned  in  its  p re-existent  state,  and  on  that 
account  was  incarcerated  in  the  body,  is  a  fiction 
which  has  been  repeatedly  condemned  by  the  Church. 

Divested  of  this  fiction,  the  theory 
that  the  soul  exists  prior  to  its  in- 
fusion into  the  organism,  while  not 
explicitly  reprobated,  is  obviously 
opposed  to  the  doctrine  of  the  Church, 
according  to  which  souls  are  multi- 
plied correspondingly  with  the  multi- 
plication of  human  organisms  (Cone. 
Lat.  V,  in  Denzinger,  op.  cit.,  621). 
But  whether  the  rational  soul  is 
infused  into  the  organism  at  concep- 
tion, as  the  modern  opinion  holds,  or 
some  weeks  subsequently,  as  the 
Scholastics  suppose  (St.  Thomas,  Q.  i 
a.  2,  ad  2),  is  an  open  question  with 
theologians  (Kleutgen,  Phil.  d.  Vor- 
zeit,II,657).  (See  also  Man;  Metem- 
psychosis ;  Soul;  Traducianism.) 

Maheb,  Ptuchotogy  (New  York,  1903); 
Mivabt.  Origin  of  Human  Return  (Lon- 
don. 1889);    Driscoll,  The  Soul  (New 
York,  1898);    Mercikr,  La  Piychologie 
(Louvain,  1905);  Gotbeblbt,  Peycholoqie  (Munich,  1890). 

F.  P.  SlEQFBIED. 


ory  of  Valencia)  speak  of  Generationism  as  "cer- 
tainly erroneous",  or  (e.  g.  Estius)  as  maxime 
temerariu*.  It  should,  however,  be  noted  that  while 
there  are  no  such  explicit  definitions  authoritatively 
put  forth  by  the  Church  as  would  warrant  our  calling 
the  doctrine  of  Creationism  de  fide,  nevertheless,  as  a 
recent  eminent  theologian  observes,  "there  can  be  no 
doubt  as  to  which  view  is  favoured  by  ecclesiastical 
authority"  (Peach,  PneL  Dogm.,  V,  3,  p.  66).  Leo 


Credence  (or  Credence-Table). — A  small  table  of 
wood,  marble,  or  other  suitable  material  placed  within 
the  sanctuary  of  a  church  and  near  the  wall  at  the 
Epistle  side,  for  the  purpose  of  holding  the  cruets, 
acolytes'  candles,  and  other  utensils  required  for  the 
celebration  of  the  Holy  Sacrifice.  The  credence, 
properly  so  called,  is  con- 
templated only  in  con- 
nexion with  solemn 
Masses;  on  it  the  chalice, 
paten,  corporal,  and  veil 
are  placed  from  the  be- 
ginning of  the  Mass  until 
the  Offertory.  When  a 
bishop  celebrates,  it 
should  be  of  larger  dimen- 
sions than  usual,  the  ordi- 
nary size  being  about 
forty  inches  long,  twenty 
broad,  and  thirty-six 
high.  On  very  solemn 
festivals  it  should  be 
covered  with  a  linen 
cloth  extending  to  the 
ground  on  all  sides,  on 
less  solemn  occasions  the 
cloth  should  not  extend 
so  far,  while  on  days  of 
simple  rite  it  should  mere- 
ly cover  the  superficies. 
For  low  Masses  the  ru- 
brics contemplate  a  niche 
or  bracket  in  the  wall,  or 
some  small  arrangement 
for  holding  the  cruets, 
finger-bowl,  and  towel, 
but  custom  now  favours  the  use  of  a  credence-table. 

Caremoniale  Epiitcoporum,  I,  xii  soj.;  Ruhr.  Otn.  Wee.,  XX; 
Van  deb  Stappen,  De  Mieea  Celebration*  (Mechlin,  1902). 

Patrick  Morrisboe. 

Oredi,  Lorenzo  di,  Florentine  painter,  b.  at  Flor- 
ence, 1459;  d.  there,  1537.  Vasari  gives  his  family 
name  as  Sciarpelloni,  but  his  original  name  seems  to 
have  been  BarduccL   He  was  a  pupil  first  of  the 


The  Holt  Family — Lorenzo  di  Credi 


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goldsmith  Credi,  from  whom  he  took  his  name,  and 
then  of  the  sculptor  Verrocchio,  having  as  fellow- 
pupils  Perugino  and  Leonardo  da  Vinci.  To  the  latter 
painter  Lorenzo  attached  himself  in  terms  of  friendship, 
and  he  copied  the  manner  of  Leonardo  with  great  suc- 
cess. When  Verrocchio  went  to  Venice  to  cast  the 
bronze  equestrian  statue  of  Colleoni,  he  left  to  Lorenzo 
the  entire  administration  of  all  his  affairs,  and  in  his 
will  charged  him  to  complete  the  statue,  which  he 
had  been  unable  to  finish,  adding  the  following  re- 
mark: "Because  he  has  the  ability  to  finish  it  prop- 
erly". Leonardo  was,  however,  instructed  by  the  Vene- 
tians to  complete  the  figure.  Di  Credi  was  a  devout 
follower  of  Savonarola  and  a  man  of  deeply  religious 
character.  He  was  an  eminent  portrait-painter,  and 
his  religious  pictures  were  in  great  demand  for  the 
churches  and  convents  of  Florence  and  the  neighbour- 
hood. Onebf  the  finest  is  at  Pistoja,  originally  painted 
for  the  hospital  of  the  Ceppo.  The  portrait  of  Verrocchio 
is  at  Florence.  Other  examples  are  at  Berlin,  Dresden, 
London,  Paris,  Rome,  and  Turin.  They  are  all  remark- 
able for  their  magnificence  of  colour,  exquisite  compo- 
sition, but  extraordinary  rigidity  of  drapery,  the  folds 
having  the  appearance  of  metal  work  in  many  cases 
and  revealing  the  original  training  as  a  goldsmith 
which  the  artist  received.  He  died  at  the  age  of 
seventy-eight  in  his  own  house  in  Florence,  near 
Santa  Maria  Nuova,  and  was  buried  in  San  Pietro 
Maggiore.    A  little  while  before  his  death .  he  be- 

?|ueathed  to  the  hospital  of  Santa  Maria  Nuova  a 
arm  which  he  had  purchased  at  Casciano.  He  was 
said  to  have  been  a  very  slow  painter,  but  took 
immense  pains  in  the  execution  of  all  he  did,  pre- 
pared ana  ground  all  his  own  colours,  and  finished  his 
paintings  with  exquisite  refinement  and  care. 

Vasarj,  Vile  dei  pittori  (1560) ;  Bottahi,  Note  alls  vile  dri pit- 
tori  (Rome.  1767-72) ;  Idbm, Lettere  Pittoriche  (Rome,  1754-59) ; 
Idem,  Dialoghi  (Lucca,  1754);  unpublished  Mas.  of  Oretti  at 
Bologna;  Bbtan,  Diet,  of  Painter*  and  Engraven  (New  York, 
London,  1803);  Burlington  Finb  Arts  Club.  Catalogue*. 

George  Charles  Williamson. 
Creditor.   See  Debt. 

Oree  (a  contraction  of  Cribttno  or  Kenisteno, 
their  Ojibwa  name,  of  uncertain  meaning;  they  com- 
monly call  themselves  simply  Eythtntuwuk,  men), 
the  largest  and  most  important  Indian  tribe  of  Can- 
ada, and  one  of  the  largest  north  of  Mexico.  They 
are  a  part  of  the  great  Algonquian  stock  and  closely 
related  to  their  southern  neighbours,  the  Ojibwa,  al- 
though only  remotely  cognate  to  the  Blackfeet ,  farther 
to  the  west.  Until  confined  to  reservations  their 
various  bands  held  most  of  the  extensive  territory 
about  Lakes  Winnipeg  and  Manitoba,  the  lower  Red 
and  Saskatchewan  rivers,  and  eastward  to  the  coun- 
try of  the  Maskegon  about  Hudson  Bay,  from  whom 
they  are  hardly  to  be  distinguished.  Most  of  their 
former  territory  is  now  included  in  the  Canadian 
provinces  of  Manitoba,  Assiniboia,  and  Saskatche- 
wan. Their  chief  alliance  was  with  the  Assiniboin; 
their  wars  were  with  the  Sioux,  Blackfeet,  and  north- 
ern Tinneh  tribes.  With  both  French  and  English 
they  have  generally  been  on  friendly  terms.  -  When 
first  known  to  the  Jesuit  missionaries,  about  the  year 
1650,  the  Cree  lived  farther  to  the  south-east,  but, 
on  obtaining  fire-arms  from  the  English  trading-posts 
established  on  Hudson  Bay  some  twenty  years  later, 
they  pushed  out  into  the  open  plains  in  pursuit  of  the 
buffalo.  They  drove  the  Blackfeet  before  them,  and 
at  the  same  time  began  a  war  of  invasion  and  extermi- 
nation against  the  weaker  Tinneh  tribes,  as  far  even 
as  the  Mackenzie  River  and  the  Rocky  Mountains. 
A  great  small-pox  epidemic  in  1781  so  far  reduced 
their  numbers  that  they  retired  south  of  Churchill 
River,  which  has  since  remained  the  extreme  limit  of 
their  claims  in  that  direction. 

In  physique  and  intelligence  the  Cree  do  not  differ 
markedly  from  the  general  Indian  type,  but  are  per- 


haps slightly  below  the  general  "plains"  standard 
Mackenzie,  who  knew  them  before  they  had  been 
greatly  modified  by  contact  with  the  whites,  describes 
them  (1790)  as  naturally  generous,  good-tempered, 
and  honest.  Their  primitive  weapons  and  utensils 
were  fashioned  from  stone,  bone,  and  horn.  They 
used  the  canoe  of  birch-bark  and  the  tipi  of  buffalo 
skins.  They  had  no  agriculture  or  pottery  art,  but 
their  women  were  expert  skin-dressers  and  workers 
in  porcupine  quills.  For  their  food  they  depended 
upon  fishing,  hunting,  and  the  gathering  of  wild  roots 
and  fruits.  Wild  plums  and  cherries  were  pounded, 
dried,  and  preserved  in  rawhide  bags  or  boxes.  Buf- 
falo meat  was  cut  into  strips,  and  dried  in  the  sun  for 
immediate  use,  or  was  pounded,  covered  with  melted 
grease,  and  kept  in  skin  bags  as  pemmican  for  winter. 
Two  pounds  of  this  was  a  sufficient  day's  ration  for  a 
man.  Their  clothing  was  of  dressed  skins;  their  orna- 
mentation and  style  of  hair-cut  varied  in  different 
bands.  Their  dead  were  buried  in  the  ground  under 
a  mound  of  stones,  instead  of  being  placed  upon  scaf- 
folds or  in  the  branches  of  trees,  as  was  done  by  the 
Sioux  and  others.  In  accord  with  general  Indian 
custom,  the  personal  belongings  of  the  deceased  were 
buried  with  him  or  destroyed  near  the  grave.  Polyg- 
amy was  common,  and  a  man  might  marry  two 
sisters  at  once  from  the  same  family.  There  was  no 
trace  of  the  clan  system,  as  known  among  the  eastern 
and  southern  tribes.  They  sacrificed  to  a  number  of 
gods,  their  principal  myths  centring  about  a  super- 
natural hero  called  Wisukatcak.  They  were  also  great 
believers  in  conjurations  and  witchcraft,  and  had  an 
influential  order  of  priesthood  in  four  degrees.  Their 
great  religious  ceremony  was  the  annual  Sun  Danoe. 
Their  two  main  divisions  were  distinguished  as  Wood 
and  Plain  Cree,  each  of  which  was  again  subdivided 
into  bands  differentiated  by  Blight  peculiarities  of 
dialect  and  custom.  With  these  were  sometimes  in- 
cluded the  Maskegon,  under  the  name  of  Swampy 
Cree.  On  account  of  the  wide  extent  of  their  former 
range  the  early  estimates  of  Cree  population  vary 
greatly.  They  number  now  about  15,000,  of  whom 
nearly  two-thirds  are  located  upon  reservations  in 
Manitoba. 

The  earliest  missionaries  in  the  Cree  country  were 
the  French  Jesuits,  who  accompanied  the  commander 
Verendrye  in  his  explorations  of  the  Saskatchewan 
and  Missouri  River  region  from  1731  to  1742.  Chief 
among  these  were  Fathers  Nicholas  Gonnor,  Charles 
Mesaiger,  and  Jean  Aulneau.  No  attempt  was  made 
at  this  time  to  found  permanent  mission  settlements, 
and  the  work  thus  begun  was  allowed  to  lapse  in  con- 
sequence of  the  withdrawal  of  the  French  from  Can- 
ada until  after  the  establishment  of  the  Red  River 
colony  by  Lord  Selkirk.  In  1818  Fathers  Joseph 
Norbert  Provencher  and  Severe  Dumoulin  established 
the  first  regular  mission  station  at  Saint  Boniface, 
opposite  the  present  city  of  Winnipeg.  In  1 822  Father 
Provencher  was  made  bishop,  with  jurisdiction  over  all 
of  Rupert's  Land  and  the  Northwest  Territories,  and 
at  once  proceeded  to  organize  a  systematic  mission 
work  throughout  the  whole  vast  region.  Upon  his 
death  in  1853  he  was  succeeded  by  the  noted  Oblate 
Father  Alexander  Tach6,  who  had  come  out  eight  years 
before.  Among  other  distinguished  workers  in  the 
same  field,  all  Oblates,  may  be  noted  Father  Albert 
Lacombe,  author  of  a  monumental  grammar  and  dic- 
tionary of  the  Cree  language,  besides  a  number  of  re- 
ligious and  other  translations;  Father  Valentin  Vegre- 
vule,  founder  of  five  missions,  and  author  of  a  manu- 
script grammar  and  dictionary  of  the  language; 
Father  Jean  Thibault;  and  Father  Emile  Petitot, 
better  known  for  his  great  work  among  the  remote 
Tinneh  and  Eskimo  tribes.  The  Fathers  were  assisted 
by  sisters  of  the  Order  of  Gray  Nuns.  Protestant  work 
was  begun  by  the  Episcopalian  Rev.  John  West,  as 
chaplain  for  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company  in  1820,  the 


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Wesleyan  Methodists  and  Presbyterians  coming  later. 
The  most  distinguished  Protestant  worker  was  the 
Wesleyan  Rev.  James  Evans  (1840-1861),  inventor 
of  the  Cree  syllabary,  which  for  half  a  century  has 
been  in  successful  use  in  the  tribe  for  literary  pur- 
poses by  all  denominations.  Of  the  whole  number 
of  Cree  officially  reported  as  Christian  the  majority 
are  Catholic  and  rank  high  in  morality. 

Bbtce,  Hudtan't  Bay  Co.  (1900);  Canadian  Indian  Report); 
Thwaithb,  Jesuit  Relation!  (Cleveland,  1896-1001);  Lacombe, 
Diet,  dee  Crit  (1874);  Mackenzie,  Voyage*  (1802);  MacLean, 
Canadian  Savage  Folk  (1890);  Pbtitot,  in  Journal  Roy.  Geog. 
Spc  (1888);  Filling,  BM.  of  the  Algonqwian  Language!  (1891); 
Hi  CHARD  BON,  Arctic  Expedition  (1851). 

James  Mooney. 

Creed  (Lat.  credo,  I  believe),  in  general,  a  form  of 
belief.   The  word,  however,  as  applied  to  religious  be- 

,  lief  has  received  a  variety  of  meanings,  two  of  which 
are  specially  important.  (1)  It  signifies  the  entire 
body  of  beliefs  held  by  the  adherents  of  a  given  relig- 
ion ;  and  in  this  sense  it  is  equivalent  to  doctrine  or  to 
faith  where  the  latter  is  used  in  its  objective  meaning. 
Such  is  its  signification  in  expressions  like  "the  con- 
flict of  creeds",  "charitable  work  irrespective  of 
creed",  "the  ethics  of  conformity  to  creed  ,  etc.  (2) 
In  a  somewhat  narrower  sense,  a  creed  is  a  summary 

<  of  the  principal  articles  of  faithprofessed  by  a  church 
or  a  community  of  believers.  Thus  by  the  "  creeds  of 
Christendom"  are  understood  those  formulations  of 
the  Christian  faith  which  at  various  times  have  been 
drawn  up  and  accepted  by  one  or  the  other  of  the 
Christian  churches.  The  Latins  designate  the  creed 
in  this  sense  by  the  name  eymbolum,  which  means 
either  a  sign  (<rtf/i0oW)  or  a  collection  (e-vuPoXj).  A 
creed,  then,  would  be  the  distinctive  mark  of  those 
who  hold  a  given  belief,  or  a  formula  made  up  of  the 
principal  articles  of  that  belief.'  A  "profession  of 
faith  is  enjoined  by  the  Church  on  special  occasions, 
as  at  the  consecration  of  a  bishop;  while  the  phrase 
"confession  of  faith"  is  commonly  applied  to  Protes- 
tant formularies,  such  as  the  "Augsburg  Confession", 
the  "Confession  of  Basle",  etc.  It  should  be  noted, 
however,  that  the  Rule  of  Faith  is  not  identical  with 
creed,  but,  in  its  formal  signification,  means  the  norm 
or  standard  by  which  one  ascertains  what  doctrines 
are  to  be  believed. 

The  principal  creeds  of  the  Catholic  Church,  the 
Apostles',  Athanasian,  and  Nicene,  are  treated  in  spe- 
cial articles  which  enter  into  the  historical  details  and 
the  content  of  each.  The  liturgical  use  of  the  Creed  is 
also  explained  in  a  separate  article.  For  the  present 
purpose  it  is  chiefly  important  to  indicate  the  function 
of  the  creed  in  the  life  of  religion  and  especially  in  the 
work  of  the  Catholic  Church.  That  the  teachings  of 
Christianity  were  to  be  cast  in  some  definite  form  is 
evidently  implied  in  the  commission  given  the  Apos- 
tles (Math,  xxviii,  19-20).  Since  they  were  to  teach 
all  nations  to  observe  whatsoever  Christ  had  com- 
manded, and  since  this  teaching  was  to  carry  the 
weight  of  authority,  not  merely  of  opinion,  it  was 
necessary  to  formulate  at  least  the  essential  doctrines. 
Such  formulation  was  the  more  needful  because  Chris- 
tianity was  destined  for  all  men  and  for  all  ages.  To 
preserve  unity  of  belief,  the  first  requisite  was  to  have 
the  belief  itself  quite  clearly  stated.  The  creed,  there- 
fore, is  fundamentally  an  authoritative  declaration  of 

.  the  truths  that  are  to  be  believed. 

The  Church,  moreover,  was  organized  as  a  visible 
society  (see  Church).  Its  members  were  called  on  not 
only  to  hold  fast  the  teaching  they  had  received,  but 
also  to  express  their  beliefs.  As  St.  Paul  says: "  With 
the  heart  we  believe  unto  justice ;  but,  with  the  mouth, 
confession  is  made  unto  salvation"  (Romans,  x,  10). 
Nor  is  the  Apostle  content  with  vague  or  indefinite 
statements;  he  insists  that  his  followers  shall  "hold 
the  form  of  sound  words  which  thou  hast  heard  of  me 
in  faith"  (II,  Tim.  i,  13), "  embracing  that  faithful  word 
which  is  according  to  doctrine,  that  he  [the  bishop] 


may  be  able  to  exhort  in  sound  doctrine  and  to  i 
vince  the  gainsayers"  (Titus  i,  9).  Hence  we  can 
understand  that  a  profession  of  faith  was  required  of 
those  who  were  to  be  baptised,  as  in  the  case  of  the 
eunuch  (Acts  viii,  37);  in  fact,  the  baptismal  formula 
prescribed  by  Christ  himself  is  an  expression  of  faith 
in  the  Blessed  Trinity.  Apart  then  from  the  question 
regarding  the  composition  of  the  Apostles'  Creed,  it  is 
clear  that  from  the  beginning,  and  even  before  the 
New  Testament  had  been  written,  some  doctrinal  for- 
mula, however  concise,  would  have  been  employed 
both  to  secure  uniformity  in  teaching  and  to  place  be- 
yond doubt  the  belief  of  those  who  were  admitted  into 
the  Church,. 

Along  with  the  diffusion  of  Christianity  there  sprang 
up  in  the  course  of  time  various  heretical  views  regard- 
ing the  doctrines  of  faith.  It  thus  became  necessary  to 
define  the  truth  of  revelation  more  clearly.  The 
creed,  in  consequence,  underwent  modification,  not  by 
the  introduction  of  new  doc  tines,  but  by  an  expression 
of  the  traditional  belief  in  terms  that  left  no  room  for 
error  or  misunderstanding.  In  this  way  the  "  Filio- 
que"  was  added  to  the  Nicene  Creed  and  the  Trideo- 
tine  Profession  set  f ortt  in  full  and  definite  statements 
the  Catholic  Faith  on  those  points  especially  which  the 
Reformers  of  the  sixteenth  century  had  assailed.  At 
other  times  the  circumstances  required  that  special 
formulas  should  be  drawn  up  in  order  to  have  the 
teaching  of  the  Church  explicitly  stated  and  accepted ; 
such  was  the  profession  of  faith  prescribed  for  the 
Greeks  by  Gregory  XIII  and  that  which  Urban  VIII 
and  Benedict  XIV  prescribed  for  the  Orientals  (ef. 
Denzinger,  Enchiridion).  The  creed  therefore,  is  to  be 
regarded  not  as  a  lifeless  formula,  but  rather  as  a  mani- 
festation of  the  Church's  vitality.  As  these  formulas 
preserve  intact  the  faith  once  delivered  to  the  saints, 
they  are  also  an  effectual  means  of  warding  off  the  in- 
cessant attacks  of  error. 

On  the  other  hand  it  should  be  remarked  that  the 
authoritative  promulgation  of  a  creed  and  its  accept- 
ance imply  no  infringement  of  the  rights  of  reason. 
The  mind  tends  naturally  to  express  itself  and  espe- 
cially to  utter  its  though  tin  the  form  of  language.  Such 
expression,  again,  results  in  greater  clearness  and  a 
firmer  possession  of  the  mental  content.  Whoever, 
then,  really  believes  in  the  truths  of  Christianity  can- 
not consistently  object  to  such  manifestation  of  his  be- 
lief as  the  use  of  the  creed  implies.  It  is  also  obviously 
illogical  to  condemn  this  use  on  the  ground  that  it 
makes  religion  simply  an  affair  of  repeating  or  sub- 
scribing empty  formulas.  The  Church  insists  that  the 
internal  belief  is  the  essential  element,  but  this  must 
find  its  outward  expression.  While  the  duty  of  be- 
lieving rests  on  each  individual,  there  are  further  ob- 
ligations resulting  from  the  social  organization  of  the 
Church.  Not  only  is  each  member  obliged  to  refrain 
from  what' would  weaken  the  faith  of  his  fellow-be- 
lievers ;  he  is  also  bound,  go  far  as  he  is  able,  to  uphold 
and  quicken  their  belief.  The  profession  of  his  faith 
as  set  forth  in  the  creed  is  at  once  an  object-lesson  in 
loyalty  and  a  means  of  strengthening  the  bonds  which 
unite  the  followers  of  Christ  in  "one  Lord,  one  faith, 
one  baptism." 

Such  motives  are  plainly  of  no  avail  where  the  selec- 
tion of  his  beliefs  is  left  to  the  individual.  He  may,  of 
course,  adopt  a  series  of  articles  or  propositions  and 
call  it  his  creed ;  but  it  remains  his  private  possession, 
and  any  attempt  on  his  part  to  demonstrate  its  cor- 
rectness can  only  result  in  disagreement.  But  the  at- 
tempt itself  would  be  inconsistent,  since  he  must  con- 
cede to  every  one  else  the  same  right  in  the  matter  of 
framing  a  creed.  The  final  consequence  must  be, 
therefore,  that  faith  is  reduced  to  the  level  of  views, 
opinions,  or  theories  such  as  are  entertained  on  purely 
.  scientific  matters.  Hence  it  is  not  easy  to  explain,  on 
the  basis  of  consistency,  the  action  of  the  Protestant 
Reformers.   Had  the  principle  of  private  Judgment 


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been  fully  and  strictly  carried  out,  the  formulation  of 
creeds  would  have  been  unnecessary  and,  logically, 

.  impossible.  The  subsequent  course  of  events  has 
shown  how  little  was  to  be  accomplished  by  confession 
of  faith,  once  the  essential  element  of  authority  was 
rejected.    From  the  inevitable  multiplication  of  creeds 

-  has  developed,  in  large  measure,  that  demand  for  a 
"creedless  Gospel"  which  contrasts  so  strongly  with 
the  claim  that  the  Bible  is  the  sole  rule  and  the  only 
source  of  faith.  (See  Dogma,  Faith,  Protestantism.) 

Dejmisoisr,  Enchiridion  (Freiburg,  1908) ;  Mohler,  Symbel- 
ism  tr.  (New  York,  1884):  Donlof,  Account  of  All  the  Ends 
and  Vtet  of  Creeds  and  Confessions  of  Faith,  etc.  (London, 
1724);  Butler,  An  Historical  and  Literary  Account  of  the 
Formularies,  eta.  (London,  181ft) ;  Sohait,  A  History  of  the 
Creed*  of  Christendom  (London,  1878);  Grandmaibon, 
L'Elasticiti  dee  formula  de  Foi  in  Eludes  1898;  Calkins, 
Creed*  and  Test*  of  Churth  Membership  in  Andover  Review 
(1890),  13;  Brawurrr,  The  Ethics  of  Creed  Conformity  (1890), 


Geo  rob  J.  Lucas. 

Creed,  Litubgical  Use  of. — The  public  use  of 
creeds  began  in  connexion  with  baptism,  in  the  Tra- 
ditio  and  Redditio  symboli,  as  a  preparation  for  that 

•  sacrament,  and  in  the  preliminary  interrogations. 
This  use  is  found  as  early  as  the  "  Canons ' '  of  Hippoly- 
tus  and  the  "  Catecheses  "  of  St.  Cyril  of  Jerusalem,  and 
is  so  universal  as  to  be  probably  of  still  earlier  date.  (Cf . 
Acts,  viii,  37.)   The  recitation  of  the  Nicaso-Constanti- 

,  nopolitan  Creed  at  the  Eucharist  seems  to  have  begun, 
according  to  Theodore  the  Reader,  at  Antioch  under 
Peter  the  Fuller  in  471  (though  James  of  Edessa  says 
that  it  was  adopted  as  soon  as  it  was  composed),  and 
to  have  been  adopted  at  Constantinople  by  the  Patri- 
arch Timotheus  in  511.   Both  intended  to  protest,  as 

. Monophysites,  against  Chalcedonian  "innovations", 

bat  in  spite  of  this  heretical  origin  the  practice  spread, 
though  Rome  did  not  finally  adopt  it  until  the  elev- 
enth century.  The  Nicene  Creed  is  the  only  one  in 
use  in  the  Eastern  Churches,  whether  Orthodox,  Mono- 
physke,  or  Nestorian,  or  in  the  corresponding  Uniat 

.  bodies,  though  the  East  Syrians,  both  Nestorian  and 

.  Uniat,  have  a  variant  of  their  own  (see  East  Syrian 
Rteb)  which  may  have  been  originally  understood  in  a 
Nestorian  sense,  and  the  Copts  and  Abyssinia  ns  have 
also  a  shortened  form  for  use  at  baptism.  The  Roman 
Rite,  besides  the  Nicene  Creed,  which  it  recites  only  at 
Mass,  uses  also  the  Apostles'  Creed  and  the  so-called 

,  Athanasian.   These  three  creeds  have  been  retained 
in  the  Anglican  Rite.   The  following  is  the  use  of 
Creeds  in  various  rites: — 
Baptism. — Soman:  Apostles'  Creed  in  full,  followed 

•by  a  shortened  creed  m  interrogative  form. — Am- 
brosian, Galilean,  and  Mozarabie:  nearly  the  same.— 
Celtic:  either  the  Apostles'  Creed  in  full  or  a  shortened 
form,  both  as  interrogativee. — Anglican,  complete 
Apostles'  Creed  in  interrogative  form. — Orthodox 
Saltern:  Nieene  Creed  in  full  in  the  preliminary 
*t%al  tit  to  Totijo-at  KamxuiiiMor. — West  Syrian  (Jaco- 
bite, Syrian  Uniat,  and  Maronite)  and  Armenian: 

.Nicene  Creed  in  full. — East  Syrian:  variant  of 
Nicene  Creed  in  a  similar  position  to  that  which  it 
holds  in  the  Eucharist,  on  the  model  of  which  the  bap- 

:  tismal  service  is  constructed. — Coptic  and  /Ethiopus: 

•  a.  short  confession  of  faith  in  the  Trinity,  the  Resurrec- 
tion, and  the  Church. 

<  Eucharist. — All  rites  use  the  Nicene  Creed,  though 
in  different  positions,  as  part  of  the  declaration  of  fel- 
lowship (of  whioh  the  Kiss  of  Peace  is  another  part) 

•  with  which  the  Mista  Fidelipm  begins.  This  aspect  is 
leas  evident  in  Western  than  jn  Eastern  rites,  owing  to 

.removal  of  the  Pax  to  another  position.  The  positions 
are: — (1)  Immediately  after  the  Gospel:  Roman,  Cel- 
tic, Anglican,  Armenian.  (2)  After  the  Offertory,  but 
quite  unconnected  with  the  Pax:   Ambroeian.  There 

:  k  rood  reason  to  think  that  the  Ambrosian  Pox  origi- 

.  naUy  came,  not  as  now  in  the  Roman  position,  but  at 
the  beginning  of  the  Offertory.  (3)  After  dismissal 
cf  catechumens  and  Offertory,  but  before  the  Pas: 


Coptic,  Greek  St.  James,  We*  Syrian,  East  Syrian.  (4) 
After  dismissal,  Offertory  and  Pax:  Orthodox  Eastern 
(Bysantine),  Greet  St.  Mark.  (5)  After  the  Consecra- 
tion, during  the  Fraction:  Moearabic.  This  last 
seems  to  follow  the  use  ordered  by  the  Emperor  Justin 
at  Constantinople,  that  the  Creed  should  be  said  before 
the  Pater  Noater  at  Mass,  but  it  is  probably  of  much 
later  introduction. 

Tot  Divine  Office. — Roman:  Apostles'  Creed  at 
the  beginning  of  Matins  and  Prime,  ferially  with 
precee  in  the  course  of  Prime  and  Compline,  and  at  the 
end  of  Compline,  Athanasian  on  Sundays  at  Prime. 
The  earliest  mention  of  this  is  in  the  "Capitulare"  of 
Hayto,  Bishop  of  Basle,  c.  820.   Many  Roman  deriva- 

.  tives  (e.  g.  the  Sarum)  said  the  Athanasian  daily  at 
Prime.  The  monastic  rites  and  the  French  breviaries 
of  the  seventeenth  and  eighteenth  centuries  mostly 
follow  the  Roman  practice. — Ambrosian:  the  Apos- 
tles' Creed  in  the  course  of  Prime  and  Compline,  the 

■  Athanasian  daily  at  Primes — Mostarabic:  The  Nioene 
Creed  at  Prime  on  Sundays  and  festivals.  This  was 
ordered  by  the  Council  of  Toledo  of  589. — Celtic:  The 
Apostles'  Creed  is  given  with  the  Pater  Noater  in  the 
"Bangor  Antiphoner",  and  at  the  end  of  the  sketch 
service  in  the  "Book  of  Mulling",  but  there  is  no  evi- 
dence how  it  was  used. — Anglican:  The  Apostles' 
Creed  is  said  with  preees  at  morning  and  evening 
prayer,  daily,  except  that  on  thirteen  fast-days 
(roughly,  once  a  month,  and  on  Trinity  Sunday) 
the  Athanasian  takes  its  place  at  morning  prayer. — 
Byzantine:  Nicene  Creed  at  the  Midnight  Office 
(jMe-ovwrrufor)  after  the  Psalms,  except  on  Sundays, 
and  at  the  Little  Compline  ( MStiTvow  vuxpir)  after 
the  Great  Doxology. — East  Syrian:  Nicene  Creed  at 
the  end  of  the  morning  and  evening  services. — Coptic: 
At  the  "Offering  of  the  Morning  Incense",  at  Lauds, 
Compline,  and  the  "Prayer  of  the  Curtain". 

Other  uses  of  creeds  are:  The  Ambrosian  uses  either 
the  Apostles'  or  Athanasian  Creed  in  the  "Ordo  Com- 
mendationis  Aninue". — The  Celtic  used  either  the  full 
Apostles'  Creed  or  a  shortened  confession  of  faith  in 
the  Trinity,  eternal  life,  and  the  Resurrection  (both 
forms  are  found)  before  the  unction  of  the  sick. — The 
Anglican  uses  the  Apostles'  Creed  in  an  interrogative 
form  (as  at  baptism)  in  the  visitation  of  the  stok. — 
The  Mozarabie  introduces  a  three-fold  repetition  of  a 
Spanish  variant  of  the  Apostles'  Creed  into  a  "Sermo 
ad  populum ' '  before  the  Epistle  at  Mass  on  Palm  Sun- 
day, whioh  is  the  ancient  Traditio  Symboli. — The  By- 
zantine has  a  recitation,  /KyaXeftotot,  of  the  Nioene 
Creed  in  answer  to  the  question,  nU  rt  rwr«Viii  at 
the  consecration  of  bishops.  This  is  followed  by  two 
more  elaborate  confessions  of  faith,  resembling  the 
"Interrogatio"  at  the  same  service  in  the  Roman 
Pontifical. — In  the  Roman  ordination  of  priests  the 
Apostles'  Creed  is  recited  just  before  the  Aceips  Spiri- 
tum  Sanctum.— -At  the  beginning  of  the  coronation  of 
the  Russian  emperor  he  is  required  to  recite  the  Nioene 
Creed  in  token  of  orthodoxy, 

Zaocahia,  BMioAeea  Rilualis  (Rome,  1776-81);  Swajn- 
bon,  The  Nicene  and  Athanasian  Creeds  (London,  1895):  Hob- 
Till  Br,  The  Creed*  (London,  1902);  Dbnzihger,  Ritus  Orimta- 
Hum,  Coptorum,  Syrorum  at  Armenorum  in  admmittrandi* 
Sacramenti*  (WOriborg,  1888-4);  Duchesne,  Origins*  du  cults 
Chretien  (Paris,  1902);  Hriohtman,  Eastern  and  Western  Litur- 
gies (Oxford,  1898);  Bishop,  The  Genius  of  the  Roman  Rite 
(London,  1899):  Maroubm  of  Bute,  The  Coptic  Morning  Ser- 
vice for  the  Lord's  Day  (London,  1882);  also  the  Service  Book*  of 
the  various  rites  mentioned.  Henrt  JenNEB. 

Oreed,  Nicene.    See  Nicene  Creed. 

Creeks,  an  important  confederacy  of  Indian  tribes 
.and  tribal  remnants,  chiefly  of  Muakogian  stock, 
formerly  holding  the  greater  portion  of  Central  ana 
Southern  Georgia  and  Alabama,  but  now  settled  in 
.Eastern  Oklahoma.  The  name  by  which  they  are 
commonly  known  was  originally  applied  not  to  the 
Indians,  but  to  their  home  territory,  L  e.  "the  Creek 
Country".  The  dominant  tribe  is  the  Maskoki  (Mus- 


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orhohto* 


cogee),  who  constitute  about  one-half  of  the  whole 
body.  Besides  these  there  are  Hichitee,  Koasati,  and 
Yuchi,  each  with  a  distinct  language;  there  are  also 
several  smaller  broken  tribes.  The  Seminole,  too, 
are  originally  a  separated  band  of  Creeks.  According 
to  traditional  and  linguistic  evidence,  the  Muscogee 
and  their  cognate  tribes  had  in  ancient  times  lived 
west  of  the  Mississippi  River,  but  thev  were  found 
settled  in  Georgia  and  Alabama  as  early  as  1540  by 
De  Soto,  who  crossed  their  territory  from  east  to 
west.  In  the  colonial  period  they  held  the  balance 
of  power  between  the  English  of  Carolina  on  the  one 
side  and  the  Spaniards  and  French  of  Florida  and 
Louisiana  on  the  other.  Their  most  constant  alliance 
was  with  the  English,  whose  traders  supplied  them 
with  guns,  and  it  was  chiefly  by  this  means  that  the 
English  accomplished  the  utter  destruction  of  the 
flourishing  Franciscan  missions  of  upper  Florida  in 
1702-8.  In  the  final  inroad,  1400  of  the  Christian- 
ized mission  Indians  were  carried  off  and  distributed 
as  slaves  among  the  English  of  Carolina  and  their 
savage  allies.  This  unfortunate  outcome  of  more 
than  a  century  of  devoted  missionary  effort  was  due 
to  the  short-sighted  policy  of  the  Spaniards,  who  re- 
fused 'guns  to  their  own  Indians,  even  in  the  face 
of  threatened  invasion.  The  Creeks  adhered  to  the 
English  side  in  the  war  of  the  Revolution,  but  made 
a  treaty  of  peace  with  the  United  States  in  1790. 
English  instigation  in  the  War  of  1812  led  to  another 
war  with  the  Creeks  in  1813-14,  in  which  they  suf- 
fered such  heavy  losses  that  they  were  obliged  to 
purchase  peace  by  the  surrender  of  half  their  remain- 
ing territory.  Other  land-cessions  followed  in  quick 
succession  until,  in  1832,  they  sold  their  last  acre  east 
of  the  Mississippi  and  were  removed  to  a  new  home 
in  the  Indian  Territory,  where  they  were  permitted 
to  organize  an  autonomous  government  under  the 
name  of  the  Creek  Nation.  In  1906,  by  previous 
treaty  agreement,  this  Indian  government  was  for- 
mally dissolved,  the  Indians  being  admitted  to  citi- 
zen-rights and  their  country  incorporated  into  the 
new  State  of  Oklahoma.  They  number  now  about 
10,000  souls,  besides  half  as  many  more  "freedmen", 
descendants  of  their  former  negro  slaves. 

In  their  old  homes  the  Creeks  were  a  sedentary 
and  agricultural,  but  brave  and  warlike,  people. 
Their  houses  were  well  constructed  of  logs,  and  their 
villages  were  regularly  built  around  a  central  square 
devoted  to  public  games  and  ceremonies,  chief  of 
which  was  the  great  annual  Buskita,  or  Creek  Corn 
Dance,  when  every  fire  in  the  settlement  was  extin- 
guished and  solemnly  relighted  from  a  new  sacred 
fire  kindled  by  means  of  friction.  There  was  no  rec- 
ognised central  authority,  but  neighbouring  or  closely 
cognate  villages  commonly  acted  together.  They 
had  the  clan  system,  intermarriage  within  the  clan 
being  strictly  prohibited.  No  systematic  mission  work 
was  attempted  among  them  until  after  their  removal 
to  the  Territory,  when  a  beginning  was  made  by  the 
Presbyterians.  A  few  of  their  children  are  now 
attending  the  neighbouring  Catholic  mission  schools. 

Adair,  History  of  the  A  Indian)  (London,  1775); 

Baroa,  Eneayo  chrondooico  para  la  historia  general  de  la 
Florida  (Madrid,  1723);  Babtram,  Travel*  through  North  and 
South  Carolina  (Philadelphia,  1701);  Gatschet,  A  Migration 
Legend  of  the  Creek  Indian*  (2  vols.,  Philadelphia,  1884;  St. 
Louis,  1888);  Hawkins,  A  Sketch  of  the  Creek  Country  (The 


Georgia  Historical  Society,  Savannah',  1848);  Annual  kr  parts 
•  «f  Indian  Affaire.    James  MoONBY. 


of  the  Commissioner  t 


Creighton  University,  an  institution  located  at 
Omaha,  Nebraska,  U.  S.  A.,  and  conducted  by  the 
Jesuit  Fathers.  It  comprises  high  school  and  college 
departments,  a  free  classical  day  college,  and  schools 
of  medicine,  dentistry,  pharmacy,  and  law.  The  fac- 
ulty numbered  104  members  in  1907-8.  There  is  no 
charge  for  tuition  in  the  high  school  and  college  de- 
-  partments.  The  attendance  at  the  university  is 
•bout  800,  divided  among  the  different  departments 


as  follows:  Liberal  Arts,  360;  Medicine,  178;  Law,  51; 
Pharmacy,  105;  Dentistry,  107.  The  Medical  Col- 
lege free  dispensary  treats  between  3000  and  4000 
annually;  the  Dental  College  Infirmary,  400  or  500. 

Creighton  University  was  the  first  free  Catholic  ool- 
lege  founded  in  the  United  States.  Edward  Creigh- 
ton, after  whom  it  was  named,  had  proposed  during 
his  life  to  establish  a  free  school  for  higher  education, 
but  he  died  intestate,  before  making  provision  for 
carrying  out  his  project.  His  wife,  Mary  Lucretia 
Creighton,  inheriting  his  fortune,  determined  to  carry 
out  nis  intention.  She  died  23  Jan.,  1876,  but  her 
will  made  a  bequest,  which  in  the  settlement  of  the 
estate  amounted  to  about  $200,000,  one-fourth  of 
which  was  devoted  to  the  grounds  and  building,  the 
balance  being  reserved  for  foundation.  In  accord- 
ance with  the  terms  of  this  will,  the  executors,  1  July, 

1878,  conveyed  the  entire  property  and  securities  in 
trust  to  the  Rt.  Rev.  James  O'Connor,  Bishop  of 
Omaha.  On  27  February,  1879,  the  Legislature  of 
Nebraska  passed  an  act  to  provide  for  the  incorpora- 
tion of  universities  under  certain  circumstances.  The 
District  Court  then  permitted  Bishop  O'Connor  to 
tum  over  his  trust  to  a  corporation  called  the  Creigh- 
ton University,  and  he  appointed  five  members  of  the 
Society  of  Jesus  as  the  Board  of  Trustees,  14  August, 

1879.  Creighton  College  as  such  was  not  incorporated 
and  the  name  merely  represented  what  was  left  in 
trust  by  Mrs.  Creighton.  When  the  Creighton  Uni- 
versity accepted  the  trust,  the  endowment  fund 
amounted  to  about  $147,500.  Mrs.  Sarah  Emily 
Creighton,  who  died  3  Sept.,  1888,  wife  of  John  A. 
Creighton,  bequeathed  to  Creighton  University  a  busi- 
ness block,  according  to  the  same  terms  and  conditions 
as  were  designated  in  the  bequest  of  her  sister,  Mrs. 
Mary  Lucretia  Creighton.  During  1900  John  A. 
Creighton,  desirous  of  making  the  university  an  insti- 
tution fully  equipped  for  its  educational  work,  gener- 
ously offered  means  for  the  completion  of  the  college 
buildings.  The  School  of  Medicine  was  founded  30 
May,  1892,  and  the  School  of  Law  in  October,  1904. 
The  Edward  Creighton  Institute,  erected  in  1905,  is 
now  the  home  of  the  Law  Department.  The  Dental 
School,  opened  in  1905,  is  located  with  the  Law 
School.  The  School  of  Pharmacy,  a  distinct  depart- 
ment of  the  university  since  1  February,  1905,  took 
possession  of  its  splendidly  equipped  new  addition  to 
the  Medical  Building  in  September,  1908. 

Edward  Creighton  was  born  31  Aug.,  1820,  in  Bel- 
mont County,  Ohio,  near  the  present  town  of  Baroes- 
ville;  and  died  5  Nov.,  1874.  John  A.  Creighton  was 
born  15  Oct.,  1831,  in  Licking  County.  Ohio,  and  died 
7  Feb.,  1907.  He  was  educated  at  St.  Joseph's  Col- 
lege, Somerset,  Ohio,  under  the  Dominican  Fathers, 
and  for  these  teachers  he  always  retained  a  feeling  of 
gratitude.  Though  desirous  of  becoming  a  civil  en- 
gineer, he  was  obliged  to  shorten  his  course  of  study  by 
the  necessity  of  earning  a  livelihood.  He  married 
Sarah  Emily  Wareham  of  Dayton:  and  her  sister, 
Mary  Lucretia,  became  the  wife  of  Edward  Creighton. 
Both  these  men  were  remarkable  for  courage,  enter- 
prise, and  a  Btrong  sense  of  justice.  John  was  one  of 
the  first  members  of  the  "Vigilance  Committee" 
which  effectually  freed  Montana  of  the  desperadoes 
who  made  life  and  property  insecure  in  that  territory. 
Both  also  made  their  start  in  life  by  constructing 
roads  and  telegraph  lines  in  the  West  and  South ;  John 
was  moreover  actively  engaged  in  mining,  stock-rais- 
ing, and  investments  in  land.  He  left  by  will  large 
bequests  to  Creighton  University,  the  Creighton 
Memorial  Hospital  and  other  Catholic  institutions 
in  which  he  was  interested  during  life.  Though  these 
sums  were  somewhat  lessened  by  litigation  and  com- 
promise with  contestants,  the  university  received 
nearly  a  million  and  a  quarter  dollars,  the  Hospital 
nearly  a  quarter  of  a  million,  and  the  other  institu- 
tions smaller  amounts.    The  entire  revenue-produc 


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iug  property  of  the  university  approximates  two  mil- 
lions and  a  quarter,  exclusive  of  its  buildings,  grounds 
and  equipment  The  hospital  takes  care  of  about 
2400  patients  a  year,  of  whom  more  than  half  are  non- 
Catholics,  and  one-third  absolutely  free.  John 
Creighton  was  honoured  by  Leo  XIII  with  the  order 
of  St.  Gregory  and  later  with  the  title  of  Count  of 
the  Papal  States.  In  1900  he  received  the  Lai  tare 
Medal  from  the  University  of  Notre  Dame. 

Reminiscences  of  Creighton  University;  Creighton  (biographi- 
cal sketches  of  the  family) — both  published  by  the  University: 
Morton,  History  of  Nebraska;  Savage  and  Bill,  History  of 


 it    u  nw(  y    v/    iiwiwitu,      uAiAtan    immw    -  -  —  u  hmiik  v§ 

Omaha;  Sobznbxn,  History  of  Omaha;  the  annual  Catalogues 
and  other  publications  of  Creighton  University  and  the  annual 
reports  of  the  Creighton  Memorial  Hospital. 

M.  P.  DoWLDJG. 


Swiss  Catholic  priest,  He- 
b.  at  Bure,  16 


Or  slier,  Henri-Joseph, 
brew  scholar  and  Biblical 
October,  1816;  d.  at  Bres- 
sancourt.  France,  22  April, 
1889.  From  1846  to  1855 
he  was  professor  at  the  col- 
lege of  Porrentruy  (Swit- 
zerland) ;  later  he  became 
chaplain  of  the  Religious 
of  the  Sacred  Heart  at 
Besancon,  France,  and  de- 
voted his  leisure  hours  to 
the  study  of  Sacred  Scrip- 
ture. He  was  subse- 
quently appointed  pastor 
of  the  church  of  Rebeuve- 
lier,  and  finally  of  Bres- 
sancourt,  where  he  died. 
He  left  many  works  on 
Sacred  Scripture,  some  of 
which  have  a  special  value. 
Among  these  we  note: 
'-  Lespsaumes  traduits  lit- 
tfralement  but  le  texte 
h4breu  avec  un  commen- 
Uire"  (Paris,  1858);  "Le 
livre  de  Job  vengfi  des  in- 
terpretations fausses  et 
impies  de  M.  E.  Renan" 
(Paris,  1860);  "LeCanti- 
bue  des  cantiques  venge' 
des  interpretations  fausses 
et  impies  de  M.  E.  Renan" 
(Paris,  1861)  ;"M.  Renan 
guerroyant  contre  le  sur- 
uaturel"  (Paris,  1863); 
"11.  E.  Renan  trahissant 
le  Christ  par  un  roman," 
etc.  (Pans,  1864).  To  the 
Bible",  puf 


"Commentaries  on  the 
U.UK  ,  FUUU»uou  by  Lethielleux,  he  contributed  the 
Acts  of  the  Apostles  (1883),  Exodus  (1886),  Leviticus 
(1886),  Genesis  (1889). 
Lsvksqub  in  Via.,  Diet,  de  la  BMe,  s.  v. 

R.  Butin. 


Cathedbal  of  8.  Maria  Maoqiobb,  Crcma 


Orema,  Diocese  of  (Crbmensis),  suffragan  to 
Milan.  Crema  is  a  city  of  the  province  of  Cremona, 
Lombardy,  Northern  Italy,  situated  between  the 
Rivers  Adda  and  the  Oglio,  in  a  marshy  region.  It 
was  built  by  inhabitants  of  various  cities  of  the  Insu- 
bres,  who  fled  thither  during  the  Lombard  invasion  of 
Italy.  Crema  fell  eventually  under  Lombard  rule 
and  shared  the  vicissitudes  of  that  monarchy.  Crema 
was  one  of  the  first  cities  to  organize  as  a  commune. 
It  joined  the  Lombard  League,  and  was  therefore  de- 
stroyed, first  by  Frederick  Barbarossa  and  later  by 
the  inhabitants  of  Cremona  and  Lodi.  It  afterwards 
acknowledged  the  rule  of  the  Torriani  and  of  the  Vis- 
conti  of  Milan,  for  a  while  also  that  of  the  Benzoni. 
Finally  it  became  subject  to  the  Republic  of  Venice. 
It  belonged  to  the  Diocese  of  Lodi  until  1580,  when  it 
IV.— 31 


was  made  a  see  and  a  suffragan  of  Milan.  Among  the 
most  noted  of  its  bishops  was  the  zealous  Marcan- 
tonio  Zolli.  The  diocese  has  a  population  of  58,000, 
with  53  parishes,  65  churches  and  chapels,  174  secular 
and  4  regular  priests,  1  religious  house  of  men  and  7 
of  women. 

Cappelletti,  Le  chiese  cTItalia  (Venice,  1857),  XII,  241-76; 
Am.  eed.  (Rome,  1907),  432-33;  Barbiehi,  Compendio  erono- 
logieo  delta  ttoria  di  Crema  (Crema,  1888). 

U.  Beniqni. 

Cremation. — I.  History. — The  custom  of  burning 
the  bodies  of  the  dead  dates  back  to  very  early  times. 
The  Pre-Canaanites  practised  it  until  the  introduction 
of  inhumation  among  them  along  with  the  civilization 
of  the  Semitic  people  about  2500  b.  c.  History  re- 
veals no  trace  of  incineration  among  the  Jewish  people, 
except  in  extraordinary  circumstances  of  war  and  pes- 
tilence. It  was  likewise  unknown,  in  practice  at  least, 
to  the  Egyptians,  Phoeni- 
cians, Carthaginians;  or  to 
the  inhabitants  of  Asia 
Minor1 — the  Carians,  Ly- 
dians,  and  Phrygians.  The 
Babylonians,  according  to 
Herodotus,  embalmed  their 
dead ,  and  the  Persians  pun- 
ished capitally  such  as  at- 
tempted cremation,  special 
regulations  being  followed 
in  the  purification  of  fire  so 
desecrated.  The  Greeks 
and  Romans  varied  in  then- 
practice  according  to  their 
views  of  the  after  lite; 
those  who  believed  in  a 
future  existence  analogous 
to  the  present  buried  then- 
dead,  even  leaving  food  in 
the  tomb  for  the  nourish- 
ment and  enjoyment  of 
the  departed;  such  as,  on 
the  other  hand,  held  the 
opinion  that  on  the  decay 
of  the  body  life  was  con- 
tinued in  the  shade  or 
image,  practised  crema- 
tion, the  more  expedi- 
tiously to  speed  the  dead  to 
the  land  of  shadows.  But 
the  practice  of  cremating 
never  entirely  superseded 
what  Cicero  tells  us  (De 
Leg.  ,11,  xxii)  was  the  older 
rite  among  the  Roman  peo- 
ple. Indeed  the  Cornelian  gens,  one  of  the  most  cul- 
tured in  Rome,  had,  with  the  single  exception  of 
Sulla,  never  permitted  the  burning  of  their  dead. 
By  the  fifth  century  of  the  Christian  Era,  owing  in 
great  part  to  the  rapid  progress  of  Christianity,  the 
practice  of  cremation  had  entirely  ceased. 

The  Christians  never  burned  their  dead,  but  fol- 
lowed from  earliest  days  the  practice  of  the  Semitic 
race  and  the  personal  example  of  their  Divine  Founder. 
It  is  recorded  that  in  times  of  persecution  many  risked 
their  lives  to  recover  the  bodies  of  martyrs  for  the 
holy  rites  of  Christian  burial.  The  pagans,  to  destroy 
faith  in  the  resurrection  of  the  body,  often  cast  the 
corpses  of  martyred  Christians  into  the  flames,  fondly 
believing  thus  to  render  impossible  the  resurrection  of 
the  body.  What  Christian  faith  has  ever  held  in  this 
regard  is  clearly  put  by  the  third-century  writer  Minu- 
cius  Felix,  in  his  dialogue  "Octavius  ,  refuting  the 
assertion  that  cremation  made  this  resurrection  an 
impossibility:  "Nor  do  we  fear,  as  you  suppose, 
any  harm  from  the  [mode  of]  sepulture,  but  we  adhere 
to  the  old,  and  better,  custom"  ("Nec,  ut  creditis, 
ullum  damnum  sepulture  timemus  eed  veterem  et 


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CREMATION 


meliorem  consuetudinem  humandi  frequentamus  "— 
P.  L.,  Ill,  362). 

II.  Church  Legislation. — (1)  In  the  Middle  Ages. 
— In  all  the  legislation  of  the  Church  the  placing  of 
the  body  in  the  earth  or  tomb  was  a  part  of  Christian 
burial.  In  the  acts  of  the  Council  of  Braga  (Har- 
douin,  III,  352),  in  the  year  563,  while  we  read  that 
bodies  of  the  dead  are  by  no  means  to  be  buried  within 
the  basilicas  where  rest  the  remains  of  Apostles  and 
martyrs,  we  are  told  that  they  may  be  buried  without 
the  wall;  and  that  if  cities  nave  long  forbidden  the 
interment  of  the  dead  within  their  walls,  with  much 
greater  right  should  the  reverence  due  the  holy  mar- 
tyrs claim  this  privilege.  The  same  may  be  seen  in 
the  canons  of  other  councils — e.  g.  of  Nantes,  between 
the  seventh  and  ninth  centuries;  of  Mainz,  in  the 
ninth  century  ;  of  Tribur,  in  the  ninth  century.  This 
legislation  evidently  supposes  the  long-standing  cus- 
tom of  burial  such  as  tne  Church  practises  to-day, 
and  shows  that  in  the  sixth  century,  in  other  places 
than  Rome,  where  even  to-day  the  old  law  of  the 
Twelve  Tables  exerts  a  moral  influence,  the  Church 
had  so  far  conquered  the  prejudice  of  the  past  as  to 
have  gained  the  privilege  of  burying  her  dead  within 
the  city  walls  and  within  the  enclosure  of  the  church- 
yard. Once  in  the  course  of  the  Middle  Ages  did 
there  seem  to  be  on  the  part  of  some  a  retrogression 
to  the  pagan  ideals,  and  as  a  consequence  Boniface 
VIII,  on  21  February,  1300,  in  the  sixth  year  of  his 
pontificate,  promulgated  a  law  which  was  in  substance 
as  follows:  They  were  ipso  facto  excommunicated  who 
disembowelled  bodies  of  the  dead  or  inhumanly  boiled 
them  to  separate  the  flesh  from  the  bones,  with  a  view 
to  transportation  for  burial  in  their  native  land. 
"Detestandae  feritatis  abusum",  he  calls  it,  and  it 
was  practised  in  case  of  those  of  noble  rank  who  had 
died  outside  of  their  own  territory  and  had  expressed 
a  wish  to  be  buried  at  their  place  of  birth.  He  speaks 
of  it  as  an  abomination  in  the  sight  of  God  and  horri- 
fying to  the  minds  of  the  faithful,  decreeing  that, 
thereafter,  such  bodies  are  either  to  be  conveyed  whole 
to  the  spot  chosen  or  buried  at  the  place  of  death  un- 
til, in  the  course  of  nature,  the  bones  can  be  removed 
for  burial  elsewhere.  Those  who  were  party  to  these 
enormities  either  as  the  cause  or  agent  of  their  occur- 
rence were  to  incur  excommunication  reserved  to  the 
Holy  See,  while  the  body  thus  inhumanly  treated 
could  not  afterward  be  given  ecclesiastical  burial 
("Extrav.  Comm.",  Lib.  Ill,  Tit.  vi,  c.  i.). 

(2)  Decrees  of  Roman  Congregations. — This  rigid  ad- 
herence to  the  principles  of  the  early  teaching  of  the 
Church  may  be  seen  in  the  later  decrees  of  the  Roman 
Congregations.  The  Vicar  Apostolic  of  Vizagapatam, 
in  the  year  1884,  proposed  the  following  difficulty  to 
the  Sacred  Congregation  of  Propaganda:  The  bodies 
of  two  neophytes  had  been  cremated,  the  parents  tes- 
tifying that  there  had  been  no  idolatrous  ceremonies. 
Should  the  missioners  in  such  cases  protest  against 
what  is  considered  a  privilege  of  caste,  or  may  the 
following  present  practice  be  tolerated? — If  a  pagan 
seeks  baptism  at  the  hour  of  death,  the  missioner 
grants  it,  without  questioning  what  mode  of  sepulture 
is  to  be  given  the  body  after  death,  persuaded  that 
the  pagan  parents  will  make  no  account  of  his  desire 
to  be  buried,  not  cremated.  The  answer  was:  "You 
must  not  approve  of  cremation,  but  remain  passive  in 
the  matter  and  confer  baptism ;  be  careful  also  to  in- 
struct your  people  accord  ing  to  the  principles  which 
you  set  forth"  (Cremationem  approbare  non  debes, 
sed  passive  te  habeas,  collato  semper  baptismate,  et 
populos  instruendos  cures  juxta  ea  quae  a  te  exponun- 
tur).  This  was  given  on  27  September,  1884.  In 
1886  another  decree  forbade  membership  in  cremation 
societies  and  declared  the  unlawfulness  of  demanding 
cremation  for  one's  own  body  or  that  of  another.  On 
15  December  in  the  same  year  a  third  decree  was 
issued  of  more  or  less  the  same  tenor,  and  finally  on 


27  July,  1892,  the  Archbishop  of  Freiburg,  among 
other  questions,  asked  whether  it  was  lawful  to  co- 
operate in  the  cremation  of  bodies  either  by  command 
or  counsel,  or  to  take  part  as  doctor,  official,  or 
labourer  working  in  the  crematory.  It  was  answered 
that  formal  co-operation,  the  assent  of  the  will  to  the 
deed,  is  never  allowed,  either  by  command  or  counsel. 
Material  co-operation,  the' mere  aiding  in  the  physical 
act,  may  be  tolerated  on  condition  (1)  that  cremation 
be  not  looked  upon  as  a  distinctive  mark  of  a  Masonic 
sect;  (2)  that  there  be  nothing  in  it  which  of  itself, 
directly  and  solely,  expresses  reprobation  of  Catholic 
doctrine  and  approbation  of  a  sect;  (3)  if  it  be  not 
clear  that  the  officials  and  others  have  been  assigned 
or  invited  to  take  part  in  contempt  of  the  Catholic 
Religion.  And  whereas,  under  the  above  restrictions, 
co-operators  are  to  be  left  in  good  faith,  they  must 
always  be  warned  not  to  intend  co-operation  in  the 
cremation.  (See  "Collectanea  S.  C.  P.  F.",  nn.  1608, 
1609;  "Acta  S.  Sedis",  XXV,  63;  "Am.  Eccl.  Rev.", 
XII,  499.) 

(3)  Motives  of  this  Legislation. — The  legislation  of 
the  Church  in  forbidding  cremation  rests  on  strong 
motives ;  for  cremation  in  the  majority  of  cases  to-day 
is  knit  up  with  circumstances  that  make  of  it  a  public 
profession  of  irreligion  and  materialism.  It  was  the 
Freemasons  who  Bret  obtained  official  recognition  of 
this  practice  from  various  governments.  The  cam- 
paign opened  in  Italy,  the  first  attempts  being  made 
by  Brunetti,  at  Padua,  in  1873.  Numerous  societies 
were  founded  after  this,  at  Dresden,  Zurich,  London, 
Paris.  In  the  last  city  a  crematory  was  established 
at  Pere  Lachaise,  on  the  passing  of  the  law  of  1889 
dealing  with  freedom  of  funeral  rites.  The  Church 
has  opposed  from  the  beginning  a  practice  which  has 
been  used  chiefly  by  the  enemies  of  the  Christian 
Faith.  Reasons  based  on  the  spirit  of  Christian 
charity  and  the  plain  interests  of  humanity  have  but 
strengthened  her  in  her  opposition.  She  holds  it  un- 
seemly that  the  human  body,  once  the  living  temple 
of  God,  the  instrument  of  heavenly  virtue,  sanctified 
so  often  by  the  sacraments,  should  finally  be  subjected 
to  a  treatment  that  filial  piety,  conjugal  and  fraternal 
love,  or  even  mere  friendship  seems  to  revolt  against 
as  inhuman.  Another  argument  against  cremation, 
and  drawn  from  medico-legal  sources,  lies  in  this:  that 
cremation  destroys  all  signs  of  violence  or  traces  of 
poison,  and  makes  examination  impossible,  whereas 
a  judicial  autopsy  is  always  possible  after  inhumation, 
even  of  some  months. 

Is  cremation  a  sign  of  culture? — The  report  of  the 
French  Cremation  Society  for  1905  has  the  following: 
"There  exist  in  Europe  90  crematories  .  .  .  and 
the  number  of  incinerations  is  above  125,000."  In 
France  there  are  3  crematories,  in  the  United  States 
29,  in  Great  Britain  12,  in  Italy  30,  in  Germany  9,  in 
Switzerland  4,  in  Sweden  2,  in  Denmark,  Canada,  the 
Argentine  Republic,  Australia,  one  each.  "  Let  us  not 
number  here  the  appliances  of  Tokio,  let  us  not  speak 
of  the  pyres  raised  in  the  Indies,  in  China,  in  Siam,  in 
Cambogia,  at  all  points  of  the  Asiatic  Continent,  from 
time  immemorial  Asia  has  burned  her  dead."  At 
first  sight  125,000  seems  a  large  number;  but  a  glance 
at  the  Paris  statistics  will  help  us  to  realize  its  true 
value.  From  1889  to  1905  there  were  73,330  crema- 
tions in  Paris.  Only  3484  were  by  request;  37,082 
were  hospital  debris ;  32,757  were  embryos.  Of  the 
requested  cremations  there  were  216  in  1894,  354  in 
1904 — an  increase  in  ten  years  of  138 — not  a  large 
number,  and  it  serves  to  prove  that  even  Paris  is 
progressing  in  the  use  of  cremation  very  slowly  indeed. 

The  arguments  in  favor  of  cremation  may  be  re- 
duced to  a  few  heads:  (1)  it  will  prevent  the  corrup- 
tion of  the  soil ;  (2)  drinking  water  will  be  safeguarded 
against  contamination;  (3)  corruption  of  the  air  will 
be  avoided  in  localities  bordering  on  cemeteries,  with 
a  consequent  lessening  of  the  danger  of  infection  in 


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times  of  epidemic.  In  answer  it  has  been  urged  that 
cemeteries  are  not  a  cause  of  the  infection  of  the  air. 
In  any  well-ordered  cemetery  putrefaction  takes  place 
six  or  seven  feet  below  the  surface.  In  the  open  air, 
with  abundance  of  oxygen,  corruption  proceeds  more 
quickly,  with  continuous  discharge  of  noxious  gases 
in  large  quantities  highly  deleterious  to  health,  but 
it  is  not  so  in  the  grave.  Mantegazza,  a  celebrated 
bacteriologist,  has  shown  ("Civilta  Cattolica",  Ser. 
IX,  Vols.  X-XII)  that,  where  there  is  but  a  small 
supply  of  oxygen,  bodies  will  decompose  without  the 
emanation  of  any  odour  whatever.  Often,  too,  the 
human  body  is  so  reduced  before  death  that  in  the 
earth  it  suffers  little  or  no  corruption  at  all,  but  is 
first  mummified  and  then  slowly  reduced  to  dust. 
Again,  earth-pressure  prevents  chemical  decomposi- 
tion to  a  great  extent,  producing  in  the  place  of  gas  a 
liquid  which  enters  into  various  combinations  with 
the  materials  in  the  soil,  without  the  slightest  danger 
to  the  living.  Earth  is  a  powerful  agent  of  disinfec- 
tion. Even  were  noxious  gases  to  escape  in  any 
quantity,  they  would  be  absorbed  on  their  way  up- 
wards, so  that  a  very  small  part  would  ever  reach  the 
surface,  or  were  the  soil  not  fit  for  absorption  (as  was 
said  to  be  the  case  at  Pere-Lachaise,  Paris)  the  process 
would  be  taken  up  by  the  vegetable  matter  on  the 
surface.  It  is  held,  also,  that  it  is  no  more  true  to 
say  that  cemeteries  are  a  menace  to  water  wells. 
Charnock,  Delacroix,  and  Dalton  have  proved  that 
of  three  parts  of  rain  water  only  one  penetrates  the 
soil,  the  other  two  either  evaporating  or  flowing  into 
rivers.  Now  corpses  in  cemeteries  are  not  so  placed 
as  to  form  continuous  strata,  but  a  moderate  distance 
intervenes  between  any  two  bodies  or  rows  of  bodies. 
Of  the  third  part  of  rain,  then,  which  penetrates  the 
soil  of  a  graveyard  a  very  little  will  touch  the  bodies 
at  all,  and  what  does  will  not  all  reach  the  water 
streams,  but  will  be  absorbed  by  the  earth,  so  that 
the  remaining  drops  that  would  ultimately  trickle  into 
the  stream  would  have  absolutely  no  effect,  were  the 
stream  large  or  small.  Two  experiments  have  proved 
this.  The  doctors  above  mentioned  selected  a  tank 
6}  feet  high,  filled  it  with  sand,  and  for  many  months 
filtered  through  it  sewer  water  taken  from  the  drain- 
age pipes  of  Paris.  The  water  received  at  the  bottom 
of  the  vessel  was  always  found  pure,  clear  and  drink- 
able. A  like  experiment  was  made  with  a  smaller 
vessel  with  like  results.  To  anticipate  the  difficulty, 
that  what  held  for  an  experiment  with  small  quanti- 
ties would  prove  untrue  were  the  amount  of  water 
very  great,  a  large  tract  of  ground  near  Genvillers  was 
inundated  for  many  months  with  the  same  putrid  and 
reeking  waters  of  the  Seine  after  they  had  passed 
through  the  sewers  of  Paris.  The  result  was  the  same. 
Wells  were  dug  in  the  inundated  portion,  and  the 
water  was  again  found  pure  and  clear,  purer,  as  it 
chanced,  than  that  of  other  wells  outside  the  boundary 
of  the  place  of  experiments.  In  like  manner,  the 
waters  in  the  cemeteries  of  Leipzig,  Hanover,  Dresden, 
and  Berlin  were  examined  and  found  purer  and  freer 
from  organic  matter  than  the  wells  of  the  town. 

In  conclusion,  it  must  be  remembered  that  there  is 
nothing  directly  opposed  to  any  dogma  of  the  Church 
in  the  practice  of  cremation,  and  that,  if  ever  the 
leaders  of  this  sinister  movement  so  far  control  the 
governments  of  the  world  as  to  make  this  custom  uni- 
versal, it  would  not  be  a  lapse  in  the  faith  confided  to 
her  were  she  obliged  to  conform. 

In  addition  to  the  authorities  cited  in  the  body  of  this  article, 
consult  Corpus  Juris  Canonici;  Hardouin,  Coll.  Cone.,  VI,  443: 
Wernz,  Jus  Decrclalium,  III,  465;  Howe,  Studies  in  the  CivU 

L<™.  302.  William  Devlin. 

Oremona,  Diocese  of  (Cremonensis),  suffragan 
of  Milan.  Cremona  is  a  city  (31,661  in  1901)  in  the 
Province  of  Lombardy,  Italy,  on  the  left  bank  of  the 
Po.  It  was  built  by  the  Cenomanni  Gauls,  but  later 
became  a  Roman  colony  and  a  frontier  fortress;  it 


succumbed,  however,  to  Hannibal.  After  the  vic- 
tory of  Otiavian  over  Antony,  the  territory  was  di- 
vided among  the  veterans  of  the  conqueror.  Caius 
Vitellius  defended  it  unsuccessfully  against  Vespasian, 
by  whom  it  was  pillaged,  but  it  rose  again  from  its 
ruins.  About  a.  d.  600  Cremona,  until  then  Byzan- 
tine, was  captured  by  the  Lombard  king,  Agilulf. 
Under  the  Emperors  Otto  (I— III)  its  bishops  ac- 
quired temporal  sovereignty,  but  in  990  the  people 
expelled  Bishop  Olderico  and  adopted  a  republican 
form  of  government.  The  Emperor  Henry  IV  (1056- 
1106),  however,  confirmed  Bishop  Landulf  in  all  im- 
perial grants  made  to  his  predecessors.  On  the  other 
hand  Henry  V  (1 106-25)  restored  to  the  people  their 


'  Cathedral  and  Tobbazzo,  Cremona 

communal  rights.  Thenceforth  Cremona  became  a 
citadel  of  Ghibellinism  and  was  greatly  favoured  by 
Frederic  Barbarossa  and  Frederick  II,  though  for  the 
same  reason  frequently  at  war  with  the  neighbouring 
cities.  In  later  medieval  times  it  had  many  lords  or 
"tyrants",  the  Pallavicini,  the  Bovara,  the  Caval- 
cabd,  the  Visconti,  the  Sforza,  until  it  became  part 
of  the  Duchy  of  Milan  (1328).  In  1702  it  was  taken 
by  imperial  troops,  and  in  1796  and  1800  fell  into  the 
hands  of  the  French. 

The  people  of  Cremona  venerate  St.  Sabinus  as 
their  first  missionary  and  first  bishop;  he  is  said  to 
have  lived  in  the  first  century  of  our  era.  Anions 
the  better-known  early  bishops  are  St.  Syrinus  (c. 
340),  a  valiant  apologist  of  the  Faith  against  the 
Arians,  and  St.  Silvinus  (733);  the  latter  is  held  in 
great  veneration.  Liudprand  of  Cremona  \v:is  sent 
(946)  as  ambassador  to  Constantinople  by  the  Em- 
peror Otto  II,  and  is  the  most  famous  historical  writei 
of  the  tenth  century.  Other  important  bishops  were 
Gualtiero  (1096),  in  whose  time  the  cathedral  was  be- 
gun; Sicardo  (1185),  author  of  a  chronicle;  Caccia- 
conte  da  Somma  (1261),  under  whom  was  erected  the 
belfry  of  the  cathedral;  Nicold  Sfondrati  (1560),  later 
Pope  Gregory  XIV j  his  nephew  Paolo  (1607);  also 
the  zealous  and  charitable  Omobono  di  Offredi  (1791). 
The  cathedral  of  Cremona  is  a  splendid  specimen  of 


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Romanesque  architecture,  dates  from  the  beginning 
of  the  twelfth  century,  and  is  noted  for  its  facade  in 
alternate  courses  of  red  and  white  marble.  It  pos- 
sesses many  famous  paintings  and  sculptures.  Its 
two  marble  pulpits  were  brought  thither  from  the 
suppressed  church  of  the  Olivetans.  Near  the  ca- 
thedral is  the  baptistery  (1167),  surrounded  by  ranges 
of  narrow  Lombard  arches,  and  bearing  aloft  an  oc- 
tagonal cupola.  The  famous  brick  campanile,  known 
as  the  Torrazzo,  built  in  1283  as  a  peace  monument, 
is  396  feet  high  and  is  said  to  be  the  tallest  in  Italy. 
An  ancient  saying  runs:  Units  Petrus  in  RomA,  una 
turns  in  Cremona  (One  Peter  in  Rome,  one  Tower  in 
Cremona).  Other  noteworthy  churches  are  those  of 
Sant'  Agata  and  Sant'  Ajjostino,  the  latter  externally 
Gothic,  while  its  interior  is  Renaissance.  San  Pietro 
and  San  Michele  are  believed  to  date  from  the  time  of 
the  Lombard  Queen  Theodolinda  (c.  590).  There  are 
many  industries  at  Cremona,  especially  silk  manufac- 
tures; in  the  history  of  music  it  is  known  as  the  birth- 
place of  four  famous  makers  of  violins:  Amati,  Guar- 
neri,  Stradivari,  and  Malpighi. 

The  population  of  the  diocese  is  350,000;  it  has  345 
parishes,  530  churches  and  chapels,  536  secular  and 
38  regular  clergy,  9  houses  of  religious  men,  and  77 
of  women.   It  has  also  15  educational  institutions. 

Cappelletti.  Chine  d' Italia.  XII,  125-239:  Annuario 
EccUsiaatico  (Rome,  1907),  433-39;  Apohti,  Memorie  dx  storia 
ecai.  Cremoneee  (Rome,  1835-37);  Chevalieb,  Topo-bMiogr. 
(Paris,  1894-99),  824-26;  Habe,  Cities  of  Northern  Italy  (Lon- 
don, 1896),  II,  231-40. 

U.  Beniqni. 

Cremona,  Gotdo  da.   See  Frederick  I. 

Orepieul,  Francois  de,  Jesuit  missionary  in  Canada 
and  vicar  Apostolic  for  the  Montagnais  Indians;  b.  at 
Arras,  France,  16  March,  1638;  d.  at  Quebec  in  1702. 
As  a  youth  he  studied  in  the  Jesuit  college  of  his  native 
town  and  in  that  of  Douai,  becoming  a  member  of  the 
order  at  Tournay  in  1659.  He  continued  his  studies 
at  Lille  and  Douai,  taught  at  Lille  and  Cambrai,  and 
in  1670  sailed  for  Canada.  Upon  the  completion  of 
his  theological  studies  in  the  college  of  Quebec,  he  was 
assigned  m  October,  1671,  to  the  Tadousac  region, 
where,  with  untiring  devotion  and  great  success  he 
toiled  among  the  Montagnais  and  Algonquin  tribes  for 
twenty-eight  years.  Writing  to  his  Drethren  he  tells 
them  that  the  life  of  a  Montagnais  missionary  is  a 
tedious  and  prolonged  martyrdom,  and  that  his  jour- 
neys and  the  cabins  of  the  savages  are  truly  schools 
of  patience,  penance,  and  resignation.  For  the  bene- 
fit of  his  fellow  missionaries  Crepieul  wrote  a  series  of 
instructions  embodying  the  results  of  his  long  service 
among  the  Indians,  which  are  interesting  and  practi- 
cal. These  observations  are  given  in  the  sixty- third 
volume  of  Thwaites'  "Relations".  In  1696  or  1697 
he  was  appointed  vicar  Apostolic  for  the  Montagnais 
and,  on  the  discontinuance  of  the  mission  a  few  years 
later,  repaired  to  Quebec,  where  he  spent  the  rest  of 
his  life.  Dablon.  Superior  of  all  the  missions  in  Can- 
ada, styles  him    a  veritable  apostle". 

Rochemontf.ix,  Let  Jesuitet  el  la  Xouvrlle-France  au  XVIP 
tilde  (Paris,  1895-96),  a  most  interestingarrount  of  this  devoted 
and  successful  missionary;  Thwaites,  Relations,  LVI,  301.302; 
Son MERVOUEL,  Biol.  delae.de  J.,  II,  1652, 1;  Piluno.  Bibliog- 
raphy of  the  Algonquian  Languages  (Washington,  1891),  98,  99. 

Edward  P.  Spillane. 

Orescena,  a  companion  of  St.  Paul  during  his  second 
Roman  captivity,  appears  but  once  in  the  New  Testa- 
ment, when  he  is  mentioned  as  having  left  the  Apostle 
to  go  into  Galatia:  "Make  haste  to  come  to  me  quick- 
ly'1, St.  Paul  writes  to  Timothy,  "  for  Demas  hath  left 
me,  loving  this  world,  and  is  gone  to  Thessalonica, 
Crescens  into  Galatia,  Titus  into  Dalmatia"  (II  Tim., 
iv,  8-10).  All  commentators  agree  in  ranking  Cres- 
cens with  Titus  rather  than  with  Demas,  and  in  seeing 
here,  therefore,  a  reference  to  a  missionary  journey 
into  Galatia.    This  term,  in  Now  Testament  times, 


might  mean  either  Gaul  or  the  Roman  province  of 
Galatia  in  Asia  Minor,  where  St.  Paul  baa  laboured 
so  much;  and  here  it  has  been  interpreted  in  either 
sense.  In  the  other  passages  where  it  occurs  in  the 
New  Testament,  however,  it  denotes  Galatia,  and 
most  probably  it  would  be  so  understood  here  by 
Timothy,  especially  as  the  other  regions  mentioned 
are  likewise  to  the  east  of  Rome.  Moreover,  St.  Paul 
might  easily  have  a  reason  for  sending  a  disciple  to 
visit  his  old  Churches  in  Galatia,  while  there  is  no 
proof  that  he  had  an  active  interest  in  Gaul.  Accord- 
ingly, the  earliest  tradition  (Apost.  Constit.,  VIL  46) 
represents  Crescens  as  bishop  of  the  Churches  in  Gala- 
tia. Later  traditions,  on  the  other  hand,  locate  him 
as  Bishop  of  Vienne  in  Gaul,  also  at  Mainz  on  the 
Rhine.  But  the  earliest  traditions  of  Gaul  itself  know 
nothing  of  this  disciple  of  the  Apostle  as  a  founder 
of  then-  Churches,  and  the  belief  seems  to  have 
arisen  later  from  the  desire  of  an  Apostolic  origin. 
The  claims  of  Vienne  have  been  most  strongly 
urged;  but  they  are  based  upon  the  mistaken  identifi- 
cation of  its  first  bishop,  Crescens,  who  lived  in  the 
third  century,  with  the  disciple  of  St.  Paul.  As  little 
can  be  said  for  Mainz.  The  reading  of  certain  manu- 
scripts (Sinaiticus,  Ephraemi),  which  have  Gallia  in- 
stead of  Galatia,  has  also  been  advanced  in  favour  of 
Gaul;  but  the  traditional  reading  is  supported  by  the 
great  mass  of  manuscript  evidence.  Crescens  is  men- 
tioned as  one  of  the  Seventy  Disciples  of  Christ  by  the 
Pseudo-Dorotheus,  which  has  no  authority.  His 
martyrdom  in  Galatia,  under  Trajan,  commemorated 
on  27  June  by  the  Roman  Martyrology,  lacks  the  con- 
firmation of  older  Martyrologies.  The  Greek  Church 
honours  him  on  30  July. 

Tillemont,  Memoir ts  pour  servir  a  I'hietoire  eceUtiattique 
(Paris,  1701),  I,  312,  584-587;  Duchesne,  Let  fattet  (piteopaux 
de  Fandenne  Gaul*  (Paria,  1894),  I,  151-155. 

John  F.  Fenian. 

Orescentius,  the  name  of  several  leaders  of  the 
Roman  aristocracy  in  the  tenth  century,  during  their 
opposition  to  the  imperial  government  of  the  time. 

Crescentius  the  Elder. — With  the  disappearance 
of  the  Carlovingian  dynasty  the  papal  government  of 
Rome  lost  its  most  powerful  protector,  and  the  Ro- 
mans took  matters  into  their  own  hands.  Out  of  the 
local  aristocracy  there  arose  a  powerful  family,  which 
assumed  the  practical  charge  of  all  governmental  af- 
fairs in  Rome,  controlled  the  nominations  to  the  papal 
throne,  and  held  the  power  for  many  years.  At  the 
beginning  of  the  tenth  century  the  family  was  repre- 
sented by  Theophylactus,  vestararius  or  high  dignitary 
of  the  papal  palace  and  the  pontifical  government,  by 
his  wife  Theodora,  and  their  two  daughters  Marozia 
and  Theodora.  Theophylactus  had  the  titles  of  Consul 
and  Senator  of  the  Romans.  Crescentius  the  Elder 
was  a  descendant  of  this  family,  being  a  son  of  Theo- 
dora, the  daughter  of  Theophylactus.  According  to 
the  records,  he  took  a  hand  in  Roman  affairs  for  the 
first  time  in  974.  At  the  death  of  Pope  John  XIII 
(965-72),  who  was  a  brother  of  Crescentius,  the  Em- 
peror Otto  I  (936-73)  designated  as  his  successor  the 
Cardinal-Deacon  Benedict,  who  took  the  name  Bene- 
dict VI  (972-74).  The  Romans  bore  the  constant  in- 
terference  of  the  emperor  in  the  papal  elections  with 
ill-concealed  indignation.  About  a  year  after  the 
death  of  Otto  I,  when  his  successor  Otto  IT  (973-83) 
was  engaged  in  wars  at  home,  they  rebelled  against 
the  imperial  regime  under  the  leadership  of  Crescen- 
tius. The  unfortunate  Pope  Benedict  VI  was  de- 
throned, thrown  into  the  Castle  of  Sant'  Angelo,  and 
strangled  there  in  July,  974.  The  deacon  Franco,  a 
Roman,  son  of  Fcmtcius,  was  chosen  to  succeed,  and 
took  the  name  of  Boniface  VTI  (974).  The  protests 
of  the  imperial  envoy  Sicco  were  of  no  avail  against 
this  manifestation  of  national  aspirations  on  the  part 
of  the  Romans.   Soon,  however,  the  imperial  party 


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gained  the  upper  hand ;  Pope  Boniface  VII  was  forced 
to  flee  to  Constantinople;  Benedict  VII  (974-83)  was 
chosen  in  his  place,  and  Crescentius  disappeared  for  a 
time.  In  all  likelihood  he  took  an  active  part  in  the 
restoration  of  Boniface  VII  in  984.  After  the  death 
of  the  Emperor  Otto  II  (December,  983)  the  anti- 
imperial  party  believed  that  the  time  had  come  for  re- 
asserting itself.  In  April.  984,  Boniface  VII  returned 
from  Constantinople  and  took  possession  of  Rome. 
Pope  John  XIV  (983-84),  who  had  been  appointed  by 
the  Empe-or  Otto  II,  was  imprisoned  in  the  Castle  of 
Bant'  Angelo,  where  he  perished  about  four  months 
afterwards,  and  Boniface  VII  (984-86)  ruled  again  as 
pope  up  to  the  time  of  his  death  in  July,  986.  His 
protector  Crescentius  towards  the  end  of  his  life, 
whether  before  or  after  the  restoration  of  Boniface  VII 
is  uncertain,  took  the  monastic  habit  in  the  monastery 
of  St.  Alexius  on  the  Aventine,  where  he  died,  7  July, 
984,  and  was  buried  within  the  cloister.  The  epitaph 
on  his  tomb  (ArmeUini,  Le  Chiese  di  Roma,  686)  is  still  ■ 
visible. 

Crescentius  the  Younger. — The  aspirations  of 
the  Roman  aristocracy  did  not  vanish  with  the  death 
of  the  elder  Crescentius.  The  latter  left  a  son,  also 
called  Crescentius,  who  after  the  death  of  Boniface 
VII  took  the  reins  of  power  in  his  hands.  Circum- 
stances seemed  to  be  particularly  favourable.  The 
Emperor  Otto  III  (983-1002)  was  still  a  child,  and  the 
empress  mother,  Theophano,  although  an  energetic 
princess,  was  absent  from  Rome.  Crescentius  the 
Younger  took  the  title  of  Patrieius  Romanorum,  by 
which  he  meant  to  express  that  he  was  ruler  in  Rome, 
though  not  altogether  independent  of  the  imperial 
authority;  he  considered  himself  as  a  lieutenant  of  the 
emperor.  It  is  quite  likely  that  the  election  of  Pope 
John  XV  (985-96),  who  succeeded  Boniface  VII,  was 
accomplished  with  the  participation  of  Crescentius, 
although  the  particulars  of  that  election  are  unknown. 
In  some  of  the  official  documents  of  the  time,  issued  by 
the  pope,  the  name  of  Crescentius  and  his  title  of  Pa- 
tricias appear  together  with  the  name  of  John  XV; 
and  for  a  number  of  years  Crescentius  exercised  his 
authority  apparently  without  opposition.  When  the 
Empress  Theophano  came  to  Rome  in  989,  she  con- 
ducted herself  as  empress  and  sovereign,  while  leaving 
Crescentius  his  subordinate  position.  Meanwhile  the 
young  Emperor  Otto  III  assumed  the  reins  of  govern- 
ment, and  in  996  made  his  first  journey  to  Italy,  in- 
duced by  various  considerations,  especially  by  the  ap- 
peals of  Pope  John  XV.  However,  death  overtook 
the  pope  at  the  beginning  of  April,  996,  before 
Otto  reached  Rome;  it  was  at  Pavia  that  the  em- 
peror was  apprised  of  the  fact.  As  the  Romans  and 
their  leader,  Crescentius,  did  not  care  at  this  time  to 
nominate  a  successor  to  the  deceased  pope,  they  sent 
a  delegation  to  the  emperor  with  the  request  that  he 

fro  vide  a  suitable  candidate  for  the  Roman  See.  Otto 
II  was  at  Ravenna  when  the  delegates  from  Rome 
arrived.  After  a  consultation  with  his  counsellors  he 
chose  his  own  cousin,  Bruno,  a  young  ecclesiastic,  only 
twenty-three  years  of  age,  who  seemed  to  have  the 
necessary  qualifications,  Early  in  May  he  was  conse- 
crated at  Rome  as  Gregory  V  (996-99),  being  the  first 
pope  of  German  nationality.  A  few  weeks  after- 
wards Otto  III  himself  was  crowned  in  Rome  by  the 
new  pope  (21  May)  in  the  basilica  of  St.  Peter.  On  the 
25th  of  the  same  month  the  pope  and  the  emperor  held 
in  St.  Peter's  a  synod,  which  was  at  the  same  time  a 
high  court  of  justice.  The  rebellious  Romans,  includ- 
ing Crescentius,  who  had  embittered  the  last  years  of 
the  pontificate  of  Pope  John  XV,  were  summoned  to 
give  an  account  of  their  doings.  The  result  was  that  a 
certain  number,  among  them  Crescentius,  were  sen- 
tenced to  banishment.  Pope  Gregory  V,  who  wished 
to  inaugurate  his  pontificate  with  acts  of  mercy, 
pleaded  Tor  the  guilty,  and  the  emperor  withdrew  his 
sentence  of  exile.   Crescentius  was  deprived  of  his 


title  of  Patrieius,  but  was  permitted  to  live  in  retire- 
ment at  Rome. 

The  clemency  shown  to  Crescentius  by  the  pope 
was  repaid  with  deeds  of  violence.  Only  a  few  months 
after  the  departure  of  the  emperor  for  Germany  a  re- 
volt broke  out  in  Rome  under  the  leadership  of  Cres- 
centius. The  foreign  pope  and  the  many  foreign  offi- 
cers installed  throughout  the  Papal  States  were  offen- 
sive in  the  sight  of  the  Romans.  The  rebellion  suc- 
ceeded so  well  that  in  September,  996,  the  pope  was 
forced  to  flee  with  only  a  few  attendants.  At  Pavia 
he  held  a  synod  in  February,  997,  in  which  he 
pronounced  sentence  of  excommunication  against 
Crescentius,  the  usurper  and  invader  of  the  Church  of 
Rome.  Crescentius,  far  from  being  moved  by  these 
proceedings  against  him,  completed  his  work  of  rebel- 
lion by  appointing  an  antipope-,  Philagathus,  Bishop 
of  Piacenza,  who  had  just  returned  from  an  embassy 
to  Constantinople  on  behalf  of  Emperor  Otto  III. 
Born  in  Calabria,  Philagathus  was  a  Greek,  and  owed 
his  elevation  to  the  episcopacy  to  the  Empress  The- 
ophano and  her  son,  but  was  willing  to  betray  his  mas- 
ter. In  April,  997,  he  assumed  the  title  of  Pope  John 
XVI  (997-98).  In  February,  998,  Otto  III  returned 
to  Rome  with  Pope  Gregory  V  and  tookpossession  of 
the  city  without  much  difficulty.  The  antipope 
sought  safety  in  flight,  while  Crescentius  shut  himself 
up  m  the  Castle  of  Sant'  Angelo.  The  unfortunate 
John  XVI  was  soon  captured  by  the  emissaries  of  the 
emperor;  his  nose  and  ears  were  cut  off,  his  eyes  and 
tongue  were  torn  out,  and  in  this  pitiable  condition  he 
was  made  to  ride  backwards  on  an  ass.  At  the  inter- 
cession of  St.  Nilus,  one  of  his  countrymen,  his  life  was 
spared,  and  he  lived  until  1013.  Towards  the  end  of 
April  the  Castle  of  Sant'  Angelo  was  taken;  Crescen- 
tius was  made  prisoner  and  executed  and  his  corpse 
hung  on  a  gibbet  erected  on  Monte  Mario.  After- 
wards his  remains  were  interred  in  the  church  of  S. 
Pancrazio  on  the  Janiculum. 

John  Crescentius,  son  of  Crescentius  the  Younger. 
— Early  in  1001  a  revolt  broke  out  in  Rome  against 
Otto  III,  who  now  permanently  resided  in  the  Eternal 
City.  The  emperor  and  Pope  Silvester  II  (999-1003), 
the  first  pope  of  French  nationality,  were  compelled  to 
flee;  it  is  quite  likely  that  John  Crescentius  was  the 
prime  mover  of  the  rebellion.  At  any  rate,  after  this 
he  assumed  supreme  authority  in  Rome,  and  after  the 
death  of  the  Emperor  Otto  III  (24  January,  1002) 
took  the  title  of  Patrieius  Romanorum.  Pope  Silvester 
II  was  permitted  to  return  to  Rome,  but  had  little  to 
do  with  the  temporal  government.  The  same  is  true 
of  his  three  immediate  successors:  John  XVII  (1003), 
John  XVIII  (1003-09),  and  Sergius  IV  (1009-12),  all 
of  whom  were  appointed  through  the  influence  of  John 
Crescentius.  The  patrieius  himself  died  in  the  spring 
of  the  year  1012,  and  with  him  the  Crescentii  disap- 
peared from  the  history  of  Rome. 

Duchesne,  Lea  premiers  tempt'  de  Petal  pontifical  (Paris, 
1898):  Gbsooroviub,  Geach.  der  Sladt  Rom.  (Stuttgart,  1890), 
III,  IV:  Giesebrkcht,  Geech.  der  deutachen  Kaiacrzcit  (Leipiig, 
1881),  I;  Hefele,  ConcUiengeech.  (Freiburg,  1879),  IV;  Fritz 
in  Kirehenlex.,  s.  v. 

Francis  J.  Schaefer. 
Orescentiua  of  Jesi.   See  Franciscans. 

Orescimbeni,  Giovanni  Mario,  Italian  historian 
of  literature,  chronicler,  and  poet,  b.  in  Mace  rata,  9 
Oct.,  1663;  d.  8  March,  1728.  He  was  educated  at 
Rome  for  the  law,  but  gave  most  of  his  time  to  poetry 
and  literature.  In  1679  he  was  made  doctor  of  laws, 
and  in  1705  Clement  XI  named  him  canon  of  Santa 
Maria  in  Cosmedin.  A  few  years  later  (1719)  the 
same  pontiff  appointed  him  archpriest,  and  in  the 
same  year  he  was  ordained  to  the  priesthood. 

Crescirabeni  composed  tragedies  and  rime  of  various 
kinds,  and  translated  into  Italian  verse  two  books  of 
Lucan's  "Pharsalia".  His  prose  is  superior  to  his 
verse,  and  it  is  especially  as  a  literary  critic  that  he  is 


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OBESST 


known.  His  special  studies  in  Italian  literature 
helped  to  pave  the  way  for  the  general  histories  of 
that  subject.  His  greatest  work,  "Dell'  Istoria 
delia  volgar  poesia"  (6  vols.,  Rome,  1698),  was  one  of 
the  best  productions  of  its  kind  and  is  still  of  consid- 
erable value.  In  it  he  treats  of  the  origin  and 
development  of  Italian  poetry,  appreciates  the  works 
of  the  one  hundred  chief  Italian  poets,  arranges  the 
poets  in  chronological  order,  and  discusses  the  art  and 
kinds  of  poetry.  This  huge  work  was  followed  in 
1702  by  the  '  Commentarh  intorno  alia  sua  Istoria 
delta  volgar  poesia",  in  5  volumes,  which  was  at  first 
undertaken  to  supersede  the  "Istoria";  but  since  this 
had  met  with  such  favour,  the  new  work  became  a 
supplement  to  it. 

Crescimbeni  will  also  be  remembered  as  one  of  the 
founders  of  the  Academy  of  "Arcadia,  conversation 
di  belle  lettere",  over  which  he  presided  from  its 
foundation  in  1690  to  the  time  of  his  death.  "Arca- 
dia" was  a  kind  of  pastoral  republic,  whose  members 
included  the  leading  scholars  and  poets  of  Italy  who 
strove  to  root  out  the  perverted  taste  of  the  seven- 
teenth century  in  matters  of  art  and  literature,  and 
to  introduce  a  simpler  and  more  natural  style  into 
Italian  prose  and  poetry.  The  society  grew  out  of  a 
somewhat  similar  society  which  had  been  patronized 
by  Queen  Christine  of  Sweden  (d.  1689),  who  had 
taken  up  her  residence  in  Rome.  "Arcadia"  grew 
in  importance  and  numbers;  "Colonies"  were  estab- 
lished in  the  principal  Italian  cities;  and  its  influence 
extended  even  beyond  the  borders  of  Italy.  The 
members  assumed  shepherds'  names,  and  took  as 
their  device  a  Pan's  pipes  surrounded  by  laurels.  (See 
Academies,  Roman.) 

The  Life  of  Crescimbeni,  with  a  list  of  his  works 
edited  and  inedited,  written  by  a  contemporary, 
Francesco  Mancurti,  is  in  the  final  edition  of  the 
"Istoria"  (Venice,  1730-1731),  VI,  213  sq.  This 
biographical  article  also  gives  much  information  on 
the  history  of  the  "Arcadia".  The  rime  were  edited 
in  Rome  in  1695,  and  more  completely  in  1723. 

Joseph  Dunn. 

Oresconius  (or  Crisconitjs),  a  Latin  canonist  of  un- 
certain date  and  place,  flourished  probably  in  the  latter 
half  of  the  seventh  century,  though  it  may  have 
been  at  the  end  of  the  sixth  or  even  in  the  eighth 
century.  He  was  probably  a  bishop  of  the  African 
Church.  We  owe  to  Cresconius  a  collection  of  canons, 
known  as  "Concordia  canonum",  inclusive  of  the 
Apostolic  Canons  (see  Canons,  Apostolic),  nearly  all 
the  canons  of  the  fourth  and  fifth  century  councils,  and 
many  papal  decretals  from  the  end  of  the  fourth  to  the 
end  of  the  fifth  century.  The  content  is  taken  from 
the  collection  of  Dionysius  Exiguus,  but  the  division 
into  titles  (301)  is  copied  from  the  "Breviatio  can- 
onum" of  Fulgentius  Ferrandus,  a  sixth-century  dea- 
con of  Carthage.  In  many  manuscripts  the  text  of 
Cresconius  is  preceded  by  an  index  or  table  of  contents 
(breviarium)  of  the  titles,  first  edited  in  1588  by  Pithou. 
In  its  entirety  the  work  was  first  published  by  Voellus 
and  Ju8tcllus  in  the  appendix  (33-1 12)  to  their  "  Bibli- 
otheca  Juris  canonici  (Paris,  1661),  and  is  in  P.  L., 
LXXXVIII,  829  sqq.  One  of  its  best  manuscripts, 
the  tenth-century  "  Vallicellianus"  (Rome),  has  a  note 
in  which  Cresconius  is  declared  theauthorof  ametrical 
account  of  the  "bella  et  victorias"  of  the  "Patricius" 
Johannes  in  Africa  over  the  Saracens.  This  was  form- 
erly interpreted  to  mean  the  African  victory  of  the  By- 
zantine "Patricius  Johannes"  in  697,  hence  the  usual 
date  of  Cresconius.  Some,  however,  hold  that  the 
poem  in  question  is  the  "Johannis"  of  Flavius  Cres- 
conius Corippus,  a  Latin  poet  of  about  550,  and  on  this 
basis  identify  him  with  our  canonist,  thus  placing  the 
latter  in  the  sixth  century.  Others  (with  Maassen,  p. 
810)  while  admitting  that  the  poem  in  question  dan  be 
none  other  than  the  "Johannis"  of  the  aforesaid  Latin 


poet  (unknown  to  Fabricius,  and  first  edited  by  Maz- 
zuchelli,  Milan,  1820),  maintain  that  it  has  been 
wrongly  attributed  to  our  Cresconius,  and  that  it  can- 
not therefore  aid  in  fixing  his  date.  The  "Concordia 
canonum  "  was  much  used  as  a  handy  manual  of  eccle- 
siastical legislation  by  the  churches  of  Africa  and  Gaul 
as  late  as  the  tenth  century.  Few  of  its  manuscripts 
postdate  that  period. 

The  best  account  of  Cresconius  and  his  work  is  in  Maassbn, 
Gesch.  der  Quellrn  und  Lilt.  da.  can.  Rechtt  in  Abendlande.etc. 
(Gnu,  1870),  806-13,  846-47,  corrective  of  Fabricius,  BM. 
Lai.,  I,  400-01;  see  also  Venabu*  in  Diet,  of  Christ.  Biogr.,  I, 
712-13). 

John  Webster  Melody. 

Dressy,  Hugh  Paulinus  Serenus,  Doctor  of  The- 
ology and  English  Benedictine  monk,  b.  at  Thorpe- 
Salvin,  Yorkshire,  about  1605;  d.  at  East  Grinstead, 
Sussex,  10  August,  1674.  He  was  the  son  of  Hugh 
Cressy  by  Margery,  daughter  of  Thomas  d'Oylie,  a 
London  physician  Delonging  to  the  old  Oxford  family 
of  that  name.  Educated  first  at  Wakefield  Grammar 
School,  when  fourteen  years  old  he  went  to  Ox- 
ford (1619)  where  he  took  the  degree  of  B.A.  in  1623 
and  that  of  M.  A  in  1627.  He  was  elected  a  Fellow  of 
Merton  College  and  took  ordeis  in  the  Established 
Church.  Leaving  Oxford  he  became  chaplain,  first  to 
Thomas,  Lord  Wentworth,  and  afterwards  to  Lucius 
Cary,  Lord  Falkland,  with  whom  he  went  to  Ireland 
in  1638.  During  his  sojourn  in  Ireland  he  was  ap- 
pointed Dean  of  Leighlin,  but  returned  to  England  the 
following  year  (1639).  A  canonry  in  the  collegiate 
church  of  Windsor,  which  he  received  in  1642,  he  was 
never  able  to  enjoy,  owing  to  the  disturbed  state  of 
the  country;  the  following  year  (1643)  his  patron, 
Lord  Falkland,  was  killed  at  Newbury.  Cressy  then 
attached  himself  to  Charles  Berkeley,  afterwards  Lord 
Falmouth,  and  travelled  with  him  through  several 
Catholic  countries  of  Europe;  this  experience  re- 
sulted in  his  conversion  to  the  Catholic  Faith  at  Rome 
in  1646.  From  Rome  he  went  to  Paris  where  he  re- 
ceived further  instruction  from  Henry  Holden,  a  doc- 
tor of  the  Sorbonne.  He  then  wrote  his  "  Exomolo- 
gesis"  (Paris,  1647),  a  work  in  which  he  published  to 
the  world  the  motives  which  led  him  to  change  his 
religion. 

After  becoming  a  Catholic  Cressy's  first  inclination 
was  to  be  a  Carthusian  monk;  this  intention  was  set 
aside  and  he  joined  the  English  Congregation  of  the 
Order  of  St.  Benedict  at  St.  Gregory's,  Douai,  but  so 
poor  was  he  at  the  time  that  Queen  Henrietta  Maria 
provided  him  with  money  for  his  journey;  he  was  pro- 
fessed at  St.  Gregory's,  22  August,  1649.  From  1651 
to  1652  he  acted  as  chaplain  to  the  Benedictine  nuns 
in  Paris,  returned  to  Douai  (1653-60),  and  was  then 
sent  to  the  mission  in  England,  residing  at  Somerset 
House  as  one  of  the  chaplains  to  Charles  the  Second's 
queen.  In  the  English  Benedictine  Congregation  he 
held  the  office  of  definitor  of  the  province  in  1666  and 
was  appointed  the  titular  cathedral  prior  of  Rochester 
in  1669.  His  last  years  were  spent  with  the  Gary  11 
family  at  East  Grinstead,  Sussex,  where  he  died  in  his 
sixty-eighth  year.  The  moderate  party  in  the  Church 
of  England  respected  him  as  a  prudent  and  learned 
man,  and  when  Dr.  Stillingfleet  charged  him  with 
credulity  and  want  of  historical  judgment,  his  defence 
was  taken  up  by  Anthony  Wood  who  commended  him 
for  "his  grave  and  good  style,  proper  for  an  ecclesias- 
tical historian"  and  spoke  of  him  as  one  who  "doth 
mostly  quote  his  author  and  leaves  what  he  says  to  the 
judgment  of  his  readers".  Cressy's  "Church  History 
of  Brittany  or  England,  from  the  Beginning  of  Chris- 
tianity to  the  Norman  Conquest"  (Rouen,  1668) 
brings  the  narrative  down  to  about  the  middle  of  the 
fourteenth  century.  A  second  part,  "From  the 
Conquest  Downwards",  was  discovered  at  Douai  in 
1856,  but  is  yet  in  MS.  (Gillow).  His  other  works 
are:  Appendix  to  "Exomologesis"  (Paris  1647); 


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ORBTIN 


"  Arbor  virtu  turn,  a  MS.  preserved  at  Ugbrooke,  De  von- 
shire";  "The  Scale  (or  Ladder)  of  Perfection"  by 
Walter  Hilton,  ed.  Creasy  (London,  1659);  "Sancta 
Sophia"  by  Ven.  Fr.  Aug.  Baker,  ed.  Cressy  (Douai, 
1657);  "Certain  Patterns  of  Devout  Exercises" 
(Douai,  1657) ;  "  Roman  Catholic  Doctrines  no  Novel- 
ties" (1633);  "ANon  Est  Inventus"  (London,  1662); 
"A  Letter  to  an  English  Gentleman  concerning 
Bishop  Morley"  (London,  1662);  "Sixteen  Revela- 
tions of  Divine  Love",  from  an  ancient  copy  (1670); 
"Fanaticism  Fanatically  Imputed  to  the  Catholic 
Church  by  Dr.  Stillingfleet"  (1672);  "First  Question: 
Why  Are  You  a  Catholic?"  etc.  (London,  1672) ;  "  An 
Answer  to  Part  of  Dr.  Stillingfleet's  Book  intitul'd 
Idolatry  practised  in  the  Church  of  Rome"  (1674); 
"An  Epistle  Apologetical  of  S.  C.  to  a  Person  of 
Honour"  (1674);  "  An  Abridgment  of  the  Book  called 
"The  Cloud  of  Unknowing'  by  Maurice  Chauncey" 
(MS.). 

Wood,  Athena  Oxon.,  ed.  Bubs  (London,  1883).  Ill,  1011; 
Show,  Necrology  of  the  English  Benedictines  OLondon,  1883), 
06;  Allanbon,  Biographies  of  English  Benedictines  (MS.  at 
Ampleforth  Abbey,  York);  Dodd,  Church  History  (Brussels, 
1738),  VII,  307;  Weldon,  Chronological  Notes  of  Eng.  Cong, 
O.  S.  B.  (Stanbrook  Abbey,  Worcester,  1881),  209,  appen.  d.  10; 
Gillow,  BibL  Diet.  Eng.  Cath.,  ».  v. 

G.  E.  Hind. 

Oreswell,  Joseph  (vere  Arthur),  controversialist, 
b.  1557  of  Yorkshire  stock  in  London;  d.  about  1623. 
His  widowed  mother  married  William  Lacey,  who, 
after  her  death,  was  ordained  priest  and  martyred 
(22  August,  1582)  at  York.  Creswell  joined  the 
Society  of  Jesus  in  Rome  11  Oct.,  1583,  having 

fireviously  studied  at  Reims  and  at  the  Roman  Col- 
ege.  Having  been  rector  (1589-1592)  after  Father 
Persons  of  the  English  College,  Rome,  he  also  suc- 
ceeded Persons  as  vice-prefect  for  English  Jesuit 
interests  in  Spain.  Creswell 's  character  and  conduct 
in  connexion  with  his  difficulties  over  the  seminaries 
of  Seville  and  Valladolid,  and  his  controversy  about 
Benedictine  vocations  have  been  severely  criticized 
(cf.  Camm,  Life  of  Ven.  John  Roberts,  and  Pollen, 
The  Month,  London,  Sept.-Oct.,  1899).  Father  Cres- 
well had  considerable  intercourse  with  Sir  Charles 
Cornwallis,  the  English  resident  at  Madrid,  till  the 
Powder  Plot,  when  Creswell  was  summoned  to  Rome. 
Sent  to  Belgium  in  1614,  he  was  at  St-Omer  in  1620, 
and  in  1621  was  made  rector  of  Ghent.  His  chief 
works  are :  A  Latin  treatise,  "  De  Vita  Beata" ; "  Ex- 
emplar Literarum  ad  Cecilium  (sive  Burleigh)",  1592. 
under  the  pseudonym  "John  Feme'',  against  Eliza^ 
beth's  proclamation  of  29  Nov.,  1591:  "Vida  y 
Martyrio  del  P.  Henrique  Valpolo,"  (Madrid,  1596); 
treatise  against  James  First's  (1610)  proclamation 
(4to,  St-Omer,  1611);  "Meditations  upon  the 
Rosary"  (St-Omer,  1620);  translation  into  Spanish, 
under  the  name  "  Peter  Manrique",  of  Father  William 
Bathe's  "  Preparation  for  administering  Penance  and 
the  Eucharist"  (Milan,  1614);  translation  into  Eng- 
lish and  Spanish,  under  initials  N.  T.  of  Salvias ?s 
"Quis  dives  salvus?"  (St-Omer,  1618);  "Relacion 
de  Inglaterra",  Ms  X,  14,  National  Library,  Madrid; 
memoir  for  Philip  III  of  Spain  on  affairs  of  the  So- 
ciety; "Responsio  ad  calumnias,"  Stonyhurst  Li- 
brary; Letters,  Vatican  Archives  (Letter*  di  parti- 
colari,  I,  1). 

Foley,  Records,  VI  and  VII;  Oliver,  Collectanea  S.  J.;  Douay 
Diaries,  p.  xclx;  Botleb,  Memoirs,  II,  224;  Sommehvogel, 
BMiothique,  II,  1656.   Cooper  in  Diet.  Nat.  Biog..  XIII,  73. 

Patrick  Ryan. 

Crete:   See  Candia. 

Cretin,  Joseph,  first  Bishop  of  St.  Paul,  Minne- 
sota, U.  S.  A.,  b.,  at  Montluel,  department  of  Ain, 
France,  19  December,  1799;  d.  at  St.  Paul,  Minne- 
sota.^  22_  February,  1857.  He  made  his  preparatory 
studies  in  the  petits  seminaires  of  Meximieux  (Ain) 
and  L'Argentiere  (Rh6ne),  his  studies  of  philosophy 
at  Alix  (Rhone),  and  of  theology  in  the  Seminary  of 


Saint-Sulpice,  Paris.  He  was  ordained  priest  20 
December,  1823,  and  soon  afterwards  was  appointed 
vicar  in  the  parish  of  Ferney,  once  the  home  of  Vol- 
taire, and  eventually  became  its  parish  priest.  He 
built  there  a  new  and  beautiful  church  with  funds 
largely  gathered  by  himself  on  a  tour  through 
France,  founded  a  college  for  boys,  and  revived  the 
Catholic  Faith  among  his  parishioners,  many  of 
whom  had  become  indifferent  towards  it,  owing  to 
the  surviving  influence  of  "the  philosopher"  and:  the 
close  proximity  of  the  Protestant  cantons  of  Switzer- 
land. But  Cretin  longed  for  a  larger  field  of  ac- 
tivity; at  one  time  he  thought  earnestly  of  going  at 
a  missionary  to  China.  His  perplexities  in  that  re- 
gard were  solved  by  the  advent  of  Bishop  Lores, 
first  Bishop  of  Dubuque,  Iowa,  who  arrived  in 
France  in  1838  in  quest  of  priests  for  his  Western 
diocese.  Cretin  was  one  of  the  few  who  volunteered, 
and  on  16  August,  1838,  he  secretly  left  his  parish, 
embarked  at  Le  Havre  with  Bishop  Lores,  and 
landed  in  New  York  in  October  of  the  same  year. 
The  winter  of  1838-39  was  spent  in  St.  Louis,  Mis- 
souri, and  on  his  arrival  at  Dubuque,  18  April,  1839, 
he  was  at  once  appointed  vicar-general  of  the  new 
diocese.  For  over  eleven  years  he  exercised  his 
priestly  ministry  in  these  new  and  unopened  regions, 
dividing  his  time  chiefly  between  Dubuque,  Iowa, 
Prairie  du  Chien,  Wisconsin,  and  the  Winnebago 
Indians  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Fort  Atkinson, 
Winneshiek  Co.,  Iowa.  Only  once,  in  1847,  did  he 
absent  himself,  when  he  made  a  journey  to  Europe 
in  the  interest  of  his  missions.  In  1850,  St.  Paul, 
Minnesota,  became  the  seat  of  a  new  diocese.  Cre'tin 
was  appointed  its  first  bishop,  and  went  to  France, 
to  be  consecrated,  26  January,  1851,  at  Belley  by 
Bishop  Devie,  who  had  ordained  him  to  the  priest- 
hood. 

After  having  obtained  some  donations  and  several 
ecclesiastics  for  his  new  diocese,  he  returned  to  America 
and  arrived  in  St.  Paul  2  July,  1851.  The  same  evening 
he  made  his  first  appearance  in  the  log  chapel  of  St. 
Paul,  his  first  cathedral,  and  gave  the  first  episcopal 
blessing  to  his  flock.  Within  less  than  five  months 
a  large  brick  building  was  completed,  which  served 
as  a  school,  a  residence,  and  a  second  cathedral. 
Another  structure,  begun  in  1855,  was  finished  after 
his  death,  and  serves  as  the  cathedral  of  St.  Paul. 
In  1853  a  hospital  was  built;  during  the  same  year, 
and  again  in  1856,  he  bought  land  for  cemetery  pur- 
poses. For  the  instruction  of  the  children  he  intro- 
duced, in  1851,  a  community  of  the  Sisters  of  St. 
Joseph,  and  in  1855  the  Brothers  of  the  Holy  Family. 
He  also  planned  the  erection  of  a  seminary,  and 
always  eagerly  fostered  vocations  for  the  priest- 
hood, keeping  at  his  residence  seminarians  in  their 
last  period  of  preparation.  He  supported  likewise 
the  cause  of  temperance  not  only  by  personal  ex- 
ample, but  also  by  organizing  in  January,  1852,  the 
Catnolic  Temperance  Society  of  St.  Paul,  the  first  of 
its  kind  in  Minnesota.  Another  work  to  which  he 
applied  himself  was  that  of  Catholic  colonization. 
With  an  eye  to  the  future  he  endeavoured  to  pro- 
vide for  the  growth  of  his  diocese  by  bringing  Catholic 
immigrants  from  European  countries  to  the  fertile 
plains  of  Minnesota.  Withal  he  did  not  neglect  his 
ministerial  and  pastoral  office.  He  was  often  alone 
in  St^  Paul  without  the  help  of  a  priest,  and  at  times 
travelled  through  the  vast  extent  of  his  diocese  be- 
stowing on  his  people  the  consolations  of  religion. 
Bishop  Cretin's  memory  is  held  in  esteem  and  ven- 
eration, especially  by  the  old  settlers  of  St.  Paul. 

#  Most  of  the  material  for  Bishop  Cretin's  life  is  still  unpub- 
lished. The  above  details  are  from  letters  written  by  him  and 
other  documents  in  possession  of  the  St.  Paul  Catholic  Histo- 
ries! Society.  A  few  documents  and  references  on  the  subject 
are  found  in  Acta  et  Dicta  (St.  Paul,  1007),  I.  No.  1;  The  Dio- 
cese of  St.  Paul  (St.  Paul.  1901):  Ravoox,  Memoirs*  (St.  Paul, 
1892);  De  Cailly,  Memoirs  of  Bishop  Loras  (New  York,  1897); 
O'Gokman,  History  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church  m  the  United 


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Stat*  (New  York,  1805):  Thibaud,  Forty  Yeart  mtht  U.S. 
(New  York,  1904),  274-75;  Recss,  Brag.  CycLo.  of  the  Cath. 
Wienrdiy  oi  th*  V .  S.  (Milwaukee,  1898;;  Sh»a,  tfv*.  at  th» 
Cath.  Ch.  w ,th$U.S.  (New  York  1904). 

Francis  J.  Schaepee. 

Cretineau-Joly,  Jacques,  journalist  and  historian; 
b.  at  Fontenay-le-Comte,  Vendee,  France,  23  Sept., 
1803:  d.  at  Vincennes  near  Paris,  I  Jan.,  1875.  At 
first  he  studied  theology  at  the  seminary  of  Saint-Sul- 
pice,  Paris,  but,  feeling  that  he  had  no  vocation,  he 
left  after  a  stay  of  three  years,  during  which  he  had 
received  the  tonsure.  He  was  now  in  his  twentieth 
year;  he  quickly  obtained  the  professorship  of  philos- 
ophy at  the  college  in  his  native  town,  but  soon  re- 
signed the  position  on  account  of  Hi-health,  and  went 
in  1823  to  Rome,  as  companion  and  private  secretary 
to  the  French  ambassador,  the  Duke  of  Laval-Mont- 
morency. 

In  1826  he  published  at  Rome  "Chants  remains 
which  contained  poor  verses  of  an  irreligious  character. 
After  his  return  home  in  1828  he  issued  a  number  of 
volumes  of  poems  and  dramas,  as  "Les  Trappistes" 
(Angouleme,  1828),  "Inspirations  po6tiques  (A»- 

gaulSme,  1833),  and  other  poems,  all  of  which  proved, 
owever,  that  he  was  no  poet.  He  accomplished 
much  more  as  a  polemical  journalist  in  the  struggle 
against  the  liberalism,  which,  after  the  revolution  of 
July,  directed  the  State  during  the  reign  of  the  Duke 
of  Orleans  as  Louis-Philippe.  Being  a  Vendean  he 
was  an  enthusiastic  adherent  of  the  hereditary  royal 
house,  and  with  fiery  zeal  defended  its  rights  in 
several  Legitimist  newspapers  of  which  he  was  editor. 
In  1837  he  went  to  reside  in  Paris  in  order  to  devote 
himself  to  historical  research  concerning  the  history  of 
Vendee,  but  in  1839  he  added  for  a  time  to  these 
labours  the  editing  of  "L'Europe  monarchique  ,  a 
newspaper  devoted  to  the  interests  of  the  Bourbons. 
Before  this  he  had  published  two  writings  on  Vendee: 
"Episodes  des  guerres  de  la  Vendee  (1834)  and  "His- 
toire  des  generaux  et  chefs  vendeens"  (1838).  He 
now  combined  the  two,  made  use  of  a  large  number  of 
sources  until  then  unknown,  and  issued  his  most  im- 
portant work:  "Histoire  de  la  Vendee  militaire 
(Paris,  1840-41),  4  vols.;  the  fifth  edition  appeared  in 
1865.  Although  he  did  not  lay  sufficient  weight  on 
the  religious  side  of  these  struggles,  the  work  brought 
him  reputation  on  account  ofthe  animated  descrip- 
tions, the  clear  arrangement  of  the  great  mass  of  mate- 
rial, the  correctness  and  painstaking  care  in  the  use  of 
authorities.  It  must  be  acknowledged  that  he  was  by 
no  means  scrupulous  how  he  obtained  his  materials, 
and  in  the  prosecution  of  the  narrative  he  was  con- 
stantly influenced  by  practical  considerations,  for  his- 
tory had  no  value  to  him  except  as  a  storehouse  of 
weapons  against  the  foe  of  the  moment. 

Bus  reputation  outside  of  France  was  gained  largely 
by  his  religious-political  writings.  The  most  impor- 
tant of  these  is  his  great  history  of  the  Society  of  Jesus: 
"Histoire  religieuse,  politique  et  litteraire  de  la  Com- 
pagnie  de  Jesus"  issued  at  Paris,  1844-1846,  in  6  vols. ; 
German  translation,  1845,  3d  ed.,  1851.  The  work 
was  written  under  the  auspices  of  the  Society  and  was 
drawn  from  authentic  and  unpublished  sources;  it  is 
an  excellent  apology  for  the  much  abused  Society,  al- 
though at  times  it  shows  a  lack  of  critical  judgment 
and  of  moderation  in  treating  the  subject.  A  com- 
panion volume  was  his  much  discussed  work:  "Cle- 
ment XIV  et  les  Jesuites"  (Paris,  1847.  3d  ed.,  1848). 
To  this  Theiner  wrote  a  rejoinder  on  behalf  of  Pope 
Pius  IX,  and  Ravignon  one  on  behalf  of  the  Society, 
whereupon  Cretineau-Joly,  after  making  careful  re- 
search and  in  agreement  with  the  pope,  published 
"  L'eglise  romaine  en  face  de  la  Revolution'  (1859,  2 
.vols. ;  2d  ed.,  1863),  a  work  which  testifies  to  his  un- 
wavering fidelity  to  the  Catholic  Church.  His  other 
writings  generally  treat  some  burning  question  of  the 
day  and  possess,  therefore,  less  general  interest. 


MKTKKHD.Jacqut*  CrtUntau-Jolv.  m  vie  politique.  nUgieuM 
et  litUnir*  (Paris.  1876).  _ 

Patrictus  Schlageb. 

Orevecoeur,  Hector  St.  John  de,  a  French  agri- 
culturist, b.  at  Caen,  France,  1731 ;  d.  at  Saroelles,  near 
Paris,  1813.  At  the  age  of  sixteen  he  went  to  Eng- 
land, whence  in  1754  he  emigrated  to  America, 
and  for  many  years  resided  on  a  farm.  In  1780  he 
was  obliged  to  return  to  France  to  settle  some  o! 
his  affairs,  and  when  he  went  to  New  York  to  take 
passage  he  was  arrested  by  the  English  on  suspicion 
of  being  a  spy.  After  being  in  confinement  for  several 
months  he  was  released  and  permitted  to  proceed  on 
his  journey  unmolested.  During  his  stay  in  his 
native  land  he  succeeded  in  interesting  the  farmers 
of  Normandy  in  the  cultivation  of  the  potato,  and 
its  culture  was  taken  up  by  them.  After  a  stay  of 
about  three  years  he  once  more  came  to  America. 
It  was  largely  due  to  his  description  of  the  wonderful 
productiveness  of  the  land  that  several  hundred  of 
his  countrymen  emigrated  to  America.  They  es- 
tablished a  colony  in  Pennsylvania,  which  for  a  time 
flourished.  It  was  at  last  destroyed  by  the  savages 
and  its  inhabitants  massacred.  The  American 
Revolution  having  come  to  a  close,  Crevecceur  was 
appointed  consul  at  New  York  by  the  French  Govern- 
ment, in  which  capacity  he  served  for  a  long  term. 
It  was  while  occupying  this  post  that  he  assisted  in 
the  founding  of  St.  Peter's,  the  first  Catholic  church 
in  the  city,  and  served  as  one  of  its  first  trustees. 
He  is  the  author  of  the  following  works:  "Lettres 
d'un  cultivateur  americain"  (1784);  "Voyage  dawi 
la  haute  Pennsylvanie  et  dans  l'etat  de  New  York" 
(1801).  These  works  have  been  translated  into 
English  and  German,  and  are  admired  for  the  beauty 
of  their  style.  They  were  very  popular  throughout 
France. 

D*  Couhct  and  Shea,  Bist.  of  Cath.  Ch.  in  V.  S.  (New 
York,  1856);  Finotti,  Bib.  Cath.  Am.  (New  York,  1872); 
Cyclop.  Am.  Biog.,  II,  8. 

Thomas  Gaffney  Taaffh. 

Orlb    (Heb.   miK;  Gr.,  Lat  prctsepe, 

prasepium),  the  crib  or  manger  in  which  the  infant. 
Saviour  was  laid  after  his  birth  is  properly  that  place 
in  the  stable  or  khan  where  food  for  domestic  animals 
is  put,  formed  probably  of  the  same  material  out  of 
which  the  grotto  itself  is  hewn.  A  very  ancient  tradi- 
tion avers  that  an  ass  and  an  ox  were  in  the  stable 
when  Christ  was  born.  The  tradition  bears  an  allu- 
sion to  Isaias  (i,  3):  "The  ox  knoweth  his  owner  and 
the  ass  his  master's  crib":  and  is  probably  founded  on 
the  words  of  the  Prophet  Habacuc  (iii,  2)  which  in  the 
Septuagint  version  read:  "  In  the  midst  of  two  animals 
thou  shalt  be  known",  instead  of  "In  the  midst  of 
years"  etc  as  St.  Jerome  rightly  translated  the  orig- 
inal Hebrew.  Be  this  as  it  may,  what  pertains  to  the 
crib  we  may  consider  in  the  present  article  under  three 
separate  headings:  (I)  The  Basilica  of  the  Nativity  and 
the  Grotto  of  the  Nativity  at  Bethlehem;  (II)  The 
relics  of  the  crtb  preserved  at  St.  Mary  Major's  in 
Rome;  (III)  Devotion  to  the  crib. 

I.  Bethlehem  is  situated  on  two  hills  and  is  2361 
foet  above  the  level  of  the  sea.  The  western  hill  is  the 
Bethlehem  of  Scripture;  whilst  on  the  eastern  eleva- 
tion is  situated  the  Basilica  of  the  Nativity  erected 
over  the  grotto.  We  may  imagine,  then,  that  the 
Blessed  Virgin  and  St.  Joseph,  there  being  "no  room 
for  them  in  the  inn",  left  tne  town  and  came  to  the 
cave  or  stable  on  the  eastern  hill  which  served  as  a 
place  of  refuge  for  shepherds  and  their  flocks  against 
the  inclemency  of  the  weather.  We  are  not  concerned 
here  with  the  controversies  both  as  regards  the  his- 
toricity of  St.  Luke's  narrative  of  the  birth  of  Christ 
and  as  regards  the  actual  site  of  the  Grotto  of  the  Na- 
tivity. Suffice  it  to  say  that  there  appears  to  be  no 
sufficient  reason  for  abandoning  the  very  ancient  and 
unbroken  tradition  which  attests  the  authenticity  of 


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the  place  of  the  crib  now  venerated.  From  the  earliest 
times,  moreover  .ecclesiastical  writers  bear  witness  to 
this  tradition.  Thus  St.  Justin,  who  died  a  martyr  in 
165,  says  that "  Having  failed  to  find  any  lodging  in  the 
town,  Joseph  sought  shelter  in  a  neighbouring  cavern 
of  Bethlehem"  (Dial.  c.  Tryph.,  70).  About  half  a 
century  later,  Origen  writes:  "If  any  one  desires  to 
satisfy  himself  without  appealing  either  to  the  proph- 
ecy of  Micheas,  or  to  the  nistory  of  the  Christ  as  writ- 
ten by  his  diciples,  that  Jesus  was  born  in  Bethlehem, 
let  him  know  that,  in  accordance  with  the  Gospel  nar- 
rative, at  Bethlehem  is  shown  the  grotto  where  he  first 
saw  the  light"  (C.  Cels.  I,  51). 

St  Helena  first  converted  the  grotto  into  a  chapel 
and  adorned  it  with  costly  marble  and  other  precious 
ornaments.  The  first  basilica  erected  over  the  crypt 
is  due  most  probably  to  the  devotion  and  munificence 
of  her  son  Constantine,  of  whom  Eusebius  says  that 
"The  emperor  himself,  eclipsing  even  the  magnifi- 
cence of  his  mother's  design,  adorned  the  same  place 
in  a  truly  regal  style"  (Vita  Const.,  Ill,  43).  Both 
the  grotto  itself  and  the  basilica  have  undergone  nu- 
merous restorations  and  modifications  made  necessary 
in  the  course  of  centuries  by  the  ravages  of  war  and  in- 
vasion; but,  at  the  present  time,  little  remains  of  the 
splendid  mosaics  and  paintings  described  in  detail  by 
(Juareaimus  and  other  writers.  The  Crypt  of  the  Na- 
tivity is  reached  from  the  upper  church  by  a  double 
flight  of  stairs  leading  from  the  north  side  of  the  choir 
of  the  basilica  to  the  grotto  below,  and  converging  at 
t  he  place  where  according  to  tradition  the  Infant 
Saviour  was  born.  The  exact  spot  is  marked  by  a 
ctar  cut  out  of  stone,  surrounding  which  are  the 
words: 

HIC  DE  VIRGINS  MARIA  JESUS  CHHI8TU8  NATUS  EST. 

A  short  distance  to  the  southwest  is  the  manger  itself 
where  Christ  was  laid  and  where,  as  tradition  asserts, 
be  was  adored  by  the  Magi.  In  1873  the  grotto  was 
plundered  by  the  Greeks  and  everything  of  value,  in- 
cluding two  paintings  by  Murillo  and  Maello  respec- 
tively, was  carried  off.  No  restitution  of  the  stolen 
treasures  has  since  been  made. 

II.  The  relics  of  the  crib  that  are  preserved  at  St. 
Mary  Major's  in  Rome  were  probably  brought  there 
from  the  Holy  Land  during  the  pontificate  of  Pope 
Theodore  (640-649),  who  was  himself  a  native  of  Pales- 
tine, and  who  was  well  aware  of  the  dangers  of  plunder 
and  pillage  to  which  they  were  exposed  at  the  hands  of 
the  Mussulmans  and  other  marauders.  We  find  at 
all  events  that  the  basilica  erected  by  Liberius  on  the 
Esquiline  first  received  the  name  of  Sancta  Maria  ad 
Praesepe  under  Pope  Theodore.  During  the  pontifi- 
cate of  Hadrian  I  the  first  altar  was  erected. in  the  basil- 
ica, and  in  the  course  of  succeeding  centuries  the  place 
where  the  relics  are  preserved  came  to  be  visited  by 
the  devout  faithful  from  all  parts  of  the  Christian 
world.  At  the  present  time  the  remains  of  the  crib 
preserved  at  St.  Mary  Major's  consist  of  five  pieces  of 
board  which,  as  a  result  of  the  investigation  conducted 
by  Father  Lais,  sub-director  of  the  Vatican  Observa- 
tory, during  the  restorations  of  1893  were  found  to  be 
taken  from  a  sycamore  tree  of  which  there  are  several 
varieties  in  the  Holy  Land.  Two  of  the  pieces,  which 
like  the  other  three,  must  have  been  originally  much 
longer  than  they  are  at  present,  stood  upright  in  the 
form  of  an  X,  upon  which  three  other  pieces  rested, 
supported  by  a  sixth  piece,  which,  however,  is  missing, 
placed  across  the  base  of  the  upper  angle  of  the  X.  We 
may  conclude  from  this  that  these  pieces  of  wood  were 
properly  speaking  mere  supports  for  the  manger  itself, 
which  was  probably  made  from  the  soft  limestone  of 
which  the  cave  was  formed.  The  rich  reliquary, 
adorned  with  bas-reliefs  and  statuettes,  which  at  pres- 
ent contains  the  relics  of  the  crib  was  presented  by  the 
Duchess  of  Villa  Hermosa  in  1830.  Pius  IV  (1559-65) 
restored  the  high  altar  upon  which  the  relics  are 


solemnly  exposed  for  the  veneration  of  the  faithful 
yearly  on  the  eve  of  Christmas. 

III.  Devotion  to  the  crib  is  no  doubt  of  very  ancient 
origin ;  but  it  remained  for  St.  Francis  of  Assisi  to  pop- 
ularize it  and  to  give  it  the  tangible  form  in  which  it  is 
known  at  the  present  time.  When  St.  Francis  visited 
Rome  in  1223,  he  made  known  to  Pope  Honorius  III 
the  plans  he  had  conceived  of  making  a  scenic  represen- 
tation of  the  place  of  the  Nativity.  The  pope  listened 
gladly  to  the  details  of  the  project  and  gave  it  his  sanc- 
tion. Leaving  Rome,  St.  Francis  arrived  at  Greccio 
on  Christmas  Eve,  when,  through  the  aid  of  his  friend 
Giovanni  Velita,  he  constructed  a  crib  and  grouped 
around  it  figures  of  the  Blessed  Virgin  and  St.  Joseph, 
the  ass,  the  ox,  and  the  shepherds  who  came  to  adore 
the  new-born  Saviour.  He  acted  as  deacon  at  the 
midnight  Mass.  The  legend  relates  that  having  sung 
the  words  of  the  Gospel  "and  they  laid  him  in  a  man- 
ger" he  knelt  down  to  meditate  briefly  on  the  sub- 
lime mystery  of  the  Incarnation,  and  there  appeared  in 
his  arms  a  child  surrounded  by  a  brilliant  light.  A 
painting  by  Giotto  representing  St.  Francis  celebrat- 
ing Christmas  at  Greccio  is  preserved  in  the  Basilica  of 
St.  Francis  at  Assisi.  Devotion  to  the  crib  has  since 
spread  throughout  the  Christian  world.  Yearly,  from 
the  eve  of  Christmas  until  the  day  of  the  octave  of 
Epiphany,  a  crib  representing  the  birthplace  of  Christ 
is  shown  in  all  Catholic  churches  in  oHer  to  remind  the 
faithful  of  the  mystery  of  the  Incarnation  and  to  recall 
according  to  tradition  and  the  Gospel  narrative  the 
historical  events  connected  with  the  birth  of  the  Re- 
deemer. The  old  Franciscan  church  of  Ara  Cceli  pos- 
sesses perhaps  one  of  the  largest  and  most  beautiful 
cribs  in  the  world.  In  this  crib  the  famous  Santo 
Bambino  di  Ara  Cadi  is  exposed  from  the  eve  of  Christ- 
mas to  the  feast  of  the  Epiphany.  The  Sanlo  Bam- 
bino is  a  figure  carved  out  of  wood  representing  the 
new-born  Saviour.  It  is  said  to  have  come  from  the 
Holy  Land,  and  in  the  course  of  time  it  has  been  be- 
decked with  numerous  jewels  of  great  value.  It  is 
carried  in  procession  yearly  on  the  feast  of  the  Epiph- 
any by  the  Minister  General  of  the  Friars  Minor  who 
solemnly  blesses  the  city  with  it  from  the  top  of  the 
high  flight  of  stairs  that  lead  to  the  main  entrance  of 
Ara  Cceli. 

Meibtermann,  A  New  Guide  to  the  Holy  Land,  tr.  (London, 
1907),  221-234;  Chandlery,  Pilgrim  Walla  in  Rome  (New 
York  and  London.  1903),  107-108;  Laser  RE  in  Did.  de  la  Bi- 
ble (Paris,  1899),  XII,  a.  v.  CrWw;  AnaUcta  Jurti  Pontificii, 
January,  1898,  II,  74,  7fi;  Misun,  Die  Heiiigm  Orte  (Vienna, 
1860)  II,  655  »q.;  Bianchini,  De  Translation*  Sacrarum  Cvn- 
abularum  ac  Proseepii  Domini. 

Stephen  M.  Donovan. 

Crime,  Impediment  of,  nullifies  marriage  according 
to  ecclesiastical  law,  and  arises  from  adultery  and 
homicide  separately  or  together.  The  Roman  civil 
law  prohibited  the  marriage  of  a  man  with  a  widow 
with  whom  he  had  committed  adultery  during  the  life- 
time of  her  busband.  There  is  serious  doubt  (Decre- 
tum,  Gratiani,  Pt.  II,  c.  xxxi,  q.  4 1)  whether  the  Church 
ever  accepted  this  law.  Ecclesiastical  law  since  the 
twelfth  century  certainly  supposes  other  circum- 
stances in  such  adultery  in  order  that  it  may  effect  a 
nullification  of  the  marriage. 

According  to  the  actual  law  (Decretal.  Greg.  IX, 
Lib.  4  X  tit.  7:  De  eo  qui  duxit.  Cap.  i,  Propositum 
— Cap.vi,  Significasti)  there  are  two  cases  in  which 
an  adulterer  may  not  marry  one  with  whom  the  crime 
was  committed:  (1)  When  the  adulterer  promises  to  the 
partner  in  guilt  marriage  after  the  death  of  the  other's 
legitimate  spouse;  (2)  When  the  two  attempted  mar- 
riage and  this  was  consummated  during  the  lifetime  of 
a  legitimate  spouse.  Hence  neither  adultery  alone 
without  promise  of  marriage  nor  the  promise  of  mar- 
riage without  adultery  forms  a  diriment,  or  nullifying, 
impediment.  The  promise  must  be  accepted,  and  if 
it  precede  the  adultery,  must  not  have  been  recalled 


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before  the  sin.  Silence  alone  is  not  sufficient  evidence 
of  the  acceptance  of  the  promise.  The  adultery  to 
which  the  promise  is  attached  must  be  formal  and 
known  by  both.  If  Titus  should  corrupt  a  woman 
who  believed  him  to  be  free,  he  could  marry  her  after 
his  wife's  death,  even  if  he  attempted  marriage  with 
her  during  his  wife's  life,  provided  she  were  unaware 
of  his  marriage. 

Affected  ignorance,  certainly,  and,  most  probably, 
crass  ignorance  does  not  excuse  from  the  sin  or  its 
penalties.  The  adultery  must  be  consummated,  but 
it  is  not  required  that  the  promise  united  to  the  sin 
should  be  absolute,  nor,  most  probably,  that  it  should 
be  sincere,  because  the  impediment  does  not  depend 
upon  the  value  of  the  promise,  which  is  essentially 
null,  and  because  a  fictitious  promise,  if  apparently 
true,  is  naturally  inductive  to  the  sin;  ana  this  the 
Church,  by  establishing  such  an  impediment,  strives 
to  prevent  as  far  as  possible.  In  regard  to  the  im- 
pediment, it  is  indifferent  whether  the  promise  precede 
or  follow  the  adultery,  if  both  occur  during  the  mar- 
riage. If  the  promise  were  made  during  the  life  of  a 
first  spouse,  and  the  adultery  were  committed  during 
the  life  of  a  second,  the  impediment  would  be  doubt- 
ful. It  is  well  to  note  that  a  promise  of  two  persons  to 
marry  after  the  death  of  a  legitimate  spouse  is  recog- 
nized as  criminal  and  null,  even  if  confirmed  by  oath 
and  made  without  any  thought  of  adultery. 

One  murdering  a  spouse  to  marry  another  cannot 
contract  marriage  with  this  other  (1)  when  there  was 
co-operation  in  the  murder  for  the  purpose  of  this 
marriage,  (2)  when,  without  co-operation  in  the  mur- 
der, adultery  was  committed  by  them,  and  the  murder 
committed  for  the  sole  purpose  of  their  contracting 
marriage.  Thus,  if  the  homicide  is  apart  from  adul- 
tery, both  must  concur  in  this  murder.  If  the  adultery 
occurs  with  the  homicide,  it  suffices  that  one  of  the 
guilty  should  take  part  in  the  murder.  In  both  cases, 
one  at  least  must  intend  to  marry  the  other.  That  the 
adultery  and  homicide,  apart  or  joined,  form  a  diri- 
ment impediment  certain  conditions  are  necessary: 
(1)  the  homicide  must  take  place;  an  attempt  to  kill 
or  the  infliction  of  a  wound  not  mortal  would  not 
entail  it ;  (2)  the  homicide  must  be  of  the  spouse  of  one 
of  those  who  wish  to  be  married :  so,  when  the  homi- 
cide is  apart  from  the  adultery,  both  must  be  accom- 
plices by  a  physical  or  moral  action  which  influences 
the  murder,  either  by  a  command  or  previous  ap- 
proval. Appro  vd  of  the  event  after  its  occurrence 
does  not  suffice,  as  also  if  the  former  command  or  ap- 
proval had  been  recalled.  The  intention  of  marriage 
need  not  have  been  mentioned,  where  there  was  co- 
operation in  the  homicide.  In  the  public  ecclesiasti- 
cal court  credence  is  not  given  to  tne  murderer  of  a ' 
spouse,  who  may  deny  the  intention  of  marrying  one 
with  whom  adulterous  intercourse  was  held.  This 
impediment  holds  if  only  one  of  the  parties  is  a  Chris- 
tian. The  Church  claims  the  right  to  legislatefor  her 
children  in  their  relations  with  infidels.  The  impedi- 
ment is  incurred  even  if  not  known.  The  Church  may 
dispense  from  it,  as  the  impediment  is  established  by 
her  authority.  In  the  case  of  public  homicide,  how- 
ever, whether  due  to  only  one  or  both  of  the  parties, 
the  pope  never  dispenses  (Laurentius,  no.  659). 

Crime,  from  a  canonical  standpoint,  at  times  carries 
with  it  its  own  legal  punishment,  at  others  it  awaits 
the  decision  of  a  court.  Thus  we  have  seen  its  effect 
in  causing  an  impediment  to  marriage.  For  certain 
crimes  determined  by  ecclesiastical  law,  the  "  right 
of  patronage"  may  be  lost  to  the  guilty  party  or,  in 
some  cases,  to  his  heirs;  ecclesiastical  benefices  may 
also  be  lost  to  the  holder  when  guilty  of  a  crime  deter- 
mined in  the  law.  Homicide,  fornication,  or  adul- 
tery, however,  would  not  necessarily  deprive  a  cleric 
of  his  benefice,  dignity,  or  office,  though  he  may  be 
deposed  by  his  superior  in  punishment  of  these  or  simi- 
lar crimes    Unless  the  law  is  explicit  in  determining 


such  privation  as  resulting  from  the  fact,  a  legal  in- 
vestigation is  required  for  the  punishment.  (See 
Impediments;  Adultery;  Homicide;  Murder.) 

Benedict  XIV,  Bullarium,  I.  9.  cxiii  (Prato,  1839-46); 
Craisson,  Manual*  Jut.  Can.  (8th  ed..  Poitiers,  1892)  III,  II, 
art.  xiv:  Waonbb,  Did.  de  droit  canon.  (Paris,  1901),  ».  v.; 
Feije,  De  imped,  el  diep.  malr.  (1th  ed.,  Louvain,  1893): 
Rosset,  De  eacramento  matrimonii  (St.  Jean  de  Maurienne, 
1896),  III;  Heimee,  Qrundriae  dee  katholiechen  Eherechte 
(Mtlnster,  1905),  161  sqq. — For  the  history  of  this  impediment 
see  Freisen,  Geechichle  dee  kanonischen  Eherechte  bis  turn 
Verfall  der  Oloeeenliteratur  (TQbinjren,  1888),  615  sqq.;  Esmein, 
he  manage  en  droit  canonique  (Paris,  1891),  I,  384  sqq.  ana 
passim. 

R.  L.  BuRTSELL. 

Orimont,  Joseph  R.   See  Alaska. 

Orisium,  Diocese  or  (Grseco-Slavonic  Rite),  in 
Croatia. — Crisium  is  the  Latin  name  of  a  little  town 
some  miles  north-east  of  Agram  (Zagreb),  on  the 
Glagovnitza.  Its  Croatian  name  is  Krizevac"  (pro- 
nounced KrizhevaU);  Slavic,  KriJ;  Hungarian,  K6- 
rds;  German,  Kreuz.  It  has  4,000  inhabitants ;  trade 
of  cattle,  wood,  and  wine. 

About  the  year  1600  numerous  Serbs  emigrated 
from  Servia  and  Bosnia  to  Croatia,  where  they  found 
coreligionists,  known  to  historians  since  the  four- 
teenth century  as  Wallachians.  The  emigrants  soon 
took  the  same  name.  Some  of  them  were  converted 
to  Catholicism  through  the  efforts  of  Dimitrovich, 
Latin  Bishop  of  Agram,  who  granted  their  leader,  the 
monk  Simeon  Vratania,  the  monastery  of  St.  Michael 
on  Mount  Marzha,  near  Ivanitz.  In  1611  Simeon  was 
appointed  bishop  of  all  the  Catholic  Serbs;  he  re- 
mained a  staunch  friend  of  Rome,  as  did  his  successors 
and  their  flock,  in  spite  of  defections  caused  by  the 
schismatic  Servian  propaganda  and  conflicts  with  the 
Bishops  of  Agram.  They  bore  the  title  "  Episcopus 
Plattecensis ' '  from  Plataea  in  Bceotia,  while  the  govern- 
ment called  their  see  "Episcopatus  Svidnicensis",  a 
name  that  has  not  yet  been  explained  satisfactorily. 
In  1671  Bishop  Paul  ZorciS  accepted  for  himself  and 
his  successors  the  position  of  vicar-general  of  the 
Bishop  of  Agram  for  the  Catholics  of  the  Slavonic  Rite. 
It  was  not  until  16  June,  1777,  that  Pius  VI  re-estab- 
lished the  Uniat  diocese  with  the  title  "  Episcopatus 
Crisiensis".  Since  then  its  bishops  have  resided  at 
KriSeva6 ;  as  stated  above,  they  first  resided  at  Mount 
Marzha,  but  after  1690  had  no  settled  abode,  on  ac- 
count of  the  persecutions  caused  by  the  schismatic 
Serbs. 

The  list  of  the  bishops  is  given  by  Nilles  in  his 
"Symbols;",  p.  lxxxiii  (index),  765-69.  The  Gnecc- 
Slavonic  Uniat  Diocese  of  Krizevac',  suffragan  of  the 
Latin  Archbishop  of  Agram,  includes  to-day  20,700 
Catholics,  in  23  Servian  and  Ruthenian  parishes  sit- 
uated in  Croatia,  Slavonia,  Dalmatia,  and  the  county 
of  Bdcs-Bodrog  in  Hungary.  The  languages  spoken 
are  Croatian,  Ruthenian,  and  Hungarian ;  the  liturgi- 
cal language  is  of  course  Slavonic.  There  are  28 
secular  priests,  30  churches,  22  with  a  resident  priest, 
and  2  chapels.  The  schismatics  number  225,000; 
there  are  also  in  this  territory  17,000  Calvinists,  47 
Lutherans,  and  7,000  Jews. 

Nilles,  Symbola  ad  illuelrandam  historiam  ecdeeia  orientali* 
(Innsbruck,  1885).  703-775;    Lapasjch,  Karlovac.  Povieet  i 
mjeetopie  grada  i  okoliee  (Agram,  1879);  Miteionee  Caiholia* 
Ron   


(Rome,  1907),  796. 


S.  Vailhe. 


Cri spina,  Saint,  a  martyr  of  Africa  who  suffered 
during  the  Diocletian  persecution;  b.  at  Thagara  in 
the  Province  of  Africa;  d.  by  beheading  at  Thebeste 
in  Numidia,  5  December,  304.  Crispina  belonged  to 
a  distinguished  family  and  was  a  wealthy  matron  with 
children  At  the  time  of  the  persecution  she  was 
brought  before  the  proconsul  Anulinus;  on  being 
ordered  to  sacrifice  to  the  gods  she  declared  she  hon- 
oured only  one  God.  Her  head  was  shaved  at  the 
command  of  the  judge,  and  she  was  exposed  to  public 
mockery,  but  she  remained  steadfast  in  the  Faith  and 


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was  not  moved  even  by  the  tears  of  her  children. 
When  condemned  to  death,  she  thanked  God  and 
offered  her  head  with  joy  for  execution.  The  Acts  of 
her  martyrdom,  written  not  long  after  the  event,  form 
a  valuable  historical  document  of  the  period  of  the 
persecution.  The  day  of  St.  Crispina's  death  was 
observed  in  the  time  of  St.  Augustine;  in  his  sermons 
Augustine  repeatedly  mentions  her  name,  as  well 
known  in  Africa  and  worthy  to  be  held  in  the  same 
veneration  as  the  names  of  St.  Agnes  and  St.  Thecla. 
Ruinart  in  his  collection  of  the  Acts  of  the  martyrs 
gives  the  account  of  her  examination. 

Butler,  Lives  of  the  Saints,  6  Dec.;  Pio  Fran  CHI  db'  Cava- 
lieri,  m  Studi  e,  Testi  (Rome,  1902),  IX,  gives  a  new  edition  of 
the  Acts;  Boissier,  Melanges  (Paria,  1903),  383  aq.;  Allard, 
Histoire  des  Persecutions,  IV,  443  sq. 

Gabriel  Meier. 

Crispin  and  Crispinian,  Saints,  martyrs  of  the 
Early  Church  who  were  beheaded  during  the  reign  of 
Diocletian;  the  date  of  their  execution  is  given  as  25 
October,  285  or  286.   It  is  stated  that  they  were 
brothers,  but  the  fact  has  not  been  positively  proved. 
The  legend  relates  that  they  were  Romans  of  distin- 
guished descent  who  went  as  missionaries  of  the  Chris- 
tian Faith  to  Gaul  and  chose  Soissons  as  their  field  of 
labour.   In  imitation  of  St.  Paul  they  worked  with 
their  hands,  making  shoes,  and  earned  enough  by 
their  trade  to  support  themselves  and  also  to  aid  the 
poor.   During  the  Diocletian  persecution  they  were 
brought  before  Maximianus  Herculius  whom  Diocle- 
tian had  appointed  co-emperor.   At  first  Maximianus 
sought  to  turn  them  from  their  faith  by  alternate 
promises  and  threats.   But  they  replied:  "Thy 
threats  do  not  terrify  us,  for  Christ  is  our  life,  and 
death  is  our  gain.   Thy  rank  and  possessions  are 
nought  to  us,  for  we  have  long  before  this  sacrificed 
the  Tike  for  the  sake  of  Christ  and  rejoice  in  what  we 
have  done.   If  thou  shouldst  acknowledge  and  love 
Christ  thou  wouldst  give  not  only  all  the  treasures  of 
this  life,  but  even  the  glory  of  thy  crown  itself  in 
order  through  the  exercise  of  compassion  to  win 
eternal  life.     When  Maximianus  saw  that  his  ef- 
forts were  of  no  avail,  he  gave  Crispin  and  Crispinian 
into  the  hands  of  the  governor  Rictiovarus  (Rictius 
Varus),  a  most  cruel  persecutor  of  the  Christians. 
Under  the  order  of  Rictiovarus  they  were  stretched 
on  the  rack,  thongs  were  cut  from  their  flesh,  and  awls 
were  driven  under  their  finger-nails.   A  millstone  was 
then  fastened  about  the  neck  of  each,  and  they  were 
thrown  into  the  Aisne,  but  they  were  able  to  swim  to 
the  opposite  bank  of  the  river.   In  the  same  manner 
they  suffered  no  harm  from  a  great  fire  in  whieh  Ric- 
tiovarus, in  despair,  sought  death  himself.  After- 
wards the  two  saints  were  beheaded  at  the  command 
of  Maximianus. 

This  is  the  story  of  the  legend  which  the  Bollandists 
have  incorporated  in  their  great  collection;  the  same 
account  is  found  in  various  breviaries.  The  narrative 
says  that  a  large  church  was  built  over  the  graves  of 
the  two  saints,  consequently  the  legend  could  not  have 
arisen  until  a  later  age;  it  contains,  moreover,  many 
details  that  have  little  probability  or  historical  worth 
and  seems  to  have  been  compiled  from  various  fabu- 
lous sources.  In  the  sixth  century  a  stately  basilica 
was  erected  at  Soissons  over  the  graves  of  these  saints, 
and  St.  Eligius,  a  famous  goldsmith,  made  a  costly 
ihrine  for  the  head  of  St.  Crispinian.  Some  of  the 
•elics  of  Crispin  and  Crispinian  were  carried  to  Rome 
and  placed  in  the  church  of  San  Lorenzo  in  Fanis- 
perna.  Other  relics  of  the  saints  were  given  by 
Charlemagne  to  the  cathedral,  dedicated  to  Crispin 
and  Crispinian,  which  he  founded  at  Osnabruck. 
Crispin  and  Crispinian  are  the  patron  saints  of  shoe- 
makers, saddlers,  and  tanners.  Their  feast  falls  on 
25  October. 

Acta  88.,  Oct.,  XI,  495-540;  Barino-Gould.  Live*  of  the 
Saints,  XII,  628;  Butler,  Lives  of  the  Sainte.  25  October;  Bio- 
BM.  s.  v.  Gabriel.  Meier. 


Crispin  of  Viterbo,  Blessed,  Friar  Minor  Capu- 
chin; b.  at  Viterbo  in  1668;  d.  at  Rome,  19  May, 
1750.  When  he  was  five  years  old,  his  pious  mother 
took  him  to  a  sanctuary  of  the  Blessed  Virgin,  a  short 
distance  from  Viterbo,  where  she  consecrated  him  to 
the  Mother  of  God  and  placed  him  under  her  special 
protection.  The  child  grew  beyond  his  years  in  virtue 
and  the  science  of  the  saints;  so  that  the  townsfolk  of 
Viterbo  were  wont  to  call  him  il  Santarello,  the  little 
saint.  As  Crispin  one  day  saw  the  Capuchin  novices 
walking  in  procession,  God  inspired  him  with  the  de- 
sire to  embrace  the  religious  life.  He  was  shortly 
afterwards  received  into  the  Franciscan  Order  as  a 
simple  lay  brother.  Having  been  employed  for  some 
time  as  cook  in  the  convent  at  Viterbo,  he  was  sent  to 
Tolfa,  a  town  not  far  distant  from  Civita  Vecchia,  to 
fulfil  the  same  office.  Thence  he  was  sent  to  Rome 
and  finally  to  Albano.  Here  Crispin  was  visited  by 
men  of  the  world,  by  bishops  and  cardinals,  and  even 
by  the  pope  himself,  who  always  took  delight  in  con- 
versing with  the  humble  lay  brother.  It  was  Crispin's 
constant  endeavour  to  imitate  the  virtues  of  his  pa- 
tron, St.  Felix  of  Cantalice,  whom  he  had  chosen  as  his 
model  of  perfection  at  the  beginning  of  his  religions 
life.  Like  St.  Felix,  he  used  to  call  himself  the  ass  or 
beast  of  burden  of  the  Capuchins,  and,  having  on  one 
occasion  been  asked  by  a  stranger  why  he  went  bare- 
headed, Crispin  answered  jocosely,  that  "an  ass  does 
not  wear  a  hat".  Enfeebled  by  old  age  and  by  his 
numerous  austerities,  he  was  sent  to  Rome  by  his  su- 
periors, there  to  end  his  holy  life.  His  body,  which 
even  at  the  present  time  is  still  in  a  remarkable  state 
of  preservation,  rests  under  one  of  the  side  altars  in 
the  church  of  the  Capuchin  Fathers  in  Rome.  Blessed 
Crispin  was  solemnly  beatified  by  Pope  Pius  VII  in 
1806.   His  feast  is  celebrated  only  by  the  Capuchins. 

_  Leo,  Live*  of  the  Saints  and  Blessed  of  the  Three  Orders  of  St. 
Franca  (Taunton,  1886),  II,  280-85. 

Stephen  M.  Donovan. 
Criterion  of  Truth.  See  Troth. 

Criticism,  Biblical,  in  its  fullest  comprehension 
is  the  examination  of  the  literary  origins  and  historical 
values  of  the  books  composing  the  Bible,  with  the 
state  in  which  these  exist  at  the  present  day.  Since 
the  sacred  Scriptures  have  come  down  in  a  great  vari- 
ety of  copies  and  ancient  versions,  showing  more  or 
less  divergence  of  text,  it  is  the  province  of  that  depart- 
ment of  Biblical  criticism  which  is  called  textual,  or 
lower,  to  study  these  documents  with  a  view  to  arriv- 
ing at  the  purest  possible  text  of  the  sacred  books. 
The  name  higher  criticism  was  first  employed  by  the 
German  Biblical  scholar  Eichhora,  in  the  second  edi- 
tion of  his  "Einleitung",  appearing  in  1787.  It  is 
not,  as  supposed  by  some,  an  arrogant  denomination, 
assuming  superior  wisdom,  but  it  has  come  into  use 
because  this  sort  of  criticism  deals  with  the  larger, 
aspects  of  Bible  study ;  viz.,  with  the  authorship,  date, 
composition,  and  authority  of  whole  books  or  large 
sections,  as  distinguished  from  the  discussion  of  tex- 
tual minutiae,  which  is  the  sphere  of  the  lower,  or 
textual,  criticism.  The  subject  will,  therefore,  be 
treated  in  this  article  under  the  two  heads:  I.  Higher 
Criticism;  II.  Textual  Criticism. 

I.  Higher  Criticism. — Taken  in  this  limited  sense, 
Biblical  criticism,  in  the  light  of  modern  philological, 
historical,  and  archaeological  science,  and  by  methods 
which  are  recent  in  their  development,  subjects  to 
severe  tests  the  previously  accepted  and  traditional 
views  on  the  human  authorship,  the  time  and  manner 
of  composition,  of  the  sacred  writings,  and  discrimi- 
nates as  to  their  objective  historical  value.  In  reach- 
ing its  results  it  sets  more  store  on  evidences  internal 
to  the  books  than  on  external  traditions  or  attesta- 
tions, and  its  undeniable  effect  is  to  depreciate  tradi- 
tion in  a  great  measure,  so  that  there  exists  a  sharply 


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drawn  line  between  the  exegetes  of  the  critical  and 
those  of  the  traditional  school.  In  the  process  by 
which  the  critics  arrive  at  their  conclusions  there  is  a 
divergence  of  attitude  towards  the  supernatural  cle- 
ment in  Holy  Writ.  Those  of  the  rationalistic  wing 
ignore,  and  at  least  tacitly  deny,  inspiration  in  the 
theological  meaning  of  the  term,  and  without  any 
doctrinal  preoccupations,  except  some  hostile  to  the 
supernatural,  proceed  to  apply  critical  tests  to  the 
Scriptures,  in  the  same  manner  as  if  they  were  merely 
human  productions.    Moderate  critics  of  Protestant 

gsrsuasion — a  school  that  predominates  in  Great 
ritain — hold  to  inspiration  and  revelation,  though 
with  a  freedom  incompatible  with  Catholic  orthodoxy. 
Catholic  Biblical  critics,  while  taking  as  postulates  the 
plenary  inspiration  and  the  inerrancy  of  the  sacred 
Writings,  admit  in  a  large  measure  the  literary  and 
historical  conclusions  reached  by  non-Catholic  work- 
ers in  this  field,  and  maintain  that  these  are  not  ex- 
cluded by  Catholic  faith.  With  the  exception  of 
Abbe1  Loisy  and  his  followers,  no  Catholic  scholar  has 
claimed  autonomy  or  complete  independence  for  criti- 
cism, all  proceeding  on  the  principle  that  it  cannot 
validly,  and  may  not  lawfully,  contradict  the  estab- 
lished dogmatic  teaching  of  the  Church.  Its  Christian 
exponents  insist  that  a  reverent  criticism  is  quite 
within  its  rights  in  sifting  the  elements  which  enter 
into  human  aspects  of  the  Bible,  as  a  means  of  a 
better  understanding  of  the  written  word,  since  its 
component  parts  were  given  their  form  by  men  in 
certain  historical  environments  and  under  some  of 
the  limitations  of  their  age  and  place,  and  since,  more- 
over, inspiration  does  not  dispense  with  ordinary  hu- 
man industry  and  methods  m  literary  composition. 
(See  Inbpikation.) 

Higher  Criticism  may  be  called  a  science,  though 
its  processes  and  results  do  not  admit  of  nicety  of 
control  and  demonstration,  as  its  principles  are  of  the 
moral-psychological  order.  Hence  its  conclusions, 
even  in  the  most  favourable  circumstances,  attain  to 
no  greater  force  than  what  arises  from  a  convergence 
of  probabilities,  begetting  a  moral  conviction.  While 
some  attempts  have  been  made  to  elaborate  a  system 
of  canons  for  the  higher  criticism,  it  has  not,  and 
probably  never  will  have,  a  strictly  denned  and  gen- 
erally accepted  code  of  principles  and  rules.  Some 
broad  principles,  however,  are  universally  admitted 
by  critical  scholars.  A  fundamental  one  is  that  a 
literary  work  always  betrays  the  imprint  of  the  age 
and  environment  in  which  it  was  produced ;  another 
is  that  a  plurality  of  authors  is  proved  by  well-marked 
differences  of  diction  and  style,  at  least  when 
these  coincide  with  distinctions  in  view-point  or  dis- 
crepancies in  a  double  treatment  of  the  same  subject. 
A  tnird  received  canon  holds  to  a  radical  dissimilarity 
between  ancient  Semitic  and  modern  Occidental,  or 
Aryan,  methods  of  composition. 
•  History. — Before  the  eighteenth  century. — The  early 
ecclesiastical  writers  were  unconscious  of  nearly  all 
the  problems  to  which  criticism  has  given  rise.  Their 
attention  was  concentrated  on  the  Divine  content  and 
authority  of  sacred  Scripture,  and,  looking  almost 
exclusively  at  the  Divine  side,  they  deemed  as  of 
trifling  account  questions  of  authorship,  date,  com- 
position, accepting  unreservedly  for  these  points  such 
traditions  as  the  Jewish  Church  had  handed  down, 
all  the  more  readily  that  Christ  Himself  seemed  to 
have  given  various  of  these  traditions  His  supreme 
confirmation.  As  for  the  N.  T.,  tradition  was  the 
determining  factor  here  too.  As  exceptions  we  may 
note  that  Origen  concluded  partly  from  internal  evi- 
dence that  St.  Paul  could  scarcely  have  written  the 
Epistle  to  the  Hebrews,  and  his  disciple  Dionysius 
adduced  linguistic  grounds  for  rejecting  the  Apoca- 
lypse as  a  work  of  St.  John.  The  Fathers  saw  in 
every  sentence  of  the  Scripture  a  pregnant  oracle  of 
G"d.    Apparent  contradictions  and  other  difficulties 


were  solved  without  taking  possible  human  imperfec- 
tion into  view.  Only  in  a  few  isolated  passages  does 
St.  Jerome  seem  to  hint  at  such  in  connexion  with 
history.  Except  in  regard  to  the  preservation  of 
the  sacred  text  there  was  nothing  to  elicit  a  critical 
view  of  the  Bible  in  the  age  of  the  Fathers,  and 
this  applies  also  to  the  Scholastic  period.  Even 
the  Humanist  movement  preceding  the  Reforma- 
tion gave  no  impulse  to  tne  critical  spirit  beyond 
fostering  the  study  of  the  Scriptures  in  their  original 
languages.  It  was  not  a  Humanist,  but  the  erratic 
Reformer  Carlstadt,  who  first  broke  with  tradition  on 
the  authorship  of  an  inspired  book  by  declaring  that 
Moses  could  not  have  written  the  Pentateuch,  because 
the  account  of  his  death  is  in  the  same  style  as  the 
rest  of  his  book.  But  though  Carlstadt  adduced  a 
critical  argument  he  cannot  be  styled  a  critic.  Hobbes 
(1651),  Pereyre  (1655),  Spinoza  (1670)  attacked  the 
Monaic  authorship,  but  merely  incidentally,  in  works 
in  which  anything  like  a  systematic  criticism  found 
no  place.  A  French  priest,  Richard  Simon  (1638- 
1712),  was  the  first  who  subjected  the  general  ques- 
tions concerning  the  Bible  to  a  treatment  which  was 
at  once  comprehensive  in  scope  and  scientific  in 
method.  Simon  is  the  forerunner  of  modern  Biblical 
criticism.  The  broadening  opportunities  for  the 
study  of  Oriental  languages,  a  Keen  and  methodical 
mind,  probably,  too,  a  reaction  against  the  rigid  view 
of  the  Bible  which  reigned  amongst  both  Catholics 
and  Protestants  of  the  age  were  the  factors  which 
produced  Simon's  first  great  work,  the  "Histoire 
critique  du  Vieux  Testament",  which  was  published 
in  1678.  In  this  he  called  attention  to  the  double 
narratives  and  variation  of  style  in  the  Pentateuch, 
and  thence  deduced  that,  aside  from  the  legal  portion, 
which  Moses  himself  had  written  down,  much  of  the 
remaining  matter  was  the  work  of  several  inspired 
annalists,  a  class  to  whom  are  due  the  later  historical 
books,  and  who  in  subsequent  generations  added 
touches  to  the  inspired  histories  by  their  predecessors. 
This  theory  did  not  survive  its  author,  but  the  use 
of  internal  evidence  by  which  Simon  arrived  at  it 
entitles  him  to  be  called  the  father  of  Biblical  criti- 
cism. His  novel  view  of  the  Mosaic  books  excited 
only  condemnation,  and  his  critical  work,  being  an 
isolated  effort  which  did  not  win  the  support  of  a 
school,  found  appreciation  only  in  recent  times.  A 
continuously  developing  higher  criticism  was  not  to 
begin  till  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth  century.  But 
a  capital  distinction  is  to  be  made  between  criticism 
as  applied  to  the  Old  and  as  applied  to  the  New  Testa- 
ment. The  two  have  followed  different  courses.  O.-T. 
criticism  has  been  developed  along  the  lines  of  lingu- 
istic and  historic  research.  Philosophico-religious  prej- 
udices have  been  kept  in  the  background.  But  in  re- 
spect to  the  N.  T.,  criticism  began  as  the  outgrowth  of 
philosophic  speculations  of  a  distinctly  anti-Christian 
character  and,  as  exercised  by  rationalists  and  liberal 
Protestants,  has  not  yet  freed  itself  from  the  sway  of 
such  a  priori  principles,  though  it  has  tended  to  grow 
more  positive — that  is,  more  genuinely  critical — in  its 
methods. 

Since  the  eighteenth  century.  (1)  Old-Testament 
Criticism  outside  the  Church. — In  1753  Jean  Astruc, 
a  French  Catholic  physician  of  considerable  note,  pub- 
lished a  little  book,  "Conjectures  sur  les  memoires 
originaux  dont  il  paralt  que  Molse  s'est  servi  pour 
composer  le  livre  de  la  Genese",  in  which  he  conjec- 
tured, from  the  alternating  use  of  two  names  of  God 
in  the  Hebrew  Genesis,  that  Moses  had  incorporated 
therein  two  pre-existing  documents,  one  of  which 
employed  Elohim  and  the  other  Jehovah.  The  idea 
attracted  little  attention  till  it  was  taken  up  by  a 
German  scholar,  who,  however,  claims  to  have  made 
the  discovery  independently.  This  was  Johann  Gott- 
fried Eichhorn,  the  author  of  an  Introduction  to  the 
O.  T.,  issued  1780-83,  and  distinguished  by  vigour 


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and  scientific  acumen.  Eichhorn  was  indebted  not  a 
little  to  his  friend  Herder,  the  noted  German  littera- 
teur, and  the  two  conjointly  originated  the  critical 
habit  of  looking  upon  the  O.  T.  as  a  collection  of 
Oriental  literature  whose  several  parts  are  to  be  read 
and  interpreted  as  the  productions  of  the  Semitic 
genius.  Eichhorn  greatly  developed  Astruc's  hypoth- 
esis by  observing  that  the  Elohim  and  Jehovah 
sections  of  Genesis  bear  other  characteristics,  and  by 
extending  the  analysis  thus  derived  to  the  whole  Pen- 
tateuch. But  the  German  savant  was  not  so  orthodox 
an  adherent  of  the  Mosaic  authorship  as  was  Astruc, 
since  he  left  to  the  Hebrew  legislator  a  very  uncertain 
part  of  the  work.   When  Eichhorn  composed  his 

Introduction"  he  was  somewhat  influenced  by  free- 
thinking  views  which  later  became  very  pronounced. 
His  criticism,  therefore,  had  as  its  antecedents  not 
only  Astruc's  fruitful  conjecture  and  Herder's  poetic 
insight  into  Oriental  literature,  but  also  eighteenth- 
century  German  rationalism.  This  was  in  part  native 
to  the  soil,  but  it  drew  much  nurture  from  the  ideas 
of  the  English  Deists  and  Sceptics,  who  flourished  to- 
wards the  end  of  the  seventeenth  century  and  in  the 
first  part  of  the  eighteenth.  Such  authors  as  Blount 
(1654-93)  and  Collins  (1676-1729)  had  impugned 
miracles  and  prophecy  and  in  general  the  authority 
of  the  O.-T.  writings.  The  standpoint  of  the  German 
Orientalist  Reimarus  was  that  of  the  English  Deists; 
the  whole  drift  of  his  "  Wolfenbuttel  Fragments",  first 
appearing  1774-78,  is  one  of  antagonism  to  the  super- 
natural. Leasing  (1729-81),  his  literary  executor, 
without  departing  so  offensively  from  the  path  of 
orthodoxy,  defended  the  fullest  freedom  of  discussion 
in  theological  matters.  Contemporary  with  Leasing 
was  J.  S.  Semler,  who  rejected  inspiration,  attributed 
a  mythical  character  to  episodes  in  O.-T.  historical 
books,  and,  on  lines  parallel  to  Lessing's  philosophy 
of  religion,  distinguished  in  Scripture  elements  of  per- 
manent and  others  of  transitory  and  negligible  value. 

Eichhorn  is  the  first  typical  representative  of 
modern  Biblical  criticism,  the  especial  home  of  which 
has  been  Germany.  He  gave  the  first  impulse  to  the 
literary  analysis  of  the  Scriptures,  applying  it  not  only 
to  the  Pentateuch,  but  also  to  Isaias  and  other  por- 
tions of  the  O.  T.  Outside  of  Germany  the  views  of 
Eichhorn  and  his  school  found  little  currency.  Yet 
it  was  a  Catholic  priest  of  Scottish  origin,  Alexander 
Geddes  (1737-1802),  who  broached  a  theory  of  the 
origin  of  the  Five  Books  (to  which  he  attached  Joeue) 
exceeding  in  boldness  either  Simon's  or  Eichhorn's. 
This  was  the  well-known  "Fragment"  hypothesis, 
which  reduced  the  Pentateuch  to  a  collection  of  frag- 
mentary sections  partly  of  Mosaic  origin,  but  put  to- 
gether in  the  reign  of  Solomon.  Geddes'  opinion  was 
introduced  into  Germany  in  1805  by  Vater.  For  the 
fuller  account  of  this  and  later  stages  of  the  criticism  of 
the  Pentateuch  the  reader  is  referred  to  the  article  under 
that  heading.  With  some  essays  of  a  young  scholar, 
De  Wette,  which  were  published  1805-07,  properly 
began  the  historical  criticism  of  the  Bible.  De  Wette 
joined  to  the  evidences  supplied  by  vocabulary  and 
style  (i.  e.  those  of  literary  criticism)  arguments  drawn 
from  history,  as  contained  in  the  sacred  narratives 
themselves,  and  the  discoveries  of  antiquarian  re- 
search. He  refused  to  find  anything  but  legend  and 
poetry  in  the  Pentateuch,  though  ne  granted  it  a 
unity  of  plan,  and  a  development  in  accordance  with 
his  conception  of  Israel's  history,  thus  laying  the 
foundation  for  the  leading  hypothesis  of  the  present 
day.  De  Wette's  ideas  also  furnished  the  basis 
for  the  Supplement-theory,  systematized  later  by 
Bleek  and  others.  He  was  the  first  to  attack  the 
historical  character  of  the  books  of  Paralipomenon,  or 
Chronicles.  Bleek  (1793-1859),  Ewald  (1803-75), 
and  the  Catholic  Movers  (1806-56),  while  following 
critical  methods,  opposed  the  purely  negative  criti- 
cism of  De  Wette  and  his  school,  and  sought  to  save 


the  authenticity  of  some  Mosaic  books  and  Davidio 
psalms  by  sacrificing  that  of  others.  Bleek  revived, 
and  brought  into  prominence,  the  conclusion  of 
Geddes,  that  the  book  of  Josue  is  in  close  literary 
connexion  with  the  first  five  books  of  the  Bible,  and 
thenceforth  the  idea  of  a  Hexateuch,  or  sixfold  work, 
has  been  maintained  by  advanced  exegetes.  Hup- 
feld,  in  1853,  found  four  instead  of  three  documents 
in  the  Pentateuch,  viz.,  the  first  Elohist,  comprising 
■the  priestly  law,  a  second  Elohist  (hitherto  unsus- 
pected except  by  a  forgotten  investigator,  Ilgen),  the 
Jehovist,  and  the  Deuteronomist.  He  allowed  to 
none  of  these  a  Mosaic  origin.  With  Hupfeld's  view 
the  idea  of  one  large  source,  or  Grundschrift,  supple- 
mented by  smaller  ones,  began  to  give  place  to  the 
"Document"  hypothesis.  Meanwhile  these  conclu- 
sions, so  subversive  of  ancient  traditions  regarding  the 
Five  Books,  were  stoutly  contested  by  a  number  of 
German  scholars,  prominent  among  whom  stood 
Ranke,  Havernick,  Hengstenberg,  and  Keil,  among 
Protestants ;  and  Jahn,  Hug,  Herbst,  and  Welte,  rep- 
resenting Catholic  learning.  These,  while  refusing  to 
allow  the  testimony  of  Jewish  tradition  to  be  ruled  out 
of  court  as  invalid  against  internal  evidence,  were 
compelled  to  employ  the  methods  of  their  adversaries 
in  defending  the  time-honoured  views.  The  questions 
were  agitated  only  in  countries  where  Protestantism 
predominated,  and,  among  these,  in  England  the  con- 
servative views  were  strongly  entrenched. 

The  critical  dissection  of  books  was  and  is  accom- 
plished on  the  ground  of  diversity  of  vocabulary  and 
style,  the  phenomena  of  double  narratives  of  the  same 
event  varying  from  each  other,  it  is  claimed,  to  the 
extent  of  discrepancy,  and  differences  of  religious  con- 
ceptions. The  critics  appeal  for  confirmation  of  this 
literary  analysis  to  the  historical  books.  For  ex- 
ample, Moses  could  not  have  enacted  an  elaborate 
ritual  legislation  for  a  people  leading  a  nomad  life  in 
the  desert,  especially  since  we  find  (say  the  critics)  no 
trace  of  its  observance  in  the  earliest  periods  of  Is- 
rael's settled  existence.  These  and  like  tests  are  ap- 
plied to  nearly  every  book  of  the  O.  T.,  and  result  in 
conclusions  which,  if  allowed,  profoundly  modify  the 
traditional  beliefs  regarding  tne  authorship  and  in- 
tegrity of  these  Scriptures,  and  are  incompatible  with 
any  strict  notion  of  their  inerrancy. 

The  Hegelian  principle  of  evolution  has  undoubt- 
edly influenced  German  criticism,  and  indirectly  Bibli- 
cal criticism  in  general.  Applied  to  religion,  it  has 
powerfully  helped  to  beget  a  tendency  to  regard  the 
religion  of  Israel  as  evolved  by  processes  not  tran- 
scending nature,  from  a  polytheistic  worship  of  the 
elements  to  a  spiritual  ana  ethical  monotheism.  This 
theory  was  first  elaborated  by  Abram  Kuenen,  a 
Dutch  theologian,  in  his  "Religion  of  Israel"  (1869- 
70).  Without  being  essential  to,  it  harmonizes  with 
the  current  system  of  Pentateuchal  criticism,  some- 
times called  "the  Development  Hypothesis ' but  better 
known  as  "  the  Grafian ' .  This  hypothesis  is  accepted 
to-day  by  the  great  body  of  non-Catholic  Biblical 
scholarship.  It  makes  the  Pentateuch  a  growth  formed 
by  the  piecing  and  interlacing  together  of  documents 
representing  distinct  epochs.  Of  these  the  oldest  is  the 
Jenovistic,  or  J,  dating  from  the  ninth  century  b.  c.  ;  E, 
the  Elohistic  work,  was  composed  a  little  later.  These 
elements  are  prophetic  in  spirit  and  narrative  in  mat- 
ter. D,  the  Deuteronomic  Code,  was  the  organ  and 
instrument  of  the  prophetic  reform  under  Josias;  it 
appeared  621  b.  c.  P,  the  great  document  containing 
the  Priestly  Code,  was  drawn  up  after  the  Babylonian 
Exile,  and  is  the  outcome  of  the  sacerdotal  and  ritual 
formalism  distinguishing  the  restored  Jewish  com- 
munity; it  therefore  dates  from  the  fifth  century  b.  c. 
This  ingenious  and  coherent  hypothesis  was  formu- 
lated first  by  E.  Reuss  of  the  University  of  Strasburg, 
but  presented  to  the  public  many  years  later  (1866) 
by  bis  disciple  H.  K.  Graf.   It  was  skilfully  elaborated 


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6y  Julius  Wellhausen,  professor  (in  1908)  at  the  Uni- 
versity of  GSttingen,  in  works  published  in  1883  and 
1889  ("Prolegomena  to  the  History  of  Israel"  and 
''Composition  of  the  Hexateuch  and  the  Historical 
Books  of  the  O.  T."),  and  to-day  it  dominates  the 
critical  treatment  of  the  Hexateuch.  The  shifting  of 
the  Priestly  Code  (formerly  called  the  First  Elohist) 
from  the  earliest  to  the  latest  in  time,  a  characteristic 
of  the  Grafian  system,  has  had  a  marked  influence  on 
the  drift  "of  O.  T.  criticism  in  general,  notably  with 
regard  to  the  books  of  Paralipomenon.  It  has  re- 
versed the  chronological  order  of  the  prophetical  and 
priestly  elements  running  through  the  greater  part  of 
the  O.  T. 

Only  within  the  last  two  decades  has  higher  criti- 
cism made  notable  progress  in  English-speaking  lands, 
and  this  has  been  rendered  possible  by  the  moderation 
of  its  leading  spokesman  there.  Foremost  among 
these  semi-orthodox  critics  of  the  O.  T.  is  Professor 
Driver  of  Oxford,  whose  "  Introduction  to  the  Litera- 
ture of  the  Old  Testament"  first  appeared  in  1891. 
W.  Robertson  Smith  in  "The  Old  Testament  and  the 
Jewish  Church"  had  previously  (1880),  though  less 
systematically,  presented  the  Grafian  hypothesis  to 
the  English-speaking  world.  The  results  of  British 
conservative  criticism  are  embodied  in  Hastings' 
"Dictionary  of  the  Bible",  while  the  radical  wing  in 
England  is  represented  by  the  "  Encyclopaedia  Bib- 
lica"  edited  by  Professors  Cheyne  and  Black.  In 
America  most  of  the  conclusions  of  German  criticism 
have  found  advocates  in  Professors  C.  H.  Briggs 
("  The  Bible,  the  Church  and  Reason  ",  1892 ;  "  Higher 
Criticism  of  the  Hexateuch",  1893),  H.  P.  Smith,  and 
C.  H.  Toy. 

The  higher  criticism  claims  to  have  discerned  great 
inequalities  in  the  value  of  those  portions  of  the  0.  T. 
which  are  historical  in  form.  In  the  same  book  we 
may  find,  it  asserts,  myth,  legend,  and  material  of 
real  historical  worth,  the  last  of  these  elements  being 
abundant  in  Judges  and  the  Books  of  Kings,  though 
even  here  a  careful  sifting  must  be  used.  In  parts  of 
the  Hexateuch,  especially  in  the  priestly  document 
and  the  cognate  Paralipomenon  writing,  history  is 
freely  idealized,  and  existing  institutions  are  projected 
artificially  into  the  remote  past.  Esther.  Tobias, 
Judith,  Jonas,  and  portions  of  II  Machabees  belong  to 
the  class  of  Jewish  Haggadah,  or  moralizing  fictions. 
The  Psalms  have  few  Sany  compositions  by  Dayid; 
they  are  the  religious  poetry  of  Israel.  Isaias  is  a 
composite,  containing  messages  of  prophets  widely 
separated  in  time  and  circumstances.  The  prophets 
spoke  and  wrote  primarily  in  view  of  definite  contem- 
porary situations.  Job  is  an  epic,  and  Canticles  a 
pastoral  drama.  The  book  of  Daniel  is  an  apocalypse 
of  the  Machabean  period,  describing  history  of  the 
past  and  present  under  the  semblance  of  visions  of 
the  future.  To  conclude  this  outline  of  the  critical 
results,  the  human  element  in  Scripture  is  given 
prominence  and  represented  as  clothed  with  the  im- 
perfections, limitations,  and  errors  of  the  times  of  its 
origin ;  many  books  are  exhibited  as  the  products  of 
successive  literary  accretions,  excluding  any  unity  of 
authorship;  in  fact,  for  most  of  the  histories,  the  un- 
known writers  retire  into  the  shadow  to  give  place  to 
the  unifying  labours  of  the  equally  unknown  "redac- 
tor" or  "redactors". 

(2)  The  Reaction  against  Criticism. — This  Las  been 
aided  by  the  antithesis  between  the  conclusions  of 
certain  Assyriologists  of  note  (viz.,  A.  H.  Sayce  and 
F.  Hommel)  ana  the  prevailing  school  of  criticism. 
Recent  discoveries  in  Egypt,  Mesopotamia,  and  Per- 
sia prove  that  a  developed  civilization  existed  in 
Western  Asia  in  times  contemporary  with  Abraham, 
and  earlier.  (See  Babylonia;  Assyria.)  The  in- 
ference drawn  by  the  above  scientists  (Sayce,  "  Higher 
Criticism  and  the  Verdict  of  the  Monuments",  1895; 
Hommel,  "Ancient  Hebrew  Tradition",  tr.,  1897)  is 


that  the  elaborate  ritual  and  legal  code  of  the  Israelites 
could  well  have  been  framed  by  Moses.  They  charge 
the  critics  with  not  taking  Oriental  discoveries  suffi- 
ciently into  account,  and  argue  that,  since  the  monu- 
ments confirm  the  substantial  truth  of  some  of  the 
historical  books,  a  presumption  is  raised  in  favour  of 
the  veracity  of  Hebrew  literature  in  general.  The 
historical  character  of  the  narratives  is  upheld  by 
other  considerations  of  a  more  minute  and  technical 
nature.  In  America  the  old  views  of  the  Bible  were 
defended  with  zeal  and  learning  by  Dr.  William  H. 
Green,  of  Princeton,  author  of  a  series  of  Biblical 
works  extending  from  1863  to  1899;  also  by  E.  C. 
Bissel  and  W.  L.  Baxter.  In  Great  Britain  the  con- 
servatives have  been  represented  in  recent  times  by 
Alfred  Cave,  J.  J.  Lias,  and  others.  In  Germany, 
J.  K.  F.  Keil,  who  died  in  1888,  was  the  last  exegete 
of  international  name  who  stood  without  compromise 
for  tradition.  But  a  contemporary  group  of  Protes- 
tant German  theologians  and  Orientalists  have  cham- 
pioned the  claims  of  the  O.  T.  as  a  Divinely  inspired 
literature,  whose  narratives,  on  the  whole,  are  worthy 
of  belief.  Prominent  among  these  are  Dr.  F.  E. 
Konig  of  Bonn  ("Neue  Prinzipien  der  alttestament- 
lichen  Kritik",  1902,  "Bibel-Babel  Frage  und  die 
wissenschaftliche  Methode",  1904);  Julius  Bohm,  a 
pastor;  Dr.  Samuel  Oettli,  professor  at  Greifswald. 
The  resistance  to  the  so-called  scientific  criticism  in 
Germany  has  been  greatly  stimulated  by  the  radical 
positions  recently  taken  by  some  Assyriologists,  be- 
ginning with  a  lecture  delivered  in  1902  before  the 
German  court  by  Friedrich  Delitzsch.  The  still- 
continuing  discussion  it  provoked  is  known  as  the 
Bibel-Babel  controversy.  Delitzsch,  Jensen,  and 
their  followers  contend  that  the  Bible  stories  of  the 
Creation,  the  Fall,  the  Deluge,  etc.  were  borrowed  by 
the  Hebrews  from  Babylonia,  where  they  existed  in 
their  pure  and  original  form.  This  school  relegates 
all  the  events  and  personages  of  Genesis  to  the  region 
of  myths  and  attributes  a  Chaldean  origin  to  the 
Jewish  conception  of  Paradise  and  Sheol,  angels  and 
devils.  Of  still  more  recent  beginning  and  extrav- 
agant character  is  the  theory  of  astral  myths  de- 
fended by  Stucken,  Winckler,  and  Jeremias,  according 
to  which  the  narrations  not  only  of  the  Pentateuch, 
but  of  large  portions  of  the  later  books  as  well,  repre- 
sent in  human  guise  merely  the  nature  and  movements 
of  the  heavenly  bodies. 

In  replying  to  the  critical  systems,  conservatives, 
both  Catholic  and  Protestant,  re-enforce  the  argument 
from  Jewish  and  Christian  traditions  by  methods  bor- 
rowed from  their  opponents;  linguistic  distinctions 
are  countered  by  linguistic  arguments,  and  the  tradi- 
tionists  also  employ  the  process  of  comparing  the  data 
of  one  book  with  another,  in  an  endeavour  to  bring 
all  into  harmony.  Not  the  methods  so  much  as  the 
conclusions  of  criticism  are  impugned.  The  difference 
is  largely  one  of  interpretation.  However,  the  con- 
servatives complain  that  the  critics  arbitrarily  rule 
out  as  interpolations  or  late  comments  passages  which 
are  unfavourable  to  their  hypotheses.  The  advocates 
of  tradition  also  charge  the  opposite  school  with  being 
swayed  by  purely  subjective  fancies,  and  in  the  case  of 
the  more  advanced  criticism,  by  philosophico-religious 
prejudices.  Moreover,  they  assert  that  such  a  piece- 
meal formation  of  a  book  t>y  successive  strata,  as  is 
alleged  for  many  parts  of  the  O.  T.  is  without  analogy 
in  the  history  of  literature.  The  Catholic  criticism  of 
the  O.  T.  will  be  described  in  a  separate  section  of  this 
article. 

(3)  New-Testament  Criticism  Outside  the  Church. 
^Before  the  eighteenth  century  N.-T.  criticism  did 
not  go  beyond  that  of  the  Latin  and  Greek  texts,  if 
we  except  the  ancient  remarks  on  the  authorship  of 
the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews  and  the  Apocalypse  al- 
ready noticed.  When  the  German  Rationalism  of  the 
eighteenth  century,  in  imitation  of  the  English  Deism 


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of  the  seventeenth,  had  discarded  the  supernatural, 
the  N.  T.  became  the  first  object  of  a  systematic  at- 
tack. Reimarus  (1694-1768)  assailed  the  motives  of 
its  writers  and  cast  aspersions  on  the  honesty  of  Jesus 
Himself.  J.  8.  Sender  (1726-91)  used  the  greatest 
latitude  in  discussing  the  origin  and  credibility  of  the 
sacred  Scriptures,  arguing  that  these  subjects  should 
be  dealt  with  without  regard  to  any  Divine  content. 
Semler  was  the  first  to  question  the  authenticity  of 
N.-T.  books  from  a  critical  standpoint.  His  exegeti- 
cal  principles,  if  admitted,  would  largely  destroy  the 
authority  of  the  Gospels.  Paulus  (1761-1851),  pro- 
fessor at  Jena  and  Heidelberg,  granted  the  genuineness 
of  the  Gospels,  and  their  authors'  honesty  of  purpose, 
but  taught  that  in  narratingthe  miraculous  and  super- 
natural the  Apostles  and  Evangelists  recorded  their 
delusions,  and  that  all  the  alleged  superhuman  occur- 
rences are  to  be  explained  by  merely  natural  causes. 
Eichhorn,  the  pioneer  of  modern  German  criticism, 
carried  his  inquiries  into  the  field  of  the  N.  T.  and, 
beginning  with  1794,  proposed  a  theory  to  explain 
the  similarities  and  differences  of  the  Synoptic 
Gospels,  i.  e.  Matthew,  Mark,  and  Luke.  Some 
phases  of  what  is  now  known  as  "the  Synoptic 
Problem"  were  examined  by  Griesbach  as  early  as 
1776,  and  again,  in  1781,  by  a  posthumous  essay 
of  Leasing  treating  of  the  Evangelists  "considered 
simply  as  human  historians".  The  problem  was 
first  clearly  formulated  by  Lachmann  in  1835. 
The  dangerous  tendencies  of  the  rationalistic  writers 
were  ably  combated  by  J.  L.  Hug,  a  Catholic  exegete, 
whose  "Introduction  to  the  N.  T."  was  completed  in 
1808.  Schleiermacher  (1768-1834)  was  the  earliest 
of  those  German  theologians  who  acknowledge  the 
religious  force  of  the  sacred  writings,  but  imperii  their 
authority  by  a  free  and  independent  treatment  of 
their  origin  and  historical  contents;  his  view  of  the 
N.  T.  was  influenced  by  Sender's  criticisms.  Some- 
what akin  to  Schleiermacher's  attitude  is  that  of  De 
Wette,  but  his  conclusions  are  often  negative  and 
doubtful.  The  Evangelistic  school  of  Protestant 
German  commentators,  represented  earliest  by  Gue- 
ricke,  Olshausen,  Neander,  and  Bleek,  were  in  the 
main  adherents  to  the  genuineness  and  truthfulness 
of  the  Gospels,  though  influenced  by  the  mediating  or 
mystico-rationalistic  tendencies  of  Schleiermacher.  As 
N.-T.  scholars  they  belong  between  1823  and  1859. 

The  "Life  of  Jesus"  by  David  Friedrich  Strauss, 
which  appeared  in  1835,  marked  a  new  departure  of  view 
with  regard  to  the  N.  T.,  and  made  a  great  sensation. 
Strauss  was  an  Hegelian  and  one  for  whom  the  "idea" 
obscured  the  objective  facts,  while  it  rested  upon  them. 
He  held  that  the  orthodox  conception  of  Christ  was  the 
creature  of  the  ardent  Messianic  hopes  of  the  Jewish- 
Christians  of  the  primitive  Church,  who  imagined  that 
Jesus  fulfilled  the  O.-T.  prophecies,  and  who,  soon 
after  His  death,  invested  His  personality  and  the 
whole  tenor  of  His  life  with  mythical  qualities,  in 
which  there  was  nothing  but  a  bare  kernel  of  objective 
truth,  viz.,  the  existence  of  a  rabbi  named  Jesus,  who 
was  a  man  of  extraordinary  spiritual  power  and  pene- 
tration, and  who  had  gathered  about  him  a  band  of 
disciples.  Echoes  of  these  ideas  are  to  be  found  in 
Renan's  "  Vie  de  Jesus".  Strauss's  relatively  refined 
philosophy  of  religion  was  more  in  the  spirit  of  the 
age  than  the  moribund,  crude  naturalism  of  Paulus, 
though  it  only  substituted  one  form  of  rationalism  for 
another.  The  " Life  of  Jesus"  soon  called  forth  refu- 
tations, but  in  the  advanced  circles  of  German  thought 
the  finishing  stroke  was  not  given  to  it  until  Ferdinand 
Christian  Baur,  the  founder  of  the  Tubingen,  or  "Ten- 
dency", school  of  exegesis  and  criticism,  published  the 
mature  fruit  of  his  speculation  under  the  title  "  Paulus 
der  Apostel  Jesu  Christi ",  in  1845.  Baur,  like  Strauss, 
was  a  disciple  of  Hegel,  but  had  taken  from  that  philos- 
opher a  different  key  to  the  significance  of  the  N.  T., 
via.,  the  principle  of  the  evolution  of  all  truth  through 


the  conciliation  of  contradictions.  He  taught  that 
the  N.  T.  is  the  outcome  of  an  antagonism  between 
Jewish,  or  Petrine,  and  Pauline  tendencies  in  the 
primitive  Church.  The  Pauline  concept  of  Chris- 
tianity—one of  a  philosophic  and  universal  order — 
is  represented  by  the  Epistles  to  the  Romans, 
Corinthians,  and  Galatians,  which  alone  Baur  ad- 
mitted as  the  certainly  authentic  works  of  St. 
Paul.  The  Apocalypse  was  composed  in  direct  op- 
position to  the  spirit  of  the  Pauline  writings.  The 
above  works  were  written  before  a.  d.  70.  Between 
70  and  140  appeared  St.  Matthew's  Gospel,  Petrine  in 
character;  St.  Luke's  Gospel,  Pauline,  though  re- 
touched in  a  conciliatory  spirit;  Acts,  adapted  simi- 
larly to  St.  Luke;  and  latest  the  Gospel  of  St.  Mark, 
also  of  an  irenic  type.  This  second  period  is  one  of 
transition  between  antagonism  and  complete  recon- 
ciliation. This  latter  is  the  note  of  the  third  period, 
reaching  to  about  A.  d.  170,  which  produced  the  Gos- 
pel and  Epistles  bearing  the  name  of  St.  John,  and  the 
pastoral  Epistles,  which  therefore  cannot  have  come 
from  St.  Paul.  The  scheme  excluded  the  authenticity 
of  all  the  Gospels.  Baur's  theory  has  not  survived 
except  in  the  very  mitigated  form  seen  in  the  works 
of  Hilgenfeld  and  Pfleiderer.  Nevertheless,  aside 
from  his  philosophic  assumptions,  the  principles  and 
methods  of  Baur  have  left  a  deep  impress  on  later 
N.-T.  criticism.  He  first  practised  on  a  consistent 
and  developed  plan  the  habit  of  scrutinizing  the 
sacred  documents  themselves  for  evidences  of  the 
times  which  gave  them  birth,  and  led  the  way  in  the 
present  critical  trend  towards  a  division  of  the  N.  T. 
into  Judaistic,  Pauline,  and  Johannine  elements. 

The  Tubingen  ideas  evoked  a  reaction  against  their 
destructive  and  purely  rationalistic  conclusions.  This 
movement  has  been  twofold:  on  one  side  it  is  ortho- 
dox Protestant,  though  critical  in  its  method;  this 
section  is  the  natural  continuation  of  the  earlier 
Evangelistic  exegesis,  and  counts  as  its  ablest  repre- 
sentatives Zahn,  B.  Weiss,  and  Godet ;  the  other  branch 
is  partly  the  outgrowth  of  the  Schleiermacher  school 
and  acknowledges  as  its  founder  Albert  Ritschl,  whose 
defection  from  the  Tubingen  group  (1857)  proved  a 
serious  blow  to  Baur's  system.  The  Ritschhan  theol- 
ogy insists  on  the  religious  value  of  the  N.  T.,  espe- 
cially in  the  impression  its  picture  of  Christ  makes  on 
the  individual  soul,  and  on  the  other  hand  allows  a 
free  rein  to  the  boldest  and  most  searching  criticism 
of  the  origin  and  historical  worth  of  the  N.-T.  books, 
in  a  blindmystic  confidence  that  nothing  that  criti- 
cism can  do  will  impair  their  religious  value.  The 
indifference  of  the  Ritschlians  to  the  consequences  of 
criticism  is  also  shown  towards  the  miraculous  ele- 
ment in  our  Lord's  life  and  in  the  N.  T.  in  general. 
This  tendency  is  very  manifest  among  other  contem- 
porary German  critics,  who,  while  influenced  by 
Ritschlianism,  belong  rather  to  the  "scientific"  and 
evolutionary  school.  Holtzmann,  Bousset,  JUlicher, 
Harnack,  Schmiedel  by  critical  procedure  eliminate 
from  the  Gospels,  or  at  least  call  into  doubt,  all  the 
miraculous  elements,  and  reduce  the  Divinity  of 
Christ  to  a  moral,  pre-eminent  sonship  to  God,  and 
yet,  by  a  strange  inconsequence,  exalt  the  saving  and 
enlightening  power  of  His  personality.  This  latest 
school,  however,  admit  dates  which  approach  much 
nearer  to  the  traditional  ones  than  to  those  of  Baur. 
Harnack,  besides  affirming  the  genuineness  of  all  the 
Pauline  Epistles  except  the  pastoral  ones,  and  of 
Mark  and  Luke,  places  the  Synoptic  Gospels  between 
a.  d.  65  and  93,  and  fixes  the  year  110  as  the  latest 
limit  for  the  Gospel  and  Epistles  of  St.  John  and  the 
Apocalypse. 

In  Great  Britain,  N.-T.  criticism  with  few  excep- 
tions has  been  moderate  and,  on  the  whole,  conserva- 
tive. Excellent  service  has  been  done  in  the  defence 
of  contested  books  by  the  British  divines  J.  B.  Light- 
foot,  B.  F.  Westcott,  W   H.  Sanday,  and  others. 


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Holland  has  produced  a  small  group  of  radical  critics, 
Van  Manen,  Pierson,  Loraan,  who,  with  Steele  in  Ger- 
many, have  revived  Bruno  Bauer's  total  denial  of 
authenticity  to  St.  Paul's  Letters.  In  France  and 
French  Switzerland  conservatism  has  been  the  key- 
note of  the  Protestant  scholars  Press ense  and  Godet; 
a  rationalizing  evolutionism  that  of  Sabatier.  Abbe1 
Loisy's  work  will  be  spoken  of  below. 

A  "brief  summary  of  the  situation  of  particular  books 
in  contemporary  non-Catholic  criticism  follows: 

The  Synoptic  Gospels. — The  prevalent  critical  solu- 
tion of  the  problem  they  present  is  the  "two-docu- 
ment" hypothesis,  which  explains  what  is  common  to 
all  of  them  by  supposing  that  Matthew  and  Luke  drew 
from  the  very  early  Gospel  bearing  St.  Mark's  name 
or  an  anterior  Apostolic  document  on  which  Mark  is 
based,  and  refers  the  material  which  is  common  to 
Matthew  and  Luke  only  to  a  primitive  Aramaic 
source  compiled  by  one  or  more  immediate  disciples  of 
Christ,  possibly  St.  Matthew.  St.  Luke's  Gospel  is 
recognized  as  authentic;  our  canonical  Mark  as  at 
least  virtually  so. 

Acts. — The  integrity  and  entire  genuineness  of  the 
Acts  of  the  Apostles  have  been  assailed  by  a  few 
recent  critics:  Hilgenfeld,  Spitta,  Clemen.  They 
would  analyze  the  work  into  a  number  of  sections,  by 
different  authors,  including  St.  Luke,  rearranged  by 
successive  editors,  and  containing  materials  varying 
much  in  value.  No  conscious  falsification  was  used, 
but  legendary  narratives  crept  in.  These  critics  are 
by  no  means  unanimous  as  to  particulars. 

Epistles  of  St.  Paid. — Romans,  Corinthians,  and 
Galatians  are  acknowledged  by  all  serious  scholars  to 
be  authentic  writings  of  the  Apostle  of  the  Gentiles. 
About  Ephesians,  Philippians,  Colossians,  Thessaloni- 
ans,  and  Philemon  there  is  diversity  of  opinion.  First 
Thessalonians  is  generally  admitted  to  be  genuine, 
but  the  Pauline  authorship  of  the  second  letter  of  that 
name  is  strongly  contested.  The  weight  of  non- 
Catholic  critical  opinion  is  against  the  authenticity  of 
the  pastoral  Epistles,  viz.,  the  two  to  Timothy  and  the 
one  to  Titus.  The  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews  is  assigned 
to  an  Alexandrian  Jewish  convert,  contemporary;  or 
almost  so,  with  St.  Paul,  and  a  disciple  of  his  teaching. 
This  is  also  the  view  of  Catholic  exegetes  of  the  new 
school.  First  Peter  is  generally  held  to  be  the  work 
of  that  Apostle,  but  the  composition  of  Second  Peter 
is  placed  in  the  second  century,  even  some  Catholics 
inclining  to  this  date.  The  question  whether  the 
Epistles  of  St.  James  and  St.  Jude  are  from  the  pens 
of  the  Apostles  of  those  names  is  variously  answered 
outside  tne  Church. 

The  Johannine  Writings. — The  authenticity  and 
authority  of  St.  John's  Gospel  form  the  great  battle- 
field of  present  N.-T.  criticism.  They  had  been  at- 
tacked as  early  as  1792  by  a  certain  Evanson.  The 
majority  of  contemporary  critics  incline  to  Hamack's 
view,  which  is  that  the  Fourth  Gospel  was  composed 
by  John  the  Presbyter  or  the  "elder"  referred  to  in  a 
fragment  by  Papias,  and  asserted  by  the  Harnackians 
to  be  distinct  from  the  Apostle  and  a  disciple  of  the 
latter.  He  wrote  in  the  beginning  of  the  second  cen- 
tury. Loisy  attributes  it  to  an  unknown  writer  of  the 
second  century  who  had  no  affiliations  with  St.  John. 
But  the  historical  value  of  this  Evangel  is  the  more 
vital  aspect  of  the  question.  The  German  school  of 
criticism  characterizes  the  Gospel  as  theology  and 
symbolism,  not  history ;  Loisy  agrees  with  them.  The 
Apostolic  authorship  and  historicity  of  the  Fourth 
Gospel  have  been  vindicated  by  such  critical  scholars 
as  Sanday,  Stanton,  and  Drummond  in  England,  and 
Zahn  and  B.  Weiss  in  Germany.  Orthodox  Catholic 
exegetes,  while  always  holding  to  the  Catholic  tradi- 
tion of  the  Johannine  authorship  and  historical  qual- 
ity of  the  Fourth  Gospel,  admit  that  St.  John's  theol 
ogy  indicates  reflection  and  a  development  over  and 
beyond  that  of  the  Synootists.   The  first  Epistle  of 


St.  John  is  universally  admitted  to  be  by  the  same 
hand  as  the  Gospel.  The  criticism  of  Apocalypse  is 
still  in  an  immature  stage.  There  is  much  diversity 
of  view  as  to  its  author,  the  Anglican  school  inclin- 
ing to  St.  John.  It  has  been  recently  proposed  that 
the  book  is  a  Jewish  apocalypse  retouched  by  a  Chris- 
tian; so  Vischer,  Hamack.  Nearly  all  critics  acknowl- 
edge that  there  is  much  apocalyptic  element  in  it, 
admitting  that  some  of  its  visions  in  a  veiled  manner 
depict  historical  situations  under  the  guise  of  events  to 
come. 

(4)  The  Critical  Movement  Within  the  Church. — 
Old  Testament  Criticism. — France,  the  country  of 
Richard  Simon  and  Astruc,  has  been  also  that  of  the 
beginning  of  the  present-day  Catholic  criticism. 
Francois  Lenormant,  a  distinguished  Catholic  Orien- 
talist, in  the  preface  to  his  "Origines  de  lliistoire 
d'apres  la  Bible  et  lea  traditions  des  peuples  Orien- 
taux"  (1880-84),  declared  no  longer  tenable  the  tradi- 
tional unity  of  authorship  for  the  Pentateuch,  and 
admitted  as  demonstrated  that  the  fundamental 
sources  of  its  first  four  books  were  a  Jehovist  and 
Elohist  document,  each  inspired  and  united  by  a 
"final  redactor".  Minor  discordances  exist  between 
them.  The  earlier  chapters  of  Genesis  contain  myth- 
ical and  legendary  elements  common  to  Semitic 
peoples,  which  in  the  hands  of  the  inspired  writers 
became  the  "figured  vestments  of  eternal  truths". 
The  same  preface  bespeaks  entire  liberty  for  the  critie 
in  the  matter  of  dates  and  authors.  Lenormant1* 
work  was  placed  on  the  Index,  19  December,  1887. 
The  basis  of  his  literary  analysis  was  supplied  by  the 
conclusions  of  higher  criticism,  up  to  that  time  unac- 
cepted, at  least  publicly,  by  any  Catholic  savant.  E. 
Reuse,  a  liberal  Protestant  professor  at  the  university 
of  Strasburg,  had  published  at  Paris,  in  1879,  "  L'H  is- 
toire  Sainte  et  la  Loi;  Pentateuque  et  Josu6".  In 
1883  appeared  Wellhausen's  influential  "Prolegomena 
to  the  History  of  Israel",  re-edited  in  1889  under  the 
title,  "Composition  of  the  Hexateuoh  and  the  His- 
torical Books  of  the  O.  T." 

Alfred  Loisy,  then  professor  of  Sacred  Scripture  at 
the  Institut  Catholique  of  Paris,  in  his  inaugural  lec- 
ture for  the  course  of  1892-93  made  a  clear-cut  plea 
for  the  exercise  of  criticism  in  the  study  of  the  human 
side  of  the  Bible  ("  Enseignement  Biblique",  Nov.-- 
Dec.,  1892;  reprinted  in  "Lea  etudes  bibuques", 
1894).  In  an  essay  which  appeared  in  1893,  Loisy 
discussed  the  "Biblical  Question ";  reasserted  tho 
right  of  Catholic  science  to  treat  critically  the  general 
aspects  of  Holy  Scripture  and  also  its  mterpretatbiw, 
and  rejected  its  absolute  inerrancy,  while  nolding  to 
its  total  inspiration.  The  historical  portions  offer 
data  which  have  only  a  "relative  truth ";  i.  e.  with 
reference  to  the  age  in  which  they  were  written.  The 
author  enumerated  conclusions  of  the  criticism  which 
he  regarded  as  fixed;  these  included  the  non-Mosaio 
authorship  of  the  Pentateuch,  the  unhistorical  char- 
acter of  the  first  chapters  of  Genesis,  the  development 
of  Biblical  doctrine.  Early  in  the  same  year  Mgr. 
d'Hulst,  rector  of  the  Institut  Catholique  of  Pans, 
had  drawn  acute  attention  to  the  progress  of  critical 
ideas  in  Catholic  scientific  circles  by  an  article  in  the 
"Correspondant"  of  25  January,  1893,  entitled  "La 
Question  Biblique",  in  which  he  expressed  the  opinion 
that  the  admission  of  inaccuracies  in  Scripture  is  theo- 
logically tenable.  The  discussion  of  these  questions 
was  the  occasion  of  the  encyclical  "  Providentissimus 
Deus",  issued  by  Leo  XIII,  18  November,  1893,  in 
which  the  total  inerrancy  of  the  Bible  was  declared 
to  be  the  necessary  consequence  of  its  inspiration 
(q.  v.).  The  unwarranted  concessions  of  Catholic 
writers  to  rationalistic  criticism  and  the  exclusive  use 
of  internal  arguments  against  historical  authority 
were  condemned  as  contrary  to  correct  principles  of 
criticism.  Sound  Biblical  criticism  was  commended. 
Similar  commendation  was  given  in  the  Apostolic 


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<etter,  "Vigilanti®",  establishing  the  Biblical  Com- 
mission, 30  October,  1902. 

In  a  paper  read  before  the  Catholic  Scientific  Con- 
gress of  Fribourg,  1897  (Revue  Biblique,  January, 
1898),  Father  M.-J.  Lagrange,  superior  of  the  Domin- 
ican school  of  Biblical  studies  at  Jerusalem,  defended 
a  literary  analysis  and  an  evolution  of  the  Pentateuch 
which  are  substantially  identical  with  those  of  the  Graf- 
Wellhausen  hypothesis.  He  distinguished  between 
the  tradition  that  Moses  was  the  historical  author  or 
founder  of  the  Pentateuch,  which  he  retained,  and  the 
tradition  of  the  Mosaic  literary  authorship,  which  he 
abandoned.  Like  Loisy,  the  learned  Dominican 
maintained  that  the  literary  methods  of  the  ancient 
Orient  are  sharply  differentiated  from  those  of  our 
civilization.  During  the  last  decade  a  considerable 
number  of  Catholic  Biblical  scholars  have  coalesced 
into  what  has  been  called  the  "progressive"  school. 
Naturally  disagreeing  somewhat  in  details,  they  agree 
in  holding  (a)  the  composite  texture  and  progressive 
formation  of  a  number  of  sacred  books,  and  in  aban- 
doning therefore  their  traditional  unity  of  authorship; 
(b)  in  allowing  a  theological  and  moral  development 
in  the  O.  T.;  (c)  in  admitting  an  extensive  tacit  in- 
sertion of  popular  traditions  and  written  sources, 
which  contain  unhistoricsl  statements.  Nevertheless 
these  exegetes  hold  firmly  to  the  objective  truth  of 
the  essential  and  larger  lines  of  the  historyof  the  Old 
Dispensation  as  embodied  in  the  Bible.  They  assert 
that  in  general  the  question  of  the  literary  procedure 
of  Biblical  writers  is  not  one  of  faith.  Their  position 
has  met  with  repeated  attacks  by  Catholic  adherents 
of  the  conservative  school,  who  have  combated  them 
with  arguments  drawn  chiefly  from  the  irreconcila- 
bility of  the  new  views  with  the  Catholic  dogmatic 
tradition  of  inspiration  and  inerrancy  as  witnessed,  it 
is  alleged,  in  the  N.  T.,  the  Fathers,  the  teachings  of 
the  councils  of  Trent  and  the  Vatican,  and  particularly 
the  encyclical  of  Leo  XIII.  (See  Inspiration).  The 
principal  adversaries  of  the  advanced  conclusions  are 
the  Jesuits  Delattre  (Autour  de  la  question  biblique, 
1904),  Brucker  (contributions  to  the  "Etudes"  De- 
tween  1894  and  1905),  Fontaine,  Fonck,  Pesch,  (De 
Inspiratione  Sao.  Scrip.,  1906),  Murillo,  Billot:  also 
Professor  Hoberg  and  Abbe  Mangenot  (L'Authenti- 
cite"  du  Pentateuque,  1907). 

The  Biblical  Commission  (q.  v.),  whose  decisions 
have  now  the  force  of  acts  of  the  Roman  Congrega- 
tions, declared,  13  February,  1905,  that  the  fallibility 
of  implicit  citations  in  the  Bible  might  be  admitted, 
provided  solid  arguments  prove  that  they  are  really 
citations,  and  that  the  sacred  writer  does  not  adopt 
them  as  his  own.  The  Commission  conceded  on  23 
June,  1905,  that  some  passages  may  be  historical  in 
appearance  only,  always  saving  the  sense  and  judg- 
ment of  the  Church.  On  27  June,  1906,  the  commis- 
sion declared  that  the  arguments  alleged  by  critics  do 
not  disprove  the  substantial  authorship  of  the  Pen- 
tateuch by  Moses.  This  decision  has  necessarily  modi- 
fied the  attitude  of  such  Catholic  writers  and  teachers 
as  favoured  in  a  greater  or  less  degree  the  conclusions 
of  the  Graf-Wellhausen  hypothesis.  The  decree  of 
the  Inquisition  "Lamentabih"  (3  July,  1907)  and  the 
encyclical  "  Pascendi  Dominici  Gregis"  (8  September, 
1907)  reasserted  against  the  Modernists  the  sound, 
Catholic  principles  to  be  followed  in  the  study  of 
Sacred  Scripture. 

New  Testament  Criticism, — Catholic  scholars  who 
were  willing  to  accept  some  of  the  critical  theories 
have  drawn  a  line  of  distinction  between  the  criticism 
of  the  Old  and  that  of  the  New  Testament,  not  only 
because  of  the  greater  delicacy  of  the  latter  field,  but 
because  they  recognize  that  the  documents  of  the  Old 
dd  New  Dispensations  were  produced  under  quite 
.different  conditions.  In  the  province  of  N.-  T.  higher 
criticism  Catholics  have  defended  the  traditional  au- 
thenticity, integrity,  acd  veracity  of  the  books  in 
IV.— 32 


aueetion.  Some  exegetes  admit  In  a  slight  measure 
ivergencies  in  the  Evangelical  narratives,  and  the 
employment  of  older  documents  by  at  least  two  of 
the  Synoptic  writers.  As  to  the  "Synoptic  problem", 
it  is  allowed  that  at  least  St.  Luke  utilized  St.  Mark's 
Gospel;  so  Batiffol,  Minocchi,  Lagrange,  Loisy,  Bo- 
naccorai,  Gigot.  Unduly  influenced  by  contemporary 
German  criticism,  Abbe  Loisy  has  in  recent  times 
broken  with  the  orthodox  traditions  of  N.-T.  exegesis. 
In  a  reply  to  Harnack's  "What  is  Christianity?"  he 
defended  Catholic  dogma  as  an  evolution  with  its 
roots  in  the  Primitive  Church,  but  made  dangerous 
concessions  regarding  Christ's  claim  to  Divinity,  His 
Messianic  vocation,  knowledge,  miracles,  and  Resur- 
rection ("L'Evangile  et  l'Eghse",  1902;  "Autour 
d'un  petit  livre",  1903)/  In  "Le  Quatrieme  Evan- 
gile"  (1903)  Loisy  rejects  the  Johannine  authorship 
and  the  historicity  of  the  Fourth  Gospel,  both  of  which 
were  affirmed  by  the  Biblical  Commission  (29  May, 
1907).  His  system  virtually  severs  the  Catholic  Faith 
from  its  historical  credentials  as  found  in  the  N.  T., 
and  the  above  works  have  been  condemned  by  the 
Congregation  of  the  Index.  They  have  drawn  out  a 
number  of  refutations  from  Catholic  apologists,  such 
as  the  Abb6  Lepin's  "Jesus  Messie  et  Fils  de  Dieu" 
(1904).  More  recently  Loisy  published  a  work  on  the 
Synoptic  Gospels  (Lea  evangiles  synoptiques,  1908) 
in  which  he  follows  the  most  extravagant  rationalistic 
criticism.  Loisy  was  excommunicated  7  March,  1908. 
As  has  been  remarked,  the  Church  warmly  recom- 
mends the  exercise  of  criticism  according  to  sound 

Erinciples  unbiassed  by  rationalistic  presuppositions, 
ut  it  must  condemn  undue  deference  to  heterodox 
writers  and  any  conclusions  at  variance  with  revealed 
truth.  When  doubt  arises  about  the  permissibility 
of  hypotheses,  it  is  for  ecclesiastical  authority  to  de- 
cide how  far  they  consist  with  the  deposit  of  faith 
or  are  expedient  to  the  welfare  of  religion. 

(Catholic  author*  are  marked  with  an  asterisk.) 

From  a  conservative  standpoint:  Vigouroux*.  Let  livre* 
taints  et  la  critique  rationalists  (Paris,  1886);  Lias,  Elements  of 
Biblical  Criticism  (London,  1893):  Blomfield,  The  Old  Testa- 
ment and  the  New  Criticism  (London,  1893);  Beattib,  Radical 
Criticism  (Chicago,  1895);  Anderson,  The  Bible  and  Modem 
Criticism  (London,  1902);  Horn*  Die  hdhere  BibeUeritik  (2nd 
ed.,  Paderborn,  1906);  art.  Criticism  in  Hasting,  Diet,  of  Christ 
and  the  Gospels. 

From  a  critical  standpoint:  Chkynx,  Founders  of  0.  T.  Criti- 
cism (New  York.  1893);  Zenos,  Elements  of  the  Higher  Criticism 
(New  York,  1895);  Nash,  Hist,  of  the  Higher  Criticism  of  the  N. 
T.  (New  York.  1900);  Carpenter,  The  Bible  in  the  Nineteenth 
Centura  (London,  1903);  Driver  and  Ki  ex  Patrick,  The  Higher 
Criticism  (London,  1905);  Gioot*  Higher  Criticism  of  the  BMe 
in  New  York  Review,  March,  1906-April,  1907. 

Irenic:  Gbannan*.  Higher  Criticism  and  the  BMe,  in  Am. 
Cath.  Quart.  Rev.,  July,  1894;  McFatden,  0.  T.  Critiasm  and 
the  Christian  Church  (New  York,  1903);  Peters*,  Die  grund- 
satxliche  Stellung  der  kathalische  Kirchs  rur  Bibelforschung  (Pad- 
erbom, 1906). 

George  J.  Reid. 

Criticism  Textual. — The  object  of  textual  criti- 
cism is  to  restore  as  nearly  as  possible  the  original  text 
of  a  work  the  autograph  of  which  has  been  lost.  In 
this  textual  criticism  differs  from  higher  criticism 
whose  aim  is  to  investigate  the  sources  of  a  literary 
work,  study  its  composition,  determine  its  date  and 
trace  its  influence  and  various  transformations 
throughout  the  ages. 

A.  Necessity  and  processes  of  textual  criticism. — 
Textual  criticism  has  no  application  except  in  regard 
to  a  work  whose  original  does  not  exist;  for,  if  extant, 
it  could  easily  be  reproduced  in  photogravure,  or  pub- 
lished, once  it  had  been  correctly  deciphered.  But 
no  autograph  of  the  inspired  writings  has  been  trans- 
mitted to  us,  any  more  than  have  the  originals  of  pro- 
fane works  of  the  same  era.  The  ancients  had  not 
that  superstitious  veneration  for  original  manuscripts 
which  we  have  to-day.  In  very  early  times  the  Jews 
were  wont  to  destroy  the  sacred  books  no  longer  in 
use,  either  by  burying  them  with  the  remains  of  holy 
personages  or  by  hiding  them  in  what  was  called  a 


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ghenizak.  This  explains  why  the  Hebrew  Bibles  are, 
comparatively  speaking,  not  very  ancient,  although 
the  Jews  always  made  a  practice  of  writing  the  Holy 
Books  on  skin  or  parchment.  In  the  first  centuries  of 
the  Christian  era  the  Greeks  and  Latins  generally  used 
papyrus,  a  material  that  quickly  wears  out  and  falls 
to  pieces.  It  was  not  until  the  fourth  century  that 
parchment  was  commonly  used,  and  it  is  also  from 
that  time  that  our  oldest  manuscripts  of  the  Septua- 
gint  and  the  New  Testament  date.  Nothing  short  of 
a  continuous  miracle  could  have  brought  the  text  of 
the  inspired  writers  down  to  us  without  alteration  or 
corruption,  and  Divine  Providence,  who  exercises,  as 
it  were,  an  economy  of  the  supernatural,  and  never 
needlessly  multiplies  prodigies,  did  not  will  such  a 
miracle.  Indeed  it  is  a  material  impossibility  to 
transcribe  absolutely  without  error  the  whole  of  a 
long  work ;  and  a  priori  one  may  be  sure,  that  no  two 
copies  of  the  same  original  will  be  alike  in  every  de- 
tail. A  typical  example  of  this  is  furnished  by  the 
Augsburg  Confession,  presented  to  the  Emperor 
Charles  V  on  the  evening  of  25  June,  1530,  in  both 
Latin  and  German.  It  was  printed  in  September  of 
the  same  year  and  published  two  months  later  by  its 
author,  Melancbthon;  thirty-five  copies  of  it  are 
known  to  have  been  made  in  the  second  half  of  the 
year  1530,  nine  of  them  by  signers  of  the  Confession. 
But,  as  the  two  originals  are  lost,  and  the  copies  do 
not  agree  either  with  one  another  or  with  the  first 
editions,  we  are  not  sure  of  having  the  authentic  text 
in  its  minutest  details.  From  which  example  it  is 
easy  to  appreciate  the  necessity  of  textual  criticism 
in  the  case  of  works  so  ancient  and  so  often  tran- 
scribed as  the  books  of  the  Bible. 

Corruptions  introduced  by  copyists  may  be  divided 
into  two  classes:  involuntary  errors,  and  those  which 
are  either  wholly  or  partly  intentional.  To  these  dif- 
ferent causes  are  due  the  observed  variations  between 
maunscripts. 

(a)  Involuntary  Errors  may  be  distinguished  as 
those  of  sight,  hearing,  and  memory,  respectively. 
Sight  readily  confounds  similar  letters  and  words. 
Thus  it  is  that  the  1  and  the  T  are  easily  interchanged 
in  square  Hebrew  writing,  E  and  2  and  6  and  0  in 
Greek  uncial  writing,  and  v  and  w  in  Greek  cursives, 
etc.  When  the  exemplar  is  written  stichometrically, 
the  eye  of  the  copyist  is  apt  to  skip  one  or  several 
lines.  To  this  class  of  errors  belongs  the  very  frequent 
phenomenon  of  homteoteleuion  (&/M>toT(\tvTor),  i.  e. 
omission  of  a  passage  which  has  an  ending  exactly 
like  another  passage  which  comes  next  before  or  after 
it.  A  similar  thing  happens  when  several  phrases 
beginning  with  the  same  words  come  together.  Sec- 
ondly, errors  of  hearing  are  of  common  occurrence 
when  one  writes  from  dictation.  But  even  with  the 
exemplar  before  him,  a  copyist  gets  into  the  habit  of 
pronouncing  in  a  low  tone,  or  to  himself,  the  phrase 
he  is  transcribing,  and  thus  is  likely  to  mistake  one 
word  for  another  which  sounds  like  it.  This  explains 
numberless  cases  of  "itacism"  met  with  in  Greek 
manuscripts,  especially  the  continual  interchange  of 
iinett  and  iiiKtt.  Lastly,  an  error  of  memory  oc- 
curs when,  instead  of  writing  down  the  passage  just 
read  to  him,  the  copyist  unconsciously  substitutes 
some  other,  familiar,  text  which  he  knows  by  heart, 
or  when  he  is  influenced  by  the  remembrance  of  a 
parallel  passage.  Errors  of  this  kind  are  most  fre- 
quent in  the  transcription  of  the  Gospels. 

(b)  Errors  Wholly  or  Partly  Intentional. — Deliber- 
ate corruption  of  the  Sacred  Text  has  always  been 
rather  rare,  Marcion's  case  being  exceptional.  Hort 
[Introduction  (1896),  p.  282]  is  of  the  opinion  that 

even  among  the  unquestionably  spurious  readings 
of  the  New  Testament  there  are  no  signs  of  deliberate 
falsification  of  the  text  for  dogmatic  purposes." 
Nevertheless  it  is  true  that  the  scribe  often  selects 
from  various  readings  that  which  favours  either  his 


own  individual  opinion  or  the  doctrine  that  is  just 
then  more  generally  accepted.  It  also  happens  that, 
in  perfectly  good  faith,  he  changes  passages  which 
seem  to  him  corrupt  because  he  fails  to  understand 
them,  that  he  adds  a  word  which  he  deems  necessary 
for  the  elucidation  of  the  meaning,  that  he  substitutes 
a  more  correct  grammatical  form,  or  what  he  con- 
siders a  more  exact  expression,  and  that  he  harmon- 
izes parallel  passages.  Thus  it  is  that  the  shorter 
form  of  the  Lord's  Prayer  in  Luke,  xi,  2-4,  is  in  al- 
most all  Greek  manuscripts  lengthened  out  in  accord- 
ance with  Matthew,  vi,  9-13.  Most  errors  of  this 
kind  proceed  from  inserting  in  the  text  marginal  notes 
which,  in  the  copy  to  be  transcribed,  were  but  vari- 
ants, explanations,  parallel  passages,  simple  remarks, 
or  perhaps  the  conjectures  of  some  studious  reader. 
All  critics  have  observed  the  predilection  of  copyists 
for  the  most  verbose  texts  ana  their  tendency  to  com- 
plete citations  that  are  too  brief;  hence  it  is  that  an 
interpolation  stands  a  far  better  chance  of  being  per- 
petuated than  an  omission. 

From  the  foregoing  it  is  easy  to  understand  how 
numerous  would  be  the  readings  of  a  text  transcribed 
as  often  as  the  Bible,  and,  as  only  one  reading  of  any 
given  passage  can  represent  the  original,  it  follows 
that  all  the  others  are  necessarily  faulty.  Mill  esti- 
mated the  variants  of  the  New  Testament  at  30,000, 
and  since  the  discovery  of  so  many  manuscripts  un- 
known to  Mill  this  number  has  greatly  increased.  Of 
course  by  far  the  greater  number  of  these  variants 
are  in  unimportant  details,  as,  for  instance,  ortho- 
graphic peculiarities,  inverted  words,  and  the  like. 
Again,  many  others  are  totally  improbable,  or  else 
have  such  slight  warrant  as  not  to  deserve  even  cur- 
sory notice.  Hort  (Introduction,  2)  estimates  that  a 
reasonable  doubt  does  not.  affect  more  than  the  six- 
tieth part  of  the  words:  "  In  this  second  estimate  the 
proportion  of  comparatively  trivial  variations  is  be- 
yond measure  larger  than  in  the  former;  so  that  the 
amount  of  what  can  in  any  sense  be  called  substantial 
variation  is  but  a  small  fraction  of  the  whole  residuary 
variation,  and  can  hardly  form  more  than  a  thou- 
sandth part  of  the  entire  text."  Perhaps  the  same 
thing  might  be  said  of  the  Vulgate:  but  in  regard  to 
the  primitive  Hebrew  text  and  the  Septuagint  version 
there  is  a  great  deal  more  doubt. 

We  have  said  that  the  object  of  textual  criticism 
is  to  restore  a  work  to  what  it  was  upon  leaving  the 
hands  of  its  author.  But  it  is,  absolutely  speaking, 
possible  that  the  author  himself  may  have  issued  more 
than  one  edition  of  his  work.  This  hypothesis  was 
made  for  Jeremias,  in  order  to  explain  the  differences 
between  the  Greek  and  Hebrew  texts;  for  St.  Luke, 
so  as  to  account  for  the  variations  between  the  "Codex 
Bezas"  and  other  Greek  manuscripts  in  the  third 
Gospel  and  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles;  and  for  other 
writers.  These  hypotheses  may  be  insufficiently 
founded,  but,  as  they  are  neither  absurd  nor  impos- 
sible, they  are  not  to  be  rejected  a  priori. 

B.  General  principles  of  textual  criticism. — In  order 
to  re-establish  a  text  in  all  its  purity,  or  at  least  to 
eliminate  as  far  as  possible,  its  successive  falsifica- 
tions, it  is  necessary  to  consult  and  weigh  all  the  evi- 
dence. And  this  may  be  divided  into:  external,  or 
that  furnished  by  documents  reproducing  the  text  in 
whole  or  in  part,  in  the  original  or  in  a  translation — 
diplomatic  evidence — and  internal,  or  that  resulting 
from  the  examination  of  the  text  itself  independently 
of  its  extrinsic  attestation — paradiplomatic  evidence. 
We  shall  consider  them  separately. 

1.  External  (Diplomatic)  Evidence. — The  evidence 
for  a  work  of  which  the  original  manuscript  is  lost 
is  furnished  by  (a)  copies,  (b)  versions,  and  (c)  quo- 
tations. These  three  do  not  always  exist  simultane- 
ously, and  the  order  in  which  they  are  here  enumerated 
does  not  indicate  their  relative  authority. 

(a)  Manuscripts.— In  regard  to  the  copies  of  an- 


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cient  works  three  things  are  to  be  considered,  namely: 
(a)  age,  (fi)  value,  and  (y)  genealogy;  and  we  shall  add 
a  word  on  (4)  critical  nomenclature,  or  notation. 

(a)  Age  is  sometimes  indicated  by  a  note  in  the 
manuscript  itself;  but  the  date,  when  not  suspected 
of  falsification,  may  simply  be  transcribed  from  the 
exemplar.  However,  as  dated  manuscripts  are  usu- 
ally not  very  old,  recourse  must  be  had  to  various 
palseographic  indications  which  generally  determine 
with  sufficient  accuracy  the  age  of  Greek  and  Latin 
manuscripts.  Hebrew  paleography,  though  more  un- 
certain, presents  fewer  difficulties,  inasmuch  as  He- 
brew manuscripts  are  not  so  old.  Besides,  the  exact 
age  of  a  copy  is,  after  all,  only  of  minor  importance, 
as  it  is  quite  possible  that  an  ancient  manuscript  may 
be  very  corrupt  while  a  later  one,  copied  from  a  better 
exemplar,  may  come  nearer  to  the  primitive  text. 
However,  other  things  being  equal,  the  presumption 
is  naturally  in  favour  of  the  more  ancient  document, 
since  it  is  connected  with  the  original  by  fewer  inter- 
vening links  and  consequently  has  been  exposed  to 
fewer  possiblities  of  error,  (fi)  It  is  more  important 
to  ascertain  the  relative  value  than  the  age  of  a  manu- 
script. Some  evidences  inspire  but  little  confidence, 
because  they  have  frequently  been  found  to  be  defec- 
tive, while  others  are  readily  accepted  because  critical 
examination  has  in  every  instance  shown  them  to  be 
veracious  and  exact.  But  how  is  the  critic  to  dis- 
criminate? Prior  to  examination,  the  readings  of  a 
text  are  divided  into  three  or  four  classes:  the  cer- 
tainly or  probably  true,  the  doubtful,  and  the  cer- 
tainly or  probably  false.  A  manuscript  is  rated  good 
or  excellent  when  it  presents  in  general  true  readings 
and  contains  few  or  none  that  are  certainly  false; 
under  contrary  conditions  it  is  considered  mediocre 
or  worthless.  Needless  to  add,  the  intrinsic  excellence 
of  a  manuscript  is  not  measured  according  to  the 
greater  or  less  care  exercised  by  the  scribes;  a  manu- 
script may  teem  with  copyist  s  errors,  though  it  be 
made  from  a  very  correct  exemplar;  and  one  tran- 
scribed from  a  defective  exemplar  may,  considered 
merely  as  a  copy,  be  quite  faultless.  (y)  The  geneal- 
ogy of  documents,  from  a  critical  view-point,  is  most 
interesting  and  important.  As  soon  as  it  is  proved 
that  a  manuscript,  no  matter  what  its  antiquity,  is 
simply  a  copy  of  another  existing  manuscript,  the 
former  should  evidently  disappear  from  the  list  of 
authorities,  since  its  particular  testimony  is  of  no 
value  in  establishing  the  primitive  text.  This,  for 
instance,  is  what  happened  to  the  "Codex  Sanger- 
manensis"  (E  of  the  Pauline  Epistles)  when  it  was 
proved  to  be  a  defective  copy  of  the  "Codex  Claro- 
moritanus"  (D  of  the  Pauline  Epistles).  Now,  if  a 
text  were  preserved  in  ten  manuscripts,  nine  of  which 
had  sprung  from  a  common  ancestor,  we  would  not 
therefore  have  ten  independent  testimonies  but  two, 
as  the  first  nine  would  count  for  only  one,  and  could 
not,  therefore,  outweight  the  tenth,  unless  it  were 
shown  that  the  common  exemplar  of  the  nine  was  a 
better  one  than  that  from  which  the  tenth  was  taken. 
The  consequences  of  this  principle  are  obvious,  and 
the  advantage  and  necessity  of  grouping  the  testi- 
monies for  a  text  into  families  is  readily  understood. 
It  might  be  supposed  that  the  critic  would  be  mainly 
guided  in  his  researches  by  the  birthplace  of  a  manu- 
script; but  the  ancient  manuscripts  often  travelled 
a  great  deal,  and  their  nationality  is  rarely  known 
wth  certainty.  Thus,  many  are  of  the  opinion  that 
the  Vaticanus  and  the  Smaiticus  emanated  from 
Csesarea  in  Palestine,  while  others  maintain  that  they 
were  written  in  Egypt,  and  Hort  inclines  to  the  belief 
that  they  were  copied  in  the  West,  probably  in  Rome 
(see  Codex  Vaticanus;  Codex  Sinaiticus).  Hence 
the  critics'  chief  guide  in  this  matter  should  be  the 
careful  comparison  of  manuscripts,  upon  the  principle 
that  identical  readings  point  to  a  common  source, 
and  when  the  identity  between  two  or  more  manu- 


scripts is  constant — especially  in  exceptional  and  ec- 
centric variants — the  identity  of  the  exemplar  is  es- 
tablished. But  this  investigation  encounters  two 
difficulties.  A  first,  and  a  very  embarrassing,  com- 
plication arises  from  the  mixture  of  texts.  There  are 
but  few  texts  that  are  pure;  that  is  to  say,  that  are 
taken  from  a  single  exemplar.  The  ancient  scribes 
were  nearly  all  to  a  certain  extent  editors,  and  made 
their  choice  from  among  the  variants  of  the  different 
exemplars.  Moreover,  the  correctors  or  the  readers 
often  introduced,  either  on  the  margin  or  between 
the  lines,  new  readings  which  were  subsequently  em- 
bodied in  the  text  of  the  manuscript  thus  corrected. 
In  such  a  case  the  genealogy  of  a  manuscript  is  liable 
to  become  very  complicated.  It  also  sometimes 
happens  that  two  manuscripts  which  are  closely  re- 
lated in  certain  books  are  totally  unrelated  in  others. 
As  a  matter  of  fact,  the  separate  books  of  the  Bible, 
in  ancient  times,  used  to  be  copied  each  upon  its  own 
roll  of  papyrus,  and  when  they  came  to  be  copied  from 
these  separate  rolls  upon  sheets  of  parchment,  and 
bound  together  in  one  enormous  "codex",  texts  be- 
longing to  quite  different  families  might  very  possibly 
be  placed  together.  All  these  facts  explain  why 
critics  frequently  disagree  in  determining  genealogical 
groupings.  (On  this  subject  consult  Hort,  "Intro- 
duction/' pp.  39-69:  "Genealogical  Evidence".) 

(4)  Critical  Nomenclature,  or  Notation. — When  the 
copies  of  a  text  are  not  numerous  each  editor  assigns 
them  whatever  conventional  symbols  he  may  choose ; 
this  was  for  a  long  time  the  case  with  the  editions  of 
the  original  Greek  and  Hebrew,  of  the  Septuagint  and 
the  Vulgate,  not  to  mention  other  versions.  But 
when,  as  nowadays,  the  number  of  manuscripts  be- 
comes greatly  increased,  it  is  necessary  to  adopt  a 
uniform  notation  in  order  to  avoid  confusion. 

Hebrew  manuscripts  are  usually  designated  by  the 
figures  assigned  them  by  Kennicott  and  De  Rossi. 
But  this  system  has  the  disadvantage  of  not  being 
continuous,  the  series  of  figures  recommencing  three 
times:  Kennicott  MSS.,  De  Rossi  MSS..  and  other 
MSS.  catalogued  by  De  Rossi,  but  not  belonging  to 
his  collection.  Another  serious  inconvenience  arises 
from  the  fact  that  the  manuscripts  not  included  in  the 
three  preceding  lists  have  remained  without  symbol, 
and  can  only  be  indicated  by  mentioning  the  number 
of  the  catalogue  in  which  they  are  described. 

The  notation  of  Greek  manuscripts  of  the  Septua- 
gint is  almost  the  same  as  that  adopted  by  Holmes 
and  Parsons  in  their  Oxford  edition  1798-1827.  These 
two  scholars  designated  the  uncials  by  Roman  figures 
(from  I  to  XIII)  and  the  cursives  by  Arabic  figures 
(from  14  to  311).  But  their  list  was  very  defective, 
as  certain  manuscripts  were  counted  twice,  while 
others  which  were  numbered  among  the  cursives  were 
uncials  either  wholly  or  in  part,  etc.  For  cursives 
the  Holmes- Parsons  notation  is  still  retained;  the 
uncials,  including  those  found  since,  are  designated 
by  Latin  capitals ;  but  no  symbols  have  been  assigned 
to  recently  discovered  cursives.  (See  the  complete 
list  in  Swete,  "  An  Introduction  to  the  Old  Testament 
in  Greek",  Cambridge,  1902,  p.  120-170.) 

The  nomenclature  of  the  Greek  manuscripts  of  the 
New  Testament  also  leaves  much  to  be  desired. 
Wetstein,  the  author  of  the  usual  notation,  designates 
uncials  by  letters  and  cursives  by  Arabic  figures.  His 
list  was  continued  by  Birch  and  by  Scholz,  and  after- 
wards by  Scrivener,  independently,  by  Gregory.  The 
same  letters  answer  for  many  manuscripts,  hence  the 
necessity  of  distinguishing  indices,  thus  Dw="Codex 
Bezos",  DI""''=Codex  Claromontanus,  etc.  More- 
over, the  series  of  figures  recommences  four  times 
(Gospels,  Acts  and  Catholic  Epistles,  Epistles  of  Paul, 
Apocalypse),  so  that  a  cursive  containing  all  the  books 
of  the  New  Testament  must  be  designated  by  four 
different  numbers  accompanied  by  their  index.  Thus 
the  MS.  of  the  British  Museum  "  Addxt.  17469"  is  for 


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0RXTI0X8M 


500 


CRITICISM 


Scrivener  584",  228"  ,  269?"  ,97"**  (i.e.  the  684th 
MS.  of  the  Gospel  on  his  list,  the  228th  of  Acts, 
etc.),  and  for  Gregory  498",  198"',  255»M,"',  97"**, 
To  remedy  this  confusion  Von  Soden  lays  down 
as  a  principle  that  uncials  should  not  have  a  different 
notation  from  the  cursives  and  that  each  manuscript 
should  be  designated  by  a  single  abbreviation.  Hence 
he  assigns  to  each  manuscript  an  Arabic  figure  pre- 
ceded by  one  of  the  three  Greek  initial  letters,  t,  a,  or 
t,  according  as  it  contains  the  Gospels  only  (dayyt- 
Xwr),  or  does  not  contain  the  Gospels  (<»ir6«rToXot), 
or  contains  both  the  Gospels  and  some  other  part  of 
the  New  Testament  (&a#i}mr).  The  number  is 
chosen  so  as  to  indicate  the  approximate  age  of  the 
manuscript.  This  notation  is  unquestionably  better 
than  the  other;  the  main  point  is  to  secure  its  uni- 
versal acceptance,  without  which  endless  confusion 
will  arise. 

For  the  Vulgate  the  most  famous  manuscripts  are 
designated  either  by  a  conventional  name  or  its  ab- 
breviation (am ="Amiatinus",  /uH="Fuldensi8"); 
the  other  manuscripts  have  no  generally  admitted 
symbol.  (The  present  nomenclature  is  altogether 
imperfect  and  deficient.  Critics  should  come  to 
terms  and  settle  upon  special  symbols  for  the  geneal- 
ogical groupings  for  manuscripts  which  are  as  yet  al- 
most entirely  deprived  of  them.  On  this  subject  see 
the  present  writer's  article,  "  Manuscrits  bibliques"  in 
Vigouroux,  "Diet,  de  la  Bible",  IV.  666-698). 

(b)  Versions. — The  importance  of  the  ancient  ver- 
sions in  the  textual  criticism  of  the  Sacred  Books 
arises  from  the  fact  that  the  versions  are  often  far 
anterior  to  the  most  ancient  manuscripts.  Thus  the 
translation  of  the  Septuagint  antedated  by  ten  or  twelve 
centuries  the  oldest  copies  of  the  Hebrew  text  that 
have  come  down  to  us.  And  for  the  New  Testament 
the  Italic  and  the  Peshito  versions  are  of  the  second 
century,  and  the  Coptic  of  the  third,  while  the  "  Vat- 
icanus"  and  the  "  Sinai ticus",  which  are  our  oldest 
manuscripts,  date  only  from  the  fourth.  These  trans- 
lations, moreover,  made  on  the  initiative  and  under 
the  superintendence  of  the  ecclesiastical  authorities, 
or  at  least  approved  and  sanctioned  by  the  Churches 
that  made  public  use  of  them,  have  undoubtedly  fol- 
lowed the  exemplars  which  were  esteemed  the  best 
and  most  correct;  and  this  is  a  guarantee  in  favour 
of  the  purity  of  the  text  they  represent.  Unfortu- 
nately, the  use  of  versions  in  textual  criticism  offers 
numerous  and  sometimes  insurmountable  difficulties. 
First  of  all,  unless  the  version  be  quite  literal  and 
scrupulously  faithful,  one  is  often  at  a  loss  to  deter- 
mine with  certainty  which  reading  it  represents.  And 
besides,  we  have  few  or  no  ancient  versions  edited 
according  to  the  exigencies  of  rigorous  criticism ;  the 
manuscripts  of  these  versions  differ  from  one  another 
considerably,  and  it  is  often  hard  to  trace  the  primi- 
tive reading.  When  there  have  been  several  versions 
in  the  same  language,  as  is  the  case,  for  example,  in 
Latin,  Svriac,  and  Coptic,  it  is  seldom  that  one  version 
has  not  in  the  long  run  reacted  on  the  other.  Again, 
the  different  copies  of  a  version  have  frequently  been 
retouched  or  corrected  according  to  the  original,  and 
at  various  epochs  some  sort  of  recensions  have  been 
made.  The  case  of  the  Septuagint  is  well  enough 
known  by  what  St.  Jerome  tells  of  it,  and  by  the  ex- 
amination of  the  manuscripts  themselves,  which  offer 
a  striking  diversity.  For  these  various  reasons  the 
use  of  the  versions  in  textual  criticism  is  rather  a  deli- 
cate matter,  and  many  critics  try  to  evade  the  diffi- 
culty by  not  taking  them  into  account.  But  in  this 
they  are  decidedly  wrong,  and  later  it  will  be  shown 
to  what  use  the  Septuagint  version  may  be  put  in  the 
reconstruction  of  the  primitive  text  of  the  Old  Tes- 
tament. 

(c)  Quotations. — That  the  textual  criticism  of  the 
Greek  New  Testament,  the  Septuagint  and  the  Vul- 
gate has  profited  by  quotations  from  the  Fathers  is 


beyond  question;  but  in  using  this  authority  there 
is  need  of  caution  and  reserve.  Very  often  Biblical 
texts  are  quoted  from  memory,  and  many  writers 
have  the  habit  of  quoting  inaccurately.  In  his  Pro- 
legomena to  the  eighth  edition  of  Tischendorf  (pp. 
1141-1142),  Gregory  gives  three  very  instructive  ex- 
amples on  this  subject.  Charles  Hodge,  the  author  of 
highly  esteemed  commentaries,  when  informed  that 
his  quotation  from  Genesis,  iii,  15,  "The  seed  of  the 
woman  shall  bruise  the  serpent's  head  ",  was  a  serious 
inaccuracy,  refused  to  change  it  on  the  ground  that 
this  translation  had  passed  into  use.  In  his  histoiy 
of  the  Vulgate  the  learned  Kaulen  twice  quoted  the 
well-known  saying  of  St.  Augustine,  once  accurately: 
"verborum  tenacior  cum  perspicuitate  sentientiae', 
and  once  inaccurately:  "verborum  tenacior  cum  sef- 
monis  perspicuitate".  Finally,  out  of  nine  quota- 
tions from  John,  iii,  3-5,  made  by  Jeremy  Taylor, 
the  celebrated  theologian,  only  two  agree,  and  not  one 
of  the  nine  gives  the  words  of  the  Anglican  version 
which  the  author  meant  to  follow.  Surely  we  should 
not  look  for  greater  rigour  or  accuracy  from  the 
Fathers,  many  of  whom  lacked  the  critical  spirit. 
Furthermore,  it  should  be  noted  that  the  text  of  our 
editions  is  not  always  to  be  depended  upon.  We 
know  that  copyists,  when  transcribing  the  works  of 
the  Fathers,  whether  Greek  or  Latin,  frequently  sub- 
stitute for  Biblical  quotations  that  form  of  text  with 
which  they  are  most  familiar,  and  even  the  editors  of 
former  times  were  not  very  scrupulous  in  this  respect. 
Would  anyone  have  suspected  that  in  the  edition  of 
the  commentary  of  St.  Cyril  of  Alexandria  on  the 
fourth  Gospel,  published  by  Pusey  in  1872,  the  text 
of  St.  John,  instead  of  being  reproduced  from  St. 
Cyril's  manuscript,  is  borrowed  from  the  New  Testa- 
ment printed  at  Oxford?  From  this  standpoint  the 
edition  of  the  Latin  Fathers  undertaken  in  Austria 
and  that  of  the  ante-Nicene  Greek  Fathers  published 
at  Berlin,  are  worthy  of  entire  confidence.  Quota- 
tations  have  a  greater  value  in  the  eyes  of  the  critic 
when  a  commentary  fully  guarantees  the  text;  and 
the  authority  of  a  quotation  is  highest  when  a  writer 
whose  reputation  for  critical  habits  is  well  established, 
such  as  Origen  or  St.  Jerome,  formally  attests  that  u 
given  reading  was  to  be  found  in  the  best  or  most 
ancient  manuscripts  of  his  time.  It  is  obvious  that 
such  evidence  overrules  that  furnished  by  a  simple 
manuscript  of  the  same  epoch. 

(2)  Internal  or  Paradiplomatic  Evidence. — It  fre- 
quently happens  that  the  testimony  of  documents  it 
uncertain  because  it  is  discordant,  but  even  when  it 
is  unanimous,  it  may  be  open  to  suspicion  because  it 
leads  to  improbable  or  impossible  results.  It  is  then 
that  internal  evidence  must  be  resorted  to,  and,  al- 
though of  itself  it  seldom  suffices  for  a  firm  decision, 
it  nevertheless  corroborates,  and  sometimes  modifies, 
the  verdict  of  the  documents.  The  rules  of  internal 
criticism  are  simply  the  axioms  of  good  sense,  whose 
application  calls  tor  large  experience  and  consummate 
judgment  to  ward  off  the  danger  of  arbitrariness  and 
subjectivism.  We  shall  briefly  formulate  and  ex- 
pound the  most  important  of  these  rules. 

Rule  1.  A  mong  several  variants  that  is  to  be  preferred 
which  best  agrees  with  the  context  and  most  closely  con- 
forms to  the  style  and  mental  habits  of  the  author. — 
This  rule  is  thus  explained  by  Hort  ("The  New  Testa- 
ment in  the  Original  Greek'',  Introduction,  London, 
1896,  p.  20):  "The  decision  may  be  made  either  by 
an  immediate  and  as  it  were  intuitive  judgment,  or 
by  weighing  cautiously  various  elements  which  go  to 
make  up  what  is  called  sense,  such  as  conformity  to 
grammar  and  congruity  to  the  purport  of  the  rest  of 
the  sentence  and  of  the  larger  context;  to  which  may 
rightly  be  added  congruity  to  the  usual  style  of  the 
author  and  to  his  matter  in  other  passages.  The 
process  may  take  the  form  either  of  simply  comparing 
two  or  more  rival  readings  under  these  heads,  and 


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giving  the  preference  to  that  which  appears  to  have 
the  advantage,  or  of  rejecting  a  reading  absolutely  for 
violation  of  one  or  more  of  the  congruities,  or  of 
adopting  a  reading  absolutely  for  perfection  of  con- 
gruity."  The  application  of  this  rule  rarely  produces 
certainty;  it  usually  leads  only  to  a  presumption, 
more  or  less  strong,  which  the  documentary  evidence 
confirms  or  annuls  as  the  case  may  be.  It  would  be 
sophistical  to  suppose  that  the  ancient  authors  are 
always  consistent  with  themselves,  always  correct  in 
their  language  and  happy  in  their  expressions.  The 
reader  is  all  too  liable  to  imagine  that  he  penetrates 
their  thought,  and  to  make  them  talk  as  he  himself 
would  have  talked  on  a  like  occasion.  It  is  but  a 
step  from  this  to  conjectural  criticism  which  has  been 
so  much  abused. 

Rule  2.  Among  several  readings  that  is  preferable 
which  explains  all  others  and  is  explained  by  none. — 
Gregory,  in  his  "Prolegomena"  (8th  critical  ed.  of 
the  New  Testament  by  Teschendorf,  p.  63),  says  apro- 
pos of  this  rule:  "Hoc  si  latiore  vel  latissimo  sensu 
accipietur,  omnium  regularum  principium  haberi 
poterit ;  Bed  est  ejusmodi  quod  alius  alitor  jure  quidem 
suo,  ut  cuique  videtur,  definiat  sequaturque."  It  is, 
in  fact,  subject  to  arbitrary  applications,  which  only 
proves  that  it  must  be  employed  with  prudence  and 
circumspection. 

Rule  3.  The  more  difficult  reading  is  also  the  more  prob- 
able.— "Proclivi  scriptioni  prosstat  ardua"  (Bengel). 
— Although  it  may  seem  entirely  paradoxical,  this 
rule  is,  in  a  certain  measure,  founded  on  reason,  and 
those  who  have  contested  it  most  vigorously,  like 
Wetstein,  have  been  obliged  to  replace  it  with  pome- 
thing  similar.  But  it  is  true  only  on  condition  that 
the  clause  be  added,  all  other  things  being  equal;  else 
we  should  have  to  prefer  the  barbarisms  and  absurdi- 
ties of  copyists  solely  because  they  are  more  difficult 
to  understand  than  the  correct  expression  or  the  in- 
telligently turned  phrase.  Indeed  copyists  never 
change  their  text  merely  for  the  pleasure  of  rendering 
it  obscure  or  of  corrupting  it;  on  the  contrary,  they 
rather  try  to  explain  or  correct  it.  Hence  a  harsh 
expression,  an  irregular  phrase,  and  an  unlooked-for 
thought  are  possibly  primitive,  but  always,  as  we  have 
said,  on  this  condition:  ceteris  paribus.  Nor  must  it 
be  forgotten  that  the  difficulty  of  the  reading  may 
arise  from  other  causes,  such  as  the  ignorance  of  the 
scribe  or  the  defects  of  the  exemplar  which  he  copies. 

Rule  4.  The  shortest  reading  is,  in  general,  the  best. — 
"Brevior  lectio,  nisi  testium  vetustorum  et  gravium 
auctoritate  penitus  destituatur,  prteferenda  est  ver- 
bosiori.  Librarii  enim  multo  proniores  ad  addendum 
fuerunt,  quam  ad  omittendum  (Griesbach)."  The 
reason  given  by  Griesbach,  author  of  this  rule,  is  con- 
firmed by  experience.  But  it  should  not  be  too  gen- 
erally applied ;  if  certain  copyists  are  inclined  to  put 
in  an  insufficiently  authorized  interpolation,  others, 
in  their  haste  to  finish  the  task,  are  either  deliberately 
or  unknowingly  guilty  of  omissions  or  abbreviations. 

We  see  that  the  rules  of  internal  criticism,  in  so  far 
as  they  can  be  of  any  use,  are  suggested  by  common 
sense.  Other  norms  formulated  r>y  certain  critics 
are  based  on  nothing  but  their  own  imaginations. 
Such  is  the  following  proposed  by  Griesbach:  "Inter 
plures  unius  loci  lectiones  ea  pro  suspecta  merito  habe- 
tur  qua?  orthodoxorum  dogmatibus  manifesto  pro 
ceteris  favet."  It  would  then  follow  that  the  variants 
suspected  of  heresy  have  all  the  probabilities  in  their 
favour,  and  that  heretics  were  more  careful  of  the 
integrity  of  the  sacred  text  than  were  the  orthodox. 
History  and  reason  combined  protest  against  this 
paradox. 

C.  Conjectural  Criticism. — As  a  principle,  conjec- 
tural criticism  is  not  inadmissible.  In  fact  it  is  pos- 
sible that  in  all  existing  documents,  manuscripts,  ver- 
sions, and  quotations,  there  are  primitive  errors  which 
can  only  be  corrected  by  conjecture.    The  phrase 


primitive  errors  is  here  used  to  denote  those  that  were 
committed  by  the  scribe  himself  in  dictated  works  or 
that  crept  into  one  of  the  first  copies  on  which  de- 
pend all  the  documents  that  have  come  down  to  us. 
Scrivener,  therefore,  seems  too  positive  when  he 
writes  ("Introduction",  1894,  Vol.  II,  p.  244):  "It 
is  now  agreed  among  competent  judges  that  Conjec- 
tural Emendation  must  never  be  resorted  to  even  in 
passages  of  acknowledged  difficulty;  the  absence  of 
proof  that  a  reading  proposed  to  be  substituted  for 
the  common  one  is  actually  supported  by  some  trust- 
worthy document  being  of  itself  a  fatal  objection  to 
our  receiving  it."  Many  critics  would  not  go  thus 
far,  as  there  are  passages  that  remain  doubtful  even 
after  the  efforts  of  documentary  criticism  have  been 
exhausted,  and  we  cannot  see  why  it  should  be  for- 
bidden to  seek  a  remedy  in  conjectural  criticism. 
Thus  Hort  justly  remarks  ("Introduction",  1896,  p. 
71):  "The  evidence  for  corruption  is  often  irresistible, 
imposing  on  an  editor  the  duty  of  indicating  the  pre- 
sumed unsoundness  of  the  text,  although  he  may  be 
wholly  unable  to  propose  any  endurable  way  of  cor- 
recting it,  or  have  to  offer  only  suggestions  in  which 
he  cannot  place  full  confidence."  But  he  adds  that, 
in  the  New  Testament,  the  role  of  conjectural  emen- 
dation is  extremely  weak,  because  of  the  abundance 
and  variety  of  documentary  evidence,  and  he  agrees 
with  Scrivener  in  admitting  that  the  conjectures  pre- 
sented are  often  entirely  arbitrary,  almost  always  un- 
fortunate, and  of  such  a  nature  as  to  satisfy  only  their 
own  inventor.  To  sum  up,  conjectural  criticism 
should  only  be  applied  as  a  last  resort,  after  every 
other  means  has  been  exhausted,  and  then  only  with 
prudent  scepticism. 

D.  Application  of  the  principles  and  processes  of 
textual  criticism. — It  remains  briefly  to  explain  the 
modifications  which  the  principles  of  textual  criti- 
cism undergo  in  their  application  to  Biblical  texts, 
to  enumerate  the  chief  critical  editions,  and  to  indi- 
cate the  methods  followed  by  the  editors.  We  shall 
here  speak  only  of  the  Hebrew  text  of  the  Old  Testa- 
ment and  of  the  Greek  text  of  the  New. 

1.  Hebrew  text  of  the  Old  Testament,  (a)  The 
critical  apparatus. — The  number  of  Hebrew  manu- 
scripts is  very  great.  Kennicott  ("Dissertatio  gene- 
ralis  in  Vet.  Test,  hebraicum",  Oxford,  1780)  and  De 
Rossi  ("Vari»  lectiones  Vet.  Testamenti",  Parma, 
1784-88)  have  catalogued  over  1300.  Since  their  day 
this  figure  has  greatly  increased,  thanks  to  discoveries 
made  in  Egypt,  Arabia,  Mesopotamia,  and  above  all 
in  the  Crimea.  Unfortunately,  for  the  reason  given 
above  under  A.  Necessity  and  Processes,  the  Hebrew 
manuscripts  are  comparatively  recent;  none  is  an- 
terior to  the  tenth  century  or  at  any  rate  the  ninth. 
The  "Codex  Babylonicus'"  of  the  Prophets,  now  at 
St.  Petersburg  and  bearing  the  date  916,  generally 
passes  for  the  oldest.  According  to  Ginsburg,  how- 
ever, the  manuscript  numbered  "Oriental  4445"  of 
the  British  Museum  dates  back  to  the  middle  of  the 
ninth  century.  But  the  dates  inscribed  on  certain 
manuscripts  are  not  to  be  trusted.  (See  on  this  sub- 
ject, Neubauer,  "  Earliest  MSS.  of  the  Old  Testament" 
in  "Studia  Biblica",  III,  Oxford,  1891,  pp.  22-36.) 
When  the  Hebrew  manuscripts  are  compared  with 
one  another,  it  is  amazing  to  find  how  strong  a  re- 
semblance exists.  Kennicott  and  De  Rossi,  who  col- 
lected the  variants,  found  hardly  any  of  importance. 
This  fact  produces  at  first  a  favourable  impression, 
and  we  are  inclined  to  believe  that  it  is  very  easy  to 
restore  the  primitive  text  of  the  Hebrew  Bible,  so 
carefully  have  the  copyists  performed  their  task.  But 
this  impression  is  modified  when  we  consider  that  the 
manuscripts  agree  even  in  material  imperfections  and 
in  the  most  conspicuous  errors.  Thus  they  all  present, 
in  the  same  places,  letters  that  are  larger  or  smaller 
than  usual,  tnat  are  placed  above  or  below  the  line, 
that  are  inverted,  and  sometimes  unfinished  or  broken. 


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Again,  here  and  there,  and  precisely  in  the  same  places, 
may  be  noticed  spaces  indicating  a  hiatus;  finally,  on 
certain  words  or  letters  are  points  intended  to  annul 
them.  (See  Cornill,  "Einleitung  in  die  Kanon. 
Bucher  des  A.  T.",  Sth  ed.,  Tttbingen,  1905,  p.  310.) 
All  these  phenomena  led  Spinoza  to  suspect,  and  en- 
abled Paul  de  Lagarde  to  prove  (Anmerkungen  zur 
griechischen  Uebersetzung  tier  Proverbien,  1863,  pp. 
1,  2)  that  all  the  Hebrew  manuscripts  known  come 
down  from  a  single  copy  of  which  they  reproduce  even 
the  faults  and  imperfections.  This  theory  is  now 
generally  accepted,  and  the  opposition  it  has  met  has 
only  served  to  make  its  truth  clearer.  It  has  even 
been  made  more  specific  and  has  been  proved  to  the 
extent  of  showing  that  the  actual  text  of  our  manu- 
scripts was  established  and,  so  to  speak,  canonized 
between  the  first  and  second  century  of  our  era,  in 
an  epoch,  that  is,  when,  after  the  destruction  of  the 
Temple  and  the  downfall  of  the  Jewish  nation,  all 
Judaism  was  reduced  to  one  school.  In  fact,  this 
text  does  not  differ  from  that  which  St.  Jerome  used 
for  the  Vulgate,  Origen  for  his  Hexapla,  and  Aquila, 
Symmachus,  and  Theodotus  for  their  versions  of  the 
Old  Testament,  although  it  is  far  removed  from  the 
text  followed  in  the  Septuagint. 

As  centuries  elapsed  between  the  composition  of  the 
various  books  of  the  Old  Testament  and  the  deter- 
mining of  the  Massoretic  text,  it  is  but  likely  that 
more  or  less  serious  modifications  were  introduced,  the 
more  so  as,  in  the  interval,  there  had  occurred  two 
events  particularly  favourable  to  textual  corruption, 
namely  a  change  in  writing — the  old  Phoenician  hav- 
ing given  way  to  the  square  Hebrew- — and  a  change 
in  spelling,  consisting,  for  example,  of  the  separation 
of  words  formerly  united  and  in  the  frequent  and 
rather  irregular  use  of  matres  lectionis.  The  variants 
that  supervened  may  be  accounted  for  by  comparing 
parallel  parts  of  Samuel  and  Kings  with  the  Paralipo- 
mena,  and  above  all  by  collating  passages  twice  repro- 
duced in  the  Bible,  such  as  Ps.  xvii  (xviii)  with  II 
Sam.,  xxii,  or  Is.,  xxxvi-xxxix,  with  II  Kings,  xviii, 
17-xx,  19.  [See  Touzard,  "De  la  conservation  du 
texte  hSbreu in  '■'  Revue  biblique  ",  VI  (1897),  31-47, 
185-206;  VII  (1898),  511-524;  VIII  (1899),  83-108.) 

An  evident  consequence  of  what  has  just  been  said 
is  that  the  comparison  of  extant  manuscripts  en- 
lightens us  on  the  Massoretic,  but  not  on  the  primitive 
text.  On  the  latter  subject  the  Mishna  and,  for  still 
stronger  reasons,  the  remainder  of  the  Talmud  cannot 
teach  us  anything,  as  they  were  subsequent  to  the 
constitution  of  the  Massoretic  text;  nor  can  the  Tar- 
gums,  for  the  same  reason  and  because  they  may  have 
since  been  retouched.  Therefore,  outside  of  the  Mas- 
soretic text,  our  only  guides  are  the  Samaritan  Pen- 
tateuch and  the  Septuagint  version.  The  Samaritan 
Pentateuch  offers  us  an  independent  recension  of  the 
Hebrew  text,  dating  from  the  fourth  century  before 
our  era,  that  is,  from  an  epoch  in  which  the  Samari- 
tans, under  their  high-priest  Manasseh,  separated 
from  the  Jews;  and  this  recension  is  not  suspected  of 
any  important  modifications  except  the  rather  inof- 
fensive, harmless  one  of  substituting  Mount  Gerizim 
for  Mount  Hebal  in  Deut.,  xxvii,  4.  As  to  the  Sep- 
tuagint version,  we  know  that  it  was  begun,  if  not 
completed,  about  280  b.  c.  To  Paul  de  Lagarde  es- 
pecially belongs  the  credit  of  drawing  the  attention 
of  scholars  to  the  value  of  the  Septuagint  for  a  critical 
edition  of  the  Hebrew  Bible. 

(b)  Critical  editions  of  the  Hebrew  text. — After  the 

?ublication  of  the  Psalms  at  Bologna  in  1477,  of  the 
'entateuch  at  Bologna  in  1482,  of  the  Prophets  at 
Soncino  in  1485,  ana  of  the  Hagiographa  at  Naples  in 
1487,  the  entire  Old  Testament  appeared  at  Soncino 
(1488),  at  Naples  (1491-93),  at  Brescia  (1494),  at 
Pesaro  (1511-17),  and  at  Alcala  (1514-17).  Then, 
between  1516  and  1568,  came  the  four  Rabbinic  Bibles 
of  Venice.   It  is  the  second,  edited  by  Jacob  ben 


Chayim  and  printed  by  Bomberg  in  1524-1525,  that 
is  generally  looked  upon  as  containing  the  textus 
receptus  (received  text).  The  list  of  the  innumerable 
editions  which  followed  is  given  by  Pick  in  his  "  His- 
tory of  the  Printed  Editions  of  the  Old  Testament" 
in  *Hebraica"  (1892-1893),  IX,  pp.  47-116.  Forthe 
most  important  editions  see  Ginsburg,  "  Introduction 
to  the  Massoretic-critical  edition  of  the  Hebrew  Bible" 
(London,  1897),  779-976.  The  editions  most  fre- 
quently reprinted  are  probably  those  of  Van  der 
Hoogt,  Hahn,  and  Theile ;  but  all  these  older  editions 
are  now  supplanted  by  those  of  Baer  and  Delitzsch, 
Ginsburg,  and  Kittel,  which  are  considered  more  cor- 
rect. The  Baer  and  Delitzsch  Bible  appeared  in 
fascicles  at  Leipzig,  between  1869  and  1895,  and  is 
not  yet  complete;  the  entire  Pentateuch  except 
Genesis  is  wanting.  Ginsburg,  author  of  the  "  Intro- 
duction" mentioned  above,  has  published  an  edition 
in  two  volumes  (London,  1894).  Finally,  Kittel,  who 
had  called  attention  to  the  necessity  of  a  new  edition 
(Ueber  die  Notwendigkeit  und  Moglichkeit  einer 
neuen  Ausgabe  der  hebraischen  Bibel,  Leipzig,  1902) 
has  just  published  one  (Leipzig,  1905-06)  with  the 
assistance  of  several  collaborators,  Ryssel,  Driver,  and 
others.  Almost  all  the  editions  thus  far  mentioned 
reproduce  the  iextus  receptus  by  correcting  the  typo- 
graphical errors  and  indicating  the  interesting  vari- 
ants; all  adhere  to  the  Massoretic  text,  that  is,  to  the 
text  adopted  by  the  rabbis  between  the  first  and  sec- 
ond centuries  of  our  era,  and  found  in  all  the  Hebrew 
manuscripts.  A  group  of  German,  English,  and 
American  scholars,  under  the  direction  of  Haupt,  have 
undertaken  an  edition  which  claims  to  go  back  to  the 
primitive  text  of  the  sacred  authors.  '  Of  the  twenty 
parts  of  this  Bible,  appearing  in  Leipzig,  Baltimore, 
and  London,  and  generally  known  under  the  name 
of  the  "  Polychrome  Bible ' ',  sixteen  have  already  been 
published:  Genesis  (Ball,  1896),  Leviticus  (Driver, 

1894)  ,  Numbers  (Paterson,  1900),  Joshua  (Bennett, 

1895)  ,  Judges  (Moore,  1900),  Samuel  (Budde,  1894), 
Kings  (Stade,  1904),  Isaiah  (Cheyne,  1899),  Jeremiah 
(Cornill,  1895),  Ezekiel  (Toy,  1899),  Psalms  (Well- 
hausen,  1895),  Proverbs  (Kautzsch,  1901),  Job  (Sieg- 
fried, 1893),  Daniel  (Kamphausen,  1896),  Ezra- 
Nehemiah  (Guthe,  1901),  and  Chronicles  (Kittel, 
1895);  Deuteronomy  (Smith)  is  in  press.  It  is  need- 
less to  state  that,  like  all  who  have  thus  far  endeav- 
oured to  restore  the  primitive  text  of  certain  books, 
the  editors  of  the  "Polychrome  Bible"  allow  a  broad 
margin  for  subjective  and  conjectural  criticism. 

2.  Greek  text  of  the  New  Testament,  (a)  Use  of 
the  critical  apparatus. — The  greatest  difficulty  con- 
fronting the  editor  of  the  New  Testament  is  the  end- 
less variety  of  the  documents  at  his  disposal.  The 
number  of  manuscripts  increases  so  rapidly  that  no 
list  is  absolutely  complete.  The  latest,  "  Die  Schriften 
des  N.  T."  (Berlin,  1902),  by  Von  Soden,  enumerates 
2328  distinct  manuscripts  outside  of  lectionaries 
(Gospels  and  Epistles),  and  exclusive  of  about  30 
numbers  added  in  an  appendix,  30  October,  1902.  It 
must  be  acknowledged  that  many  of  these  texts  are 
but  fragments  of  chapters  or  even  of  verses.  This 
enormous  mass  of  manuscripts  is  still  but  imperfectly 
studied,  and  some  copies  are  scarcely  known  except 
as  figuring  in  the  catalogues.  The  great  uncials  them- 
selves are  not  yet  all  collated,  and  many  of  them  have 
but  lately  been  rendered  accessible  to  critics.  The 
genealogical  classification,  above  all,  is  far  from  com- 
plete, and  many  fundamental  points  are  still  under 
discussion.  The  text  of  the  principal  versions  and 
of  the  patristic  quotations  is  far  from  being  satisfac- 
torily edited,  and  the  genealogical  relationship  of  all 
these  sources  of  information  is  not  yet  determined. 
These  varied  difficulties  explain  the  lack  of  agreement 
on  the  part  of  editors  and  the  want  of  conformity  in 
the  critical  editions  published  down  to  the  present 
day. 


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(b)  Brief  history  of  the  critical  editions  and  principles 
followed  by  editors. — The  Bret  New  Testament  pub- 
lished in  Greek  is  that  which  forms  the  fifth  volume 
of  the  Polyglot  of  Alcala,  the  printing  of  which  was 
finished  10  January,  1514,  but  which  was  not  delivered 
to  the  public  until  1520.  Meanwhile,  early  in  1516, 
Erasmus  had  published  his  rapidly  completed  edition 
at  Basle.  The  edition  that  issued  from  the  press  of 
Aldus  at  Venice  in  1518  is  simply  a  reproduction  of 
that  of  Erasmus,  but  Robert  Estienne's  editions  pub- 
lished in  1546,  1549, 1550,  and  1551,  the  first  three  at 
Paris  and  the  fourth  at  Geneva,  although  founded  on 
the  text  of  the  Polyglot  of  Alcala,  presented  variants 
from  about  fifteen  manuscripts,  and  into  the  last,  that 
of  1551,  was  introduced  the  division  of  verses  now  in 
use.  Theodore  Beza's  ten  editions  which  appeared 
between  1565  and  1611  differ  but  little  from  the  last 
of  Robert  Estienne's.  The  Elzevir  brothers,  Bona- 
venture  and  Abraham,  printers  at  Leyden,  followed 
Estienne  and  Beza  very  closely;  their  small  editions 
of  1624  and  1633,  so  convenient  and  so  highly  appre- 
ciated by  booklovers,  furnish  what  has  been  agreed 
upon  as  the  textus  receptee. — "Textum  ergo  habes 
nunc  ab  omnibus  receptum,  in  quo  nihil  immutatum 
aut  corruptum  damus"  (Edition  of  1633).  It  must 
suffice  to  mention  here  the  editions  of  Courcelles 
(Amsterdam,  1658)  and  of  Fell  (Oxford,  1675),  both 
of  which  adhere  pretty  closely  to  the  textus  receptus 
of  Elzevir,  and  those  of  Walton  (London,  1657)  and 
of  Mill  (Oxford,  1707),  which  reproduce  in  substance 
the  text  of  Estienne,  but  enrich  it  by  the  addition  of 
variants  resulting  from  the  collation  of  numerous 
manuscripts.  The  principal  editors  who  followed — 
Wetstein  (Amsterdam,  1751-1752),  Matthasi  (Moscow, 
1782-1788),  Birch  (Copenhagen,  1788),  and  the  two 
Catholics,  Alter  (Vienna,  1786-1787),  and  Scholz 
(Leipzig,  1830-1836)  are  noted  chiefly  for  the  abun- 
dance of  new  manuscripts  which  they  discovered  and 
collated.  But  we  must  here  limit  ourselves  to  an 
appreciation  of  the  latest  and  best-known  editors, 
Gnesbach,  Lachmann,  Tregelles,  Teschendorf,  West- 
cott  and  Hort. 

In  his  second  edition  (1796-1806)  Griesbach,  ap- 
plying the  theory  that  had  previously  been  suggested 
by  Bengel  and  subsequently  developed  by  Semler, 
distinguished  three  great  families  of  texts:  the  Alex- 
andrian family  represented  by  the  codices  A,  B,  C,  by 
the  Coptic  versions  and  the  quotations  of  Origen;  the 
Western  family,  represented  by  D  of  the  Gospels  and 
the  Acts,  by  the  bilingual  codices,  the  Latin  versions, 
and  the  Latin  Fathers;  and  lastly  the  Byzantine  fam- 
ily, represented  by  the  mass  of  other  manuscripts 
and  by  the  Greek  Fathers  from  the  fourth  century 
onward.  Agreement  between  two  of  these  families 
would  have  been  decisive;  but,  unfortunately,  Gries- 
bach's  classification  is  questioned  by  many,  and  it  has 
been  proved  that  the  agreement  between  Origen  and 
the  so-called  Alexandrian  family  is  largely  imaginary. 
Lachmann  (Berlin,  1842-1850)  endeavoured  to  recon- 
struct his  text  on  too  narrow  a  basis.  He  took  ac- 
count of  only  the  great  uncials,  many  of  which  were 
then  either  entirely  unknown  or  imperfectly  known, 
and  of  the  ancient  Latin  versions.  In  his  choice  of 
readings  the  editor  adopted  the  majority  opinion,  but 
reserved  to  himself  the  conjectural  amendment  of  the 
text  thus  established — a  defective  method  which  his 
successor  Tregelles  has  not  sufficiently  avoided.  The 
tatter's  edition  (1857-1872),  the  work  of  a  lifetime, 
was  completed  by  his  friends.  Teschendorf  contrib- 
uted no  less  than  eight  editions  of  theNewTestatment 
in  Greek,  but  the  differences  among  them  are  decid- 
edly marked.  According  to  Scrivener  (Introduc- 
tion, II,  283)  the  seventh  edition  differs  from  the 
third  in  1296  places,  and  in  595  it  goes  back  to  the 
received  text.  After  the  discovery  of  the  "Sinaiti- 
cus",  which  he  had  the  honour  of  finding  and  pub- 
lishing, his  eighth  edition  disagreed  with  the  preceding 


one  in  3369  places.  Such  an  amount  of  variation  con 
only  inspire  distrust.  Nor  did  the  edition  contributed 
by  Westcott  and  Hort  (The  New  Testament  in  the 
Original  Greek,  Cambridge  and  London,  1381)  win 
universal  approval,  because,  after  eliminating  in  turn 
each  of  the  great  families  of  documents  which  they 
designate  respectively  as  Syrian,  Western,  and  Alex- 
andrian, the  editors  rely  almost  exclusively  on  the 
"Neutral"  text,  which  is  only  represented  by  the 
"Vaticanus"  and  the  "Sinaiticus'*,  and,  in  case  of 
disagreement  between  the  two  great  codices,  by  the 
"  Vaticanus"  alone.  The  excessive  preponderance  thus 
given  to  a  single  manuscript  was  criticized  in  a  special 
manner  by  Scrivener  (Introduction,  II,  284-297). 
Finally,  the  edition  announced  by  Von  Soden  (Die 
Schriften  des  N.  T.  in  ihrer  alresten  erreichbaren 
Textgestalt)  gave  rise  to  lively  controversies  even 
before  it  appeared.  (See  "Zeitschrift  fur  neutest. 
Wissenschaft",  1907,  VIII,  34-17,  110-124,  234- 
237.)  All  this  would  seem  to  indicate  that,  for  some 
time  to  come,  we  shall  not  have  a  definite  edition  of 
the  Greek  New  Testament. 

The  encyclopedias  and  dictionaries  of  the  Bible  have  no 
special  article  on  textual  criticism  which  deals  in  a  particular 
manner  with  Biblical  texts,  but  most  of  the  Introductions  to 
Scripture  dedicate  one  or  several  chaptera  to  this  subject;  e.  g., 
Ubaldi,  Introductio  (5th  ed.,  Rome.  1001),  II,  484-615  (Be 
criiied  verbali  sacrorum  iextuum);  Corn ely,  Introductio  (Paris, 
1885),  I,  496-506  (Dt  usu  critico  textuum  primigeniorum  et  ver- 
sionum  antiquarum);  Greoort,  Prolegomena  to  8th  ed.  of  Tib- 
chendort  (Leipzig,  1884-1894);  Scrivener,  Introduction  (4th 
ed.,  London,  1894),  II,  175-301:  Nestle,  Einfuhrung  in  dot 
griech.  N.  T.  (2nd  ed..  1899)  and  Holtzmann,  Einleitung  in  dot 
N.  T.  (Freiburg-im-Breisgau,  1892). 

The  following  may  be  mentioned  as  monographs:  Porter, 
Principle*  of  Textual  Criticism  (Belfast,  1848);  Davidson,  A 
Treatise  of  Biblical  Criticism  (1853);  Hammond,  Outlines  of 
Textual  Criticism  (2nd  ed.,  1878);  Miller,  Textual  Guide  (Lon- 
don, 1885);  Hort,  The  N.  T.  in  the  Original  Greek:  Introduction 
(2nd  ed.,  London,  1896).  Although,  like  several  of  the  preced- 
ing, this  last  work  aims  chiefly  at  the  criticism  of  the  New  Testa- 
ment, the  entire  second  part  (pp.  19-72,  The  Methods  of  Textual 
Criticism)  discusses  general  questions.  On  (b)  Versions  and  (c) 
Quotations,  under  B.  General  Principles,  cf.  Bebb,  The  Evidence 
of  Early  Versions  and  Patristic  Quotations  on  the  Text  of  the 
Books  of  the  New  Testament  in  II  of  the  Oxford  Studia  Bibliea  et 
Ecdesiastica, 

F.  Prat. 

Criticism,  Historical,  is  the  art  of  distinguishing 
the  true  from  the  false  concerning  facts  of  the  past.  It 
has  for  its  coject  both  the  documents  which  have  been 
handed  down  to  us  and  the  facts  themselves.  We 
may  distinguish  three  kinds  of  historical  sources: 
written  documents,  unwritten  evidence,  and  tradition. 
As  further  means  of  reaching  a  knowledge  of  the  facts 
there  are  three  processes  of  indirect  research,  viz. :  neg- 
ative argument,  conjecture,  and  a  priori  argument. 

It  may  be  said  at  once  that  the  study  of  sources  and 
the  use  of  indirect  processes  will  avail  little  for  proper 
criticism  if  one  is  not  guided  chiefly  by  an  ardent  love 
of  truth  such  as  will  prevent  him  from  turning  aside 
from  the  object  in  view  through  anyprejudice,  relig- 
ious, national,  or  domestic,  that  might  trouble  his 
judgment.  The  rdle  of  the  critic  differs  much  from 
that  of  an  advocate.  He  must,  moreover,  consider 
that  he  has  to  fulfil  at  once  the  duties  of  an  examining 
magistrate  and  an  expert  juryman,  for  whom  elemen- 
tary probity,  to  say  nothing  of  their  oath,  makes  it  a 
conscientious  duty  to  decide  only  on  the  fullest  possi- 
ble knowledge  of  the  details  of  the  matter  submitted 
to  their  examination,  and  in  keeping  with  the  conclu- 
sion which  they  have  drawn  from  these  details ;  guard- 
ing themselves  at  the  same  time  against  all  personal 
feeling  either  of  affection  or  of  hatred  respecting  the 
litigants.  But  inexorable  impartiality  is  not  enough ; 
the  critic  should  also  possess  a  fund  of  that  natural 
logic  known  as  common  sense,  which  enables  us  to  es- 
timate correctly,  neither  more  nor  less,  the  value  of  a 
conclusion  in  strict  keeping  with  given  premises.  If, 
moreover,  the  investigator  be  acute  and  shrewd,  so 
that  he  discerns  at  a  glance  the  elements  of  evidence 
offered  by  the  various  kinds  of  information  before  him, 


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which  elements  often  appear  quite  meaningless  to  the 
untrained  observer,  we  may  consider  him  thoroughly- 
fitted  for  the  task  of  critic.  He  must  now  proceed  to 
familiarize  himself  with  the  historical  method,  i.  e. 
with  the  rules  of  the  art  of  historical  criticism.  In  the 
remainder  of  this  article  we  shall  present  a  brief  re- 
sume' of  these  rules  apropos  of  the  various  kinds  of 
documents  and  processes  which  the  historian  employs 
in  determining  the  relative  degree  of  certainty  which 
attaches  to  the  facts  that  engage  his  attention. 

Written  Documents. — There  are  two  kinds  of 
written  documents.  Some  are  drawn  up  by  ecclesi- 
astical or  civil  authority,  and  are  known  as  public 
documents;  others,  emanating  from  private  individ- 
uals and  possessing  no  official  guarantee,  are  known  as 
private  documents.  Public  or  private,  however,  all 
such  documents  raise  at  once  three  preliminary  ques- 
tions: (1)  authenticity  and  integrity;  (2)  meaning; 
(3)  authority. 

Authenticity  and  Integrity. — Does  the  document 
which  confronts  us  as  a  source  of  information  really 
belong  to  the  time  and  the  author  claimed  for  it,  and 
do  we  possess  it  in  the  shape  in  which  it  left  that  au- 
thor's hand?  There  is  little  or  no  difficulty  in  the  case 
of  a  document  printed  during  the  author's  lifetime, 
and  given  at  once  a  wide  distribution.  It  is  otherwise 
when,  as  often  happens,  the  document  is  both  ancient 
and  in  manuscript.  The  so-called  auxiliary  sciences 
of  history,  i.  e.  palieography,  diplomatics,  epigraphy, 
numismatics,  sigillography,  or  sphragistics,  furnish 
practical  rules  that  generally  suffice  to  determine  ap- 
proximately the  age  of  a  manuscript.  In  this  prelim- 
inary stage  of  research  we  are  greatly  aided  by  the 
nature  of  the  material  on  which  the  manuscript  is 
written,  e.  g.  papyrus,  parchment,  cotton  or  rag  paper ; 
by  the  system  of  abbreviations  employed,  character  of 
the  hand-writing,  ornamentation,  and  other  details 
that  vary  according  to  countries  and  epochs.  It  is 
rare  that  a  document  claiming  to  be  an  original  or  an 
autograph,  when  submitted  to  such  a  series  of  tests, 
leaves  room  for  reasonable  doubt  regarding  its  authen- 
ticity or  non-authenticity.  More  frequently,  how- 
ever, ancient  documents  survive  only  in  the  form  of 
copies,  or  copies  of  copies,  and  their  verification  thus 
becomes  more  complicated.  We  must  pass  judgment 
on  each  manuscript  and  compare  the  manuscripts  with 
one  another.  This  comparison  enables  us,  on  the  one 
hand,  to  fix  their  age  (approximately)  by  the  rules  of 
palaeography;  on  the  other,  it  reveals  a  number  of 
variant  readings.  In  this  way  it  becomes  possible  to 
designate  some  as  belonging  to  one  "family",  i.  e.  as 
transcribed  from  one  original  model,  and  thus  eventu- 
ally to  reconstruct,  more  or  less  perfectly,  the  primi- 
tive text  as  it  left  the  author's  hand.  Such  labour 
(merely  preliminary,  after  all,  to  the  question  of  au- 
thenticity), were  every  one  forced  to  perform  it,  would 
deter  most  students  of  historical  science  at  the  very 
outset.  It  becomes,  however,  daily  less  necessary. 
Men  specially  devoted  to  this  important  and  arduous 
branch  of  criticism,  and  of  a  literary  probity  beyond 
suspicion,  have  published  and  continue  to  publish,  with 
the  generous  aid  of  their  governments  and  of  learned 
societies,  more  or  less  extensive  editions  of  ancient 
historical  sources  which  place  at  our  disposal,  one 
might  almost  say  more  advantageously,  the  manu- 
scripts themselves.  In  the  prefaces  of  these  scholarly 
publications  all  the  known  manuscripts  of  each  docu- 
ment are  carefully  described,  classified,  and  often  par- 
tially represented  in  fac-simue,  thereby  enabling  us  to 
verify  the  palteographic  features  of  the  manuscript  in 
question.  The  edition  itself  is  usually  made  after  one 
of  the  principal  manuscripts;  moreover,  on  each  page 
we  find  an  exact  summary  (sometimes  in  apparently 
excessive  detail)  of  all  the  variant  readings  found  in 
the  other  manuscripts  of  the  text.  With  such  helps 
the  authenticity  of  a  work  or  of  a  text  may  be  dis- 
cussed without  searching  all  the  libraries  of  Europe  or 


tiring  one's  eyes  in  deciphering  the  more  or  less  legible 
handwriting  of  the  Middle  Ages. 

The  manuscripts  once  counted  and  classified,  we 
must  examine  whether  all,  even  the  most  ancient,  bear 
the  name  of  the  author  to  whom  the  work  is  generally 
attributed.  If  it  be  lacking  in  the  oldest,  and  be  found 
only  in  those  of  a  later  date,  especially  if  the  name  of- 
fered by  the  earlier  manuscripts  differ  from  that  given 
by  later  copyists,  we  may  rightly  doubt  the  fidelity  of 
the  transcription.  Such  doubt  will  often  occur  apro- 
pos of  a  passage  not  met  in  the  oldest  manuscripts,  but 
only  in  the  more  recent,  or  vice  versa.  Unless  we  can 
otherwise  explain  this  divergency,  we  are  naturally 
justified  in  suspecting  an  interpolation  or  a  mutilation 
m  the  later  manuscripts.  While  the  authenticity  of  a 
work  may  be  proved  by  the  agreement  of  all  its  manu- 
scripts, it  is  possible  further  to  confirm  it  by  the  testi- 
mony of  ancient  writers  who  quote  the  work  under  the 
same  title,  and  as  a  work  of  the  same  author ;  such  quota- 
tions are  especially  helpful  if  they  are  rather  extensive 
and  correspond  well  to  the  text  as  found  in  the  manu- 
scripts.   On  the  other  hand,  if  one  or  several  of  such 

3uoted  passages  are  not  met  with  in  the  manuscript,  or 
they  be  not  reproduced  in  identical  terms,  there  is 
reason  to  believe  that  we  have  not  before  us  the  docu- 
ment quoted  by  ancient  writers  or  at  least  that  our 
copy  has  suffered  notably  from  the  negligence  or  bad 
faith  of  those  who  transcribed  it.  To  these  signs  of 
authenticity,  called  extrinsic  because  they  are  based 
on  testimony  foreign  to  the  author's  own  work,  may 
be  added  certain  intrinsic  signs  based  on  an  examina- 
tion of  the  work  itself.  When  dealing  with  official  and 
public  acts  care  must  be  taken  to  see  that  not  only  the 
handwriting,  but  also  the  opening  and  closing  formu- 
lae, the  titles  of  persons,  the  manner  of  noting  dates, 
and  other  similar  corroborative  indications  conform  to 
the  known  customs  of  the  age  to  which  the  document  is 
attributed.  Amid  so  many  means  of  verification  it  is 
extremely  difficult  for  a  forgery  to  escape  detection. 
Words  and  phraseology  furnish  another  test.  Each 
century  possesses  its  own  peculiar  diction,  and  amid  so 
many  pitfalls  of  this  nature  it  is  scarcely  possible  for 
the  forger  to  cloak  successfully  his  misdeed.  This  is 
also  true  for  the  style  of  each  particular  author.  In 
general,  especially  in  the  case  of  the  great  writers,  each 
one  has  his  own  peculiar  stamp  by  which  he  is  easily 
recognized,  or  which  at  least  prevents  us  from  attribu- 
ting to  the  same  pen  compositions  quite  unequal  in 
style.  In  the  application  of  this  rule,  no  doubt,  care 
should  be  taken  not  to  exaggerate.  A  writer  varies 
his  tone  and  his  language  according  to  the  subject  of 
which  he  treats,  the  nature  of  his  literary  composition, 
and  the  class  of  readers  whom  he  addresses.  Never- 
theless an  acute  and  practised  mind  will  have  little  dif- 
ficulty in  recognizing  among  the  various  works  of  a 
given  author  certain  qualities  which  betray  at  once  the 
character  of  the  writer  and  his  style  or  habitual  man- 
ner of  writing.  Another  and  a  surer  means  for,  the  de- 
tection of  positive  forgery  or  the  alteration  of  a  docu- 
ment is  the  commission  of  anachronisms  in  facts  or 
dates,  the  mention  in  a  work  of  persons,  institutions, 
or  customs  that  are  certainly  of  a  later  date  than  the 
period  to  which  it  claims  to  belong;  akin  to  this  are 
plagiarism  and  the  servile  imitation  of  more  recent 
writers. 

Meaning. — The  critic  must  now  make  the  best  pos- 
sible use  of  the  written  sources  at  his  disposal,  i.  e.  he 
must  understand  them  well,  which  is  not  always  an 
easy  matter.  His  difficulty  may  arise  from  the  ob- 
scurity of  certain  words,  from  their  grammatical  form, 
or  from  their  grouping  in  the  phrase  he  seeks  to  inter- 
pret. As  to  the  sense  of  the  individual  words  it  is  su- 
premely important  that  the  critic  should  be  able  to 
read  the  documents  in  the  language  in  which  they  were 
written  rather  than  in  translations.  Doubtless  there 
are  excellent  translations,  and  they  may  be  very  help- 
ful; but  it  is  always  dangerous  to  trust  them  blindly. 


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Hie  scholar  who  enters  conscientiously  upon  the  work 
of  critic  will  always  feel  it  a  strict  duty  to  warn  his 
readers  whenever  he  quotes  a  text  from  a  translation. 
It  is  well  known  that  to  interpret  a  term  correctly  it  is 
not  enough  to  know  its  meaning  at  a  particular  epoch, 
which  we  are  accustomed  to  regard  as  classic,  in  the 
language  to  which  it  belongs.  We  need  only  open  any 
large  Latin  lexicon,  e.  g.  Foreellini's  or  Freund's  (es- 
pecially if  we  keep  in  view  the  corresponding  page  of 
the  Latin  "Glossarium"  of  Du  Cange),  to  appreciate 
at  .once  the  very  remarkable  modifications  of  meaning 
undergone  by  Latin  terms  in  different  periods  of  the 
language,  either  from  the  substitution  of  new  meanings 
for  older  ones  or  by  the  concurrent  use  of  both  old  and 
new.  In  his  efforts  to  fix  the  age  of  a  text  the  critic 
will,  therefore,  be  occasionally  obliged  to  exclude  a 
meaning  that  had  not  yet  arisen,  or  had  ceased  to  be  in 
use  when  the  text  in  question  was  composed;  some- 
times he  will  be  left  in  a  condition  of  uncertainty  or 
suspense,  and  obliged  to  abstain  from  conclusions 
agreeable  enough  but  unsafe.  Again,  in  order  to 
grasp  correctly  the  sense  of  a  text  it  becomes  necessary 
to  understand  the  political  or  religious  opinions  of  the 
author,  the  peculiar  institutions  of  his  age  and  country, 
the  general  character  of  his  style,  the  matters  which  he 
treats,  and  the  circumstances  under  which  he  speaks. 
These  things  considered  a  general  expression  may  take 
on  quite  a  particular  sense  which  it  would  be  disas- 
trous for  the  critic  to  overlook.  Often  these  details 
can  only  be  understood  from  the  context  of  the  pas- 
sage under  discussion.  In  general,  whenever  there  is 
occasion  to  verify  the  exactness  of  a  quotation  made  in 
support  of  a  thesis,  it  is  prudent  to  read  the  entire 
chapter  whence  it  is  taken,  sometimes  even  to  read  the 
whole  work.  An  individual  testimony,  isolated  from 
all  its  surroundings  in  an  author's  work,  seems  often 
quite  decisive,  yet  when  we  read  the  work  itself  our 
faith  in  the  value  of  the  argument  based  on  such  par- 
tial quotation  is  either  very  much  shaken  or  else  dis- 
appears entirely. 

Authority. — What  is  now  the  value  of  a  text  rightly 
understood?  Every  historical  statement  or  testimony 
naturally  suggests  two  questions:  Has  the  witness  in 
question  a  proper  knowledge  of  the  fact  concerning 
which  he  is  called  to  testify?  And  if  so,  is  he  altogether 
sincere  in  his  deposition?  On  an  impartial  answer  to 
these  questions  depends  the  degree  of  confidence  to  be 
accorded  to  his  testimony. 

Concerning  the  knowledge  of  the  witness  we  may 
ask:  Did  he  live  at  the  time  when,  and  in  the  place 
where,  the  fact  occurred,  and  was  he  so  circumstanced 
that  he  could  know  it?  Or,  at  least,  are  we  sure  that  he 
obtained  his  information  from  a  good  source?  The 
more  guarantees  he  gives  in  this  respect  the  more,  all 
else  being  equal,  does  he  prove  himself  trustworthy. 
As  to  the  question  of  sincerity  it  is  not  enough  to  be 
satisfied  that  the  witness  did  not  wish  to  utter  a  delib- 
erate Lie ;  if  it  could  be  reasonably  shown  that  he  had  a 
personal  interest  in  warping  the  truth,  grave  suspi- 
cions would  be  raised  as  to  the  veracity  of  all  his  state- 
ments. Cases  of  formal  and  wilful  mendacity  in  his- 
torical sources  may  be  regarded  as  rare.  Much  more 
frequently  prejudice  or  passion  secretly  pervert  the 
natural  sincerity  of  a  man  who  really  respects  himself 
and  esteems  the  respect  of  others.  It  is  possible,  and 
that  with  a  certain  good  faith,  to  deceive  both  one's 
self  and  others.  It  is  the  duty  of  the  critic  to  enumer- 
ate and  weigh  all  the  influences  which  may  have  altered 
more  or  less  the  sincerity  of  a  witness — personal  likes 
or  dislikes,  social  or  oratorical  proprieties,  self-esteem 
or  vanity,  as  well  as  the  influences  which  may  affect 
the  clearness  of  a  writer's  memory  or  the  uprightness 
of  his  will.  It  by  no  means  follows  that  the  authority 
of  a  witness  is  always  weakened  by  the  process  de- 
scribed above;  often  quite  the  contrary  happens. 
When  a  witness  has  overcome  influences  that  usually 
powerfully  affect  a  man's  mind  and  dissuade  him  from 


yielding  to  the  natural  love  of  truth,  there  is  no  longer 
any  reason  to  doubt  his  veracity.  Moreover,  whenhe 
asserts  a  fact  unfavourable  to  the  religious  or  political 
cause  which  he  otherwise  defends  with  ardour;  when 
he  thus  gains  no  particular  advantage,  but  on  the  con- 
trary subjects  himself  to  serious  disadvantage;  in  a 
word,  whenever  his  statements  or  avowals  are  in  mani- 
fest opposition  to  his  interests,  his  prejudices,  and  his 
inclinations,  it  is  clear  that  his  evidence  is  far  weightier 
than  that  of  a  perfectly  disinterested  man.  Again, 
the  preceding  considerations  apply  not  only  to  the  im- 
mediate witnesses  of  the  fact  in  question,  but  also  to 
all  the  intermediaries  through  whom  their  evidence  is 
transmitted  to  us.  The  trustworthiness  of  the  latter 
must  be  established  as  well  as  that  of  the  authorities  to 
which  thev  appeal. 

Given  the  necessity  of  observing  so  much  caution  in 
the  use  of  historical  texts,  it  may  appear  very  difficult 
to  reach  complete  certainty  regarding  the  facts  of  his- 
tory. How  may  we  be  sure,  especially  in  dealing 
with  ancient  times,  that  our  witness  presents  every  de- 
sirable guarantee?  Often  he  is  scarcely  known  to  us, 
or  quite  anonymous.  How  many  facts,  once  held  to 
be  established,  have  been  eliminated  from  the  pages  of 
history.  And  for  how  many  more  must  we  indefi- 
nitely suspend  our  judgment  for  lack  of  sufficiently  con- 
vincing authority.  Historical  certitude  would  indeed 
be  difficult  to  reach  if  for  each  fact  we  had  but  one  iso- 
lated piece  of  evidence.  Full  certainty  would  then  be 
possible  only  when  it  could  be  shown  that  the  charac- 
ter and  position  of  a  witness  were  such  as  to  preclude 
any  reasonable  doubt  as  to  the  exactness  of  his  state- 
ments. But  if  the  veracity  of  the  witness  is  guaran- 
teed only  by  negative  data,  i.  e.  if  we  are  merely  aware 
that  no  known  circumstances  warrant  us  in  suspecting 
carelessness  or  bad  faith,  there  arises  in  us  a  more  or 
less  vague  belief,  such  as  we  easily  accord  to  any  quite 
unknown  person  who  seriously  relates  an  event  which 
he  says  he  has  seen,  while  on  our  part  we  have  no  rea- 
son to  suppose  either  that  he  himself  is  deceived  or 
that  he  is  deceiving  us.  Strictly  speaking,  our  belief  in 
such  a  witness  cannot  be  called  a  halting  faith.  On 
the  other  hand  it  differs  considerably  from  a  belief  that 
is  based  on  more  solid  foundations.  We  shall  not, 
therefore,  be  much  surprised  if  the  occurrence  be  later 
described  in  an  entirety  different  manner,  nor  shall  we 
object  to  abandoning  our  former  belief  when  better  in- 
formed by  more  reliable  witnesses.  Were  it  otherwise, 
our  passions  would  be  to  blame  for  causing  us  to  hold 
to  a  belief ,  flatteringperhaps,  but  unsupported  by  suf- 
ficient evidence.  We  frankly  admit,  therefore,  the 
possibility  of  a  more  or  less  wavering  mental  adhesion 
to  facts  that  rest  on  a  single  testimony  and  whose 
value  we  are  unable  properly  to  appreciate.  It  is 
otherwise  in  the  case  of  facts  confirmed  by  several  wit- 
nesses placed  in  entirely  different  conditions.  It  is 
very  difficult,  nay  generally  speaking  morally  impossi- 
ble, that  three,  four,  or  even  more  persons,  not  subject 
to  any  common  influence,  should  be  deceived  in  the 
same  manner,  or  should  be  parties  to  the  same  decep- 
tion. When,  therefore,  we  find  a  fact  established  by 
several  statements  or  narratives  taken  from  different 
sources,  yet  all  concordant,  there  is  scarcely  any  fur- 
ther room  for  reasonable  doubt  as  to  the  entire  truth 
of  the  fact.  At  this  stage,  however,  we  must  be  very 
certain  that  the  historical  sources  are  truly  different. 
Ten  or  twenty  writers  who  copy  the  narrative  of  an 
ancient  author,  without  any  new  source  of  knowledge 
at  their  disposal,  in  general  add  nothing  to  the  author- 
ity of  him  from  whom  they  have  gleaned  their  infor- 
mation. They  are  but  echoes  of  an  original  testi- 
mony, already  well  known.  It  may  happen,  however, 
and  the  case  is  by  no  means  rare,  that  narratives  based 
on  different  sources  exhibit  more  or  less  disagreement. 
How  then  shall  we  form  our  judgment? 

Right  here  an  important  distinction  is  necessary. 
The  various  narratives  of  a  fact  often  exhibit  a  perfect 


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harmony  as  to  substance,  their  divergence  appearing 
only  in  matters  of  detail  upon  which  information  was 
had  with  greater  difficulty.  In  such  cases  the  partial 
disagreement  of  the  witnesses,  far  from  lessening  their 
authority  regarding  the  principal  fact  serves  to  con- 
firm it;  disagreement  of  this  kind  shows  on  the  one 
hand  an  absence  of  collusion,  and  on  the  other  a  reli- 
ance of  witnesses  on  certain  sources  of  information 
common  to  all.  There  is,  however,  an  exception.  It 
may  happen  that  several  writers,  whose  veracity  we 
are  otherwise  justified  in  suspecting,  agree  in  narrating 
with  much  precision  of  detail  a  fact  favourable  to  their 
common  likes  and  dislikes.  They  either  report  it  as 
eye-witnesses  or  they  declare  that  they  reproduce 
faithfully  the  narrative  of  such  witnesses.  In  dealing 
with  writers  of  this  character  the  critic  must  examine 
carefully  all  their  statements,  down  to  the  minutest 
detail;  often  a  very  insignificant  circumstance  will  re- 
veal the  deception.  We  may  recall  here  the  ingenious 
questioning  by  which  Daniel  saved  the  life  and  reputa- 
tion of  Susanna  (Dan.,  xiii,  52-60).  Similar  means  are 
often  employed  with  success  in  the  law  courts  to  over- 
throw clever  systems  of  defence  built  up  by  culprits, 
or  to  convict  a  party  who  has  suborned  false  witnesses 
in  the  interest  of  a  bad  cause.  Occasionally  such 
measures  might  be  advantageously  applied  in  the  con- 
duct of  historical  examinations.  Let  us  suppose  that 
there  exists  a  conflict  of  opinion  about  the  substance  of 
a  fact,  and  that  it  has  been  found  impossible  to  recon- 
cile the  witnesses.  It  is  clear  that  they  disagree.  At 
this  point,  evidently,  we  must  cease  to  insist  on  their 
absolute  value  and  weigh  them  one  against  the  other. 
Keeping  always  in  view  the  circumstances  of  time, 
place,  and  personal  position  of  the  different  witnesses, 
we  must  seek  to  ascertain  in  which  of  them  the  condi- 
tions of  knowledge  and  veracity  appear  to  predomi- 
nate; this  examination  will  determine  the  measure  of 
confidence  to  be  reposed  in  them,  and,  consequently, 
the  degree  of  certainty  or  probability  that  attaches  to 
the  fact  they  narrate.  Frequently,  though  no  indis- 
pensable preliminary  of  mental  conviction,  a  careful 
comparison  of  more  or  less  discordant  versions  of  a 
fact  or  an  event  will  reveal  in  the  rejected  witnesses 
the  very  sources  or  causes  of  their  errors,  and  thereby 
exhibit  in  much  clearer  light  the  complete  solution  of 
problems  whose  data  seemed  at  first  sight  confused 
and  contradictory. 

Unwritten  Testimony. — To  hang  a  man,  a  clever 
examining  magistrate  does  not  always  need  one  line  of 
his  writing.  Silent  witnesses  have  often  convicted  a 
criminal  more  efficaciously  than  positive  accusers. 
The  most  insignificant  object  left  by  him  on  the  scene 
of  his  crime,  another  found  in  his  possession,  an  un- 
common degree  of  prodigality,  a  hundred  other  equally 
trifling  tokens,  lay  bare  very  often  the  most  ingen- 
iously planned  schemes  for  avoiding  detection  by  the 
law.  Even  so  in  the  science  of  history.  Here  noth- 
ing is  negligible  or  unimportant.  Monuments  of  arch- 
itecture, objects  of  plastic  art,  coins,  weapons,  imple- 
ments of  labour,  household  utensils,  material  objects 
of  every  kind  may  in  one  way  or  another  furnish  us 
precious  information.  Certain  classes  of  historical 
sources  have  long  since  attained  the  dignity  of  special 
auxiliary  sciences.  Such  are  heraldry,  or  armorial 
science;  glyptics,  which  deals  with  engraved  stones; 
ceramics,  or  the  study  of  pottery  in  all  its  epochs.  To 
these  we  may  add  numismatics,  sialography,  and  es- 
pecially linguistics,  not  so  much  for  a  surer  interpreta- 
tion of  the  texts  as  for  procuring  data  from  which  may 
be  conclusively  established  the  origins  of  peoples  and 
their  migrations.  Archaeology,  in  its  broadest  sense, 
comprises  all  these  sciences;  in  its  most  restricted 
sense  it  is  confined  to  objects  which  are  beyond  their 
scope.  Truly  it  is  a  vast  province  that  here  spreads 
out  before  the  historical  pioneer,  and  he  needs  much 
erudition,  acumen,  and  tact  to  venture  therein.  For- 
tunately, as  with  manuscripts  and  inscriptions,  it  is  no 


longer  necessary  for  the  historical  student  to  possess  a 
thorough  knowledge  of  all  these  auxiliary  sciences  be- 
fore entering  on  his  proper  task.  For  most  of  them 
there  exist  excellent  special  works  in  which  we  may 
easily  find  any  archaeological  details  needful  in  the  dis- 
cussion of  an  historical  question.  It  is  to  these  works 
and  to  the  advice  of  men  learned  in  such  matters  that 
we  must  have  recourse  in  order  to  solve  the  two  pre- 
liminary questions  regarding  all  evidence,  written  and 
unwritten:  that  of  authenticity  or  provenance,  and 
that  of  meaning,  i.  e.,  in  archaeological  remains,  the 
use  to  which  the  objects  discovered  were  once  put. 
In  dealing  with  unwritten  evidence  these  questions 
are  more  delicate ;  similarly  the  rules  for  our  guidance 
are  much  more  difficult,  both  to  formulate  and  to  ap- 
ply. It  is  here,  particularly,  that  shrewdness  and 
acumen,  and  the  prophetic  insight  that  comes  of  long 
practice,  offer  help  more  important  by  far  than  the 
most  exact  rules.  It  is  only  by  dint  of  observation 
and  comparison  that  we  learn  eventually  to  distin- 
guish with  accuracy.  These  preliminaries  once  satis- 
fied, we  enter  on  the  task  of  historical  criticism  prop- 
erly speaking.  Through  it  these  precious  relics  of  the 
past  are  called  to  shed  light  on  certain  writings,  to  con- 
firm their  evidence,  to  reveal  a  fact  not  committed  to 
them;  more  frequently  they  furnish  a  sure  basis  of 
conjecture  whence  eventually  follow  discoveries  of 
great  importance.  Here,  however,  and  it  cannot  be 
repeated  too  often,  the  path  of  the  historical  student 
is  perilous  indeed.  The  misadventures  of  amateur 
archaeologists,  whether  in  the  matter  of  pretended  dis- 
coveries or  in  dissertations  based  on  them,  have  pro- 
voked no  little  raillery,  not  only  among  severely  just 
professional  critics,  but  also  among  romancers  and 
dramatic  writers.  As  already  stated,  it  is  especially 
by  the  judicious  use  of  conjecture  that  we  obtain  from 
these  silent  witnesses  such  information  as  it  is  in  their 
power  to  furnish.  For  more  specific  treatment  of  this 
powerful  but  delicate  instrument  of  historical  criti- 
cism we  refer  the  reader  to  a  subsequent  section  of  this 
article:  Conjecture  in  History. 

Tradition. — Every  student  of  history  must  eventu- 
ally face  a  problem  very  embarrassing  for  a  conscien- 
tious scholar.  Facts  appear  which  have  left  no  trace 
in  any  writing  or  contemporary  monument.  Buried 
in  obscurity  for  centuries  they  suddenly  appear  in  full 
publicity  and  are  accepted  as  incontrovertible.  Every 
one  repeats  the  story,  often  with  minute  detail,  though 
no  one  is  able  to  offer  any  credible  evidence  of  the 
trustworthiness  of  the  current  statement  or  narrative. 
It  is  then  said  that  such  facts  rest  on  the  evidence 
known  as  oral  or  popular  tradition.  What  degree  of 
confidence  is  due  to  this  popular  tradition?  Its  orig- 
inators are  quite  unknown  to  us  as  are  also  the  many 
intermediaries  who  have  passed  it  down  to  the  time 
when  we  are  first  cognizant  of  it.  How  may  we  ob- 
tain a  guarantee  of  the  veracity  of  the  original  wit- 
nesses and  then  of  their  successors?  Perhaps  a  rather 
natural  comparison  will  help  us  to  a  clear  solution  of 
this  question.  We  may  note  at  once  a  striking  anal- 
ogy between  tradition  concerning  the  past  and  public 
rumour  about  present  events.  There  are  in  both 
cases  numberless  intermediary  and  anonymous  wit- 
nesses, concordant  as  to  the  substance  of  the  facts,  but 
as  to  the  details  often  quite  contradictory  of  one  an- 
other; in  both  cases  also  there  is  an  identical  ignorance 
concerning  the  original  witnesses;  in  both  cases,  fi- 
nally, many  instances  in  which  the  current  informa- 
tion was  verified  and  many  others  in  which  it  was 
found  to  be  altogether  false.  Let  us  suppose  the  case 
of  a  prudent  man  deeply  interested  in  knowing  pre- 
cisely what  is  happening  in  a  distant  country;  one 
who,  moreover,  takes  much  pains  to  be  well  informed. 
What  does  he  do  when  he  learns  by  public  rumour  of 
an  important  event  said  to  have  occurred  in  the  place 
in  which  he  is  interested?  Does  he  accept  blindly  every 
detail  thus  bruited  abroad?   On  the  other  hand,  does 


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he  pay  no  attention  whatever  to  rumour?  He  does 
neither.  He  gathers  eagerly  the  various  narratives 
current  and  compares  them  with  one  another,  notes 
their  points  of  agreement,  and  their  elements  of  diver- 
gence. Nor  does  he  conclude  in  haste.  He  suspends 
his  judgment,  seeks  to  procure  official  reports,  writes 
to  his  friends  who  are  on  the  spot  to  learn  from  them 
reliable  news,  i.  e.  confirmation  of  the  facts  on  which 
men  agree,  solutions  of  the  difficulties  which  arise  from 
discordant  versions  of  the  event.  Possibly  he  has  no 
confidence  in  the  persons  charged  with  drawing  up 
the  official  reports;  possibly,  too,  he  cannot  corre- 
spond with  his  friends,  owing  to  the  interruption  of 
communications  by  reason  of  war  or  other  causes.  In 
a  word,  if  such  a  man  found  himself  dependent  on  pub- 
lie  rumour  alone  he  would  remain  indefinitely  in  a 
state  of  doubt(  content  with  a  more  or  less  probable 
knowledge  until  some  more  certain  source  of  informa- 
tion offered. 

Why  should  we  not  deal  similarly  with  popular  tra- 
dition? It  appeals  in  just  this  way  to  our  attention  and 
we  have  the  same  motives  for  mistrusting  it.  More 
than  once  it  has  been  helpful  to  judicious  critics  and 
pointed  the  way  to  important  discoveries  which  they 
would  never  have  made  with  the  sole  aid  of  written 
documents  or  monuments.  Let  us  look  at  the  matter 
in  another  way.  Have  not  all  students  of  historical 
documents  come  frequently  across  the  same  peculiar, 
one  might  say  capricious  admixture  of  true  and  false 
which  meets  us  at  every  step  in  the  case  of  popular  tra- 
ditions? It  would  be  equally  rash  on  the  one  hand  to 
reject  all  tradition  and  place  faith  only  in  written  testi- 
mony or  contemporary  monuments,  and  on  the  other 
to  accord  to  tradition  an  implicit  confidence  merely  be- 
cause it  was  not  formally  contradicted  byother  histori- 
cal data,  though  it  received  from  them  no  confirmation. 
The  historian  should  collect  with  care  the  popular  tra- 
ditions of  the  countries  and  epochs  he  is  treating,  com- 
pare them  with  one  another,  and  determine  then-  value 
m  the  light  of  other  information  scientifically  acquired. 
Should  this  light,  too,  eventually  fail  him,  he  must  wait 
patiently  until  fresh  discoveries  renew  it,  content  in  the 
meantime  with  such  measure  of  probability  as  tradi- 
tion affords.  In  this  way  the  already  acquired  histori- 
cal wealth  will  be  retained,  yet  no  danger  run  of  exag- 
gerating its  value,  or,  finally,  of  casting  suspicion  on 
its  trustworthiness  by  incorporating  with  it  false  or 
doubtful  statements. 

The  Negative  Argument. — The  negative  argu- 
ment in  history  is  that  which  is  drawn  from  the  silence 
of  contemporary  or  quasi-contemporary  documents 
concerning  a  given  fact.  The  great  masters  of  histori- 
cal science  have  often  used  it  with  success  in  their  refu- 
tation of  historical  errors,  sometimes  long  intrenched 
in  popular  belief.  It  is  to  be  noted  that  on  such  occa- 
sions they  have  always  held  firmly  to  two  principles: 
first,  that  the  author  whose  silence  is  invoked  as  a 
proof  of  the  falsity  of  a  given  fact,  could  not  have  been 
ignorant  of  it  had  it  really  occurred  as  related ;  second, 
that  if  he  were  not  ignorant  of  the  fact,  he  would  not 
have  failed  to  speak  of  it  in  the  work  before  us.  The 
greater  the  certainty  of  these  two  points,  the  stronger 
is  the  negative  argument.  Whenever  all  doubt  in  re- 
gard to  them  is  removed,  we  are  quite  right  in  holding 
that  a  writer's  silence  concerning  a  fact  in  question  is 
equivalent  to  a  formal  denial  of  its  truth.  There  is 
nothing  more  rational  than  this  process  of  reasoning ;  it 
is  daily  employed  in  our  courts  of  justice.  How  often 
is  a  legal  line  of  attack  or  defence  broken  by  purely  neg- 
ative evidence.  Honourable  men  are  brought  before 
a  judicial  tribunal  who  would  certainly,  in  the  hypo- 
thesis of  their  truth,  have  knowledge  of  the  facts  al- 
leged by  one  of  the  contending  parties.  If  they  affirm 
that  they  have  no  knowledge  of  them,  their  depositions 
are  rightly  considered  positive  proofs  of  the  falsity  of 
the  allegations.  Now,  evidence  of  this  kind  does  not 
differ  substantially  from  the  negative  argument  in  the 


above  conditions.  In  one  case,  it  is  true,  the  witnesses 
formally  state  that  they  know  nothing,  while  in  the 
other  we  learn  as  much  from  their  silence.  Neverthe- 
less this  silence,  in  the  given  circumstances,  is  as  signifi- 
cant as  a  positive  assertion. 

_  There  are,  nevertheless,  some  who  claim  that  a  nega- 
tive argument  can  never  prevail  against  a  formal  text. 
But  this  assertion  is  not  even  admissible  respecting  a 
contemporary  text.  If  the  writer  to  whom  it  belongs 
does  not  offer  an  absolute  and  incontestable  guarantee 
of  knowledge  and  veracity,  his  authority  may  be  very 
much  weakened  or  even  destroyed  by  the  silence  of  a 
more  reliable  and  more  prudent  writer.  It  often  hap- 
pens in  courts  of  law  that  the  deposition  of  an  eye  or 
ear-witness  is  questioned,  or  even  rejected,  in  view  of 
the  deposition  of  some  other  witness,  equally  well- 
placed  to  see  and  hear  all  that  occurred,  but  who  yet 
declares  that  he  neither  saw  anything  nor  heard  any- 
thing. Mabillon  was  certainly  wrong  in  maintaining 
that  the  negative  argument  could  never  be  used  unless 
one  had  before  him  all  the  works  of  all  the  authors  of 
the  time  when  the  event  happened.  On  the  contrary, 
a  single  work  of  a  single  author  may  in  certain  cases  fur- 
nish a  very  sound  negative  argument.  Launoy,  on  the 
other  hand,  is  equally  wrong  in  maintaining  that  the 
universal  silence  of  writers  for  a  period  of  about  two 
centuries  furnishes  a  sufficient  proof  of  the  falsity  of 
facts  not  mentioned  by  them ;  it  is  quite  possible  that 
no  author  of  this  period  was  morally  bound  by  the  na- 
ture of  his  subject-matter  to  state  such  facte.  In  this 
case  the  silence  of  such  authors  is  by  no  means  equiva- 
lent to  a  denial.  But,  it  is  objected,  in  order  to  raise  a 
doubtastoa  fact  related  by  later  writers,  have  not  the 
best  critics  often  relied  on  wis  universal  silence  of  his- 
torians for  some  considerable  time?  This  is  true,  but 
the  epoch  in  question  was  one  already  carefully  studied 
and  conscientiously  described  by  several  historians. 
Moreover,  the  disputed  fact,  if  true,  would  necessarily 
have  been  so  public,  and  such,  in  kind  and  importance, 
that  neither  ignorance  nor  wilful  omission  could  be 
posited  for  all  these  historians.  We  have  here,  there- 
fore, the  two  conditions  needed  to  make  inexplicable 
the  silence  of  these  authors;  consequently,  the  negative 
argument  loses  none  of  its  strength,  ana  is  powerful  in 
proportion  to  the  number  of  silent  witnesses.  Of 
course,  this  line  of  argument  does  not  apply  in  the  case 
of  some  obscure  detail,  which  may  easily  nave  been  un- 
known to,  or  little  remarked  by  some  contemporary 
authors  and  quite  neglected  by  others;  nor,  more  par- 
ticularly, does  it  apply  to  an  epoch  of  which  few  monu- 
ments are  extant,  especially  few  historical  writings.  In 
the  latter  case,  the  fact  of  a  universal  silence  on  the 
part  of  all  writers  for  a  considerable  period,  may,  in- 
deed, weaken  the  certainty  of  a  fact ;  in  reality  we  do 
no  more  than  ascertain  thereby  the  absence  of  all  posi- 
tive evidence  in  its  favour,  other  than  a  tradition  of  un- 
certain origin.  However,  once  the  lack  of  information 
is  admitted,  it  is  not  permissible  to  advance  a  step  fur- 
ther and  present  the  silence  of  documents  as  proof  of 
the  falsity  of  the  fact.  Their  silence  in  this  case  is  not 
the  negative  argument  as  described  above. 

The  rule  laid  down  in  the  preceding  paragraphs 
seems  to  lack  no  element  of  precision  and  practical  ad- 
vantage. But  in  applying  it  to  ancient  times  some 
caution  is  necessary.  In  an  age  of  widespread  public- 
ity like  our  own,  no  important  event  can  occur  in  any 
part  of  the  civilized  world  without  being  immediately 
known  everywhere  and  to  all.  Its  principal  details, 
indeed,  are  at  once  so  fixed  in  the  memory  of  all  inter- 
ested parties  that  they  will  not  easily  be  effaced  with- 
in a  long  period.  It  is  astonishing  to  see  how  easily 
some  modern  writers  forget  that  the  former  conditions 
of  mankind  were  very  different.  They  seek  to  estab- 
lish an  irrefutable  negative  argument  on  the  hypothesis 
that  a  given  public  fact  of  importance  could  not  have 
been  unknown  to  a  certain  person  of  education  and  re- 
finement who  lived  shortly  afterwards.    Such  writers 


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might  learn  to  be  more  cautious  by  recalling  a  series  of 
curious  historical  facts.  It  is  enough  to  remind  our 
readers  that  when  St.  Augustine  was  created  auxiliary- 
Bishop  of  Hippo  (391)  he  did  not  know,  on  his  own 
avowal,  that  the  sixth  canon  of  the  Council  of  Nice 
(325)  forbade  any  consecration  of  this  kind. 

Conjecture  in  History. — Conjecture  or  hypothe- 
sis occurs  in  history  when  the  study  of  documents  leads 
us  to  suspect,  beyond  the  facts  which  they  directly  re- 
veal, other  facts,  so  closely  related  to  them  that  from  a 
knowledge  of  the  former  we  may  proceed  to  that  of  the 
latter.  Such  facts  are  most  frequently  related  as  cause 
and  effect.  Let  an  important  event  happen.  How 
shall  we  explain  it?  How  was  it  brought  about?  Evi- 
dently by  another  fact  or  agroup  of  other  facts  which 
constitute  its  cause  or  sufficient  reason.  These  new 
facts  are  revealed  in  no  historical  documents,  or  at 
least  no  one  has  hitherto  perceived  them.  _  At  once  the 
investigator  sees  that  here  it  is  possible  to  discover  more 
than  is  known  from  the  extant  documents.  With  this 
hope  he  begins  to  read  extensively,  to  set  afoot  various 
researches,  to  interrogate  in  every  sense  a  great  many 
works  and  all  the  monuments  relating  to  the  fact  with 
which  he  has  been  keenly  impressed,  to  study  the  per- 
sons concerned  in  it,  or  the  age  in  which  it  took  place; 
all  this  in  order  to  recover  the  often  almost  invisible 
thread  which  connects  this  fact  with  details  that  were 
originally  unnoticed  or  set  aside  as  unimportant.  Ab- 
sorbed in  intense  meditation,  sometimes  made  needless 
through  a  sudden  illuminating  insight  which  reveals  at 
once  the  right  path,  he  seeks  with  earnestness  the  truth 
that  the  positive  evidence  before  him  still  withholds ; 
he  passes  from  one  hypothesis  to  another;  he  calls  to 
his  aid  all  the  treasures  of  his  memory ;  thus  reinforced 
he  turns  again  to  the  study  of  the  documents,  and  col- 
lects with  minute  care  every  hint  or  indication  that 
may  avail  to  demonstrate  their  accuracy  or  falsity. 
From  such  close  verification  it  sometimes  appears  that 
the  path  first  struck  out  was  misleading  and  must  be 
abandoned ;  often  the  investigator  is  led.  by  this  hard 
toil  to  modify  more  or  less  his  original  ideas;  on  the 
other  hand,  he  sometimes  meets  with  striking  confir- 
mation of  them.  Feeble  rays  which  seemed  at  first 
quite  uncertain  grow  in  power  and  number  until  they 
seem  a  torch  that  pours  a  flood  of  light  before  which  all 
uncertainty  must  vanish.  In  this  way,  also,  many 
new  aspects  are  revealed  to  the  enraptured  eyes  of  the 
investigator  and  make  known  to  him  a  vast  field  of 
knowledge  of  the  highest  interest. 

As  already  stated  conjecture  enables  us  to  conclude 
from  effect  to  cause,  but  it  may  also  follow  an  inverse 
method  and  help  us  to  conclude  from  cause  to  effect. 
This  process,  however,  is  generally  less  reliable  in  his- 
torical research,  and  calls  for  more  caution  and  reserve 
than  when  it  is  applied  to  physical  facts.  In  the  latter 
case  the  agents  are  necessary  causes;  once  their  mode 
of  operation  is  known  it  is  possible  to  predict  with 
almost  absolute  certainty  their  results  in  given  condi- 
tions, and  conjecture  avails  us  merely  to  arouse  the 
idea  of  an  effect  certain  to  follow,  but  which  we  have 
not  yet  seen  produced.  Moreover,  generally  speak- 
ing, in  the  physical  sciences  it  is  easy  to  imagine  a 
variety  of  methods  by  which  an  hypothesis  may  be 
tried  and  its  accuracy  verified.  In  historical  science 
the  situation  is  not  quite  the  same.  It  deals  largely 
with  the  moral  laws  that  regulate  the  actions  of  free 
beings,  and  these  are  far  from  being  as  invariable  in 
their  application  as  physical  laws.  Much  caution  is 
therefore  requisite  before  risking  any  judgment  as  to 
what  a  man  must  have  done  in  given  circumstances, 
all  the  more  as  his  acts  may  have  been  influenced  by 
the  free  acts  of  others,  or  by  a  number  of  accidental 
circumstances  now  unknown  to  us,  but  which  may 
have  notably  modified  in  a  given  case  the  ideas  and 
ordinary  sentiments  of  the  person  in  question.  Pru- 
dence is  not  less  necessary  when  the  hypothesis  is 
principally  based  on  analogy;  i.  e.  when,  to  complete 


our  knowledge  concerning  a  fact,  certain  details  ot 
which  are  not  known  to  us  from  historical  documents, 
we  have  recourse  to  another  fact  strikingly  similar  to 
the  one  under  consideration  and  conclude  thence,  in 
favour  of  the  first,  to  a  similarity  of  details  that  are 
known  to  us  with  certainty  only  in  respect  of  the  sec- 
ond fact.  Nevertheless  we  must  not  reject  absolutely 
this  method  of  investigation ;  skilfully  treated  it  may 
render  valuable  service.  A  conjecture  appeals  to  the 
mind  all  the  more  convincingly  when  it  solves  at  once 
a  number  of  problems  hitherto  obscure  and  lacking 
correlation.  Frequently  enough,  a  given  hypothesis, 
taken  separately,  yields  only  slight  probability.  On 
the  other  hand,  full  certitude  often  results  from  the 
moral  convergence  of  several  plausible  solutions,  all 
of  which  point  in  the  same  direction.  Let  it  be  added 
that  in  historical  research  we  shall  not  easily  obtain 
too  many  hints  nor  exceed  the  limit  in  verification; 
also  that  we  must  be  ever  watchful  against  our  own 
preconceptions  that  easily  tempt  us  to  exaggerate  the 
strength  of  a  conclusion  favourable  to  our  hypothesis. 
Nor  must  we  refuse  to  consider  the  arguments  that 
tend  to  weaken  or  eliminate  the  latter.  On  the  con- 
trary, it  is  precisely  these  arguments  that  we  must 
study  with  most  care  and  sift  in  every  sense  so  that, 
given  their  truth,  we  may  abandon  opportunely  our 
too  seductive  conjecture,  or  at  least  modify  it,  again 
and  again  if  needful,  until  eventually  it  acquire  such 
accuracy  and  precision  as  to  satisfy  the  most  exacting, 
and  be  admitted  by  all  as  a  scientific  acquisition  both 
new  and  solid.  A  final  recommendation,  meant  to 
forewarn  against  the  seductions  of  historical  conjec- 
ture certain  adventurous  and  inexperienced  writers, 
will  not  be  out  of  place  here.  Let  them  not  yield  to 
an  illusion  only  too  common  among  their  kind,  namely 
that  by  their  imaginative  power  and  their  genius  they 
are  destined  to  advance  notably  the  cause  of  historical 
science  without  acquiring  by  hard  and  painful  school- 
ing that  large  and  varied  and  accurate  knowledge 
which  men  call  erudition.  Not  every  learned  historian 
makes  brilliant  discoveries  on  the  basis  of  lucky  hypoth- 
eses ;  but  learning  is  generally  requisite  for  such  dis- 
coveries. In  historical  scholarship,  as  in  all  other  walks 
of  life,  toil  and  patience  are  the  usual  price  of  success. 

The  a  Pbiori  Argument. — Historical  criticism  has 
at  its  disposition  one  other  source  of  truth,  the  a  priori 
argument,  a  delicate  weapon,  indeed,  but  very  useful 
when  confided  to  a  well-trained  hand.  As  used  in  his- 
tory, this  argument  is  based  on  the  intrinsic  nature  of 
a  fact,  leaving  aside  for  the  time  being  all  evidence  for 
or  against  it.  In  presence  of  the  fact  thus  bared  of  all 
extrinsic  relations  the  a  priori  process  undertakes  to 
show  that  it  does  or  does  not  conform  to  the  general 
laws  which  regulate  the  world.  These  laws  fall  into 
three  principal  classes.  The  first  comprises  funda- 
mental or  metaphysical  laws,  e.  g.  the  principle  of  con- 
tradiction, according  to  which  there  cannot  co-exist 
in  the  same  subject  elements  absolutely  contradictory 
of  one  another,  also  the  principle  of  causality,  accord- 
ing to  which  no  being  exists  without  a  cause  or  suffi- 
cient reason  for  its  existence.  The  second  class  in- 
cludes physical  laws  which  govern  the  phenomena  of 
the  world  of  nature  and  the  activity  of  the  beings 
which  compose  it.  To  this  class  also  belong  the  laws 
which  govern  spiritual  natures  and  faculties  that  are 
independent,  or  in  as  far  as  they  are  independent,  of 
the  action  of  free  will.  The  third  class,  finally,  com- 
prises the  moral  laws  that  govern  the  activity  of  free 
beings,  considered  as  such.  No  one  who  has  acquired, 
under  good  guidance,  a  little  experience  of  the  human 
heart,  will  deny  the  existence  of  this  class  of  laws,  i.  e. 
that  in  given  conditions  and  under  certain  influences 
we  can  forecast  in  free  beings  certain  habitual  activi- 
ties. Thus,  one  well-ascertained  moral  law  is  that  no 
man  will  love  and  follow  evil  for  itself,  save  only  when 
it  appears  to  him  in  the  guise  of  good ;  another  such 
law  is  that  a  man,  unless  he  be  a  monster  of  perversity, 


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will  naturally  tell  the  truth  if  he  have  absolutely  no 
interest  in  lying. 

In  what  way,  now,  can  these  three  classes  of  laws, 
rightly  considered,  help  us  to  pronounce  on  the  truth  of 
an  historic  fact?  First,  if  the  fact  in  question  present 
absolutely  contradictory  and  irreconcilable  details  it 
must  evidently  be  rejected  without  further  examina- 
tion. However,  it  must  be  clearly  proved  that  there 
really  is  such  absolute  and  irreconcilable  contradiction 
between  details  presented  for  simultaneous  acceptance. 
It  is  important,  moreover,  to  ascertain  with  certainty 
whether  the  contradiction  affects  the  substance  of  the 
fact,  or  only  accidental  circumstances  wrongly  con- 
nected with  it  in  the  imagination  of  the  witness,  as 
frequently  happens  with  popular  traditions.  In  such 
cases  it  is  only  details  that  need  to  be  rejected,  pre- 
cisely as  is  done  when  dealing  with  more  or  less  con- 
flicting testimonies.  Physical  impossibility,  i.  e. 
manifest  opposition  between  well  known  laws  of  nature 
and  an  historical  statement,  is  also  a  conclusive  argu- 
ment against  the  acceptance  of  such  a  statement. 
Non-behevers  to  the  contrary  notwithstanding,  the 
possibility  of  miraculous  intervention  never  seriously 
troubles  at  this  point  the  judgment  of  Catholic  critics. 
They  know  quite  well  when  to  admit,  in  a  particular 
case,  such  a  possibility.  Nor  are  these  cases  very  fre- 
quent. They  are  also  aware  that  for  the  acceptance 
of  miracles  they  must  require  a  far  greater  amount  of 
evidence  than  when  it  is  question  of  purely  natural 
facts.  We  have  in  the  Catholic  process  of  canoniza- 
tion (see  Beatification  and  Canonization)  an  excel- 
lent example  of  the  manner  in  which  the  proof  of 
miracles  is  handled  by  the  tribunal  which  Catholics 
most  respect.  It  may  not  be  superfluous  to  add  that 
prudence  suggests  a  certain  hesitation  or  reserve  when 
the  physicalimpossibility  of  a  fact  is  in  question. 
The  laws  of  nature  are  not  all  so  thoroughly  under- 
stood that  we  run  no  danger  of  confoundinga  strange 
or  new  fact  with  one  utterly  impossible.  The  treat- 
ment of  moral  laws  is  something  more  delicate,  since 
they  are  less  absolute  in  application  than  physical 
laws.  The  mysteries  of  liberty  are  even  more  hidden 
than  those  of  material  nature.  Consequently,  before 
asserting  the  moral  impossibility  of  a  fact  it  is  well  to 
consider  attentively  whether  there  be  not  some  cir- 
cumstance, however  trivial,  which  may  have  acci- 
dentally exercised  on  a  given  person  an  influence 
capable  of  making  him  act  in  a  manner  opposed  to 
the  habitual  current  of  his  ideas  and  sentiments.  Such 
exceptions  to  moral  laws,  very  rare  in  the  multitude, 
appear  more  frequently  among  individuals.  Care 
must  be  taken,  however,  not  to  admit  them  without 
grave  reason.  It  is  in  support  of,  or  in  opposition  to 
a  conjecture  that  the  a  priori  argument  is  mostly  used ; 
frequently  enough  conjecture  is  confounded  with  it. 
Indeed,  it  is  often  through  the  effort  to  reproduce 
mentally  what  certain  persons  in  given  conditions 
must  have  done,  that  we  finally  hit  on  what  they  did 
do;  the  next  step  is  the  collection  of  more  precise  evi- 
dence such  as  may  confirm  and  establish  quite  satis- 
factorily the  truth  that  we  first  saw  with  the  eye  of  the 
imagination.  We  should  always  remember,  however, 
that  mere  possibility  or  non-repugnance  must  not  be 
considered  the  equivalent  of  positive  probability,  any 
more  than  mere  ignorance  of  the  causes  of  a  fact  is 
equivalent  to  its  improbability,  still  less  its  impossi- 
bility, when  it  is  sufficiently  attested  by  direct  evi- 
dence. Superficial  or  passionate  minds  are  very  much 
exposed  to  this  kind  of  confusion. 

In  formulating,  as  has  been  done  above,  the  proper 
tales  for  the  guidance  of  the  mind  in  its  search  after 
historical  truth,  it  should  be  repeated  that  the  mind 
must  bring  to  this  pursuit  certain  preliminary  qualities 
and  dispositions  indicated  at  the  beginning  of  this 
article,  the  first  and  most  essential  of  which  is  a  sin- 
cere and  constant  love  of  truth.  Nothing  can  take 
the  place  of  this  sentiment.   It  is  the  rule  of  rules,  the 


vital  and  efficient  principle  in  all  the  processes  of 
criticism.    Without  it  they  are  quite  sterile. 

De  Smedt,  Principe*  de  la  critique  hittorique  (Lifeaa,  Pari*, 
1884);  Beknhkim,  Lehrbuch  der  hutorisehcn  Methode  (Lapse, 
1894);  Lanolois  et  Seionobos,  Introduction  aux  (tude*  hu- 
loriquet  (Paris,  1808).  Butler,  The  Modern  Critical  and  Hie- 
torical  School,  ite  method*  and  tendtneiee.  Dublin  Review 
(London,  1898). 

Ch.  De  Smedt. 

Orivelli,  Carlo,  an  Italian  painter.  Little  is  known 
of  his  life,  and  his  b.  and  d.  are  usually  reckoned  by  his 
earliest  and  latest  signed  pictures,  1468-93.  He  may 
have  been  a  pupil  of  Antonio  and  Bartolommeo 
Murano.  Crivelli  worked  entirely  in  tempora,  of 
which  he  was  a  master.  He  early  attained  a  style  of 
his  own  and  his  pictures,  though  sometimes  stiff,  are 
decorative  and  beautiful  in  colouring.  He  could  not 
compose,  in  the  modern  sense,  but  was  lavish  in  his 
treatment  of  single  figures.  Architectural  features 
were  often  introduced  by  him  and  life-like  fruits  and 
flowers  are  placed  in  vivid  relief  against  beautifully 
finished  marbles.  Crivelli,  it  would  seem,  worked  for 
twenty-two  years  in  cities  lying  within  the  Marches  of 
Ancona,  especially  near  Ascoli.  He  signed  himself 
"Crivellus"  and  after  1490,  when  he  was  knighted  by 
Ferdinand  II  of  Naples,  added  "miles"  to  his  signa- 
ture. The  cathedral  of  Ascoli  has  a  "Virgin  and 
Child"  dated  1493.  Among  his  earliest  work  is  the 
altar-piece  of  San  Silvestro,  Massa,  signed  and  dated 
1468,  while  the  "Coronation  of  the  Virgin"  (1493)  in 
the  Oggione  Collection,  Milan,  is  probably  the  latest. 
The  National  Gallery,  London,  has  a  number  of  Cri- 
velli's  paintings  and  the  galleries  of  the  Continent  are 
also  well  supplied.  His  work  is  best  seen  in  a  half 
light  and  at  a  little  distance.  His  more  celebrated 
pictures  are:  "Madonna  and  Child",  1476,  altar-piece 
for  San  Domenico,  Ascoli  (National  Gallery,  London) : 
"The  Dead  Christ"  (National  Gallery);  "Pieta'* 
(Cathedral,  Ascoli);  "Madonna  and  Saints",  1491 
(Berlin);  "St.  Francis  of  Assisi"  (Brussels);  "Pieta" 
(Vatican);  "Virgin  and  Saints"  (Lateran). 

Roshtorth,  Carlo  Crivelli  (London,  1900);  Blanc,  HiHoire 
dee  peintret  de  tout  lee  icolee  (Paris,  1877). 

Leigh  Hunt. 

Croagh  Patrick,  a  mountain  looking  out  on  the 
Atlantic  ocean  from  the  southern  shore  of  Clew  Bay, 
in  the  County  Mayo,  and  called  "the  Sinai  of  Ire- 
land." In  pagan  times  it  was  known  as  Cruachan 
Aigli.  It  rises  in  a  perfect  cone  to  a  height  of  2610 
feet.  The  account  given  below  is  taken  from  sources 
that  poet-date  the  saint's  death  by  three  to  four 
hundred  years.  There  are,  however,  good  reasons 
to  believe  that  the  traditions  they  embody  are 
genuine.  St.  Patrick  was  careworn  ana  fatigued  when 
he  came  to  this  remote  part  of  the  country.  He 
longed  to  retire  for  a  while  to  refresh  his  soul  in  soli- 
tude, and  for  that  purpose,  on  the  Saturday  before 
Ash  Wednesday  in  the  year  441,  he  betook  himself  to 
the  mountain  top.  Here  he  spent  the  days  of  Lent, 
chastising  his  body  with  fasts,  pouring  out  his  heart  to 
God,  ana  entreating  Him  with  prolonged  importunity 
and  with  tears  that  the  Faith  might  never  fail  in  the 
land  of  Erin.  The  "  Book  of  Armagh ' '  mentions  that 
God  summoned  all  the  saints  of  Erin,  past,  present 
and  future,  to  appear  before  their  Father  in  the  Faith 
to  comfort  him  with  a  vision  of  the  teeming  harvest 
his  labours  would  produce,  and  to  join  him  in  blessing 
their  kinsmen  and  their  country.  The  "Tripartite 
Life"  relates  that  when  Patrick  was  on  Cruachan 
Aigli  in  441,  word  was  brought  to  him  that  a  new 
pope  ruled  the  Church  in  Rome.  The  new  pope  was 
St.  Leo  the  Great,  who  was  consecrated  on  the  29th  of 
Sept.,  440.  Patrick,  as  soon  as  he  heard  it,  dispatched 
one  of  his  disciples  named  Munis  to  bear  his  filial 
homage  to  the  Vicar  of  Christ,  to  render  an  account 
of  his  labours  and  his  teaching,  and  to  beg  a  blessing 
for  the  infant  church  in  Ireland.   The    Annals  ol 


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Clonmacnoise"  relate  that  Munis  came  back  from 
Rome  bearing  sacred  relics  which  the  pope  had  given 
him  for  the  altars  that  Patrick  was  erecting  every- 
where through  the  country.  The  same  event  is  briefly 
referred  to  in  the  "Annals  of  Ulster",  under  date  of 
441:  "Leo  ordained  forty-second  Bishop  of  the 
Church  of  Rome;  and  Patrick  the  Bishop  was  ap- 
proved in  the  Catholic  Faith".  It  adds  a  special 
glory  to  Croagh  Patrick  that  the  first  tribute  of  hom- 
age from  the  Irish  Church  to  the  Chair  of  Peter  was 
sent  from  its  hoary  summit.  From  that  sacred  spot, 
on  Holy  Saturday,  Patrick  with  outstretched  hands 
solemnly  blessed  the  men  of  Erin  that  they  might 
cling  to  the  Faith,  and  the  land  of  Erin  that  no  poison- 
ous reptile  might  infest  it.  Then,  refreshed  with  Di- 
vine grace  and  comforted  with  the  assurance  that  his 
labours  would  fructify  forever,  he  came  down  from 
the  mountain  to  celebrate  Easter  with  the  little  flock 
he  had  left  at  Aughagower. 

From  the  days  of  the  saint  himself  pilgrims  began 
to  do  penance  on  his  holy  mountain.  References  to 
them  are  found  in  many  pages  of  the  annals  of  the 
country.  It  is  recorded  that  in  the  year  1113,  on  the 
night  of  the  17th  of  March,  during  a  thunderstorm, 
thirty  of  the  pilgrims  perished  on  the  summit.  The 
"  Annals  of  Boyle"  relate  that  Hugh  O'Connor,  King 
of  Connaught,  who  came  to  the  throne  in  the  year 
1225,  cut  off  the  hands  and  feet  of  an  outlaw 
who  dared  to  molest  a  pilgrim  on  his  way  to 
Croagh  Patrick.  The  following  document  of  Pope 
Eugene  IV,  dated  28  September,  1432,  shows  how 
this  ancient  pilgrimage  was  recognized  and  hon- 
oured in  Rome.  "  A  relaxation  of  two  years  and  two 
quarantines  of  enjoined  penance,  under  the  usual  con- 
ditions, to  those  penitents  who  visit  and  give  alms  for 
the  repair  of  the  chapel  of  St.  Patrick,  on  the  moun- 
tain which  is  called  Croagh  Patrick  whither  resorts  a 
great  multitude  of  persons  to  venerate  St.  Patrick  the 
Sunday  before  the  feast  of  St.  Peter's  Chains"  (Calen- 
dar, etc.,  of  Papal  Registers,  Vol.  IV).  From  St. 
Patrick's  own  time  there  had  been  some  sort  of  a  little 
chapel  on  the  summit. 

The  "Tripartite  Life"  relates  that  the  apostle  him- 
self celebrated  Mass  on  the  mountain,  from  which  we 
infer  that  he  had  an  altar  and  a  place  to  shelter  it. 
For  several  centuries  the  Archbishops  of  Armagh  laid 
claim  to  this  chapel  on  the  grounds  that  it  was  founded 
by  St.  Patrick  and  that  they  were  his  successors;  but 
the  Archbishops  of  Tuam  contended  that  it  belonged 
to  their  jurisdiction.  Finally,  Pope  Honorius  III  on 
the  30th  of  July.  1216,  assigned  it  to  the  Archbishop 
of  Tuam  (Calendar  Pap.  Reg.,  Vol.  1).  But  in  penal 
times  when  Murrisk  Abbey  at  the  mountain's  base  was 
dismantled,  the  venerable  relic  on  the  summit  was  de- 
molished. Still  the  pilgrims  never  ceased  to  go  there. 
It  was  not,  however,  tiD  1905  that  the  chapel  on  the 
heights  was  rebuilt,  and  then  on  the  30th  of  July, 
Archbishop  Healy  dedicated  it  to  St.  Patrick  in  the 
presence  of  many  pilgrims.  _  The  day  of  annual  pil- 
grimage from  time  immemorial  has  been  the  last  Sun- 
day in  July.  On  that  day  about  twenty  Masses  are 
celebrated  within  the  little  chapel  while  often  there 
have  been  more  than  20,000  persons  kneeling  without. 

Healy,  The  Life  and  Writing*  of  st-  Patrick  (Dublin,  1905); 
Bort,  St.  Patrick,  Hit  Place  in  History  (London,  1905) ;  Mor- 
ris, St.  Patrick,  Apostle  of  Ireland  (London,  1900) :  Fleming. 
Life  of  St.  Patrick  (London,  1905);  Thurston  in  The  Month 
(Nov.,  1905) ;  Moran  in  The  Irish  Theological  Quarterly  (April, 

Michael  MacDonald. 

Croatia,  with  Slavonia,  an  autonomous  state.  It 
is  bounded  on  the  north  by  the  Danube  and  the  Drave ; 
on  the  east  by  Servia;  on  the  south  by  the  Save;  and 
on  the  west  by  Styria,  the  River  Kupa,  and  the  Adri- 
atic Sea  from  Fiume  (Rieka)  in  the  north-west  to 
Obrovac  on  the  Dalmatian  frontier. 

History. — The  name  Croatia  is  derived  from  that 
of  a  people  called  Croats  (Hrvat,  ~X.pop6.roi),  i.  e.  "the 


nation  ready  to  defend  its  home  and  rights",  whose 
migration  from  South-western  Russia  and  Galicia  of 
to-day — then  known  as  "White  Croatia"  or  "Great 
Croatia ' '  ( Velika  Hrvatska)  — towards  the  old  I  llyricum 
and  Dalmatia  began  in  the  early  part  of  the  fifth  cen- 
tury. There  were  several  migrations  at  different  times. 
The  people  settled  during  the  first  half  of  the  sixth  cen- 
tury m  Pannonia  Inferior,  now  Lower  Hungary,  and  on 
the  eastern  banks  of  the  Danube.  Here  they  strug- 
gled for  their  very  existence  against  the  Avars,  a 
bloodthirsty  people,  and  then  crossed  the  Drave  to 
Pannonia  Superior  and  Dalmatia,  provinces  of  the 
Roman  Empire,  to  which  they  gave  the  name  of 
Croatia.  From  610  to  641  the  Croats  established 
their  settlements  on  a  firm  basis.  From  that  time 
forward  they  suffered  various  vicissitudes  owing  to 
the  constantly  changing  political  life.  The  provinces 
occupied  by  the  Croats  were  already  peopled  by 
Illyrian  and  Celtic  tribes  as  Roman  domains.  Friendly 
terms  were  maintained,  however,  and  together  they 
made  war  against  the  common  enemy,  the  Avars, 
conquered  them,  and  finally  established  their  own 
state.  The  executive  head  of  the  Croats  was  the  ban, 
a  title  still  in  use,  and  he  had  unlimited  power  as 
leader  and  governor  of  the  people.  Heraclius,  the 
Byzantine  emperor,  was  compelled  to  abandon  his 
provinces  in  the  western  part  of  the  Balkan  Peninsula. 
At  that  time  the  Croats  occupied  the  following  prov- 
inces: Illyricum,  Liburnia,  Pannonia,  Dalmatia,  and 
a  part  of  Histria,  now  known  respectively  as  Croatia, 
Slavonia,  Dalmatia,  Istria,  Bosnia,  and  Herzegovina. 
Their  kinsmen,  the  Serbs,  settled  in  Montenegro, 
Northern  Albania,  Old  Servia,  and  the  western  part 
of  the  Servian  Kingdom.  The  cities  Zara  (Zadar  or 
Jadera),  Trau  (Trogir  or  Tragurion),  Spalato  (Spljet), 
and  Ragusa  (Dubrovnik),  on  the  Dalmatian  coast, 
and  the  islands  Veglia  (Krk)  and  Arbe  (Rab  or  Ab- 
sorus),  in  the  Adriatic,  remained  Latin  in  character. 
Elsewhere,  however,  the  assimilative  power  of  the 
Croats  was  stronger  and  the  Latin  race  disappeared. 

Christianity  flourished  in  Illyria,  Dalmatia,  and  the 
other  provinces  before  the  coming  of  the  Croats.  At 
the  time  of  migration  the  Croats  were  heathens;  they 
did  not  accept  Christianity  until  the  seventh  century, 
when  they  and  the  Serbs  were  baptized  by  priests  of 
the  Roman  Church.  The  Croats  promised  the  pope 
to  live  in  peace  with  other  nations  and  he,  in  turn,  to 
help  them  in  case  an  enemy  invaded  their  territory. 
Pope  John  IV  (640-42)  sent  the  Abbot  Martin  to  the 
Croatians,  and  St.  Martin  I  commissioned  John  of 
Ravenna  to  evangelize  this  vigorous  and  adventurous 
nation.  He  created  John  Archbishop  of  Salona 
(Solin),  a  city  of  Roman  culture,  whence,  owing  to 
the  invasion  of  the  Croats,  many  moved  to  the  neigh- 
bouring Spalato.  Here  John  laboured  also,  and  the 
imperial  mausoleum  in  the  palace  of  Diocletian  was 
converted  by  the  people  into  a  Christian  temple. 
Cyril  and  Methodius  came  in  863,  devised  a  special 
alphabet  (the  Glagolitic  for  the  translation  of  the 
Gospels  and  liturgical  books  into  the  Old  Slavonic 
tongue,  and  spread  Christianity  through  the  western 

Cart  of  the  Balkan  Peninsula.  Even  before  this  time 
ishops  resided  at  Salona  (Solin),  Nona  (Nin),  Narona 
(Mostar),  Epidaurus  (Ragusa  Vecchia),  Siscia  (Sisak), 
Mursia  (Osiek),  and  Syrmium  (Mitrovica). 

During  the  eighth  century  Croatia  was  divided  into 
several  provinces,  the  principal  of  which  were  the 
independent  territories  of  White  and  Red  Croatia  and 
the  Banatus  Sisciensis  et  Syrmiensis.  The  progress  of 
the  people  attracted  the  attention  of  Charlemagne, 
who  occupied  Histria  in  788  and  Northern  Croatia  in 
792.  In  the  year  800,  when  he  was  crowned  in  Rome, 
the  Croats  sent  a  representative.  The  rule  of  Louis 
the  Pious  (814-40),  whose  government  was  in  the 
hands  of  favourites,  was  unfortunate  in  its  conse- 
quences for  the  Croats.  Their  struggle  for  freedom 
lasted  from  879  until  925,  when  the  people  elected 


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their  own  king,  Thomislav,  on  the  field  of  Duvno 
before  the  cathedral.  He  was  crowned  by  the  legate 
of  John  X.  The  boundaries  of  the  kingdom  were,  on 
the  north,  the  Danube  and  the  Drave;  on  the  east, 
the  River  Drina;  on  the  west  and  south,  the  Adriatic. 
The  reigns  of  Zvonimir  and  Peter  Kreshimir,  succes- 
sors of  Thomislav,  are  glorious  in  the  records  of  Croa- 
tian history,  and  both  Church  and  State  became 
firmly  established.  Native  rulers  reigned  until  1102, 
when  the  last,  Peter  Svachich,  died  in  defence  of  his 
country,  and  Croatia  offered  the  crown  to  King  Colo- 
man  of  Hungary.  The  Croats,  represented  by  twelve 
deputies,  administered  the  oath  and  stipulated  that 
the  new  monarch  should  observe  the  Constitution  and 
rights  of  the  Croats,  exercise  the  judicial  power  only 
when  on  Croatian  soil,  and  allow  no  Hungarian  to 
settle  upon  Croatian  territory.  This  agreement  was 
only  partially  kept.  Croatia  was  ruled  Dy  the  Arpid 
dynasty  from  1102  to  .1301,  but  was  not  made  a  part 
of  Hungary.  The  monarchs  never  resided  perma- 
nently in  Croatia,  but  were  represented  by  bans,  who, 
as  supreme  administrators  of  the  kingdom,  convened 
the  legislature,  exercised  the  highest  judicial  power  in 
the  State,  and  commanded  the  army.  The  national 
sabor  regulated  the  coinage  of  gold  and  silver.  The 
Arpad  rulers  introduced  the  feudal  system  in  opposi- 
tion to  public  opinion,  reorganized  the  nobility,  and 
gave  the  lands  taken  from  the  peasants  (kmet)  to  the 
holders  of  titles.  During  the  reign  of  Croatian  rulers 
the  Church  flourished.  The  pnmat  (primate)  held 
the  office  of  chancellor  of  State  and  the  bishops  were 
the  principal  advisers,  spiritual  and  temporal,  of  the 
kings.  There  were  nine  bishoprics.  Under  the  Ar- 
pad  rulers,  a  change  was  made,  and  new  sees  were 
erected  suffragan  to  the  ecclesiastical  province  of 
Hungary.  The  following  religious  orders  were  repre- 
sented in  the  kingdom:  the  Benedictines,  favoured  by 
Croatian  rulers,  Cistercians,  Dominicans,  Franciscans, 
Templars,  Hermits  of  St.  Paul,  or  White  Friars.  Lit- 
erature, both  secular  and  ecclesiastical,  made  much 
progress  and  the  arts  were  cultivated. 

Andrew,  the  last  of  the  Arpids,  died  while  making 
preparations  for  war  against  the  Croats  and  their  ban, 
Paul  Shubich,  who  had  declared  for  Charles  Robert  of 
Anjou,  nephew  of  the  King  of  Naples,  as  King  of 
Croatia,  Bosnia,  and  Dalmatia.  Charles  was  crowned 
in  the  church  of  St.  Stephen  in  Agram  (Zagreb),  the 
capital  of  the  state,  by  Archbishop  Gregory.  The 
family  of  Anjou  occupied  the  throne  of  Croatia  from 
1301  to  1386,  mainly  through  the  support  of  Pope 
Boniface  VIII.  Charles  as  a  ruler  was  an  absolutist 
and  adopted  French  methods  in  conducting  the  army 
and  the  judiciary,  and  in  raising  money.  His  son, 
Louis  the  Great  (d.  11  Nov.,  1382),  waged  war  against 
Venice.  He  became  King  of  Poland  17  November, 
1370.  Upon  the  recommendation  of  Urban  V,  Louis 
appointed  his  relative,  Charles  Drachki,  Ban  of  Croa- 
tia, and  then  set  out  to  capture  Naples  from  Queen 
Joanna.  At  his  death  he  was  succeeded  on  the  throne 
of  Croatia  by  his  daughter  Mary,  who  reigned  con- 
jointly with  her  consort  Sigismund  of  Brandenburg, 
son  of  Emperor  Charles  IV,  and  later  emperor.  Dur- 
ing Mary's  reign  there  was  great  hostility  among  the 
people  both  towards  her  and  Elizabeth,  her  mother. 
Foremost  in  the  opposition  were  John  Palizna,  prior 
of  the  Knights  of  St.  John,  Paul  Horvat,  the  saintly 
and  patriotic  Bishop  of  Agram  (Zagreb),  and  the 
bishop's  brother  John.  Declaring  that  a  woman  had 
no  right  to  the  Croatian  throne,  Bishop  Horvat  offered 
the  crown  to  Charles  III  Dratchki,  King  of  Naples. 
Charles  accepted,  was  crowned  by  Bishop  Horvat  at 
Stuhlweissenburg  in  the  presence  of  Mary  and  Eliza- 
beth, but  was  murdered  at  Buda,  Hungary,  thirty- 
seven  days  later  (24  Feb.,  1386),  by  Elizabeth's  hired 
assassin.  Civil  war  followed.  Sigismund  (1387- 
1409)  was  taken  captive  by  Ivan  Horvat,  and  fresh 
difficulties  arose  with  the  Turks  in  the  eastern  part  of 


the  Balkan  Peninsula.  The  coronation  of  Ladislaus, 
King  of  Naples,  at  Zara,  5  August,  1393,  did  not  re- 
sult in  peace.  Internal  discord  existed  among  the 
Frankopani,  Zrinski,  Gorjanski,  Blagaji,  Kurjakovici, 
etc.  Gregory  XII  organized  a  crusade  in  Siena  to  help 
Sigismund,  and  Ladislaus,  seeing  that  he  could  not 
hold  his  ground  on  the  Eastern  Adriatic,  sold  Dal- 
matia to  Venice  for  100,000  ducats,  the  agreement 
being  signed  in  the  church  of  8.  Silvestro,  9  July,  1409. 

In  the  fourteenth  century  there  were  in  Croatia 
three  archbishoprics  and  seventeen  dioceses,  subdi- 
vided into  archdeaconries  and  parishes.  At  the  be- 
ginning of  the  century  the  See  of  Bosnia  was  trans- 
ferred to  Djakovo.  Each  diocese  had  an  average  of 
four  or  five  hundred  parishes  in  addition  to  chapters 
and  collegiate  churches.    Blessed  Augustine  of  Gazo- 


Collkoiatb  Chukch  (X  Ckntuby)  and  Bbll  Toweb 
(1377),  Fiume 

tich  was  Bishop  of  Agram.  Marc'  Antonio  de  Domi- 
nis,  famed  for  his  learning,  was  Bishop  of  Zengg  (Senj .) 
The  religious  orders  were  in  a  flourishing  condition,  es- 
pecially the  Knights  of  St.  John  (Crurifen)  who  ex- 
erted great  influence  upon  the  people.  St.  John  Cap- 
istran,  defender  of  Belgrade,  died  at  the  monastery  of 
Ilok,  Croatia,  23  October,  1456,  and  was  canonized  in 
1690.  The  missal  was  translated  into  Croatian,  and 
copies  are  preserved  to-day  in  some  of  the  libraries. 

In  Sigismund's  time  Croatia  was  severely  tried  by 
the  wars  with  Venice,  and  those  against  the  Turks, 
who  invaded  Croatian  territory  in  1414-15.  From 
that  until  1838,  when  the  Turks  were  finally  repulsed 
at  Cetin,  the  struggle  was  continuous  The  Bans 
Nicholas  and  JohnFrankopani  and  Matko  Talovac 
were  the  first  in  the  field  against  the  Sultan  Murad  II. 
Sigismund  was  succeeded  by  his  son-in-law  Archduke 
Albert  of  Austria,  who  died  in  1439  at  a  critical  period. 
His  wife,  though  civil  war  was  raging,  took  control  of 
the  Government  in  1439,  and  her  son,  Ladislaus  Pos- 
thumus  was  nominal  ruler  until  1457.  After  the  fall 
of  Constantinople  (1453)  and  the  occupation  of  Bosnia 
ten  years  later  by  the  Turks,  the  Turks  were  repulsed 
on  the  Croatian  frontier  and  Western  culture  was 
saved  to  posterity.  The  following  centuries  show 
bloody  records  of  constant  struggles  against  the  Turks. 
Yakub,  Pasha  of  Bosnia,  eager  to  enslave  Catholic 


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Balkan,  invaded  Croatia  in  1493.  He  was  met  by  the 
Croatian  forces  under  Ban  Derenchin  on  the  field  of 
Krbava.  The  Croats  were  defeated  and  left  the 
flower  of  their  nobility  on  the  field.  In  1513,  how- 
ever, the  Turkish  army  was  defeated  by  the  Ban 
Bishop  Peter  Berislavich,  and  Leo  X.  upon  receiving 
the  news  of  victory,  sent  the  warrior-bishop  a  blessed 
saber.  Bishop  Berislavich 's  appeal  to  Charles  V  was 
unheeded,  ana  the  former  was  killed  in  the  battle  of 
Korenica  (1520).  His  death  was  a  terrible  blow  to  the 
Antemurale  Christianitatis,  as  the  pope  and  emperor 
styled  the  Croats  in  their  letters.  Then  followed  the 
conflicts  of  Jaice  (1521,  1525),  Klis  (1524),  Mohacs 
(1526),  and  Vienna  (1529),  which  Solyman  II  at- 
tempted to  take.  He  was  badly  defeated,  however, 
and  returned  to  Constantinople  with  thousands  of 
ChristianSjWho  became  either  slaves  or  soldiers  (Jani- 
zaries). The  pashas  in  Bosnia  in  retaliation  for  the 
defeat,  pillaged  the  country  and  slew  the  Christians. 

After  the  defeat  at  Mohacs  where  King  Louis  and  so 
many  of  his  warriors  were  slain,  the  Croatians  elected, 
at  Cetin,  New  Year's  Day,  1527,  Ferdinand  of  Aus- 
tria as  king.  The  Hapsburg  rule  was  thus  begun, 
Croatia  subsequently  having  the  same  rulers  as  Aus- 
tria. The  king  took  an  oath  to  defend  the  rights  and 
boundaries  of  his  new  kingdom,  a  promise  which  was 
never  fully  observed,  and  the  hopes  of  the  national 
heroes  Simeon  Bakatch,  Bishop  of  Zagreb  and  Krsto 
Frankopan  failed  of  fulfilment.  The  latter  fell  at 
Varazdin  while  the  former  died  of  grief.  Profiting  by 
the  indifference  of  Ferdinand,  the  Turks  took  the  for- 
tress of  Jaice  and  Klis  in  1536  as  well  as  a  large  part  of 
Eastern  Croatia.  With  Reliquice  reliquiarum  regni 
Croatia/  for  a  battle-cry,  the  climax  of  the  struggle 
was  reached  at  Siget,  where  Niklas  Zrinski  met  the 
Turks,  under  Solyman,  with  700  picked  men.  Having 
fired  the  city  behind  them,  they  made  an  onslaught  in 
which  they  all  perished.  The  Turks  left  20,000  on  the 
field.  Solyman  died  two  days  later  and  a  shameful 
peace  was  concluded  by  Maximilian.  Neglected  and 
misruled,  the  people  rose  under  Mathias  Gubec.  They 
failed  and  Gubec  was  put  to  death  with  a  red  hot 
crown  of  iron.  Ever  ready  to  take  advantage  of  in- 
terna! strife,  Ferhad  Pasha  defeated  General  Auers- 
pergattheRiverRadonja,  in  1575.  Rudolf,  who  suc- 
ceeded Maximilian  ( 1 576),  had  little  interest  in  the  wel- 
fare of  the  State.  Hassan  Pasha  Predojevich  crossed 
the  Kupa,  took  the  fortress  of  Bihac,  and  planned  an 
attack  on  Sisak.  He  was  met  by  Jurak  and  Fintich, 
canons  of  Agram,  and  Ban  Bakatch,  with  an  army. 
The  Turks  were  defeated  and  lost  18,000  men. 

Among  the  apostles  of  the  Reformation  in  Croatia 
were  the  Ungnad  family  and  George  Zrinski  who  estab- 
lished a  printing  plant  for  the  purpose  of  spreading 
their  teaching.  The  Croats,  however,  were  not  won 
over  to  Luther's  doctrine.  Catholicity  was  too  firmly 
rooted  and  Anthony  Dalmatin  and  Stephen  Istranin 
preached  the  new  creed  in  vain.  When  asked,  at  a 
meeting  of  the  Sabor,  to  grant  toleration  to  Protes- 
tantism, Ban  Bakatch  made  answer:  "I  prefer  rather 
to  break  off  relations  with  the  Hungarian  Crown  than 
allow  this  pest  to  spread."  Conflicts  occurred  with 
the  Turks  at  Novi  Zrinj  (1664),  and  at  St.  Gothard. 
The  miseries  and  oppression  of  the  people  led  to  an 
uprising  under  Peter  Zrinski  and  Krsto  Frankopani 
against  the  German  military  rule.  Leopold,  however, 
beheaded  the  leaders,  30  April,  1671,  at  Wiener  Neu- 
stadt,  imprisoned  their  children,  and  confiscated  then- 
possessions.  Despite  the  injustices  done  the  people 
the  struggle  against  the  Turks  was  heroically  contin- 
ued under  Stojan  Jankovich  and  Elias  Smiljanich  in 
Dalmatia,  Friar  Luke  Imbrisimovich  in  Slavonia,  and 
Father  Mark  Mesich  in  Lika-Krbava.  A  division  of 
Turkey  and  the  expulsion  of  the  Turks  from  the  Bal- 
kan Peninsula  and  Constantinople  was  prevented  in 
1688  by  Louis  XIV.  The  council  of  war  in  Vienna 
established  the  Military  Frontier  between  Turkey  and 


Croatia;  every  male  Croat  was  obliged  to  serve  in  the 
army  at  his  own  expense  and  to  be  ready  at  any 
moment.    This  organization  was  dissolved  in  1873. 

In  1712  the  Croatian  Sabor  accepted  the  Pragmatic 
Sanction,  by  which  Charles  VI  secured  the  succession 
to  his  daughter  Maria  Theresa.  Ia  the  Thirty  Years 
War  and  the  Seven  Years  War  between  Maria  Theresa 
and  Frederick  the  Great  the  Croats  took  a  prominent 
part.  During  the  reign  of  Leopold  I  (1658-1705) 
hundreds  of  families  of  the  Schismatic  Greek  Church 
had  entered  Croatia  as  refugees  from  Turkish  rule. 
Jealousy  existed  between  the  Catholics  of  the  country 
and  the  newcomers  because  the  rulers  did  not  faveur 
any  but  the  Catholic  religion.  In  1777  Maria  Theresa 
secured  the  erection  of  a  diocese  for  the  Uniat  Greeks, 
with  the  Eastern  Rite  and  the  Old  Slavonic  Liturgy. 
She  hoped  in  this  way  to  bring  about  a  union  with 
Rome,  but  the  breach  was  only  widened.  Education 
reached  a  high  standard  in  the  sixteenth  century  under 
the  Hermits  of  St.  Paul.  Later  on  the  Jesuits  became 
their  co-workers  in  the  field.  They  established  an  ex- 
cellent institution  in  Zagreb.  The  Croatian  youth  also 
attended  the  universities  at  Rome,  Padua,  and  Bologna. 

The  absolutist,  Joseph  II  (1780-90),  who  succeeded 
Maria  Theresa,  failed  in  his  reforms,  though  he  stopped 
at  nothing  in  his  attempts  to  carry  them  out.  In 
Croatia  he  suppressed  religious  orders,  confiscated 
monasteries  and  seminaries,  and  hampered  the  pro- 
gress of  education.  To  save  the  mother-tongue  a  re- 
action against  Latin  began  in  1835,  and  the  native 
speech  was  revived  in  church,  university,  and  street. 
In  1809  Napoleon,  having  conquered  Croatia,  set  up 
the  Kingdom  of  Illyria,  a  union  of  all  the  Croatian 
provinces,  under  French  control.  -In  the  first  half  of 
the  nineteenth  century,  as  an  outgrowth  of  the  revival 
of  the  language,  a  vigorous  nationalizing  movement 
began  under  Louis  Gai.  Representatives  of  the  peo- 
ple, 300  in  number,  demanded  of  the  king  the  same 
rights  for  Croatia  as  those  possessed  by  Hungary:  inde- 
pendence under  the  king;  the  election  of  the  ban  by 
the  people  and  his  presentation  for  the  king's  ap- 
proval ;  the  ban  was  to  be  ex-officio ■president  of  Croa- 
tian cabinet  and  responsible  to  the  Sabor,  at  its  annual 
meeting;  the  Croatian  army  with  its  head  was  to  take 
an  oath  of  fidelity  to  the  king;  the  Military  Frontier  to 
be  abolished;  and  Croatian  made  the  official  tongue. 
The  only  point  gained  was  the  appointment,  as  ban, 
of  Joseph  Jellacnich.  In  1848  the  revolution  broke 
out.  Jellachich  saved  the  throne  for  the  Hapsburg 
family,  but  further  enslaved  his  country  in  doing  so. 
The  Croatian  Generals  Davidovich  ana  Vukasovich 
distinguished  themselves  in  the  war  against  Italy  in 
1866.  In  1878  Generals  Francis  and  Ivan  Phuop- 
povich  occupied  Bosnia  with  Croatian  regiments. 

On  21  July,  1808,  a  compromise  was  effected  be- 
tween Croatia  and  Hungary.  Croatia,  Slavonia,  the 
Military  Frontier,  and  Dalmatia  constitute  a  separate 
political  body;  Fiume  (Rieka)  and  its  district  were 
left  condominium,  with  two  representatives  in  the 
Croatian  Sabor.  The  military  Frontier  had  been  sup- 
pressed and  part  was  annexed  to  Transylvania  in  1851 
part  to  Hungary  in  1872 ;  and  part  to  Croatia-Slavonia 
in  1881.  Dalmatia  remained  separate,  with  eleven 
representatives  in  the  Austrian  parliament  (Reichs- 
rath).  Croatia  has  autonomy  in  administrative,  edu- 
cational, and  judicial  affairs.  The  national  legisla- 
tive body  is  the  Sabor;  the  executive  body,  the  Royal 
Croatian -Slavonian -Dalmatian  Government.  The 
head  of  Croatia-Slavonia  is  the  ban,  appointed  by  the 
king  upon  the  recommendation  of  tne  Hungarian 
prime  minister,  responsible  to  the  Sabor.  All  State 
business  in  common  with  Hungary  is  regulated  in  the 
Hungarian-Croatian  Parliament  at  Budapest.  There 
are  also  executive  ministries  for  the  administration  of 
national  affairs,  with  separate  departments  for  Croa- 
tian interests.  The  Croatian  Minister  stands  as  a 
mediator  between  the  King  of  Croatia  and  the  Croatian 


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Government.  He  is  a  member  of  the  Hungarian 
cabinet  and  is  responsible  to  the  Hungarian  Parlia- 
ment. Croatia  is  represented  in  the  House  of  Magnates 
by  three  delegates;  in  the  House  of  Representatives 
by  forty  delegates.  On  Delegations  lor  National 
Affairs  Croatia-Slavonia  is  represented  by  one  member 
from  the  Upper  House  and  four  from  the  Lower. 

Education  and  Religion. — There  is  a  university 
at  Zagreb  with  three  faculties:  philosophy,  theology, 
and  law;  an  agricultural  academy;  and  an  academy 
founded  and  endowed  by  Bishop  Strossmayer.  There 
are  twenty-five  high  schools  and  gymnasia  each  with 
eight  grades,  and  over  a  thousand  public  schools  of 
five  grades,  all  supported  by  the  Government,  with 
the  exception  of  some  private  institutions. 

Ecclesiastically  Croatia  constitutes  one  province, 
erected  by  the  Bull  "  Auctorem  omnium"  of  Pius  IX, 
11  Dec..  1852.  The  archiepiscopal  see  is  at  Agram 
(Zagreb),  and  there  are  three  suffragan  dioceses: 
Djakovo,  Senj-Modrus,  and  Kreuz  (Krizevci)  (Uniat 
Greek).  Theoretically  the  relations  between  Church 
and  State  are  regulated  by  a  concordat  of  18  Aug., 
1852;  but  this  is  practically  disregarded.  Civil  mar- 
riage is  not  recognized  ana  ecclesiastical  regulations 
are  in  force.  Of  the  population  of  2,186,410,  71 
per  cent,  is  Catholic;  26  per  cent.  Schismatic  Greek; 
1.6  per  cent.  Protestant;  and  1  per  cent.  Jewish.  Free- 
dom of  worship  is  guaranteed  by  State  law.  Religious 
instruction  is  given  in  the  schools  under  Government 
supervision,  the  State  paying  such  teachers  and  sup- 
plying textbooks  out  of  the  public  revenues.  Churches 
are  incorporated  under  the  name  of  the  parish  or  com- 
munity to  which  they  belong,  subject  to  the  require- 
ments of  canon  law.  Church  property  is  taxed,  but 
the  clergy  are  exempt  from  military  and  jury  ser- 
vice. They  are  also  subject  to  the  civil  penal  law, 
have  the  power  to  make  wills  but  not  witness  to  them, 
and  can  dispose  of  their  personal  property  according  to 
canon  law.  Cemeteries  are  regulated  by  ecclesiastical 
and  civil  law,  each  denomination  having  its  own.  Re- 
ligious orders  may  be  established  with  the  consent  of 
the  Church  and  State;  the  Franciscans,  Capuchins, 
Jesuits,  and  Salvatorians  are  represented.  Bishops 
are  nominated  by  the  king,  on  the  recommendation  of 
the  Government,  and  appointed  by  the  pope.  Canons 
are  appointed  by  the  king  on  the  recommendation  of 
the  Government,  and  the  latter  appoints  the  irremov- 
able rectors  from  the  terna,  i.  e.  from  three  names 
proposed,  or  regardless  of  the  terna.  Each  diocese  has 
its  own  seminary.  The  Catholic  press  has  a  number 
of  weekly,  and  a  few  daily,  papers. 

Causes  of  Emigration. — The  people  are  over- 
taxed. Industry  and  commerce  are  handicapped  by 
the  centralization  of  common  carriers  and  by  a  trans- 
portation tariff  upon  export  goods.  The  import  and 
export  tariffs  are  unjustly  apportioned,  and  agricul- 
ture and  stock-raising  are  unprofitable  except  for 
domestic  purposes.  State  monopolies  prevent  free 
commerce,  and  bureaucracy  hampers  the  development 
of  trade  and  the  oomfort  of  the  people.  The  land  is 
generally  cultivated  and  is  rich  in  forests.  Quicksil- 
ver, gold,  copper,  iron,  coal,  coal  oil  and  sulphur  are 
found,  but  the  production  is  small.  The  rivers  are 
navigable,  and  there  are  excellent  roads,  but  the  rail- 
roads have  not  kept  pace  with  the  needs  of  the  people. 

In  the  United  States  there  are  over  200,000  Croats 
distributed  in  all  sections,  working  in  mines,  factories, 
and  upon  farms.  Many  of  these  are  well-to-do.  The 
immigration  began  in  the  early  part  of  the  nineteenth 
century  and  numbers  fought  in  the  Civil  War.  There 
are  about  250  Croatian  societies  under  the  patronage 
of  various  saints.  Owing  to  the  scarcity  of  native 
priests  the  number  of  parishes  is  small,  only  twelve  in 
number  (1908)  and  four  parochial  schools.  It  must 
be  remembered,  however,  that  the  first  Croatian  priest 
came  to  the  United  States  only  ten  years  ago,  while 
the  people  had  been  coming  in  large  numbers  for 
IV— 33 


thirty  years,  with  no  one  to  look  after  their  spiritual 
needs.  The  Croatian  parishes  which  have  been  or- 
ganized are: — Visitation  of  the  Blessed  Virgin  Mary, 
Rankin,  Pennsylvania;  St.  Nicholas,  Allegheny,  Penn- 
slyvania;  St.  Rock,  Johnstown,  Pennsylvania;  St. 
Paul,  Cleveland,  Ohio;  St.  Joseph,  St.  Louis,  Missouri; 
St.  John,  Calumet,  Michigan;  St.  John,  Kansas  City, 
Kansas;  Assumption  of  B.  V.  M.,  Chicago,  Illinois; 
Sts.  Peter  and  Paul  (Greek  Uniat),  Chicago,  Ills. ;  Sts. 
Peter  and  Paul,  Great  Falls,  Montana;  St.  Mary  of 
Grace,  Steelton,  Pennsylvania;  Church  of  the  Nativ- 
ity, San  Francisco,  California. 

Academia  tcimtiarum  et  artium:  Documenta  hietoria  eroatica, 
periodum  antiquum  illuetrantia  (Agram.  1877):  Kukuljevich, 
Codex  diplomatics  rcffni  Croatia,  Dalmatia  et  Slavonia  (Agram. 
1874,  1876);  Lc&CH,  De  regno  Dalmatia)  et  Croatia!,  libri  mex  (St. 
Mark's  Library,  Venice):  Tbdner,  Vetera  monumenta  Slavorum 
meridionalium  (Rome,  Agram,  1863,  1875);  Tkal&ch,  Monu- 
menta historical  (Agram.  1896);  FeruindIin,  Acta  Boenia 


(Agram,  1892);  KrCeuch,  De  remit  Dalmatia,  Croatia  et  Sla- 
vonia (Agram,  1770);  Farlati,  Itturicum  Sacrum  (Venice,  1761, 
1801);  Svxar.  OgUdalo  IUiriutna  (Agram,  1839,  1842);Tka- 
l&ch,  Hrvateka  povjcttnica  (Agram,  1861);  Ljubich,  treated 
hrvateke  povjesli  (Fiume,  1864);  Smi&klas,  Hrvareka  povieet 
(Agram,  1879,  1882);  Klaich,  Poviet  Hrvata  (Agram,  1899, 
eq.);  RaCki,  u  rodovima  akademiie  (Agram);  Horn,  La  Hon- 
orie  et  la  Croatie  (Paris,  1907);  Puvkrich,  Beitraoe  (Agram, 
1886):  Macaciat,  Edinburgh  Review  (April,  1842);  Stateeman't 
Year  Book  (1908). 

M.  D.  Krmpotic. 

Oroce,  Giovanni,  composer,  b.  at  Chioggia  near 
Venice  in  1557;  d.  15  May,  1609.  Under  the  tutelage 
at  Venice  of  Gioseffo  Zarlino,  Croce  became  one  of  the 
most  noted  composers  of  the  Venetian  School.  After 
entering  the  priesthood  he  was  attached  to  the  church 
of  Santa  Maria  Formosa.  In  1593  he  was  given  charge 
of  the  choir  boys  at  San  Marco  with  the  title  of  vice- 
director.  On  the  death  of  Baltazzaro  Donati,  13  July, 
1603,  Croce  became  his  successor  as  choirmaster.  He 
wrote  a  great  deal  of  secular  music  in  the  forms  par- 
ticularly cultivated  in  his  time,  such  as  the  madrigal 
and  the  canzonetta,  but  his  chief  productions  are  those 
destined  for  the  Church.  Their  characteristics  are 
clarity  of  form  and  a  devotional  spirit.  Many  of  his 
compositions  form  part  of  Proske's  "Musica  Divina" 
and  Lueck's  collection  contains  three  motets;  "O 
sacrum  oonvivium ' "  Cantate  Domino ' ',  and  "  Exaudi 
Deus". 

Aubros,  Geechichte  der  Mueik  (Leiprig,  1881);  KornhOller, 
Lexikon  der  kirchlichen  Tonkunet  (Radsboa,  1895),  Pt.  II,  p.  68. 
Caffi,  Storia  delta  Mueica  Sacra  (Venice,  1854-55),  I,  200,  208. 

Joseph  Otten. 

Oroia,  a  titular  see  of  Albania.  Croia  (pronounced 
Kruya,  Albanian,  "Spring")  stands  on  the  site  of 
Eriboea,  a  town  mentioned  by  Ptolemy  (III,  xiii,  13, 
41).  Georgius  Acropolites  (box.)  mentions  it  as  a 
fortress  in  1251.  A  decree  of  the  Venetian  senate 
gave  it  in  1343  to  Marco  Barbarigo  and  his  wife.  In 
1395  it  was  held  by  the  Castriots  (Mas-Latrie,  Tresor 
de  chronologie,  1773),  and  it  was  the  birthplace  of  the 
Lion  of  Albania,  the  national  hero,  George  Castriota 
or  Scanderbeg  (d.  17  Jan.,  1468).  It  was  captured 
by  Mohammed  II 14  June,  1478,  and  the  whole  popu- 
lation was  slaughtered  together  with  the  Venetian 
garrison,  except  the  few  who  embraced  Mohammedan- 
ism. Since  the  thirteenth  century  Croia  has  been  a 
Latin  suffragan  of  Dyrrachium  (Durazzo).  Farlati 
(Illyricum  sacrum,  VII,  411-432)  mentions  fourteen 
bishops  from  1286  to  1694  (Gams,  404;  Lequien,  III, 
955,  incomplete);  Eubel  (1,224;  11,156)  adds  four 
names  and  corrects  some  data.  Croia  is  to-day  the 
chief  town  of  a  kaimakamlik  in  the  vilayet  of  Scutari, 
with  about  10,000  inhabitants,  all  Mussulmans.  The 
Venetian  citadel,  1500  feet  above  the  sea,  is  still  pre- 
served together  with  Turkish  guns  and  bells  dating 
from  the  days  of  Skanderbeg.  Croia  is  renowned 
among  the  Bektashi  dervishes  for  the  tombs  of  many 
of  their  saints. 

Horr,  Chroniquet  ffrico-romanee;  Dzoband,  Souvenir*  de  la 
Haute- AUmnie  (Paris,  1901),  215-227. 

S.  Petrides. 


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OBOHAM 


Croiset,  Jean,  ascetical  writer,  b.  at  Marseilles, 
1656;  d.  at  Avignon,  31  January,  1738.  lie  entered 
the  Society  of  Jesus  in  1677,  ana  was  for  a  long  time 
rector  of  the  novitiate  at  Avignon,  which  he  governed 
with  great  wisdom.  He  became  famous  as  a  director 
of  consciences,  and  as  a  writer  of  many  spiritual  books 
which  have  been  translated  into  several  languages. 
His  "Devotion  to  the  Sacred  Heart"  appears  to  have 
been  the  first  of  his  publications.  He  wrote  also: 
"Retreats  for  Each  Day  of  the  Month";  "The  Lives 
of  the  Saints  for  Each  Day  of  the  Year",  in  eighteen 
volumes,  in  the  last  of  which  is  "The  Life  of  Our 
Lord"  and  "The  Life  of  the  Blessed  Virgin";  "The 
Model  of  Youth";  "Spiritual  Illusions";  "Dialogues 
on  Worldly  Dangers";  "Parallel  of  the  Morals  of  Our 
Age,  with  the  Morality  of  Christ ",  etc.  He  also  pub- 
lished collections  of  prayers.  De  Backer  accuses 
Lamennais  of  having  plagiarized  from  Croiset  in  his 
little  work  called  "Guide  du  jeune  age".  Feller 
attributes  a  book  of  meditations  also  to  Croiset.  He 
is  regarded  as  one  of  the  great  masters  of  the  spiritual 
life. 

Db  Backer,  BM.  de  la  c.  de  J.  (Liege,  1853  and  1861); 
Fsluik,  Biog.  Univ.  (Pane.  1813). 

T.  J.  Campbell. 

Croke,  Thomas  William,  Archbishop  of  Cashel, 
Ireland,  b.  near  Mallow,  Co.  Cork,  24  May,  1824 ;  d.  at 
Thurles,  22  July,  1902.  His  early  studies  were  made 
at  the  Irish  College,  Paris,  and  his  theological  course 
was  completed  at  Rome.  Returning  to  Ireland  he 
was  made  one  of  the  professors  at  St.  Patrick's  Col- 
lege, Carlow,  and  then  did  mission  work  at  Charleville 
in  his  native  diocese  from  1849  to  1858.  They  were 
the  years  of  misery  following  the  great  famine,  and  the 
suffering  of  the  people  from  their  economic  and  politi- 
cal misfortunes  intensified  the  national  leanings  that 
were  a  marked  characteristic  of  his  whole  career  and 
which  made  him  to  his  fellow-countrymen  the  ideal  of 
the  patriot  priest.  He  was  a  zealous  follower  of 
O'Connell  in  the  Repeal  Era,  and  when  the  prestige  of 
The  Liberator  waned,  sided  with  the  Young  Ireland 
party. 

Appointed  president  of  St.  Column's  College,  Fer- 
moy,  m  1858,  T>r.  Croke  administered  this  office  satis- 
factorily for  seven  years,  followed  by  five  equally  suc- 
cessful years  as  pastor  of  Doneraile,  and  was  then  ap- 
pointed Bishop  of  Auckland,  Australia.  He  was  con- 
secrated in  Rome  by  Cardinal  Cullen  and  took  part  in 
the  concluding  sessions  of  the  Vatican  Council.  Re- 
turning to  Ireland  for  a  brief  visit,  he  went  by  way  of 
the  United  States  to  take  possession  of  his  See  of 
Auckland.  During  the  succeeding  four  years  his  gov- 
ernment of  the  diocese  was  marked  by  great  spiritual 
and  material  progress.  In  1874  Archbishop  Leahy  of 
Cashel  died,  and  at  the  request  of  the  Irish  hierarchy 
Bishop  Croke  was  appointed  to  fill  the  vacancy.  His 
return  to  Ireland  gave  the  greatest  satisfaction  to  the 
people,  who  immediately  hailed  him  as  the  unques- 
tioned and  safe  ecclesiastical  leader  in  national  poli- 
tics that  Archbishop  MacHale  of  Tuam  had  been  for 
the  previous  generation.  He  at  once  resumed  his 
former  active  interest  in  political  affairs  and  became  a 
strong  supporter  of  the  Home  Rule  movement  under 
the  leadership  of  Isaac  Butt.  In  the  more  advanced 
agrarian  projects  of  the  Land  League  days  he  was  side 
by  side  with  Charles  Stewart  Parnell  in  popular  lead- 
ership, and  was  the  main  restraining  influence  when 
the  ultra-radical  element,  infuriated  by  the  new  co- 
ercion laws  of  British  officialism,  broke  out  with  the 
"No  Rent"  and  other  revolutionary  manifestos.  He 
made  several  visits  to  Rome  in  defence  of  the  popular 
cause  and  to  oppose  the  attempts  of  British  diplomacy 
to  enlist  the  direct  intervention  of  the  influence  of  the 
Vatican  against  th»  Irish  Nationalists,  the  justice  of 
whose  efforts  he  vigorously  championed.  After  the 
fall  of  Parnell  and  the  confusion  and  factional  strife 


that  followed  he  withdrew  in  a  measure  from  active 
participation  in  politics,  but  never  lost  his  enthusiasm 
for  the  cause  of  Irish  national  regeneration. 

Freeman's  Journal  (Dublin);  The  Tablet  (London);  The 
Catholic  News  (New  York),  contemporary  filee;  Mohan,  His- 
tory of  the  Catholic  Church  in  Australasia  (Sydney,  a.  d.), 
917.  f  ' 


,918. 


Thomas  F.  Meehan. 


Orolly,  William,  Archbishop  of  Armagh,  b.  at 
BaUykilbeg,  near  Downpatrick,  8  June,  1780;  d.  6 
April,  1849.  At  fourteen  he  was  sent  to  a  classical 
school  in  Downpatrick,  conducted  by  Rev.  Mr.  Nel- 
son, a  Unitarian  minister,  as  there  were  no  Catholic 
schools  in  the  north  of  Ireland.  In  November,  1801, 
he  went  to  Maynooth,  and  obtained  first  place  in  dog* 
matic  theology  in  1806.  At  Pentecost  of  the  same 
year  he  was  ordained  priest  by  Dr.  Troy,  Archbishop 
of  Dublin,  and  for  six  years  lectured  in  logic,  meta- 
physics, and  ethics.  In  1812  he  took  charge  of  the 
parish  of  Belfast,  which  comprised  not  only  the  entire 
town  but  also  a  district  more  than  thirty  miles  in  ex- 
tent. On  being  appointed  Bishop  of  Down  and  Con- 
nor in  1825,  he  induced  the  Holy  See  to  change  the 
episcopal  parish  from  Downpatrick  to  Belfast,  the 
real  centre  of  the  diocese.  During  the  ten  years  he 
spent  as  bishop  of  this  see  he  built  a  large  church  in 
almost  every  parish,  and  founded  St.  Malachy's  Semi- 
nary. Owing  to  the  dearth  of  Catholic  schools,  Dr. 
Crolly  was  obliged  to  allow  Catholic  children  to  attend 
Protestant  schools,  a  course  of  action  which  caused  a 
fierce  controversy  after  his  death.  In  1835  he  was 
appointed  to  the  archdiocese  of  Armagh.  Up_  to  his 
tune  no  primate  had  been  allowed  to  reside  in  that 
town,  but  he  lived  alternately  there  and  in  Drogheda, 
where  most  of  the  primates  had  dwelt  in  penal  times. 
His  first  care  was  to  found  St.  Patrick's  Seminary  in 
Armagh,  which  was  opened  in  1838.  His  great  work 
however,  was  the  foundation  of  the  cathedral,  which 
was  not  completed  till  twenty-four  years  after  his 
death.  -  Having  with  great  difficulty  acquired  a  site 
on  an  historic  hill  by  the  side  of  the  town,  he  laid  the 
foundation  stone  on  St.  Patrick's  Day,  1840,  amid  a 
vast  assemblage  of  clergy  and  laity.  The  work  of 
construction  went  steadily  on  until  the  famine  years, 
and  the  primate  visited  several  cities  in  Ireland,  mak- 
ing an  appeal  in  person.  The  famine,  however, 
stopped  the  progress  of  the  work.  When  the  question 
of  the  Queen's  colleges  arose,  the  primate  was  one  of 
those  bishops  who  looked  favourably  on  the  project. 
It  is  certain,  however,  that  if  he  had  lived  till  the 
Synod  of  Thurles,  in  which  these  colleges  were  for- 
mally condemned  as  pernicious  to  the  Faith,  he  would 
have  laid  aside  his  own  private  opinions  on  this  sub- 
ject, and  submitted  to  the  decision  of  the  Holy  See. 
He  died  in  Drogheda  of  the  cholera.on  Good  Friday 
(6  April),  1849,  and  was  buried  on  Easter  Sunday  in 
the  centre  of  the  choir  of  the  still  unfinished  cathedral 
of  Armagh.  A  collection  of  the  "Select  Sermons"  of 
the  primate  was  published  shortly  after  his  death. 

Crolly,  Life  of  Dr.  Crolly  (Dublin,  1851);  Stcakt,  Risto- 
rical  Memoirs  of  Armagh,  Coleman  ed.  (Dundalk,  1900),  XX, 
299  aqq. 

A.  Coleman. 

Cromer,  Martin.    See  Kromer. 

Oronan,  name  of  several  Irish  saints. — I.  Saint 
Cronan  Mochua,  founder  of  the  See  of  Balla,  sub- 
sequently merged  into  that  of  Tuam,  Ireland,  flour- 
ished in  the  period  596-637,  d.  30  March,  637,  but 
his  Acts  are  more  or  less  of  a  legendary  character. 
However,  it  would  appear  that  he  was  educated 
at  Bangor,  under  St.  Comgall,  and  founded  a  mon- 
astery at  Gael,  among  the  Feara  Rois  of  Louth  and 
Monaghan,  whence  he  migrated  to  Fore  and  Te- 
ll illy.  Passing  through  Hy  Many,  he  journeyed  to 
Connacht,  in  616,  and  founded  the  church  and  Abbey 
of  Balla,  of  which  he  was  first  abbot-bishop.  Numer- 
ous miracles  are  recorded  of  St.  Cronan  Mochua,  and 


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ire  minutely  described  in  his  Irish  life.  His  feast  is 
celebrated  on  30  March,  though,  through  a  miscon- 
ception, his  Acts  are  given  by  the  Bollandiste  under 
date  of  1  January. 

Co  loan.  Acta  SS.  Mb.  (Louvain,  1646):  Butler,  Lives  of 
the  Saints;  Acta  Sanctorum,  Jan.  I  and  III:  Todd  and  Reeves, 
Martyrdom  at  Donegal  (Dublin,  1864);  O  Hanlon,  Lives  of  the 
Irish  Saints  (Dublin,  1875),  III;  Knox,  Notes  on  the  Dioceses  of 
Tuam  (1904);  Whitley  Stokes,  Anecdota  Oxonien.  (1890). 

II.  Saint  Cronan,  Abbot-Bishop  and  Patron  of 
Roscrea,  a  see  afterwards  incorporated  in  that  of  Kil- 
ls! oe,  Ireland;  b.  in  the  territory  of  Ely  O'Carroll; 
d.  28  April,  640.  After  spending  his  youth  in  Con- 
nacht,  he  returned  to  his  native  district  about  the 
year  610  and  founded  the  Abbey  of  Roscrea,  where  he 
established  a  famous  school.  Previously  he  settled 
at  a  place  known  as  Sean  ros  or  Loch  Cre,  a  wooded 
morass  far  from  the  haunts  of  men;  in  fact,  it  was 
utterly  wild,  so  much  so,  that  St.  Cronan  abandoned 
it  and  moved  to  the  wood  of  Cre,  that  is  Ros  cre. 
County  Tipperary.  Like  .  those  of  so  many  other 
Irish  saints  the  Acts  of  St.  Cronan  abound  in  miracles. 
The  most  surprising,  perhaps,  is  the  legend  as  to  the 
transcribing  of  the  Four  Gospels  by  one  of  his  monks, 
named  Dimma.  It  appears  that  Dimma  could  only 
undertake  one  day's  task,  from  sunrise  to  sunset.  St. 
Cronan,  however,  bade  him  write,  and  then  Dimma 
set  to  work,  never  ceasing  till  he  had  finished  the 
Four  Gospels,  the  sun  continuing  to  shine  for  the 
space  of  forty  days  and  forty  nights — the  scribe  him- 
self being  unconscious  that  the  work  had  occupied 
more  than  a  day.  Whatever  may  be  thought  of  this 
legend,  it  is  certain  that  a  magnificent  Evangelis- 
tarium,  known  as  the  "Book  of  Dimma",  was  for  cen- 
turies preserved  in  St.  Cronan's  Abbey  at  RoBcrea, 
and  is  now  in  the  library  of  Trinity  College,  Dublin. 
The  scribe,  Dimma  MacNathi,  signs  his  name  at  the 
conclusion  of  each  of  the  Gospels,  and  he  has  been 
identified  with  Dimma,  subsequently  Bishop  of  Con- 
nor, who  is  mentioned  with  St.  Cronan  in  the  letter  of 
Pope  John  IV  in  640,  in  regard  to  Pelagianism  in  Ire- 
land, but  this  identification  cannot  be  sustained.  The 
case  containing  the  "Book  of  Dimma"  was  richly  gilt 
by  order  of  O'Carroll,  Lord  of  Ely,  in  the  twelfth  cen- 
tury. Notwithstanding  the  conflicting  statements 
arising  from  the  number  of  contemporary  Irish  saints 
bearing  the  name  of  Cronan,  it  is  more  than  probable 
that  St.  Cronan  of  Roscrea,  as  les  Petite  Bollandistes 
say,  lived  as  late  as  the  year  640,  and  his  death  oc- 
curred on  28  April  of  that  year.  His  feast  is  cele- 
brated on  28  April  and  as  such  is  included  in  all  the 
Irish  calendars,  as  also  in  the  Kalendar  of  Drummond. 

Acta  SS.,  Ill,  28  April;  Butler,  Lives  of  the  Saints,  IV; 
O'Hanlon,  Lives  of  the  Irish  Saints  (Dublin,  1875),  IV;  Gil- 
bert, National  Manuscripts  of  Ireland  (1884);  Les  Petite  Bol- 
landistes (Paris,  1880),  V;  Lanioan,  Ecclesiastical  History  of 
Inland  (Dublin,  1829),  III:  Healt,  Ireland's  Ancient  Schools 
and  Scholars  (4th  ed.,  Dublin,  1902). 

A  number  of  other  saints  of  this  name  find  a  place 
in  Irish  calendars.  The  three  most  important  are 
St.  Cronan  Mochua,  of  Clashmore  (10  February) ;  St. 
Cronan,  Abbot  of  Clonmacnoise  (18  July);  and  St. 
Cronan,  Abbot  of  Moville  (7  Sept.).  Another  saint 
frequently  quoted  as  of  this  name  is  really  St.  Cuaran 
(Cuaranus  Sapiens),  whose  feast  occurs  on  9  February. 
There  is  also  a  St.  Cronan  Mochua  of  Sliabh  Eibhlem 
(4  May). 

W.  H.  Grattan-Flood. 

Orogier  (or  Pastoral  Staff),  The,  is  an  ecclesi- 
astical ornament  which  is  conferred  on  bishops  at  their 
consecration  and  on  mitred  abbots  at  their  investiture, 
and  which  is  used  by  these  prelates  in  performing  cer- 
tain solemn  functions.  It  is  sometimes  stated  that 
archbishops  do  not  use  the  crosier.  This  is  not  so,  the 
truth  being  that  in  addition  to  the  pastoral  staff  they 
have  also  the  right  to  have  the  archiepiscopal  cross 
borne  before  them  within  the  territory  of  their  juris- 


diction. According  to  present-day  usage  the  Roman 
pontiff  does  not  use  the  crosier.  That  this  practice  is 
a  departure  from  primitive  discipline  is  now  thor- 
oughly established,  for  in  the  early  representations  of 
the  popes  found  on  tablets,  coins,  and  other  monu- 
ments, the  crosier  is  to  be  seen  (Kraus,  Geschichte  der 
christlichen  Kunst, 
II,  500).  But  in 
the  eleventh  cen- 
tury this  cutsom 
must  have  disap- 
peared, since  Inno- 
cent III  (d.  1216) 
intimates  that  it  no 
longer  prevailed 
(Epistola  ad  Patr. 
Const.).  As  a  rea- 
son why  the  pope 
does  not  use  a 
crosier  symbolists 
allege  the  giving  by 
St.  Peter  of  his  staff 
to  one  of  his  dis- 
ciples in  order  to 
raise  a  dead  com- 
panion to  life.  The 
pastoral  staff  will 
here  be  treated  un- 
der: (l)thesymbo- 
lism  of  the  crosier; 
(2)  its  origin  and 
antiquity;  (3) early 
forms  and  subse- 
quent artistic  de- 
velopment. 

(1)  Symboli<tm. — 
The  crosier  is  a 
symbol  of  author- 
ity and  j  urisdiction. 
This  idea  is  clearly 
expressed  in  the 
words  of  the  Roman 
Pontifical  with 
which  the  staff  is 

E resented  to  the 
ishop  elect:  "Ao 
cipe  baculum  pas- 


Crosier  or  Ciulio  de'  Medici 
(afterwards  Clement  VII) 
(Pitti  Palace,  Florence) 


toralis  officii ;  et  sis  in  corrigendis  vitiis  pie  sseviens, 
judicium  sine  ira  tenens,  in  fovendis  virtutibus 
auditorum  animos  mulcens,  in  tranquillitate  sev- 
eritatis  censuram  non  deserens"  (Pont.  Rom.,  77). 
It  is  then,  as  Durandus  (Rationale  Divin.  Off.,  Ill, 
xv)  says,  borne  by  prelates  to  signify  their  authority 
to  correct  vices,  stimulate  piety,  administer  punish- 
ment, and  thus  rule  and  govern  with  a  gentle- 
ness that  is  tempered  with  severity.  The  same 
author  goes  on  to  say  that,  as  the  rod  of  Moses 
was  the  seal  and  emblem  of  his  Divine  commis- 
sion as  well  as  the  instrument  of  the  miracles  he 
wrought,  so  is  the  episcopal  staff  the  symbol  of  that 
doctrinal  and  disciplinary  power  of  bishops  in  vir- 
tue of  which  they  may  sustain  the  weak  and  faltering, 
confirm  the  wavering  in  faith,  and  lead  back  the  erring 
ones  into  the  true  fold.  Barbosa  (Pastoralis  Solhcitu- 
dinis,  etc.,  Tit.  I,  ch.  v)  alluding  to  the  prevalent  form 
of  the  staff,  says  that  the  end  is  sharp  and  pointed 
wherewith  to  prick  and  goad  the  slothful,  the  middle 
is  straight  to  signify  righteous  rule,  while  the  head  is 
bent  or  crooked  in  order  to  draw  in  and  attract  souls 
to  the  ways  of  God.  Bona  (Rerum  liturgic,  I,  xxiv) 
says  the  crosier  is  to  bishops  what  the  sceptre  is  to 
kings.  In  deference  to  this  symbolism  bishops  always 
carry  the  crosier  with  the  crook  turned  outwards, 
while  inferior  prelates  hold  it  with  the  head  reversed. 
Moreover,  the  crosiers  of  abbots  are  not  so  large  as 
episcopal  crosiers,  and  are  covered  with  a  veil  when  the 
bishop  is  present. 


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(2)  Origin. — The  origin  of  the  pastoral  staff  is  at 
times  associated  with  the  shepherd's  crook.  Whether 
the  usage  was  borrowed  from  this  source  is  doubtful. 
Some  writers  trace  an  affinity  with  the  lituus,  or  rod 
used  by  the  Roman  augurs  in  their  divinations,  while 
others  again  see  in  the  crosier  an  adaptation  of  the 
ordinary  walking-sticks  which  were  used  for  support 
on  journeys  and  in  churches  before  the  introduction  of 
seats  (Catalani,  Pont.  Rom.,  Proleg.,  xx).  At  all 
events,  it  came  at  a  very  early  date  to  be  one  of  the 
principal  insignia  of  the  episcopal  office.  Just  how 
soon  is  not  easily  determined,  since  in  the  early  pas- 
sages of  the  Fathers  in  which  the  word  occurs  it  can- 
not be  ascertained  whether  it  is  to  be  taken  literally  or 
metaphorically  (see  I  Cor.,  iv,  21),  or  whether  it  desig- 
nates an  ecclesiastical  ornament  at  all.  In  liturgical 
usage  it  probably  goes  back  to  the  fifth  century 
(Kirchenlex.,  e.  v.  Hirtenstab).  Mention  of  it  is  made 
in  a  letter  of  Pope 
Celestine  I  (d.  432) 
to  the  Bishops  of 
Vienne  and  Nar- 
bonne.  Staffs  have 
indeed  been  found 
in  the  catacombs 
that  date  from  the 
fourth  century  but 
their  ceremonial 
character  has  not 
been  established. 
The  first  unequiv- 
ocal reference  to  the 
crosier  as  a  liturgical  instrument 
occurs  in  the  twenty-seventh  canon 
of  the  Council  of  Toledo  (633). 
At  present  it  is  employed  by  bish- 
ops whenever  they  perforin  solemn 
pontifical  functions,  by  right  in 
their  own  dioceses  and  by  privilege 
outside,  and  by  inferior  prelates 
whenever  they  are  privileged  to  ex- 
ercise pontifical  functions. 

(3)  Form  and  Development. — 
The  evolution  of  the  staff  is  of 
interest.  Ecclesiologisl s (list inguish 
three  early  forms.  The  first  was 
a  rod  of  wood  bent  or  crooked  at 
the  top  and  pointed  at  the  lower 
end.  This  is  the  oldest  form  and 
was  known  as  the  pedum.  The 
second  had,  instead  of  the  crook,  a 
knob  which  was  often  surmounted 
by  a  cross,  and  was  called  the 
ferula  or  cambuta.  It  was  some- 
times borne  by  popes.  In  the 
third  form  the  top  consisted  of  a 
crux  decussata,  or  Greek  T,  the 
arms  of  the  cross  being  oiien  so 
twisted  as  to  represent  two  ser- 
pents opposed.  This,  known  as 
the  crocia,  was  borne  by  abbots 
and  bishops  of  the  Eastern  Rite. 
The  original  material  was  generally  cypress-wood, 
often  cased  or  inlaid  with  gold  or  silver.  Later  on 
the  staffs  were  made  of  solid  ivory,  gold,  silver, 
and  enamelled  metal.  From  the  many  specimens 
preserved  in  churches  as  well  as  from  the  representa- 
tions in  old  sculptures,  paintings,  and  miniatures, 
some  idea  may  be  formed  of  the  artistic  development 
of  the  staff  and  of  the  perfection  it  attained.  In  the 
cathedral  of  Bruges  is  preserved  the  crosier  of  St. 
Malo,  a  bishop  of  the  sixth  century.  The  staff  con- 
sists of  several  pieces  of  ivory  jointed  together  by 
twelve  copper  strips;  but  the  volute  is  modern 
(Reuscns,  E16m.  d'  arch.  chr£t.,  I,  604).  The  eleventh 
and  twelfth  centuries  witness  an  elaborate  display  of 
most  exquisite  ornamentation  bestowed  on  the  head 


Crosier  op  an  Ab- 
bot— Cellini 
(Abbey  of  Monte 
Cassino,  Italy) 


of  the  staff.  The  volute  often  terminated  in  a  dragon 
impaled  by  a  cross,  or  in  some  other  allegorical  figure, 
whilst  a  wealth  of  floral  decoration  rilled  up  the  curve. 
In  the  thirteenth  century  the  spaces  between  the 
spirals  of  the  c rocketed  volute  were  filled  with  reli- 
gious subjects,  statues  of  saints,  and  scenes  from  the 
animal  and  vegetable  kingdoms,  while  in  those  of  the 
Gothic  form  the  knob  was  set  in  precious  stones  and 
embellished  with  a  wreath  of  allegorical  ornamenta- 
tion. Quite  a  number  of  these  rich  and  valuable 
efforts  of  artistic  skill  have  come  down  to  us,  and  one 
or  more  may  be  seen  in  almost  every  old  cathedral  of 
England  and  the  Continent.  Oxford  possesses  three 
very  old  and  interesting  patterns,  that  preserved  at 
New  College  having  belonged  to  William  of  Wykeham. 
St.  Peter's  staff  is  said  to  be  preserved  in  the  cathedral 
of  Trier.  The  legend  may  be  seen  in  Barbosa  (Pas- 
toralis  Sollicitudinis,  etc.,  Tit.  I,  ch.  v).  As  to  the 
crosier  of  an  abbess  see  article  Abbess. 

Bona,  Rerum  lilurgicarum  libri  duo  (Turin,  1746),  I,  xxiv; 
Catalani,  Pontificate  Roman-urn  (Rome,  1850),  I,  Prolegomena, 
xx;  Mabtrne,  De  aniiquis  eccletia  ritibue  (Antwerp,  1784),  I, 
vih;  Reubens,  Element*  d'arch.  chrit.  (Dublin,  1886),  I,  602; 
II,  453;  Lerosey,  Manuel  liturgique  (Paris,  1800),  I,  258; 
Macaubter,  Eccletiattieat  VettmenU  (London,  1896),  66,  124; 
Pogin,  Glossary  of  Ecclesiastical  Ornament  (London,  1868); 
Kraub,  Getch.  der  chrisli.  Kunst  (Freiburg  im  Br.,  1897),  I,  522, 
II,  500:  de  Fleury,  La  Messe  (Paris,  1889),  VIII,  75-110; 
Bock,  Getch.  der  liturg.  Gaeander  (Bonn,  1856-62),  II,  218  sq.; 
Cahieb,  Atitanoes  torched.  (Paris,  1856),  IV,  139. 

Patrick  Morrisroe. 

Crosiers  (or  Canons  Regular  of  the  Holy 
Cross),  The,  a  religious  order,  founded  by  Theodore 
de  Celles,  who,  after  following  the  Emperor  Frederick 
Barbarossa  on  the  Crusade,  obtained  a  canonry  in 
the  Cathedral  of  St.  Lambert  at  Liege.  On  the  feast 
of  the  Exaltation  of  the  Holy  Cross  (14  Sept.,  1211), 
Theodore  with  four  of  his  fellow-canons  pronounced 
his  religious  vows  before  the  Bishop  of  Liege.  Hav- 
ing received  from  him  the  church  of  St.  Theobald  at 
Clair-Lieu,  near  Huy,  de  Celles  founded  there  the  first 
convent  of  the  order.  Pope  Innocent  III  verbally 
approved  the  new  order  in  1215,  and  Pope  Honorius 
III  gave  his  written  approbation,  which  was  confirmed 
by  Innocent  IV  on  the  feast  of  the  Finding  of  the 
Holy  Cross  (3  May,  1248).  The  new  institution  soon 
extended  to  France,  the  Netherlands,  Germany,  and 
also  to  England.    The  Canons  of  the  Holy  Cross 

g reached  to  the  Albigenses  with  St.  Dominic.  Albert, 
ishop  of  Prague,  took  several  Crosiers  and  other 
monks  with  him  to  Livonia,  where  a  great  many  of 
them  gained  the  glory  of  martyrdom  (1246).  Some 
other  Fathers  accompanied  St.  Louis  on  his  journey 
to  the  Holy  Land  in  1248.  After  returning,  he  en- 
abled them  to  build  the  main  convent  of  the  order  in 
Paris.  The  Canons  of  the  Holy  Cross  practise  both 
interior  and  exterior  self-denial,  in  order  to  imitate 
the  Saviour  crucified.  Contemplating  Christ's  Pas- 
sion they  try  to  sanctify  themselves,  and,  preaching 
the  mysteries  of  the  Cross,  they  endeavour  to  save 
others,  inducing  them  to  follow  in  the  footsteps  of  the 
Man  of  Sorrows. 

The  order  formerly  possessed  about  ninety  con- 
vents, nineteen  of  which  were  in  England.  These 
latter  were  destroyed  during  the  troublesome  times  of 
the  sixteenth  century.  The  Dutch  houses  were  de- 
spoiled at  the  time  of  the  Reformation.  Only  two  of 
them  were  spared.  Finally,  the  French  Revolution 
expelled  the  Crosiers  from  France  and  Belgium.  The 
two  remaining  convents  in  Holland  (at  St.  Agatha 
and  Uden  in  North  Brabant)  were  likewise  doomed  to 
extinction  by  King  William,  who  ordered  them  not 
to  admit  novices.  His  successor,  however,  retracted 
this  interdict  (14  Sept.,  1840),  and,  from  that  time, 
the  order  commenced  to  flourish  again.  From  these 
convents  three  large  branches  were  founded  in  Bel- 
gium, at  Diest  (1845);  at  Maeseyck  (1854);  at  Hannut 
(1904) ;  while  the  convent  of  Uden  has  been  totally  re- 
newed (1905),  and  the  mother-house  at  St.  Agatha 


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restored  (1907).  In  1857  the  master  general  of  the 
order  sent  some  missionaries  to  Bay  Settlement,  Wis- 
consin, U.  S.  A.,  but  the  undertaking  failed  on  ac- 
count of  insuperable  difficulties.  Pope  Urban  VIII 
gave  to  the  master  general,  August  Neerius,  and  his 
successors,  the  privileges  of  purple,  crosier-staff,  mitre, 
and  pontificalia,  together  with  some  other  exceptional 
favours  (1630).  Pope  Leo  X  added  the  special  fac- 
ulty of  blessing  rosaries  or  chaplets,  so  that  on  a 
rosary  indulgenced  by  Crosiers  500  days  of  indul- 
gence are  to  be  gained  each  time  a  Pater  or  Ave  is 
said.  The  Indulgence  is  also  applicable  to  the  souls  in 
purgatory  (Gregory  XVI,  decrees  of  15  Sept.,  1842: 
13  July,  1845;  Pius  IX,  9  Jan.,  1848).  Pope  Pius  X 
decreed  that  both  the  Crosier  and  the  Dominican  In- 
dulgences may  be  gained  together  on  condition  that 
a  whole  chaplet  is  said. 

After  one  year  of  probation  the  Crosier  novice 
enters  into  the  order  by  a  simple  but  perpetual 
profession;  the  solemn  profession  follows  three 
years  thereafter.  The  priests  and  the  professed 
clerics  wear  a  white  tunic,  over  which  is  a  black 
scapular;  a  short  black  mantle  (mozetta)  and  a  hood  of 
the  same  colour  complete  their  costume.  Upon  the 
breast  of  the  scapular  a  cross  is  sewed,  the  upright  bar 
of  which  is  red,  and  the  cross-bar  white.  A  prior 
presides  over  each  convent  and  the  order  is  governed 
by  a  master  general,  elected  for  life,  fifty-two  having 
ruled  from  the  foundation  to  1908.  As  their  particular 
patroness  the  Crosiers  venerate  St.  Odilia,  a  compan- 
ion of  St.  Ursula,  who  is  said  to  have  appeared  in  Paris 
to  a  lay  brother  of  the  order,  named  Jean  de  Novellan 
(1387),  after  which  her  relics  were  found  at  Cologne 
and  brought  to  the  mother-house  at  Huy.  A  great 
many  pilgrims  visit  the  churches  of  the  Crosiers  dur- 
ing the  octave  of  St.  Odilia's  Feast  (18  July),  in  order 
to  obtain  her  protection,  and  to  be  cured  from  oph- 
thalmy,  and  water  blessed  in  honour  of  St.  Odilia  is 
sent  on  request  by  the  Crosiers  all  over  the  world. 
The  life  of  the  Crosier  Fathers  is  both  contemplative 
and  active.  They  give  missions,  retreats,  and  assist 
the  secular  clergy  when  asked.  They  also  educate 
young  men  aspiring  to  the  priesthood  in  their  colleges. 

Janben  in  KirchenUz.,  s.v.;  VERDnc,  Vie  du  Pere  Theodore 
de  Cellee  (Pengueux,  1632);  Godefb.  1  Lit.,  Exvlanalio  coneti- 
tulionum  O.  fratrum  Crudferorum  (Cologne,  1632);  Hermans, 
Annate*  canonicorumrcaulariume.AuQ.  Ord.  t.  crude  (Hertogen- 
bosch,  1858);  Reaula  et  conetUutionee  Fr.  Ordinie  canonici 
».  crude  (St.  Michael's,  1868);  Rossel,  Chronicon  Ordinie  e. 
crude  (Cologne,  1636). 

H.  YZERMANS. 

Cross,  Apparition  of  the.    See  Constantine. 

Cross,  Sign  of  the.    See  Sign  op  the  Cross. 

Cross,  Wat  op  the.   See  Wat  op  the  Cross. 

Cross  And  Crucifix,  The. — For  greater  clearness 
and  convenience  the  article  under  this  general  heading 
will  be  divided,  to  correspond  as  nearly  as  possible 
with  three  broad  aspects  of  the  subject,  into  three 
principal  sections,  each  of  which  will  again  be  divided 
into  subsections,  as  follows: — 

I.  ArcHjEOlogy  op  the  Cross:  (1)  Primitive  Cruci- 
form Signs;  (2)  The  Cross  as  an  Instrument  of  Punish- 
ment in  the  Ancient  World;  (3)  The  Crucifixion  of  Jesus 
Christ;  (4)  Gradual  Development  of  the  Cross  in  Chris- 
tian Art;  (5)  Later  Development  of  the  Crucifix. 

II.  The  True  Cross  and  Representations  of  it  as 
Objects  op  Devotion:  (1)  Growth  of  (he  Christian 
Cult;  (2)  Catholic  Doctrine  on  the  Veneration  of  the 
Cross;  (3)  Relics  of  the  True  Cross;  (4)  Principal 
Feasts  of  the  Cross. 

III.  Cross  and  Crucifix  in  Liturgy:  (1)  Material 
Objects  in  Liturgical  Use;  (2)  Liturgical  Forms  Con- 
nected with  Them:  (3)  Festivals  Commemorative  of  the 
Holy  Cross;  (4)  Rite  of  the  "Adoration";  (5)  The  Cross 
as  a  Manual  Sign  of  Blessing;  (6)  Dedications  of 
Churches,  etc.  to  the  Holy  Cross;  (7)  The  Cross  in  Re- 


ligious Orders  and  in  the  Crusades;  (8)  The  Cross  out- 
side of  the  Catholic  Church. 

I.  Archaeology  op  the  Cross. — (1)  Primitive  Cru- 
ciform Signs. — The  sign  of  the  cross,  represented  in  its 
simplest  form  by  a  crossing  of  two  lines  at  right  angles, 
greatly  antedates,  in  both  the  East  and  the  West,  the 
introduction  of  Christianity.  It  goes  back  to  a  very 
remote  period  of  human  civilization.  In  fact,  some 
have  sought  to  attach  to  the  widespread  use  of  this 
sign,  a  real  ethnographic  importance.  It  is  true  that 
in  the  sign  of  the  cross  the  decorative  and  geometrical 
concept,  obtained  by  a  juxtaposition  of  lines  pleasing 
to  the  sight,  is  remarkably  prominent;  nevertheless, 
the  cross  was  originally  not  a  mere  means  or  object  of 
ornament,  and  from  the  earliest  times  had  certainly 
another — i.  e.  a  symbolico-religious— significance. 
The  primitive  form  of  the  cross  seems  to  have  been 
that  of  the  so-called  "gamma"  cross  (crux  gammata), 
better  known  to  Orientalists  and  students  of  pre- 
historic archaeology  by  its  Sanskrit  name,  |  r~ 
swastika.    The  commonest  form  of  this  sign  is  ^Pl 

At  successive  periods  this  was  modified,  becoming 
curved  at  the  extremities,  or  adding  to  them  more 
complex  lines  or  ornamental  points,  which  latter  also 
meet  at  the  central  intersection.  The  swastika  is  a 
sacred  sign  in  India,  and  is  very  ancient  and  wide- 
spread throughout  the  East.  It  has  a  solemn  mean- 
ing among  both  Brahmins  and  Buddhists,  though  the 
elder  Burnout  ("  Le  lotus  de  la  bonne  loi,  traduit  du 
Sanscrit",  p.  625;  Journ.  Asiatic  Soc.  of  Great  Britain, 
VI,  454)  believes  it  more  common  among  the  latter 
than  among  the  former.  It  seems  to  have  represented 
the  apparatus  used  at  one  time  by  the  fathers  of  the 
human  race  in  kindling  fire ;  and  for  this  reason  it  was  the 
symbol  of  living  flame,  of  sacred  fire,  whose  mother  is 
Maia,  the  personification  of  productive  power  (Bur- 
nouf,  La  science  des  religions).  It  is  also,  according  to 
Milani,  a  symbol  of  the  sun  (Bertrand,  La  religion  des 
Gaulois,  p.  159),  and  seems  to  denote  its  daily  rota- 
tion. Others  have  seen  in  it  the  mystic  representation 
of  lightning  or  of  the  god  of  the  tempest,  and  even  the 
emblem  of  the  Aryan  pantheon  and  the  primitive 
Aryan  civilization.  Emile  Burnouf  (op.  cit.,  p.  625), 
taking  the  Sanskrit  word  literally,  divided  it  into  the 
particles  su-asti-ka,  equivalents  of  the  Greek  «W»r(- 
<cij.  In  this  way,  especially  through  the  adverbial  par- 
ticle, it  would  mean  "sign  of  benediction",  or  "of  good 
omen"  (svasti),  also  "  of  health"  or  "life".  The  par- 
ticle ka  seems  to  have  been  used  in  a  causative  sense 
(Burnouf,  Dictionnaire  sanscrit-fran^ais,  1866).  The 
swastika  sign  was  very  widespread  throughout  the 
Orient,  the  seat  of  the  oldest  civilizations.  The 
Buddhist  inscriptions  carved  in  certain  caves  of  West- 
ern India  are  usually  preceded  or  closed  by  this  sacred 
sign  (Thomas  Edward,  "The  Indian  Swastika",  1880; 
Philip  Greg,  "On  the  Meaning  and  Origin  of  the  Fylfot 
and  Swastika").  The  celebrated  excavations  of 
Schliemann  at  Hissarlik  on  the  site  of  ancient  Troy 
brought  to  light  numerous  examples  of  the  swastika: 
on  spindle-racks,  on  a  cube,  sometimes  attached  to  an 
animal,  and  even  cut  upon  the  womb  of  a  female  idol, 
a  detail  also  noticeable  on  a  small  statue  of  the  goddess 
Athis.  The  swastika  sign  is  seen  on  Hittite  monu- 
ments, e.  g.  on  a  cylinder  ("The  monuments  of  the 
Hittites"  in  "Transactions  of  the  Soc.  of  Bibl.  Archa> 
ology",  VII,  2,  p.  259.  For  its  presence  on  Galatian 
anoBithynian  monuments,  see  Guillaume  and  Perrot, 
"Exploration  arch^ologique  de  la  Galatie  et  de  la 
Bithynie",  Atlas,  PI.  IX).  We  find  it  also  on  the 
coins  of  Lycia  and  of  Gaza  in  Palestine.  In  the  Island 
of  Cyprus  it  is  found  on  earthenware  vessels.  It  orig- 
inally represents,  as  again  at  Athens  and  Mycenae,  a 
flying  bird.  In  Greece  we  have  specimens  of  it  on 
urns  and  vases  of  Bceotia,  on  an  Attic  vase  represent- 
ing a  Gorgon,  on  coins  of  Corinth  (Raoul-Rochette, 
"Mem.  de Tacad.  des  inscr.",  XVI,  pt.  II,  302  sqq.; 
"Hercule  assyrien",  377-380;  Minervini  in  "Bull. 


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arch.  Napolit.",  Ser.  2,  II,  178-179),  and  in  the  treas- 
ury of  Orchomenus.  It  seems  to  have  been  unknown 
in  Assyria,  in  Phoenicia,  and  in  Egypt.  In  the  West  it 
is  most  frequently  found  in  Etruna.  It  appears  on  a 
cinerary  urn  of  Chiusi,  and  on  the  fibula  found  in  the 
famous  Etruscan  tomb  at  Cere  (Grifi,  Mon.  di  Cere, 
PI.  VI,  no.  1).  There  are  many  such  emblems  on  the 
urns  found  at  Capanna  di  Corneto,  Bolsena,  and  Vetu- 
lonia;  also  in  a  Samnite  tomb  at  Capua,  where  it  ap- 
pears in  the  centre  of  the  tunio  of  the  person  there  de- 
picted (Minervini,  Bull.  arch.  Napolit.,  ser.  2,  PI. 
II,  178-179).  This  sign  is  also  found  in  Pompeian 
mosaics,  on  Italo-Grecian  vases,  on  coins  of  Syracuse 
in  Sicily  (Raoul-Rochette,  "Mem.  de  l'acad.  des 
inscr."  PI.  XVI,  pt.  II,  302  sqq.;  Minervini,  "Bull, 
arch.  Nap.",  ser.  2,  PI.  II,  p.  178-179);  finally,  among 
the  ancient  Germans,  on  a  rock-carving  in  Sweden,  on 
a  few  Celtic  stones  in  Scotland,  and  on  a  Celtic  stone 
discovered  in  the  County  of  Norfolk,  England,  and  now 
in  the  British  Museum.  The  swastika  appears  in  an 
epitaph  on  a  pagan  tombstone  of  Tebessa  in  Roman 
Africa  (Annuaire  de  la  Socteto'  de  Constantine,  1858- 
69,  205,  87),  on  a  mosaic  of  the  ignispicium  (Ennio 
Quirino  Visconti,  Opere  varie,  ed.  Milan,  I,  141, 
sqq.),  and  in  a  Greek  votive  inscription  at  Porto.  In 
this  last  monument  the  swastika  is  imperfect  in  form, 
and  resembles  a  Phoenician  letter.  We  shall  explain 
below  the  value  and  symbolical  meaning  of  this  crux 
gammata  when  found  on  Christian  monuments.  But 
the  swastika  is  not  the  only  sign  of  this  kind  known  to 
antiquity.  Cruciform  objects  have  been  found  in  As- 
syria. The  statues  of  Kings  Asurnazirpal  and  San- 
sirauman,  now  in  the  British  Museum,  have  cruciform 
jewels  about  the  neck  (Layard,  Monuments  of  Nine- 
veh, II,  pi.  IV).  Cruciform  earrings  were  found  by 
Father  Delattre  in  Punic  tombs  at  Carthage. 

Another  symbol  which  has  been  connected  with 
the  cross  is  the  ansated  cross  {crux  ansata)  of  the  an- 
cient Egyptians  XL  wrongly  called  the  "ansated 
key  of  the  Nile".  I  It  often  appears  as  a  symbolic 
sign  in  the  hands  of  the  goddess  Sekhet.  From  the 
earliest  times  also  it  appears  among  the  hieroglyphic 
signs  symbolic  of  life  or  of  the  living,  and  was  trans- 
literated into  Greek  as  'Aiwij  (Ansa).  But  the 
meaning  of  this  sign  is  very  obscure  (De  Morgan, 
Recherches  sur  les  origines  de  l'Egypte,  1896-98); 
perhaps  it  was  originally,  like  the  swastika,  an  astro- 
nomical sign.  The  ansated  cross  is  found  on  many 
and  various  monuments  of  Egypt  (Prisse  d'Avennes, 
L'art  Egyptien,  404).  In  later  times  the  Egyptian 
Christians  (Copts),  attracted  by  its  form,  and  perhaps 
by  its  symbolism,  adopted  it  as  the  emblem  of  the 
cross  (Gayet,  "Les  monuments  coptes  du  Musee  de 
Boulaq"  in  "Memoires  de  la  mission  francaise  du 
Cairo'7,  VIII,  fasc.  Ill,  1889,  p.  18,  pi.  XXXI-XXXII 
and  LXX-LXXI).  (For  further  information  regarding 
the  resemblance  between  the  cross  and  the  oldest  sym- 
bolic signs  see  G.  de  Mortillet,  "Le  signe  de  la  croix 
avant  le  christianisme",  Paris,  1866;  Letronne,  "La 
croix  ansee  egyptienne  in  "Memoires  de  l'academie 
des  inscriptions  ,  XVI,  pt.  II,  1846,  p.  236-84;  L.  Mai- 
ler, "Ueber  Sterne,  Kreuze  und  Kranze  als  religiose 
Symbole  der  alten  Kulturvolker",  Copenhagen,  1865; 
W.  W.  Blake,  "The  Cross,  Ancient  and  Modern", 
New  York,  1888;  Ansault,  "Memoire  sur  le  culte  de 
la  croix  avant  Jesus-Christ",  Paris,  1891.)  We  may 
add  that  some  have  claimed  to  find  the  cross  on 
Grecian  monuments  in  the  letter  X  (cht),  which,  some- 
times in  conjunction  with  P  (rho),  represented  on 
coins  the  initial  letters  of  the  Greek  word  xpwovp, 
"gold",  or  other  words  indicative  of  the  value  of  the 
coin,  or  the  name  of  the  coiner  (Madden,  "  History  of 
Jewish  Coinage",  London,  1864,  83-87;  Eckhel, 
"Doctrina  nummorum",  VIII,  89;  F.  X.  Kraus, 
"  Real-Encyklopadiederchristlichen  Alterthumer",  II, 
224-225).    We  shall  return,  later  on,  to  these  letters. 

In  the  bronze  age  we  meet  in  different  parts  of 


Europe  a  more  accurate  representation  of  the  cross, 
as  conceived  in  Christian  art,  and  in  this  shape  it  was 
soon  widely  diffused.  This  more  precise  characteriza- 
tion coincides  with  a  corresponding  general  change  in 
customs  and  beliefs.  The  cross  is  now  met  with,  in 
various  forms,  on  many  objects:  fibulas,  cinctures, 
earthenware  fragments,  and  on  the  bottom  of  drinking 
vessels.  De  Mortillet  is  of  opinion  that  such  use  of 
the  sign  was  not  merely  ornamental,  but  rather  a  sym- 
bol of  consecration,  especially  in  the  case  of  objects 
pertaining  to  burial.  In  the  pro  to-Etruscan  cemetery 
of  Golasecca  every  tomb  has  a  vase  with  a  cross  en- 
graved on  it.  True  crosses  of  more  or  less  artistic 
design  have  been  found  in  Tiryns,  at  Mycenae,  in 
Crete,  and  on  a  fibula  from  Vulci.  These  pre-Chris- 
tian figures  of  the  cross  have  misled  many  writers  to 
see  in  them  types  and  symbols  of  the  manner  in 
which  Jesus  Christ  was  to  expiate  our  sins.  Such 
inferences  are  unwarranted,  being  contrary  to  the 
just  rules  of  criticism  and  to  the  exact  interpretation 
of  ancient  monuments. 

(2)  The  Cross  as  an  Instrument  of  Punishment  in 
the  Ancient  World. — The  crucifixion  of  living  persons 
was  not  practised  among  the  Hebrews;  capital  pun- 
ishment among  them  consisted  in  being  stoned  to 
death,  e.  g.  the  protomartyr  Stephen  (Acts,  vii,  57, 
58).  But  when  Palestine  became  Roman  territory 
the  cross  was  introduced  as  a  form  of  punishment, 
more  particularly  for  those  who  could  not  prove  their 
Roman  citizenship;  later  on  it  was  reserved  for 
thieves  and  malefactors  (Josephus,  Antiq.,  XX,  vi, 
2;  Bell.  Jud.,  II,  xii,  6j  XIV,  9;  V,  xi,  1).  Though 
not  infrequent  in  the  East,  it  was  but  rarely  that  the 
Greeks  made  use  of  it.  It  is  mentioned  by  Demos- 
thenes (c.  Mid.)  and  by  Plato  (Rep.,  II,  5;  also 
Gorgias).  The  stake  and  the  gibbet  were  more  com- 
mon, the  criminal  being  suspended  on  them  or  bound 
to  them,  but  not  nailed.  Certain  Greeks  who  had 
befriended  the  Carthaginians  were  crucified  near 
Motya  by  order  of  Dionysius  of  Syracuse  (Diodor. 
Sic,  XIV,  53).  Both  in  Greece  and  in  the  East  the 
cross  was  a  customary  punishment  of  brigands  (Her- 
mann, Grundsatze  und  Anwendung  des  Straf- 
rechts,  GOttingen,  1885,  83).  It  was  at  Rome,  how- 
ever, that  from  early  republican  times  the  cross  was 
most  frequently  used  as  an  instrument  of  punishment, 
and  amid  circumstances  of  great  severity  and  even 
cruelty.  It  was  particularly  the  punishment  for 
slaves  found  guilty  of  any  serious  crime.  Hence  in 
two  places  (Pro  Cluent.,  66;  I  Philipp.,  ii),  Cicero 
calls  it  simply  "servile  supplicium" — the  punishment 
of  slaves — more  explicitly  (In  Verr.,  66),  "servi- 
tutis  extremum  summumque  supplicium" — the  final 
and  most  terrible  punishment  of  slaves.  Huschke, 
however  (Die  Multa),  does  not  admit  that  it  was 
originally  a  servile  punishment.  It  was  inflicted  also, 
as  Cicero  tells  us  (XIII  Phil.,  xii:  Verr.,  V,  xxvii),  on 

Erovincials  convicted  of  brigandage.  It  is  certain, 
owever,  that  it  was  absolutely  forbidden  to  inflict 
this  degrading  and  infamous  punishment  on  a  Roman 
citizen  (Cic,  Verr.  Act.,  I,  5;  II,  3,  5;  III,  2,  24,  26: 
IV,  10  sqq.;  V,  28,  52,  61,  66);  moreover,  an  illegal 
application  of  this  punishment  would  have  constituted 
a  violation  of  the  leges  sacrata.  Concerning  a  slave, 
the  master  might  act  in  one  of  two  ways;  lie  might 
condemn  the  slave  arbitrarily  (Horace,  Sat.  lii; 
Juvenal,  Sat.  vi,  219),  or  he  might  turn  him  over  t<> 
the  triumvir  capitalis,  a  magistrate  whose  duty  it  was 
to  look  after  capital  punishment. 

The  legal  immunity  of  the  Roman  citizen  was  some- 
what modified  when  the  poorer  citizens  (humiliores) 
were  declared  subject  to  the  punishment  of  the  cross 
(Paul.,  "Sent.",  V,  xxii,  1 ;  Sueton.,  "Galba",ix;  Quin- 
til.,  VIII,  iv).  The  punishment  of  the  cross  was  regu- 
larly inflicted  for  such  grave  crimes  as  highway  robbery 
and  piracy  (Petron.,  Ixxii;  Flor.,  Ill,  xix),  for  public 
accusation  of  his  master  by  a  slave  (delatio  domini), 


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or  for  a  tow  made  against  his  master's  prosperity 
(de  salute  dominorum.  See  Capitolin.,  Pertinax,'  ix; 
Herodian,  V,  ii:  Paul.,  "Sent.  ,  V,  xxi,  4),  for  sedi- 
tion and  tumult  (Paul.,  Fr.  xxxviii;  Digest.  "De 
pcenis",  xlviii,  19,  and  "Sent.",  V,  221 ;  Dion.,  V,  52; 
Josephus,  "Antiq.",  XIII,  xxh,  and  "Bell.  Jud.",  II, 
iii),  for  false  witness,  in  which  case  the  guilty  party  was 
sometimes  condemned  to  wild  beasts  (ad  bestuts,  Paul., 
"Sent.",  V,  xxiii,  1),  and  on  fugitive  slaves,  who  were 
sometimes  burned  alive  (Fr.  xxxviii,  S.  1 ;  Digest.  "  De 
poenis",  XL VIII,  xix).  According  to  Roman  custom, 
the  penalty  of  crucifixion  was  always  preceded  by 
scourging  (virgis  cmdere,  Prud.,  "Enchirid.",  xli,  1): 
after  this  preliminary  punishment,  the  condemned 
person  had  to  carry  the  cross,  or  at  least  the  trans- 
verse beam  of  it.  to  the  place  of  execution  (Plut., 
"Tard.  dei  vind.  ,  ix, "  Artemid.",  II,  xli),  exposed  to 
the  gibes  and  insults  of  the  people  (Joseph.,  "  Antiq.", 
XIX,  iii;  Plaut.,  "Most.",  I,  1,  52;  Dion.,  VII,  69). 
On  arrival  at  the  place  of  execution  the  cross  was 
uplifted  (Cic,  Verr.,  V,  lxvi).  Soon  the  sufferer,  en- 
tirely naked,  was  bound  to  it  with  cords  (Plin.,  "  Hist. 
Nat.",  XXVIII,  iv:  Auson.,"Id.",  VI,  60;  Lucan,  VI, 
543,  547),  indicated  in  Latin  by  the  expressions  agere, 
dare,  ferre,  or  tollere  in  crucem.  He  was  then,  as 
Plautus  tells  us,  fastened  with  four  nails  to  the  wood 
of  the  cross  ("  Lact.",  IV,  13 ;  Senec., "  Vita  beat.",  19 ; 
Tert.,  "Adv.  Jud.",  x;  Justus  Lipsius  "De  Cruce", 
n,  vu;  xli— ii).  Finally,  a  placard  called  the  titulus, 
bearing  the  name  of  the  condemned  man  and  his  sen- 
tence, was  placed  at  the  top  of  the  cross  (Euseb.. 
"Hist.  Eccl.",  V,  1;  Suet.,  "Caligula",  xxxviii  and 
"Domit.",  x;  Matt.,  xxvii,  37;  John,  xix,  19).  Slaves 
were  crucified  outside  of  Rome  in  a  place  called  Ses- 
sorium,  beyond  the  Esquiline  Gate;  their  execution 
was  entrusted  to  the  carnijex  nervorum  (Tacit.. "  Ann.", 
II,  32;  XV.  60;  XIV,  33;  Plut.,  "Galba",  ix;  Plaut.. 
"Pseudol.'*,  13,  V,  98).  Eventually  this  wretched 
locality  became  a  forest  of  crosses  (Loiseleur,  Des 
peines),  while  the  bodies  of  the  victims  were  the 
prey  of  vultures  and  other  rapacious  birds  (Horace, 
u  Epod. ",  V,  99,  and  thescholia  of  Crusius ;  Plin., "  Hist. 
Nat.",  XXXVI,  cvii).  It  often  happened  that  the 
condemned  man  did  not  die  of  hunger  or  thirst,  but 
lingered  on  the  cross  for  several  days  (laid.,  V;  27; 
Senec.,  Epist.  ci).  To  shorten  his  punishment,  there- 
fore, and  lessen  his  terrible  sufferings,  his  legs  were 
sometimes  broken  (crurifragium,  crura  frangere;  Cic, 
XHI  Philipp.,  xii).  This  custom,  exceptional  among 
the  Romans,  was  common  with  the  Jews.  In  this 
way  it  was  possible  to  take  down  the  corpse  on  the 
very  evening  of  the  execution  (Tert.,  "Adv.  Jud.",  x; 
Isid.,  V,  xxvii;  Lactant.,  IV,  xvi).  Among  the  Ro- 
mans, on  the  contrary,  the  corpse  could  not  be  taken 
down,  unless  such  removal  had  been  specially  author- 
ized in  the  sentence  of  death.  The  corpse  might  also 
be  buried  if  the  sentence  permitted  (Valer.  Max.,  vi, 
2;  Senec.,  "Controv.",  VIII,  iv:  Cic,  "Tusc",  I,  43; 
Catull.,  cvi,  1;  Horace,  "Epod.",  1, 16-48;  Prudent., 
"Peristephanon",  I,  65;  Petron.,  lxi  sqq.). 

The  punishment  of  the  cross  remained  in  force 
throughout  the  Roman  Empire  until  the  first  half  of 
the  fourth  century.  In  the  early  part  of  his  reign 
Constantine  continued  to  inflict  the  penalty  of  the 
cross  (affigere  patibulo)  on  slaves  guilty  of  delatio 
domini,  i.  e.  of  denouncing  their  masters  (Cod.  Th.  ad 
leg.  Jul.  magist.).  Later  on  he  abolished  this  infa- 
mous punishment,  in  memory  and  in  honour  of  the  Pas- 
sion of  Jesus  Christ  (Eus.,  "Hist.  Eccl.",  I,  viii;  Schol. 
Juvenal.,  XIV,  78;  Niceph.,  VII,  46;  Cassiod.,  "Hist. 
Trip.",  I,  9;  Codex  Theod.,  IX,  5,  18).  Thereafter, 
this  punishment  was  very  rarely  inflicted  (Eus.,  "  Hist. 
Eccl.",  IV,  xxxv ;  Pacat.,  "Paneg.",  xliv).  Towards 
the  fifth  century  the  furea,  or  gibbet,  was  substituted 
for  the  cross  (Pio  Franchi  de'Cavalieri,  "Delia  forca 
sostituita  alia  croce"  in  "Nuovo  bulletino  di  archeo- 
logia  cristiana",  1907,  nos.  1-3,  63  sqq.). 


The  penalty  of  the  cross  goes  back  probably  to  the 
arbor  infelix,  or  unhappy  tree,  spoken  of  by  Cicero 
(Pro  Rabir.,  iii  sqq.)  and  by  Livy,  apropos  of  the 
condemnation  of  Horatius  after  the  murder  of  his  sister. 
According  to  Huschke  (Die  Multa,  190)  the  magis- 
trates known  as  duoviri  perdueUionia  pronounced  mis 
penalty  (cf.  Li  v.,  I,  266),  styled  also  infelix  lignum 
(Senec,  Ep.  ci;  Plin.,  XVI,  xrvi;  XXIV,  ix;  Macrob., 
II,  xvi).  This  primitive  form  of  crucifixion  on  trees 
was  long  in  use,  as  Justus  Lipsius  notes  ("De  cruce", 
I,  ii,  5;  cf.  Tert.,  "Apol.",  VIII,  xvi;  and  "Martyrol. 
Paphnut.",  25  Sept.).  Such  a  tree  was  known  as  a 
cross  (crux).  On  an  ancient  vase  we  see  Prometheus 
bound  to  a  beam  which  serves  the  purpose  of  a  cross. 
A  somewhat  different  form  is  seen  on  an  ancient  cist 
at  Praneete  (Palestrina),  upon  which  Andromeda  is 
represented  nude,  and  bound  by  the  feet  to  an  instru- 
ment of  punishment  like  a  military  yoke,  i.  e.  two 
parallel,  perpendicular  stakes,  surmounted  by  a  trans- 
verse bar.  Certain  it  is,  at  any  rate,  that  the  cross 
originally  consisted  of  a  simple  vertical  pole,  sharpened 
at  its  upper  end.  Maecenas  (Seneca,  Epist.  xvii,  1, 
10)  calls  it  acuta  crux;  it  could  also  be  called  crux  sim- 
plex. To  this  upright  pole  a  transverse  bar  was  after- 
wards added  to  which  the  sufferer  was  fastened  with 
nails  or  cords,  and  thus  remained  until  he  died,  whence 
the  expression  cruci  figere  or  affigere  (Tac,  "Ann.", 
XV,  xhv ;  Petron., "  Satyr.",  iii).  The  cross,  especially 
in  the  earlier  times,  was  generally  low.  It  was  ele- 
vated only  in  exceptional  cases,  particularly  when  it 
was  desired  to  make  the  punishment  more  exemplary, 
or  when  the  crime  was  exceptionally  serious.  Sue 
tonius  (Galba,  ix)  tells  us  that  Galba  did  this  in  the 
case  of  a  certain  criminal  for  whom  he  caused  to  be 
made  a  very  high  cross  painted  white — "  multo  prater 
cteteras  altiorem  et  dealbatam  statui  crucem  jussit". 

Lastly,  we  may  note,  in  regard  to  the  material  form 
of  the  cross,  that  somewhat  different  ideas  prevailed 
in  Greece  and  Italy.  The  cross,  mentioned  even  in 
the  Old  Testament,  is  called  in  Hebrew,  'ic,  i.  e. 
"wood",  a  word  often  translated  crux  by  St.  Jerome 
(Gen.,  xl,  19;  Jos.,  viii,  29;  Esther,  v,  14;  viii,  7;  ix, 
25).  In  Greek  it  is  called  travp6s,  which  Burnouf 
would  derive  from  the  Sanskrit  stdvora.  The  word 
was,  however,  frequently  used  in  a  broad  sense. 
Speaking  of  Prometheus  nailed  to  Mount  Caucasus, 
Lucian  uses  the  substantive  oravpis  and  the  verbs 
Amurravpdu  and  dw<r/coXoir/{to,  the  latter  being  derived 
from  VKfSmj/,  which  also  signifies  a  cross.  In  the 
same  way  the  rock  to  which  Andromeda  was  fastened 
is  called  crux,  or  cross.  The  Latin  word  crux  was 
applied  to  the  simple  pole,  and  indicated  directly  the 
nature  and  purpose  of  this  instrument,  being  derived 
from  the  verb  crucio,  "to  torment",  "to  torture" 
(Isid.,  Or.,  V,  xvii,  33;  Forcellini,  s.  w.  Crucio,  Crux). 
It  is  also  to  be  noted  that  the  word  furca  must  have 
been  at  least  partially  equivalent  to  crux.  In  fact 
the  identification  of  these  two  words  is  constant  in 
the  legal  diction  of  Justinian  (Fr.  xxviii,  15;  Fr. 
xxxviii,  S.  2;  Digest.  "De  poenis",  xlviii,  19). 

(3)  The  Crucifixion  of  Jesus  Christ. — Among  the 
Romans  the  cross  never  had  the  symbolical  meaning 
which  it  had  in  the  ancient  Orient;  they  regarded  it 
solely  as  a  material  instrument  of  punishment.  There 
are  in  the  Old  Testament  clear  allusions  to  the  Cross 
and  Crucifixion  of  Jesus  Christ.  Thus  the  Greek  letter 
T  (tau  or  thau)  appears  in  Ezechiel  (ix,  4),  according  to 
St.  Jerome  and  other  Fathers,  as  a  solemn  symbol  of 
the  Cross  of  Christ — "Mark  Thau  upon  the  foreheads 
of  the  men  that  sigh".  The  only  other  symbol  of 
crucifixion  indicated  in  the  Old  Testament  is  the 
brazen  serpent  in  the  Book  of  Numbers  (xxi,  8-9). 
Christ  Himself  thus  interpreted  the  passage:  "As 
Moses  lifted  up  the  serpent  in  the  desert,  so  must 
the  Son  of  man  be  lifted  up"  (John,  iii,  14).  The 
Psalmist  predicts  the  piercing  of  the  hartds  and  the 
feet  (Ps.  xxi,  17).   This  was  a  true  prophecy,  inasmuch 


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as  it  could  not  be  conceived  from  any  custom  then 
existing;  the  practice  of  nailing  the  condemned  to  a 
T-shaped  cross  being,  as  we  have  seen,  at  that  time 
exclusively  Western. 

The  cross  on  which  Jesus  Christ  was  nailed  was  of 
the  kind  known  as  immissa,  which  means  that  the  ver- 
tical trunk  extended  a  certain  height  above  the  trans- 
verse beam;  it  was  thus  higher  than  the  crosses  of  the 
two  thieves,  his  crime  being  judged  a  graver  one, ac- 
cording to  St.  John  Chrysostom  (Homil.  v,  c.  i.,  on  I 
Corinth.).  The  earliest  Christian  Fathers  who  speak 
of  the  Cross  describe  it  as  thus  constructed.  We 
gather  as  much  from  St.  Matthew  (xxvii,  37),  where  he 
tells  us  that  the  titulus,  or  inscription  containing  the 
cause  of  His  death,  was  placed  Antw,  "over,  the 
head  of  Jesus  Christ  (cf.  Luke,  xxiii,  38;  John,  six,  19). 
St.  Irenaeus  (Adv.  Haer.,  II,  xxiv)  says  that  the  Cross 
had  five  extremities:  two  in  its  length,  two  in  its 
breadth,  and  the  fifth  a  projection  (habitus)  in  the 
middle — "Fines  et  summitates  habet  quinque,  duas  in 
longitudine,  duas  in  latitudine,  unam  in  medio".  St. 
Augustine  agrees  with  him:  "Erat  latitudo  in  qua 
porrectse  sunt  manus;  longitudo  a  terra  surgens,  in  qua 
erat  corpus  infixum ;  altitudo  ab  illo  divexo  ligno  sur- 
surn  quod  imminet"  (Enarr.  in  Ps.  ciii;  Serm.  i,  44) 
and  in  other  passages  quoted  by  Zockler  (Das  Kreuz, 
1875,  pp.  430,  431). 

Nonnus  confirms  the  statement  that  Jesus  Christ 
was  crucified  on  a  quadrilateral  cross  (tit  Sbpv  rrrpi- 
rXcvpov).  St.  Irensus,  in  the  passage  cited  above 
says  that  the  Cross  had  a  fifth  extremity,  on  which 
the  Crucified  One  was  seated.  St.  Justin  calls  it  a 
horn,  and  compares  it  to  the  horn  of  a  rhinoceros 
(Dialogue  cum  Tryphone,  xci).  Tertullian  calls  it 
sedilis  excessus,  a  projecting  seat,  or  shelf  (Ad.  Nat.,  I, 
xii).  This  little  seat  (equiueus)  prevented  the  weight 
of  the  body  from  completely  tearing  the  nail-pierced 
hands,  and  it  helped  to  support  the  sufferer.  It  has 
never  been  indicated,  however,  in  representations  of 
the  Crucifixion.  On  the  Cross  of  Christ  was  placed  the 
titulus,  as  to  the  wording  of  which  the  Four  Evange- 
lists do  not  agree.  St.  Matthew  (xxvii,  37)  gives, 
"This  is  Jesus  the  King  of  the  Jews";  St.  Mark  (xv, 
26),  "The  King  of  the  Jews";  St.  Luke  (xxiii,  38), 
"This  is  the  King  of  the  Jews";  St.  John,  an  eyewit- 
ness (xix,  19),  "Jesus  of  Nazareth,  the  King  of  the 
Jews".  In  representations  of  the  Crucifixion  there 
often  appears  beneath  the  feet  a  wooden  support 
(incoir6$u>v,  suppedaneum) ;  that  it  ever  existed  is  very 
doubtful.  The  first  express  mention  of  it  occurs  in 
Gregory  of  Tours  (De  Gloria  Martyrum,  vi).  St.  Cyp- 
rian, Theodoret,  and  Rufinus  hint  at  it. 

A  microscopic  examination  of  the  fragments  of  the 
Cross  scattered  through  the  world  in  the  form  of  relics 
reveals  the  fact  that  it  was  made  from  a  pine-tree 
(Rohault  de  Fleury,  "Memoire  sur  les  instruments  de 
la  Passion",  Paris,  1870,  63).  According  to  an  an- 
cient, but  somewhat  dubious,  tradition  the  Cross  of 
Jesus  Christ  measured  in  length  very  nearly  189  inches 
(4.80  metres),  from  90i  to  102*  inches  (2.30  to  2.60 
metres).  As  noted  by  the  Evangelists,  two  thieves 
were  crucified,  one  on  either  side  of  Christ.  Their 
crosses  must  have  resembled  the  one  on  which  He  suf- 
fered ;  in  Christian  art  and  tradition  they  generally  ap- 
pear lower  (St.  John  Chrysostom,  Horn,  l,  xxvi,  on  I 
Cor.;  on  Rom.,  v,  5).  A  large  portion  of  the  cross  of 
the  good  thief  (traditionally  known  as  Dismas)  is  pre- 
served at  Rome  in  the  altar  of  the  Chapel  of  the  Relics 
at  Santa  Croce  in  Gerusalemme. 

The  historical  narrative  of  the  Passion  and  Crucifix- 
ion of  Jesus  Christ,  as  found  in  the  Four  Gospels,  agrees 
exactly  with  all  we  have  set  down  above  concerning 
this  form  of  punishment.  Jesus  Christ  was  con- 
demned for  the  crime  of  sedition  and  tumult,  as  were 
also  some  of  the  Apostles  (Malalas,  "Chronogr.",  X,  p. 
266).  His  Crucifixion  was  preceded  by  the  Scourging. 
He  then  bore  His  Cross  to  the  place  of  punishment.  Fi- 


nally the  legs  of  Jesus  would  have  been  broken,  accord- 
ing' to  the  custom  of  Palestine,  in  order  to  permit  of 
burial  that  very  evening,  had  not  the  soldiers,  on  ap- 
proaching Him,  seen  that  He  was  already  dead  (John, 
xix,  32,  33).  Besides,  in  ancient  Christian  art  and 
tradition,  the  Crucifixion  of  Christ  appears  as  done 
with  four  nails,  not  with  three,  according  to  the  usage 
of  the  more  recent  Christian  art  (see  below). 

(4)  Gradual  Development  of  the  Cross  in  Christian 
Art. — Since  by  His  holy  sacrificial  death  upon  the 
Cross  Christ  sanctified  this  former  instrument  of 
shame  and  ignominy,  it  must  have  very  soon  become 
in  the  eyes  of  the  faithful  a  sacred  symbol  of  the  Pas- 
sion, consequently  a  sign  of  protection  and  defence 
(St.  Paulinus  of  Nola,  aCarm.  in  Natal.  S.  Felicia", 
XI,  612;  Prudent..  "Adv.  Symm.";  1, 486).  It  is  not, 
therefore,  altogether  strange  or  inconceivable  that, 
from  the  beginning  of  the  new  religion,  the  cross 
should  have  appeared  in  Christian  homes  as  an  object 
of  religious  veneration,  although  no  such  monument  of 
the  earliest  Christian  art  has  been  preserved .  Early 
in  the  third  century  Clement  of  Alexandria  ("  Strom.' , 
VI,  in  P.  G.,  IX,  305)  speaks  of  the  Cross  as  roO  Kvptaxob 
ffrt/telov  rirov,  i.  e.  signum  Christi,  "the  symbol  of 
the  Lord"  (St.  Augustine,  Tract,  cxvii,  "In  Joan."; 
De  Rossi,  ,JBull.  d'arch.  crist.",  1863,  35,  and  "De 
titulis  christianis  Carthaginiensibus"  in  Pitra.  "Spici- 
legium  Solesmense",  IV,  503).  The  cross,  therefore, 
appears  at  an  early  date  as  an  element  of  the  liturgical 
life  of  the  faithful,  and  to  such  an  extent  that  in  the 
first  half  of  the  third  century  Tertullian  could  publicly 
designate  the  Christian  body  as  "cruris  religiosi",  i.  e. 
devotees  of  the  Cross  (Apol.,  c.  xvi,  P.  G.,  I,  365-66). 
St.  Gregory  of  Tours  tells  us  (De  Miraculis  S.  Martini, 
I,  80)  that  in  his  time  Christians  habitually  had  re- 
course to  the  sign  of  the  cross.  St.  Augustine  says 
that  by  the  sign  of  the  cross  and  the  invocation  of  the 
Name  of  Jesus  all  things  are  sanctified  and  conse- 
crated to  God.  In  the  earliest  Christian  life,  as  can  be 
seen  from  the  metaphorical  language  of  the  primitive 
faithful,  the  cross  was  the  symbol  of  the  principal 
Christian  virtue,  i.  e.  mortification  or  victory  over  the 
passions,  and  suffering  for  Christ's  sake  and  in  union 
with  Him  (Matt,  x,  38;  xvi,  24;  Mark,  viii,  34;  Luke, 
be,  23;  xiv,  27;  Gal.,  ii,  19;  vi,  12,  14;  v,  24).  In  the 
Epistles  of  St.  Paul  the  cross  is  synonymous  with  the 
Passion  of  Christ  (Ephes.,  ii,  16;  Heb.,  xii,  2)  even 
with  the  Gospel,  and  with  religion  itself  (I  Cor.,  i,  18; 
Phil.,  iii,  18).  Very  soon  the  sign  of  the  cross  was  the 
sign  of  the  Christian.  It  is,  moreover,  very  probable 
that  reference  to  this  sign  is  made  in  the  Apocalypse 
(vii,  2) :  "  And  I  saw  another  angel  ascending  from  the 
rising  of  the  sun,  having  the  sign  of  the  living  God." 

It  is  from  this  original  Christian  worship  of  the  cross 
that  arose  the  custom  of  making  on  one's  forehead  the 
sign  of  the  cross.  Tertullian  says:  "Frontem  crucis 
signaculo  terimus"  (De  Cor.  mil.,  iii),  i.  e.  "We  Chris- 
tians wear  out  our  foreheads  with  the  sign  of  the 
cross."  The  practice  was  so  general  about  the  year 
200,  according  to  the  same  writer,  that  the  Christians 
of  his  time  were  wont  to  sign  themselves  with  the  cross 
before  undertaking  any  action.  He  says  that  it  is  not 
commanded  in  Holy  Scripture,  but  is  a  matter  of 
Christian  tradition,  like  certain  other  practices  that 
are  confirmed  by  long  usage  and  the  spirit  of  faith  in 
which  they  are  kept.  A  certain  Scriptural  authority 
for  the  sign  of  the  cross  has  been  sought  by  some  in  a 
few  texts  rather  freely  interpreted,  especially  in  the 
above-mentioned  words  of  Ezechiel  (ix,  4),  "Mark 
Thau  upon  the  foreheads  of  the  men  that  sigh,  and 
mourn  tor  all  the  abominations  that  are  committed  in 
the  midst  thereof",  also  in  several  expressions  of  the 
Apocalypse  (vii,  3;  ix,  4  j  xiv,  1).  It  would  seem  that 
in  very  early  Christian  times  the  sign  of  the  cross  was 
made  with  the  thumb  of  the  right  hand  (St.  John 
Chrys.,  Horn,  ad  pop.  Antioch.  xi ;  St.  Jerome,  Ep.  ad 
Eustechium;  a  practice  still  in  use  among  the  faithful 


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during  Mass,  e.  g.  at  the  reading  of  the  Gospel),  and 
generally  on  the  forehead;  gradually,  by  reason  of  its 
symbolism,  this  sign  was  made  on  other  parts  of  the 
body,  with  particularized  intention  (St.  Ambrose,  De 
Isaac  etanima,  Migne,  P.  L.,  XIV,  501-34).  Afterwards 
these  different  signs  of  the  cross  were  united  in  one 
large  sign  such  as  we  now  make.  In  the  Western 
Church  the  hand  was  carried  from  the  left  to  the  right 
shoulder;  in  the  Eastern  Church,  on  the  contrary,  it 
was  brought  from  the  right  shoulder  to  the  left,  the 
sign  being  made  with  three  fingers.  This  apparently 
slight  difference  was  one  of  the  (remote)  causes  of  the 
fatal  Eastern  Schism. 

It  is  probable,  though  we  have  no  historical  evi- 
dence for  it,  that  the  primitive  Christians  used  the 
cross  to  distinguish  one  another  from  the  pagans  in 
ordinary  social  intercourse.  The  latter  called  the 
Christians  "cross-worshippers",  and  ironically  added, 
"id  oolunt  quod  merentur",  i.  e.  they  worship  that 
which  they  deserve.  The  Christian  apologists,  such 
as  Tertullian  (Apol.,  xvi;  Ad.  Nationes,  xii)  and 
Minucius  Felix  (Octavius,  lx,  xii,  xxviii),  felicitously 
replied  to  the  pagan  taunt  by  Bhowing  that  their 
persecutors  themselves  adored  cruciform  objects. 
Such  observations  throw  light  on  a  peculiar  fact  of 
primitive  Christian  life,  i.  e.  the  almost  total  absence 
from  Christian  monuments  of  the  period  of  persecu- 
tions of  the  plain,  unadorned  cross  (E.  Reusens,  "  Ele- 
ments d'arcneologie  chrttienne",  1st  ed.,  110).  The 
truculent  sarcasms  of  the  heathens  prevented  the 
faithful  from  openly  displaying  this  sign  of  salvation. 
When  the  early  Christians  did  represent  the  sign  of  the 
cross  on  their  monuments,  nearly  all  sepulchral  in 
character,  they  felt  obliged  to  disguise  it  in  some  artis- 
tic and  symbolical  way. 

One  of  the  oldest  of  these  symbols  of  the  cross  is  the 
anchor,  sometimes  carved  thus  jQ.  and  sometimes 
thus  JQ.  The  latter  is  found  most  generally  on 
the  M>  stone  slabs  of  the  oldest  sections  of  the 
Roman  catacombs,  especially  in  the  cemeteries  of  Cal- 
hstus,  Domitilla,  Priscilla,  and  others.  The  anchor, 
Originally  a  symbol  of  hope  in  general,  takes  on  in  this 
way  a  much  higher  meaning :  that  of  hope  based  on  the 
Cross  of  Christ.  The  similarity  of  the  anchor  to  the 
cross  made  the  former  an  admirable  Christian  symbol. 
Another  cruciform  symbol  of  the  early  Christians, 
though  not  very  common,  and  of  a  somewhat  later 
date,  is  the  trident  M-*  some  examples  of  which  are 
seen  on  sepulchral  I  slabs  in  the  cemetery  of  Callis- 
tus.  In  one  inscription  from  that  cemetery  the  sym- 
bolism of  the  trident  is  even  more  subtle  and  evident, 
the  instrument  standing  erect  as  the  mainmast  of  a 
ship  entering  port,  symbolical  of  the  Christian  soul 
saved  by  the  Cross  of  Christ.  We  must  note,  too,  the 
use  of  thispeculiar  symbol  in  the  third  century  in  the 
region  of  Tauric  Chersonesus  (the  Crimea)  on  coins  of 
Totorses,  King  of  the  Bosporus,  dated  270,  296,  and 
303  (De  Hochne,  "Description  du  musee  Kotschon- 
bey,  II,  348,  360,  416;  Cavedoni,  "Appendice  alle 
ricerche  critiche  intorno  alle  med.  Costantiniane,  18, 
19 — an  extract  from  the  "  Opuscoli  litterari  e  religiosi 
di  Modena"  in  "Bull.  arch.  Napolit.",  ser.  2,  anno 
VII,  32).  We  shall  speak  again  of  this  sign  apropos 
of  the  dolphin.  On  a  picture  in  the  Crypts  of  Lu- 
cina,  artistically  unique  and  very  ancient,  there 
seems  to  be  an  allusion  to  the  Cross.  Turned  to- 
wards the  altar  are  two  doves  gazing  at  a  small  tree. 
The  scene  appeals  to  represent  an  image  of  souls  loosed 
from  the  bonds  of  the  body  and  saved  by  the  power 
of  the  Cross  (De  Rossi,  Roma  Sotterranea  Cristiana, 

i,  pi.  xn). 

Before  passing  to  the  study  of  other,  more  or  less 
disguised,  forms  of  the  cross,  e.  g.  various  monograms 
of  the  name  of  Christ,  it  may  be  well  to  say  a  word  of 
various  known  forms  of  the  cross  on  primitive  monu- 
ments of  Christian  art,  some  of  which  we  shall  meet 
with  in  our  early  study  of  the  said  monograms. — The 


crux  decussate.  XT  or  decussated  cross,  so  called  from 
its  resemblance  J\  to  the  Roman  decussis,  or  sym- 
bol for  the  numeral  10,  is  in  shape  like  the  Greek 
letter  chi;  it  is  also  known  as  St.  Andrew's  Cross, 
because  that  Apostle  is  said  to  have  suffered  martyr- 
dom on  such  a  cross,  his  hands  and  feet  bound  to 
its  four  arms  (Sandini,  Hist.  Apostol.,  130).  The 
crux  commissa,  or  gallows-shaped  cross,  is,  according 
to  some,  the  one  on  which  Jesus  Christ  died.  In  order 
to  explain  the  traditional  longitudinal  extension  of 
the  Cross,  which  makes  it  resemble  the  crux  immissa,  it 
is  asserted  that  this  extension  is  only  apparent,  and 
is  really  only  the  iitulus  crucis,  the  inscription  men- 
tioned in  the  Gospels.  This  form  of  the  cross  (crux 
commissa)  is  probably  represented  by  the  Greek  letter 
tau  (T),  and  is  identical  with  the  "sign"  mentioned  in 
the  text  of  Ezechiel  (ix,  4)  already  quoted.  Tertul- 
lian  comments  (Contra  Marc.,  Ill,  xxii)  as  follows  on 
this  text:  "The  Greek  letter  T  and  our  Latin  letter 
T  are  the  true  form  of  the  cross,  which,  according  to 
the  Prophet,  will  be  imprinted  on  our  foreheads  in  the 
true  Jerusalem."  Specimens  of  this  veiled  form  of 
the  cross  are  met  with  on  the  monuments  of  the  Ro- 
man catacombs,  a  very  fine  one,  e.  g.,  in  an  epitaph  of 
the  third  century  found  in  the  cemetery  of  St.  Callis- 
tus,  which  reads  ire  T  ne  (De  Rossi,  "  Bulletino  d' 
archeologia  cristiana",  1863,  35).  In  the  same  ceme- 
tery a  sarcophagus  exhibits  clearly  the  gallows-cross 
formed  by  the  intersection  of  the  letters  T  and  V  in 
the  monogram  of  a  proper  name  carved  in  the  centre 
of  the  carteUa,  or  label.  This  second  letter  (V)  was 
also  figurative  of  the  cross,  as  is  evident  from  the  in- 
scriptions scratched  on  rock-surfaces  at  Mount  Sinai 
(Lenormant,  "Sur  I'origine  chr£tienne  des  inscriptions 
sinaltiques  ,  26,  27;  De  Rossi,  loc.  cit.).  A  mono- 
gram of  a  proper  name  (perhaps  Marturius),  discov- 
ered by  Armellini  on  the  Via  Latina,  shows  the  crux 
commissa  above  the  intersection  of  the  letters.  Other 
monograms  show  similar  forms,  such  as  T3"  and 
(De  Rossi,  "Bulletino  d 'archeologia  I  cris- 
^  tiana",  1867,  page  13,  fig.  10,  and  page  14).  It 
has  been  attempted  to  establish  a  connexion  between 
this  form  and  the  crux  ansata  of  the  Egyptians,  men- 
tioned above;  but  we  see  no  reason  for  this  (cf.  Le- 
tronne,  Materiaux  pour  l'histoire  du  christianisme  en 
Egypte,  en  Nubie,  et  en  Abyssinie).  It  would  seem 
that  St.  Anthony  bore  a  cross  in  the  form  of  tau  on  his 
cloak,  and  that  it  was  Egyptian  in  origin.  Such  a 
cross  is  still  used  by  the  Antonine  monks  of  Vienne  in 
Dauphiny,  and  appears  on  their  churches  and  on  the 
monuments  of  art  belonging  to  the  order.  St.  Zeno 
of  Verona,  who  in  the  second  half  of  the  fourth  cen- 
tury was  bishop  of  that  city,  relates  that  he  caused  a 
cross  in  form  of  a  tau  to  be  placed  on  the  highest  point 
of  a  basilica.  There  was  also  another  motive  for 
choosing  the  letter  T  as  symbolical  of  the  cross.  As,  in 
Greek,  this  letter  stands  for  300,  that  number  in  Apos- 
tolic times  was  taken  as  a  symbol  of  the  instrument 
of  our  salvation.  The  symbolism  was  carried  farther, 
and  the  number  318  became  a  symbol  of  Christ  and 
His  Cross:  the  letter  I  (iota)  being  equal  to  10,  and  H 
(eta)  to  8  in  Greek  (Allard,  "  Le  symbolisme  chr&ien 
d'apres  Prudence"  in  "Revue  de  l'art  chrttien", 
1885;  Hefele,  Ed.  Ep.  St.  Barnabas,  ix). 

The  cross  most  commonly  referred  to  and  most 
usually  depicted  on  Christian  monuments  of  all  ages 
is  that  called  the  crux  immissa,  or  crux  capitata  (i.  e. 
the  vertical  trunk  extending  beyond  the  transverse 
beam).  It  was  on  a  cross  such  as  this  that  Christ 
actually  died,  and  not,  as  some  would  maintain,  on  a 
crux  commissa.  And  this  opinion  is  largely  supported 
by  the  testimony  of  the  writers  we  have  quoted.  The 
crux  immissa  is  that  which  is  usually  known  as  the 
Latin  cross,  in  which  the  transverse  beam  is  usually 
set  two-thirds  of  the  way  up  the  vertical.  The  equi- 
lateral, or  Greek  cross,  adopted  by  the  East  and  by 
Russia,  has  the  transverse  set  half-way  up  the  vertical. 


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Both  the  Latin  and  Greek  crosses  play  an  important 
part  in  the  architectural  and  decorative  styles  of 
church  buildings  during  the  fourth  and  subsequent 
centuries.  The  church  of  Santa  Croce  at  Ravenna 
is  in  the  form  of  a  Latin  cross;  and  on  the  pillars  of 
a  church  built  by  Bishop  Paulinus  at  Tyre  in  the 
fourth  century  the  cross  is  carved  in  the  Latin 
way.  The  facade  of  the  Catkolicon  at  Athens  shows 
a  large  Latin  cross.  And  this  style  of  cross  was 
adopted  by  West  and  East  until  the  schism  occurred 
between  the  two  churches.  Indeed,  at  Constanti- 
nople the  church  of  the  Apostles,  the  first  church  of 
S.  Sophia,  consecrated  by  Constantine,  those  of  the 
monastery  of  St.  John  at  Studium,  of  St.  Demetrius 
at  Salonica,  of  St.  Catherine  on  Mount  Sinai,  as  well 
as  many  churches  at  Athens,  are  in  the  form  of  the 
Latin  cross;  and  it  appears  in  the  decorations  of 
capitals,  balustrades,  and  mosaics.  In  the  far-off 
lands  of  the  Picts,  the  Bretons,  and  the  Saxons,  it 
was  carved  on  stones  and  rocks,  with  elaborate  and 
complex  Runic  decorations.  And  even  in  the  Cathol- 
icon  at  Athens,  crosses  no  less  lavishly  ornamented 
are  to  be  found.  In  out-of-the-way  places  in  Scot- 
land, too,  it  has  been  discovered  (cf .  Dictionnaire  de 
l'Academie  des  Beaux-Arts,  V,  38). 

The  Greek  cross  appears  at  intervals  and  rarely  on 
monuments  during  the  early  Christian  centuries.  The 
Crypts  of  Lucina,  in  the  Catacomb  of  St.  Callistus, 
yield  an  inscription  which  had  been  placed  on  a 
double  grave  or  sepulchre,  with  the  names  POT*INA: 
EIPHNH.  Beneath  this  is  seen  the  equilateral  cross 
•j  — a  disguised  image  of  the  gibbet  on  which  the 
■"P  Redeemer  died  (De  Rossi,  Rom.  Sott.,I,  p.  333, 
PI.  XVIII).  It  is  to  be  found  also  painted  into  the 
mantle  of  Moses  in  a  fresco  from  the  Catacomb  of  St. 
Saturninus  on  the  Via  Salaria  Nuova  (Perret,  Cat. 
de  Rome,  III,  PI.  VI).  In  later  times  it  is  to  be  seen 
in  a  mosaic  of  a  church  at  Paris  built  in  the  days  of 
King  Childebert  (Lenoir,  Statistique  monumentale  de 
Paris)  and  carved  on  the  pedestals  of  the  columns 
in  the  basilica  of  Constantine  in  the  Agro  Verano; 
also  on  the  roofs  and  pillars  of  churches,  to  denote 
their  consecration.  More  often,  as  we  might  expect, 
we  find  it  on  the  facades  of  the  Byzantine  basilicas 
and  in  their  adornments,  such  as  altars,  iconastases, 
sacred  curtains  for  the  enclosure,  thrones,  am  bones 
and  sacerdotal  vestments.  When  the  Emperor  Jus- 
tinian erected  the  church  of  Santa  Sophia  at  Constan- 
tinople, with  the  aid  of  the  architects  Artemius  of 
Tralles,  and  Isidore  of  Miletus,  a  new  architectural 
type  was  created  which  became  the  model  for  all 
churches  subsequently  built  within  the  Byzantine 
Empire,  and  the  Greek  cross  inscribed  in  a  square  thus 
became  their  typical  ground-plan.  Perhaps,  too,  the 
church  of  the  Twelve  Apostles  may  have  been  built 
upon  this  plan,  as  a  famous  epigram  of  St.  Gregory 
Nazianzen  would  seem  to  indicate.  There  are  other 
forms  of  cross,  such  as  the  crux  gammata,  the  crux 
florida,  or  flowering  cross,  the  pectoral  cross,  and  the 
patriarchal  cross.  But  these  are  noteworthy  rather 
for  their  various  uses  in  art  and  liturgy  than  for  any 
peculiarity  of  style. 

The  complete  and  characteristic  form  ^  of  Christ's 
monogram  is  obtained  by  the  super  &  position  of 
the  two  initial  Greek  letters,  chi  and  rho,  of  the 
name  XPIZT02.  This  is  inexactly  called  the  Con- 
stantinian  monogram,  although  it  was  in  use  before 
the  days  of  Constantine.  It  gained  this  name,  how- 
ever, because  in  his  day  it  came  much  into  fashion, 
and  derived  a  triumphal  signification  from  the  fact 
that  the  emperor  placed  it  onnis  new  standard,  i.  e.  the 
Labarum  (Marucchi,  wDi  una  pregevole  ed  inedita 
inscrizione  cristiana"  in  "Studi  in  Italia",  anno  VI, 
II,  1883).  Older,  but  less  complete,  forms  of  this 
monogram  are  made  up  of  the  crux  decunsata  accom- 
panied by  a  defective  letter  T,  differing  only  slightly 
from  the  letter  I,  or  encircled  by  a  crown.  These 


forms,  which  were  used  principally  in  the  third  cen- 
tury, present  a  striking  resemblance  to  a  cross,  but 
all  of  them  are  manifest  allusions  or  symbols. 

Another  symbol  largely  employed  during  the  third 
and  fourth  centuries,  the  swastika  already  spoken  of 
at  some  length,  still  more  closely  resembles  the  cross. 
On  monuments  dating  within  the  Christian  Era  it  is 
known  as  the  crux  gammata,  because  it  is  made  by 
joining  four  gammas  at  their  bases.  Many  fantastic 
significations  have  been  attached  to  the  use  of  this  sign 
on  Christian  monuments,  and  some  have  even  gone  so 
far  as  to  conclude  from  it  that  Christianity  is  nothing 
but  a  descendant  of  the  ancient  religions  and  myths  of 
the  people  of  India,  Persia,  and  Asia  generally ;  then 
these  theorists  go  on  to  point  out  the  close  relation- 
ship that  exists  between  Christianity,  on  the  one  hand, 
and  Buddhism  and  other  Oriental  religions,  on  the 
other.  At  the  very  least  they  insist  upon  seeing  some 
relation  between  the  symbolical  concepts  of  the  an- 
cient religions  and  those  of  Christianity.  Such  was  the 
opinion  held  by  Emile  Burnouf  (cf .  Revue  des  Deux 
Mondes,  15  August,  1868,  p.  874).  De  Rossi  ably 
refuted  this  opinion,  and  snowed  the  real  value  of  this 
symbol  on  Christian  monuments  (Bull,  d'  arch,  crist., 
1868,  88-91).  It  is  fairly  common  on  the  Christian 
monuments  of  Rome,  being  found  on  some  sepulchral 
inscriptions,  besides  occurring  twice,  painted,  on  the 
Good  Shepherd's  tunic  in  an  arcosolium  in  the  Cata- 
comb of  St.  Generosa  in  the  Via  Portuensis,  and  again 
on  the  tunic  of  the  fossor  Diogenes  (the  original  epi- 
taph is  no  longer  extant)  in  the  Catacomb  of  St.  Domi- 
tilla  in  the  Via  Ardeatina.  Outside  of  Rome  it  is 
less  frequent.  There  is  one  example  in  an  inscription 
found  at  Chiusi  (see  Cavedoni,  Ragguaglio  di  due 
antichi  cimiteri  di  Chiusi).  A  stone  in  the  museum 
at  Bergamo  bears  the  monogram  joined  to  the  gamma 
cross,  but  it  would  seem  to  be  of  Roman  origin.  An- 
other in  the  Mannheim  Museum,  with  the  name  of  a 
certain  Hugdulfus,  belongs  to  the  fifth  or  sixth  cen- 
tury. In  a  sarcophagus  at  Milan  belonging  to  the 
fourth  century  it  is  repeated  over  and  over  again,  but 
evidently  as  a  mere  ornamental  motive  (see  Alle- 
granza,  Mon.  di  Milano,  74). 

De  Rossi  (Rom.  Sott.  Crist.,  II,  318)  made  re- 
searches into  the  chronology  of  this  symbol,  and  the 
examples  of  it  1  •  be  found  m  the  catacombs  at  Rome, 
and  he  observed  that  it  was  seldom  or  never  used  until 
it  took  the  place  of  the  anchor,  i.  e.  about  the  first  half 
of  the  third  century,  whence  he  inferred  that,  not  be- 
ing of  ancient  tradition,  it  came  into  fashion  as  the  re- 
sult of  studied  choice  rather  than  as  a  primitive  sym- 
bol linking  the  beginnings  of  Christianity  with  Asiatic 
traditions.  Its  genesis  is  reflex  and  studied,  not  primi- 
tive and  spontaneous.  It  is  well  known  how  anx- 
iously the  early  Christians  Bought  out  means  whereby 
they  could  at  once  portray  and  conceal  the  Cross  of 
Christ.  That  in  this  way  they  should  have  discovered 
and  adopted  the  crux  gammata,  is  easily  intelligible, 
and  it  is  explained  not  merely  by  what  has  already 
been  said,  but  also  by  the  similarity  between  the  Greek 
character  gamma  (T)  and  the  Phoenician  character 
tan.  The  latter  has  been  famous  since  Apostolic 
times  as  a  symbol  of  the  Cross  of  Christ  and  of  the  Re- 
demption (cf.  Barnabas  Epist.,  ix,  9). 

On  the  crux  gammata  (swastika)  on  Christian  monuments 
and  its  relation  to  similar  signs  on  pre-Christian,  monuments  in 
the  East:  MOnter,  Sinnbilder  der  alttn  Chruten,  73-85;  Lb- 
tronne,  Annali  dell'  htit.  di  Cm.  Arch.  (1843),  122;  Rochettb, 
Mtm.  del'  academie  da  intcripUotu,  pi.  II,  302  sq.;  Minervini, 
Bull.  Arch.  Nap.,  Ser.  2,  II,  178, 179:  Cavedoni.  Raaguaplio  dt 
due  antichi  cimxteri  di  Chiuti,  70:  Oarruco,  Vein  (2d  ed.), 
242,  243;  MCNZ,  Archaologitche  Bemerhingcn  uber  dot  Kreul, 
25,  26. 

The  so-called  Constantinian  monogram  prevailed  dur- 
ing the  whole  of  the  fourth  century,  assuming  various 
forms,  and  combining  with  the  apocalyptic  letters  A 
and  0  (see  Alpha  and  Omega),  but  ever  approaching 
more  and  more  closely  to  the  form  of  the  cross  pure 


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and  simple.  In  the  latter  part  of  that  century  what  is 
known  as  the  "monogrammatic  cross"  Jp.  makes 
its  appearance:  it  closely  resembles  the  V  plain 
cross,  and  foreshadows  its  complete  triumph  in  Chris- 
tian art.  The  early  years  of  the  fifth  century  are  of 
the  highest  importance  in  this  development,  because 
it  was  then  that  the  undisguised  cross  first  appears. 
As  we  have  seen,  such  was  the  diffidence  induced,  and 
the  habit  of  caution  enforced,  by  three  centuries  of 
persecution,  that  the  faithful  had  hesitated  all  that 
time  to  display  the  sign  of  Redemption  openly  and 
publicly.  Constantine  by  the  Edict  of  Milan  had  given 
definitive  peace  to  the  Church ;  yet,  for  another  century 
the  faithful  did  not  judge  it  opportune  to  abandon  the 
use  of  the  Constantinian  monogram  in  one  or  other  of 
its  many  forms  But  the  fifth  century  marks  the 
period  when  Christian  art  broke  away  from  old  fears, 
and,  secure  in  its  triumph,  displayed  before  the  world, 
now  become  Christian  also,  the  sign  of  its  redemption. 
To  bring  about  so  profound  a  change  in  the  artistic 
traditions  of  Christianity,  besides  the  altered  condition 
of  the  Church  in  the  eyes  of  the  Roman  State,  two 
facts  of  great  importance  played  a  part:  the  miracu- 
lous apparition  of  the  Cross  to  Constantine  and  the 
finding  of  the  Holy  Wood. 

Constantine  having  declared  war  on  Maxentius  had 
invaded  Italv.  During  the  campaign  which  ensued 
he  is  said  to  nave  seen  in  the  heavens  one  day  a  lu- 
minous cross  together  with  the  words  EN-  TOTTQI- 
NIKA  (In  this  conquer.)  During  the  night  that 
followed  that  day,  he  saw  again,  in  sleep,  the  same 
cross,  and  Christ,  appearing  with  it,  admonished  him 
to  place  it  on  his  standards.  Thus  the  Labarum  took 
its  origin,  and  under  this  glorious  banner  Constantine 
overcame  his  adversary  near  the  Milvian  Bridge  jOn 
28  October,  312  (see  Constantine  the  Great).  The 
second  event  was  of  even  greater  importance.  In  the 
year  326  the  mother  of  Constantine,  Helena,  then 
about  80  years  old,  having  journeyed  to  Jerusalem, 
undertook  to  rid  the  Holy  Sepulchre  of  the  mound  of 
earth  heaped  upon  and  around  it,  and  to  destroy  the 
pagan  buildings  that  profaned  its  site.  Some  revela- 
tions which  she  had  received  gave  her  confidence  that 
she  would  discover  the  Saviour's  Tomb  and  His  Cross. 
The  work  was  carried  on  diligently,  with  the  co-opera- 
tion of  St.  Macarius,  bishop  of  the  city.  The  Jews  had 
hidden  the  Cross  in  a  ditch  or  well,  and  covered  it  over 
with  stones,  so  that  the  faithful  might  not  come  and 
venerate  it.  Only  a  chosen  few  among  the  Jews  knew 
the  exact  spot  where  it  had  been  hidden,  and  one  of 
them,  named  Judas,  touched  by  Divine  inspiration, 
pointed  it  out  to  the  excavators,  for  which  act  he  was 
highly  praised  by  St.  Helena.  Judas  afterwards  be- 
came a  Christian  saint,  and  is  honoured  under  the 
name  of  Cyriacus.  During  the  excavation  three 
crosses  were  found,  but  because  the  titulut  was  de- 
tached from  the  Cross  of  Christ,  there  was  no  means  of 
identifying  it  Following  an  inspiration  from  on  high, 
Macarius  caused  the  three  crosses  to  be  carried,  one 
after  the  other,  to  the  bedside  of  a  worthy  woman  who 
was  at  the  point  of  death.  The  touch  of  the  other 
two  was  of  no  avail;  but  on  touching  that  upon  which 
Christ  had  died  the  woman  got  suddenly  well  again. 
From  a  letter  of  St.  Paulinus  to  Severus  inserted  in  the 
Breviary  of  Paris  it  would  appear  that  St.  Helena  her- 
self had  sought  by  means  of  a  miracle  to  discover 
which  was  the  True  Cross;  and  that  she  caused  a  man 
Already  dead  and  buried  to  be  carried  to  the  spot, 
whereupon,  by  contact  with  the  third  cross,  he  came 
to  life.  From  yet  another  tradition,  related  by  St. 
Ambrose,  it  would  seem  that  the  titulus,  or  inscrip- 
tion, had  remained  fastened  to  the  Cross. 

After  the  happy  discovery,  St.  Helena  and  Constan- 
tine erected  a  magnificent  basilica  over  the  Holy  Sepul- 
chre, and  that  is  the  reason  why  the  church  bore  the 
name  of  St.  Constantinus.  The  precise  spot  of  the 
finding  was  covered  by  the  atrium  of  the  basilica,  and 


there  the  Cross  was  set  up  in  an  oratory,  as  appears  in 
the  restoration  executed  by  de  Vogue1 .  When  this  noble 
basilica  had  been  destroyed  by  the  infidels,  Arculfus,  in 
the  seventh  century,  enumerated  four  buildings  upon 
the  Holy  Places  around  Golgotha,  and  one  of  them  was 
the  "Church  of  the  Invention"  or  "of  the  Finding". 
This  church  was  attributed  by  him  and  by  topographers 
of  later  times  to  Constantine.  The  Frankish  monks  of 
Mount  Olivet,  writing  to  Leo  III,  style  it  St.  Constan- 
tinus. Perhaps  the  oratory  built  by  Constantine  suf- 
fered less  at  the  hands  of  the  Persians  than  the  other 
buildings,  and  so  could  still  retain  the  name  and  style 
of  Martyrium  Constaniinianum.  (See  De  Rossi, 
Bull,  d'  arch,  crist.,  1865,  88.) 

A  portion  of  the  True  Cross  remained  at  Jerusalem 
enclosed  in  a  silver  reliquary;  the  remainder,  with  the 
nails,  must  have  been  sent  to  Constantine,  and  it  must 
have  been  this  second  portion  that  he  caused  to  be  en- 
closed in  the  statue  of  himself  which  was  set  on  a 
porphyry  column  in  the  Forum  at  Constantinople; 
Socrates,  the  historian,  relates  that  this  statue  was  to 
make  the  city  impregnable.  One  of  the  nails  was  fast- 
ened to  the  emperor's  helmet,  and  one  to  his  horse's 
bridle,  bringing  to  pass,  according  to  many  of  the 
Fathers,  what  had  been  written  by  Zacharias  the 
Prophet:  "In  that  day  that  which  is  upon  the  bridle 
of  the  horse  shall  be  holy  to  the  Lord  "  (Zach.,  xiv,  20). 
Another  of  the  nails  was  used  later  in  the  Iron  Crown 
of  Lombardy,  preserved  in  the  treasury  of  the  cathe- 
dral of  Monza.  Eusebius  in  his  life  of  Constantine,  de- 
scribing the  work  of  excavating  and  building  on  the 
site  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre,  does  not  speak  of  the  True 
Cross.  In  the  story  of  a  journey  to  Jerusalem  made 
in  333  (Itinerarium  Burdigalense)  the  various  tombs 
and  the  basilica  of  Constantine  are  referred  to,  but  no 
mention  is  made  of  the  True  Cross.  The  earliest  refer- 
ence to  it  is  in  the  "  Catecheses ' '  of  St.  Cyril  of  Jerusa- 
lem (P.  G.,  XXXIII,  468,  686,  776),  written  in  the 
year  348,  or  at  least  twenty  years  after  the  supposed 
discovery. 

In  this  tradition  of  the  "Invention",  or  discovery, 
of  the  True  Cross,  not  a  word  is  said  as  to  the  smaller 
portions  of  it  scattered  up  and  down  the  world.  The 
story,  as  it  has  reached  us,  has  been  admitted,  since 
the  beginning  of  the  fifth  century,  by  all  ecclesiastical 
writers,  with,  however,  many  more  or  less  important 
variations.  By  many  critics  the  tradition  of  tne  find- 
ing of  the  Cross  through  the  work  of  St.  Helena  in  the 
vicinity  of  Calvary  has  been  held  to  be  a  mere  legend, 
without  any  historical  reality,  these  critics  relying 
chiefly  upon  the  silence  of  Eusebius,  who  tells  of  aR 
else  that  St.  Helena  did  in  Jerusalem,  but  says  nothing 
about  her  finding  the  Cross.  Still,  however  difficult  it 
may  be  to  explain  this  silence,  it  would  be  unsound  to 
annihilate  with  a  negative  argument  a  universal  tradi- 
tion dating  from  the  fifth  century.  The  wonders  re- 
lated in  the  Syriac  book  "  Doctrina  Addai "  (sixth  cen- 
tury) and  in  the  legend  of  the  Jew  Cyriacus,  who  is 
said  to  have  been  inspired  to  reveal  to  St.  Helena  the 
place  where  the  Cross  was  buried,  are  responsible  at 
least  in  part  for  the  common  beliefs  of  the  faithful  on 
this  matter.  These  beliefs  are  universally  held  to  be 
apocryphal.  (See  Duchesne,  Lib.  Pont.,  I,  p.  cviii.) 
However  that  may  be,  the  testimony  of  Cyril,  Bishop 
of  Jerusalem  from  350  or  351,  who  was  on  the  spot  a 
very  few  years  after  the  event  took  place,  and  was  a 
contemporary  of  Eusebius  of  Csesarea,  is  explicit  and 
formal  as  to  the  finding  of  the  Cross  at  Jerusalem  during 
the  reign  of  Constantine;  this  testimony  is  contained 
in  a  letter  to  the  Emperor  Constantius  (P.  G.,  XXXIII, 
52, 1 167  ■  and  cf .  686,  687).  It  is  true  that  the  authen- 
ticity of  this  letter  is  questioned,  but  without  solid 

runds.  St.  Ambrose  (De  obit.  Theod.,  45-48  in  P. 
.  XVI,  401)  and  Rufinus  (Hist,  eccl.,  I,  viii  in  P.  L., 
XXI,  476)  bear  witness  to  the  fact  of  the  finding. 
Silvia  of  Aquitaine  (Peregrinatio  ad  loca  sancta,  ed. 
Gamurrini,  Rome  1888,  p .  76)  assures  us  that  in  her  time 


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the  feast  of  the  Finding  was  commemorated  on  Cal- 
vary, that  event  having  naturally  become  the  occasion 
of  a  special  feast  under  the  name  of  "The  Invention 
of  the  Holy  Cross".  The  feast  dates  from  very  early 
times  at  Jerusalem,  and  it  was  gradually  introduced 
into  other  Churches.  Papebroch  (ActaSS.,  3May)telIs 
us  that  it  did  not  become  general  until  about  the  year 
720.  In  the  Latin  Church  it  is  kept  on  the  3rd  of  May ; 
the  Greek  Church  keeps  it  on  the  14th  of  September, 
the  same  day  as  the  Exaltation,  another  feast  of  very 
remote  origin,  supposed  to  have  been  instituted  at 
Jerusalem  to  commemorate  the  dedication  of  the  basil- 
ica of  the  Holy  Sepulchre  (335)  and  thence  introduced 
at  Rome. 

Constantine's  vision  of  the  Cross,  and  perhaps  an- 
other apparition  which  took  place  in  Jerusalem  in  346, 
would  seem  to  have  been  commemorated  in  this  same 
feast.  But  its  chief  glory  is  its  connexion  with  the  res- 
toration of  the  True  Cross  to  the  Church  of  Jerusalem, 
after  it  had  been  carried  away  by  the  Persian  king, 
Chosroes  (Khusrau)  II,  the  conqueror  of  Phocas,  when 
he  captured  and  sacked  the  Holy  City.  This  Chosroes 
was  afterwards  vanquished  by  the  Emperor  Heraclius 
II  and  in  628  was  assassinated  by  his  own  son  Siroes 
(Shirva),  who  restored  the  Cross  to  Heraclius.  It  was 
then  carried  in  triumph  to  Constantinople  and  thence, 
in  the  spring  of  the  year  629,  to  Jerusalem.  Herac- 
lius, who  wished  to  carry  the  Holy  Cross  upon  his  own 
shoulders  on  this  occasion,  found  it  extremely  heavy, 
but  when,  upon  the  advice  of  the  Patriarch  Zacharias, 
he  laid  aside  his  crown  and  imperial  robes  of  state,  the 
sacred  burden  became  light,  and  he  was  able  to  carry 
it  to  the  church.  In  the  following  year  Heraclius  was 
conquered  by  the  Mahommedans,  and  in  647  Jerusa- 
lem was  taken  by  them. 

In  reference  to  this  feast  the  Paris  Breviary  associ- 
ates with  the  memory  of  Heraclius  that  of  St.  Louis  of 
France,  who;  on  14  September,  1241,  barefoot  and 
divested  of  his  royal  robes,  carried  the  fragment  of  the 
Holy  Cross  sent  to  him  by  the  Templars,  who  had  re- 
ceived it  as  a  pledge  from  Baldwin.  This  fragment 
escaped  destruction  during  the  Revolution  and  is  still 
preserved  at  Paris.  There,  also,  is  preserved  the  in- 
combustible cross  left  to  the  abbey  of  Saint-Germain- 
des-Pres  by  the  Princess  Anna  Gonzaga,  together  with 
two  portions  of  the  Nails.  Very  soon  after  the  discov- 
ery of  the  True  Cross  its  wood  was  cut  up  into  small 
relics  and  quickly  scattered  throughout  the  Christian 
World.  We  know  this  from  the  writings  of  St.  Am- 
brose, of  St.  Paulinus  of  Nola,  of  Sulpicius  Severus,  of 
Rufinus,  and,  among  the  Greeks,  of  Socrates,  Sozo- 
men,  and  Theodoret  (cf.  Duchesne,  "Lib.  Pont.",  I, 
p.  cvii;  Marucchi,  "Basiliques  de  Rome",  1902,  348 
sq. ;  Pennacchi,  "  De  Inventa  Ierosolymis  Constantino 
magno  Imp.  Cruce  D.  N.  I.  C",  Rome,  1892;  Baronius, 
"Annales  Eccl.",  ad  an.  336,  Lucca,  1739,  IV,  178). 
Many  portions  of  it  are  preserved  in  Santa  Croce  in 
Gerus  alemme  at  Rome,  and  in  Notre-Dame  at  Paris 
(cf.  Rohault  de  Fleury,  "Memoire",  45-163;  Gosselin, 
"Notice  historique  sur  la  Sainte  Couronne  et  les  au- 
tres  Instruments  de  la  Passion  de  Notre-Dame  de 
Paris",  Paris,  1828;Sauvage,  "  Documents  sur  les  reli- 
ques  de  la  Vraie  Croix",  Rouen,  1893).  St.  Paulinus 
in  one  of  his  letters  refers  to  the  redintegration  of  the 
Cross,  i.  e.  that  it  never  grew  smaller  in  size,  no  matter 
how  many  pieces  were  detached  from  it.  And  the 
same  St.  Paulinus  received  from  Jerusalem  a  relic  of 
the  Cross  enclosed  in  a  golden  tube,  but  so  small  that 
it  was  almost  an  atom,  in  segmento  pene  atomo  has- 
tuke  brevis  munimentum  pnesentis  et  pignus  sd teniae 
salutis"  (Epist.  xxxi  ad  Severum). 

The  historical  detail  we  have  been  considering  suffi- 
ciently accounts  for  the  appearance  of  the  cross  on 
monuments  dating  from  the  end  of  the  fourth  and  the 
beginning  of  the  fifth  century.  In  an  arcosolium  in 
the  Catacomb  of  St.  Callistus  a  cross  composed  of 
flowers  and  foliage  with  two  doves  at  its  base  is  still 


partially  disguised,  but  begins  to  be  more  easily  recog- 
nizable (cf.  De  Rossi,  Rom.  Sott.,  Ill,  PI.  XII).  Es- 
pecially in  Africa,  where  Christianity  had  made  more 
rapid  progress,  the  cross  began  to  appear  openly  dur- 
ing the  course  of  the  fourth  century.  The  most  an- 
cient text  we  have  relating  to  a  carved  cross  dates  from 
later  than  a.d.  362.  The  cross  was  used  on  the  coin- 
age of  Christian  princes  and  peoples  with  the  super- 
scription, Saltis  Mundi.  The  "adoration"  of  file 
Cross,  which  up  to  this  time  had  been  restricted  to  pri- 
vate cult,  now  began  to  assume  a  public  and  solemn 
character.  At  the  end  of  the  fourth  century  Christian 
poets  were  already  writing,  "Flecte  genu  lignumque 
Crucis  venerabile  adora  .  The  second  Council  of 
Nicsea,  among  other  precepts  that  deal  with  images, 
lays  down  that  the  Cross  should  receive  an  adoration 
of  honour,  "  honorariam  adorationem  ".  (See  Section 
II  of  this  article.)  To  the  pagans  who  taunted  them 
with  being  as  much  idolaters  as  they  accused  the  pa- 
gans of  being  towards  their  gods,  they  replied  that 
they  took  their  stand  on  the  nature  of  the  cult  they 
gave:  that  it  was  not  latria,  but  a  relative  worship,  and 
that  the  material  symbol  only  served  to  raise  their 
minds  to  the  Divine  Type,  Jesus  Christ  Crucified  (cf. 
Tert.,  "Apol.",  xvi;  Minucius  Felix,  "Octav.",  ix- 
xii).  Wherefore  St.  Ambrose,  speaking  on  the  vener- 
ation of  the  Cross,  thought  it  opportune  to  explain  the 
idea:  "  Let  us  adore  Christ,  our  King,  who  hung  upon 
the  wood,  and  not  the  wood"  (Regent  Christum  qui 
pependit  in  ligno  .  .  .  non  lignum. — "  In  obit.  Theo- 
dosii",  xlvi).  The  Western  Church  observes  the 
solemnpublic  veneration  (called  the  "Adoration")  on 
Good  Friday.  In  the  Gregorian  Sacramentary  we 
read:  "VenitPontifexetadoratamdeosculatur".  In 
the  Eastern  Church  the  special  veneration  of  the  Cross 
is  performed  on  the  Third  Sunday  in  Lent  (Kwp«uri> 
rfyt  aravpowpoaKvvfyrfm,  "Sunday  of  the  Cross-venera- 
tion '  0  and  during  the  week  that  follows  it.  The  grad- 
ual spread  of  the  devotion  to  the  Cross  incidentally 
occasioned  abuses  in  the  piety  of  the  faithful.  In- 
deed, we  learn  from  the  edicts  of  Valentinian  and  Theo- 
dosius  that  the  cross  was  at  times  set  up  in  very  un- 
seemly places.  The  evil-minded,  the  ignorant,  and  all 
those  who  practised  spells,  charms,  and  other  such 
superstitions  perverted  the  widespread  devotion  to 
their  own  corrupt  uses.  To  deceive  the  faithful  and 
turn  their  piety  into  lucre,  these  people  associated  the 
sign  of  the  cross  with  their  superstitious  and  magical 
symbols,  winning  thereby  the  confidence  and  trust  of 
tneir  dupes.  To  all  this  .corruption  of  the  religious 
idea  the  teachers  of  the  Church  opposed  themselves, 
exhorting  the  faithful  to  true  piety,  and  to  beware  of 
superstitious  talismans  (cf.  St.  John  Chrysoetom, 
Horn,  vii  in  Epist.  ad  Coloss.,  vii,  and  elsewhere; 
De  Rossi,  "Bull,  d'archeol.  crist.",  1869,  62-64). 

The  distribution  of  portions  of  the  wood  of  the  Cross 
led  to  the  making  of  a  remarkable  number  of  crosses 
from  the  fourth  century  onwards,  many  of  which  have 
come  down  to  us.  Known  under  the  names  of  encoU 
pia  and  pectoral  crosses  they  often  served  to  enclose 
fragments  of  the  True  Cross ;  they  were  merely  crosses 
worn  on  the  breast  out  of  devotion — "To  wear  upon 
the  breast  a  cross,  hung  from  the  neck,  with  the  Sacred 
Wood,  or  with  relics  of  saints,  which  is  what  they  call 
an  encolmum"  (Anastasius  Bibliothecarius  on  Act.  V 
of  VIII  Dec.  Counc).  On  the  origin  and  use  of  pec- 
toral crosses  see  Giovanni  Scandella,  "  Consideration! 
sopra  un  encolpio  eneo  rinvenuto  in  Corfu"  (Trieste, 
1854).  St.  John  Chrysostom,  in  his  polemic  against 
Jews  and  Gentiles,  wherein  he  panegyrizes  the  tri- 
umph of  the  Cross,  testifies  that  whosoever,  man  or 
woman,  possessed  a  relic  of  it  had  it  enclosed  in  gold 
and  wore  it  around  the  neck  (St.  John  Chrysostom,  ed. 
Montfaucon,  I,  571).  St.  Macrina  (d.  379),  sister  of 
St.  Gregory  Nazianzen,  wore  an  iron  cross  on  her 
breast ;  we  do  not  really  know  its  shape ;  perhaps  it  was 
the  monogrammatio  one  taken  by  her  brother  from 


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her  dead  body.  Among  the  belongings  of  Maria,  the 
daughter  of  Stilicho  and  wife  of  Honorius,  laid  away 
together  with  her  body  in  the  Vatican  basilica,  and 
found  there  in  1544,  there  were  counted  no  fewer  than 
ten  small  crosses  in  gold  adorned  with  emeralds  and 
gems,  as  may  be  seen  in  the  illustrations  preserved  by 
Lucio  Fauno  (Antich.  Rom.,  V,  x).  In  the  Kircher- 
ian  Museum  there  is  a  small  gold  cross,  hollowed  for 
relics,  and  dating  from  the  fifth  century.  It  has  a  ring 
attached  to  it  for  securing  it  around  the  neck,  and 
seems  to  have  had  grapevine  ornamentation  at  the 
extremities.  A  very  beautiful  cross,  described  by  De 
Rossi  and  by  him  attributed  to  the  sixth  century,  was 
found  in  a  tomb  in  the  Agro  Verano  at  Rome  (Bull, 
d'arch.  Crist.,  1863,  33-38).  The  general  charac- 
teristic of  these  more  ancient  crosses  is  their  simplicity 
and  lack  of  inscription,  in  contrast  to  those  of  the  By- 
zantine era  and  times  later  than  the  sixth  century. 
Among  the  most  noteworthy  is  the  staurotheca  of  St. 
Gregory  the  Great  (590-604),  preserved  at  Monza, 
which  is  really  a  pectoral  cross  (ci .  Bugatti,  "  Memorie 
di  S.  Celso",  174  sq.;  Borgia,  "De  Cruce  Veliterna", 
pp.  cxxxiii  sqq.).  Scandella  (op.  cit.)  points  out  that 
St.  Gregory  is  the  first  to  mention  the  cruciform  shape 
given  to  these  golden  reliquaries.  But,  as  we  have 
seen,  they  date  from  much  earlier  times,  as  is  proved 
by  the  one  found  in  the  Agro  Verano,  among  others. 
Some  writers  go  too  far  in  wishing  to  push  their  an- 
tiquity back  to  the  beginning  of  the  fourth  century. 
They  base  their  opinion  on  documents  in  the  acts  of 
the  martyrs  under  Diocletian.  In  those  of  the  martyr- 
dom of  St.  Procopius  we  read  that  he  caused  a  gold 
pectoral  cross  to  be  made,  and  that  there  appeared  on 
it  miraculously  in  Hebrew  letters  the  names  Em- 
manuel, Michael,  Gabriel.  The  Bollandists,  however, 
reject  these  acts,  which  they  demonstrate  to  be  of  lit- 
tle authority  (Acta  SS.,  July,  II,  p.  554).  In  the  his- 
tory of  St.  Eustratius  and  other  martyrs  of  Lesser  Ar- 
menia, it  is  related  that  a  soldier  named  Orestes  was 
recognized  to  be  a  Christian  because,  during  some 
military  manoeuvres,  a  certain  movement  of  his  body 
displayed  the  fact  that  he  wore  a  golden  cross  on  his 
breast  (cf.  Aringhi,  Rom.  Subt.,  II,  545);  but  even 
this  history  is  far  from  being  entirely  accurate. 

The  recent  opening  of  the  famous  treasury  of  the 
Sancta  Sanctorum  near  the  Late  ran  has  restored  to 
our  possession  some  objects  of  the  highest  value  in  con- 
nexion with  the  wood  of  the  Holy  Cross,  and  bearing 
on  our  knowledge  of  crosses  containing  particles  of  the 
Holy  Wood,  and  of  churches  built  in  the  fifth  and  sixth 
centuries  in  its  honour.  Among  the  objects  found  in 
this  treasury  was  a  votive  cross  of  about  the  fifth  cen- 
tury, inlaid  with  large  gems,  a  cruciform  wooden 
box  with  a  sliding  lid  bearing  the  words  *G2  ZOH 
(light,  life),  and  lastly,  a  gold  cross  ornamented  with 
cloisonnes  enamels.  The  first  of  these  is  most  impor- 
tant because  it  belongs  to  the  same  period  (if  not  to  an 
even  earlier  one)  as  the  famous  cross  of  Justin  II,  of 
the  sixth  century,  preserved  in  the  treasury  at  St. 
Peter's,  and  which  contains  a  relic  of  the  True  Cross 
set  in  jewels.  It  was  held,  up  to  the  present,  to  be  the 
oldest  cross  extant  in  a  precious  metal  (De  Waal  in 
" Romisehe  Quartalschrift",  VII,  1893, 245 sq.;  Moli- 
nier,  "  Hist,  generate  des  arts ;  L'orfevrerie  religieuse 
et  civile",  Paris,  1901,  vol.  IV,  pt.  I,  p.  37).  This 
cross,  containing  relics  of  the  Holy  Cross,  was  dis- 
covered by  Pope  Sergius  I  (687-701)  in  the  sacristy  of 
St.  Peter's  basilica  (cf.  Duchesne,  Lib.  Pont.,  I,  347, 
s.  v.  Sergius)  in  a  sealed  silver  case.  It  contained  a 
jewelled  cross  enclosing  a  piece  of  the  True  Cross, 
and  dates,  perhaps,  from  the  fifth  century. 

Enamelled  crosses  of  this  nature,  an  inheritance  of 
Byzantine  art,  do  not  date  earlier  than  the  sixth  cen- 
tury. The  oldest  example  which  we  have  of  this  type 
is  a  fragment  of  the  reliquary  adorned  with  cloisonnes 
enamels  in  which  a  fragment  of  the  Cross  was  car- 
ried to  Poitiers  between  565  and  575  (cf .  Molinier,  op. 


cit.;  Barbier  de  Montault,  "Le  tresor  de  la  Sainte 
Croix  de  Poitiers",  1883).  Of  later  date  are  the  Cross 
of  Victory  at  Limburg  near  Aachen,  Charlemagne's 
cross,  and  that  of  St.  Stephen  at  Vienna.  Besides 
these  we  have  in  Italy  the  enamelled  cross  of  Cosenza 
(eleventh  century),  the  Gaeta  cross,  also  in  enamel, 
crosses  In  the  Christian  section  of  the  Vatican  Museum, 
and  the  celebrated  cross  of  Velletri  (eighth  or  tenth  cen- 
tury), adorned  with  precious  gems  and  enamel,  and 
discussed  by  Cardinal  Stefano  Borgia  in  his  work,  "  De 
Cruce  Veliterna". 

The  world-wide  devotion  to  the  Cross  and  its  relics 
during  the  fifth  and  succeeding  centuries  was  so  great 
that  even  the  iconoclast  Emperors  of  the  East  in  their 
suppression  of  the  cult  of  images  had  to  respect  that  of 
the  Cross  (cf.  Banduri,  "Numism.  imp.",  II,  p.  702  sq.; 
Niceph.,  "Hist.  Eccl.",  XVIII,  liv).  This  cult  of  toe 
Cross  called  forth  the  building  of  many  churches  and 
oratories  wherein  to  treasure  its  precious  relics.  The 
church  of  S.  Croce  at  Ravenna  was  built  by  Galla 
Placidia  before  the  year  450  "  in  honorem  sancta;  crucis 
Domini,  a  qua  habet  et  nomen  et  formam"  (Muratori, 
Script,  rer.  ital.,  I,  PI.  II,  p.  544a).  Pope  Symmachus 
(498-514;  cf.  Duchesne,  "Lib.  Pont.",  261,  s.  v. Sym- 
machus, no.  79)  built  an  oratory  of  the  Holy  Cross 
behind  the  baptistery  at  St.  Peter's,  and  placed  in  it 
a  jewelled  gold  cross  containing  a  relic  of  the  True 
Cross.  Pope  Hilarius  (461-468)  did  the  like  at  the 
Lateran,  building  an  oratory  communicating  with  the 
baptistery,  and  placing  in  it  a  similar  cross  (Duchesne, 
op.  cit.,  I,  242:  'ubi  lignum  posuit  dominicum,  cni' 
cem  auream  cum  gem  mis  qua;  pens.  lib.  XX"). 

The  unvarying  characteristic  style  of  cross  in  the 
fifth  and  sixth  centuries  is  for  the  most  part  decked 
with  flowers,  palms,  and  foliage,  sometimes  sprouting 
from  the  root  of  the  cross  itself,  or  adorned  with 
gems  and  precious  stones.  Sometimes  on  two  small 
chains  hanging  from  the  arms  of  the  cross  one  sees  the 
apocalyptic  letters  A,  O,  and  over  them  were  hung 
small  lamps  or  candles.  On  the  mosaics  in  the  church 
of  St.  Felix  at  Nola,  St.  Paulinus  caused  to  be  written: 
"Cerne  corona  tarn  domini  super  atria  Christi  stare 
crucem"  (Ep.  xxxii,  12,  ad  Sever.).  A  flowered  and 
jewelled  cross  is  that  painted  on  the  baptistery  of  the 
Catacomb  of  Ponzianus  on  the  Via  Portuensis  (cf. 
Bottari,  Rom.  Sott.,  PI.  XLIV).  The  cross  is  also 
displayed  on  the  mosaic  in  the  baptistery  built  by 
Galla  Placidia,  in  the  church  of  San  Vitale,  and  in 
Sant*  Apollinare  in  Classe,  at  Ravenna,  and  over  a  ci- 
borium  from  St.  Sophia  at  Constantinople.  In  1867, 
at  Berezov  Islands,  on  the  River  Sosswa,  in  Siberia, 
there  was  found  a  silver  plate,  or  liturgical  paten,  of 
Syrian  workmanship,  which  now  belongs  to  Count 
Gregory  Stroganov.  In  the  centre  of  it  is  a  cross 
standing  on  a  terrestrial  globe  studded  with  stars;  on 
either  side  stands  an  angel  with  a  staff  in  his  left  hand, 
the  right  being  raised  in  adoration;  four  rivers  flow 
from  its  base  and  indicate  that  the  scene  is  in  Paradise. 
Some  learned  Russians  attribute  the  plate  to  the  ninth 
century,  but  De  Rossi,  more  correctly,  places  it  in  the 
seventh  century.  In  these  same  centuries  the  cross 
was  of  frequent  use  in  liturgical  rites  and  processions 
of  great  solemnity.  It  was  carried  in  the  churches 
where  the  stations  were;  the  bearer  of  it  was  called 
draconarius,  and  the  cross  itself  stalionalis.  These 
crosses  were  often  very  costly  (cf.  Bottari,  Rom.  Sott., 
PI.  XLIV),  the  most  famous  being  the  cross  of 
Ravenna  and  that  of  Velletri. 

The  sign  of  the  cross  was  made  at  liturgical  func- 
tions over  persons  and  things,  sometimes  with  five  fin- 
gers extended,  to  represent  the  Five  Wounds  of  Christ 
sometimes  with  three,  in  sign  of  the  Persons  of  the 
Trinity,  and  sometimes  with  only  one,  symbolical  of 
the  unity  of  God.  For  the  blessing  of  the  chalice  and 
the  oblations  Leo  IV  prescribed  that  two  fingers  be  ex- 
tended, and  the  thumb  placed  beneath  them.  This  is 
the  only  true  sign  of  the  Trinitarian  cross. 


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pope  warmly  recommended  his  clergy  to  make  this 
sign  with  care,  else  their  blessing  would  be  fruitless. 
The  action  was  accompanied  by  the  solemn  formula, 
"In  nomine  Patris.  etc."  Another  use  of  the  cross 
was  in  the  solemn  dedication  of  churches  (see  Alpha- 
bet; Consecration).  The  bishop  who  performed  the 
ceremony  wrote  the  alphabet  in  Latin  and  Greek  on 
the  floor  of  the  church  along  two  straight  lines  crossing 
in  the  form  of  the  Roman  decuasia.  The  letter  X, 
which  in  the  land-plottings  of  the  Roman  augurs  repre- 
sented, with  its  two  component  lines,  the  cardo  maxi- 
mus  and  the  decumanits  maxim.ua,  was  the  same  decua- 
tis  used  by  the  Roman  agrimenaores,  in  their  surveys 
of  farms,  to  indicate  boundaries.  This  sign  was  ap- 
propriate to  Christ  by  its  cruciform  shape  and  by  its 
identity  in  shape  with  the  initial  letter  of  His  name, 
Xpurrdi,  in  Greek.  For  this  reason  it  was  one  of  the 
genuine  forms  of  the  aignum  ChrisU. 

The  use  of  the  cross  became  so  widespread  in  the 
fifth  and  following  centuries  that  anything  like  a 
complete  enumeration  of  the  monuments  on  which 
it  appears  is  wellnigh  impossible.  Suffice  it  to  say 
that  there  is  hardly  a  remnant  of  antiquity  dating 
from  this  century,  whether  lowly  and  mean  or  noble 
and  grand,  which  does  not  bear  the  sign.  In  proof 
of  this  we  shall  give  here  a  cursory  enumeration.  It 
is  quite  frequent  on  sepulchral  monuments,  on  the 
imperial  urns  at  Constantinople,  on  the  plaster  of  the 
loculi  (resting-places)  in  the  catacombs,  especially  of 
Rome,  in  a  painting  in  a  Christian  cemetery  at  Alex- 
andria in  Egypt,  on  a  mosaic  at  Boville  near  Rome,  on 
an  inscription  for  a  tomb  made  in  the  form  of  a  cross 
and  now  in  the  museum  at  Marseilles,  on  the  interior 
walls  of  sepulchral  chambers,  on  the  front  of  marble 
sarcophagi  dating  from  the  fifth  century.  In  these 
last  instances  it  is  common  to  see  the  cross  sur- 
mounted by  the  monogram  and  surrounded  by  a 
laurel  wreath  (e.  g.  the  sarcophagi  at  Aries,  ana  in 
the  Lateran  Museum).  A  very  fine  specimen  was 
found  recently  in  excavations  in  St.  Domitilla's  Cata- 
comb on  the  Ostian  Way;  it  is  a  symbolical  picture 
of  souls  freed  from  the  trammels  of  the  body,  and 
saved  by  means  of  the  Cross,  which  has  two  doves  on 
its  arms,  while  armed  guards  are  asleep  at  its  base. 
Lastly,  in  England,  crosses  have  been  found  on  se- 
pulchral monuments.  So  universal  was  its  use  by 
the  faithful  that  they  put  it  even  on  household  uten- 
sils, on  medals  of  devotion,  on  pottery  lamps,  spoons, 
cups,  plates,  glassware,  on  clasps  dating  from  Mero- 
vingian times,  on  inscriptions  and  votive  offerings,  on 
seals  made  in  the  form  of  a  cross,  on  toys  representing 
animals,  on  ivory  combs,  on  the  seals  of  wine-jars,  on 
reliquary  boxes,  and  even  on  water-pipes.  In  objects 
of  liturgical  use  we  meet  it  on  Biblical  codices,  on  vest- 
ments, pallia,  on  leaden  thongs  inscribed  with  exor- 
cising formula},  and  it  was  signed  on  the  foreheads  of 
catechumens  and  candidates  for  confirmation.  The 
architectural  details  of  churches  and  basilicas  were 
ornamented  with  crosses;  the  facades,  the  marble 
slabs,  the  transoms,  the  pillars,  the  capitals,  the  key- 
stones of  arches,  the  altar-tables,  the  bishops'  thrones, 
the  diptychs,  and  the  bells  were  also  ornamented  in 
the  same  way.  In  the  artistic  monuments  the  so- 
called  cruciform  nimbus  around  Our  Saviour's  head 
is  well  known.  The  cross  appears  over  His  head,  and 
near  that  of  the  orante,  as  in  the  oil-stocks  of  Santo 
Menna.  It  is  also  to  be  met  with  on  monuments  of  a 
symbolical  nature:  on  the  rocks  whence  flow  the  four 
celestial  rivers  the  cross  finds  its  place;  on  the  vase 
and  on  the  symbolical  ship,  on  the  head  of  the  tempt- 
ing serpent,  and  even  on  the  lion  in  Daniel's  den. 

When  Christianity  had  become  the  official  religion 
of  the  empire,  it  was  natural  that  the  cross  should  be 
carved  on  public  monuments.  In  fact  it  was  from  the 
first  used  to  purify  and  sanctify  monuments  and 
temples  originally  pagan;  it  was  prefixed  to  signa- 
tures and  to  inscriptions  placed  on  public  work;  it 


was  borne  by  consuls  on  their  sceptres,  the  first  to  do 
so  being  Basil  the  Younger  (a.d.  541— cf.  Gori,  Thes. 
diptych.,  II,  PI.  XX).  It  was  cut  in  marble  quarries 
and  in  brickyards,  and  on  the  gates  of  cities  (cf.de 
VogUd,  Syrie  Centrale;  Architecture  du  VII  siecle). 
At  Rome  there  is  still  to  be  seen  on  the  Gate  of  St. 
Sebastian  the  figure  of  a  Greek  cross  surrounded  by  a 
circle  with  the  invocations:  AriE  •  KONON  •  AriE  • 
rEflPn-  In  and  around  Bologna  it  was  usual  to 
set  the  sign  of  salvation  in  the  public  streets.  Ac- 
cording to  tradition,  these  crosses  are  very  ancient, 
and  four  of  them  date  from  the  time  of  St.  Petronius. 
Some  of  them  were  restored  in  the  ninth  and  tenth 
centuries  (cf.  Giovanni  Gozzadini,  Delle  croci  monu- 
mentali  che  erano  nelle  vie  di  Bologna  nel  secolo 
xiii). 

The  cross  also  played  an  important  part  in  heraldry 
and  diplomatic  science.  The  former  does  not  directly 
come  within  our  scope;  of  the  second  we  shall  give 
the  briefest  outlines.  Crosses  are  to  be  found  on  docu- 
ments of  early  medieval  times  and,  being  placed  at 
the  head  of  a  deed,  were  equivalent  to  an  invocation 
of  heaven,  whether  they  were  plain  or  ornamental. 
They  were  at  times  placed  before  signatures,  and  they 
have  even  been  equivalent  to  signatures  in  themselves. 
Indeed,  from  the  tenth  century  we  find,  under  contracts, 
roughly-made  crosses  that  have  all  the  appearance  of 
being  intended  as  signatures.  Thus  did  Hugh  Capet, 
Robert  Capet,  Henry  I,  and  Philip  I  sign  their  official 
documents.  This  usage  declined  in  the  thirteenth 
century  and  appeared  again  in  the  fifteenth.  In  our 
own  day  the  cross  is  reserved  as  the  attestation-mark 
of  illiterate  people.  A  cross  was  characteristic  of  the 
signature  of  Apostolic  notaries,  but  this  was  carefully 
designed,  not  rapidly  written.  In  the  early  Middle; 
Ages  crosses  were  decorated  with  even  greater  mag- 
nificence. In  the  centre  were  to  be  seen  medallions 
representing  the  Lamb  of  God,  Christ,  or  the  saints. 
Such  is  the  case  in  the  Velletri  cross  and  that  which 
Justin  II  gave  to  St.  Peter's,  mentioned  above,  and 
again  in  the  silver  cross  of  Agnello  at  Ravenna  (cf. 
Ciampini,  Vet.  mon.,  II,  PI.  XIV).  All  this  kind 
of  decoration  displays  the  substitution  of  some  more 
or  less  complete  symbol  for  the  figure  of  Christ  on  the 
cross,  of  which  we  are  about  to  speak. 

It  may  be  well  to  give  here  a  list  of  works  bearing  on  the 
departments  of  the  subject  just  treated,  and  containing  illus- 
trations which  it  has  not  been  opportune  to  quote  in  the  fore- 
going part  of  the  article:  Stockbacer,  Kunetgeechichte  dee 
Krtuztt  (Schaflhausen,  1870);  Grihouako  de  Saint-Lacrent, 
Iconoarapkie  de  la  Croix  ct  du  Crucifix  in  Ann.  archeol.,  XXVI, 
XXVII;  Mabtigny,  Dxctionnaire  dee  antiauiit*  chriiiennet.e.v. 
Crucifix;  Bayet,  Recherchet  pour  eervir  h  I'hietoire  de  la  pein- 
lure  ...  en  orient  (Paris,  1879);  MOnz,  Let  motaXquee 
chrHicnnee  de  V Italic  (Voratoire  de  Jean  VID  in  Rev.  arckc\A., 
1877,  II;  Lab  arte,  Hieloire  dee  arte  induetriele.  II;  Ksaub, 
Real-EncuUopadie  der  chritUich.    AlUrthumer  (Freiburg,  1882). 

(5)  Later  Development  of  the  Crucifix. — We  have 
seen  the  progressive  steps,  artistic,  symbolical,  and 
allegorical,  through  which  the  representation  of  the 
Cross  passed  from  the  first  centuries  down  to  the 
Middle  Ages;  and  we  have  seen  some  of  the  reasons 
which  prevented  Christian  art  from  making  an  earlier 
display  of  the  figure  of  the  cross.  Now  the  cross,  as 
it  was  seen  during  all  this  time  was  only  a  symbol  of 
the  Divine  Victim  and  not  a  direct  representation. 
We  can  thus  more  easily  understand,  then,  how  much 
more  circumspection  was  necessary  in  proceeding  to 
a  direct  portrayal  of  the  Lord's  actual  Crucifixion. 
Although  in  the  fifth  century  the  cross  began  to  ap- 
pear on  public  monuments,  it  was  not  for  a  century 
afterwards  that  the  figure  on  the  cross  was  shown; 
and  not  until  the  close  of  the  fifth,  or  even  the  middle 
of  the  sixth,  century,  did  it  appear  without  disguise. 
But  from  the  sixth  century  onward  we  find  many 
images — not  allegorical,  but  historical  and  realistic; — 
of  the  crucified  Saviour.  To  proceed  in  order,  we 
will  first  examine  the  rare  allusions,  as  it  were,  to  the 
Crucifixion  in  Christian  art  down  to  the  sixth  century, 


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and  then  look  at  the  productions  of  that  art  in  the 
later  period. 

Seeing  that  the  cross  was  the  symbol  of  an  igno- 
minious death,  the  repugnance  of  the  early  Christians 
to  any  representation  of  Christ's  torments  and  igno- 
miny is  easily  understood.  On  a  few  sarcophagi  of  the 
fifth  century  (e.g.  one  in  the  Lateran,  no.  171;  scenes 
from  the  Passion  are  shown,  but  so  treated  as  to  show 
none  of  the  shame  and  horror  attaching  to  that  instru- 
ment of  death  which  was,  as  St.  Paul  says,  "to  the 
Jews  a  scandal,  and  to  the  Gentiles  foolishness".  Yet, 
from  the  first  ages  Christians  were  loth  to  deprive 
themselves  altogether  of  the  image  of  their  crucified 
Redeemer,  though,  for  the  reasons  already  stated  and 
because  of  the  "Discipline  of  the  Secret"  (q.  v.),  they 
could  not  represent  the  scene  openly.  The  Council  of 
Elvira,  c.  300,  decreed  that  what  was  to  be  adored 
ought  not  to  be  used  in  mural  decoration.  Wherefore 
recourse  was  had  to  allegory  and  to  veiled  forms,  as 
in  the  case  of  the  cross  itself.  (Cf.  Brthier,  Les 
origin es  du  Crucifix  dans  l'art  religieux,  Paris,  1904.) 
One  of  the  most  ancient  allegories  of  the  Crucifixion 
is  considered  to  be  that  of  the  lamb  lying  at  the  foot 
of  the  anchor — symbols  respectively  of  the  Cross  and 
of  Christ.  A  very  ancient  inscription  in  the  Crypt  of 
Lucina,  in  the  Catacombs  of  St.  Callistus,  shows  this 
picture,  which  is  otherwise  somewhat  rare  (cf.  De 
Rossi,  Rom.  Sott.  Christ.,  I,  PI.  XX).  The  same  sym- 
bol was  still  in  use  at  the  end  of  the  fourth  and  be- 
ginning of  the  fifth  century.  In  the  description  of 
the  mosaics  in  the  basilica  of  St.  Felix  at  Nola,  St. 
Paulinus  shows  us  the  same  cross  in  connexion  with 
the  mystical  lamb,  evidently  an  allusion  to  the  Cruci- 
fixion, and  he  adds  the  well-known  verse:  "Sub  cruce 
sanguined,  niveus  stat  Christus  in  agno". 

We  saw  above  that  the  trident  was  a  veiled  image 
of  the  cross.  In  the  Catacomb  of  St.  Callistus  we  have 
a  more  complicated  study:  the  mystical  dolphin  is 
twined  around  the  trident- — a  very  expressive  symbol 
of  the  Crucifixion.  The  early  Christians  in  their  ar- 
tistic labours  did  not  disdain  to  draw  upon  the  sym- 
bols and  allegories  of  pagan  mythology,  as  long  as 
these  were  not  contrary  to  Christian  faith  and  morals. 
In  the  Catacomb  of  St.  Callistus  a  sarcophagus,  dating 
from  the  third  century,  was  found,  the  front  of  which 
shows  Ulysses  tied  to  the  mast  while  he  listens  to  the 
song  of  the  Sirens;  near  him  are  his  companions,  who 
with  ears  filled  with  wax,  cannot  hear  the  alluring 
song.  All  this  is  symbolical  of  the  Cross,  and  of  the 
Crucified,  who  has  closed  against  the  seductions  of 
evil  the  ears  of  the  faithful  during  their  voyage  over 
the  treacherous  sea  of  life  in  the  snip  which  will  bring 
them  to  the  harbour  of  salvation.  Such  is  the  inter- 
pretation given  by  St.  Maximus  of  Turin  in  the  homily 
read  on  Good  Friday  (S.  Maximi  opera,  Rome,  1874, 
151.  Cf.  De  Rossi,  Kom.  Sott.,  I,  344-345,  PI.  XXX, 
5).  A  very  important  monument  belonging  to  the 
beginning  of  the  third  century  shows  the  Crucifixion 
openly.  This  would  seem  to  contradict  what  we  have 
said  above,  but  it  should  be  remembered  that  this  is 
the  work  of  pagan,  and  not  of  Christian,  hands  (cf . 
De  Rossi,  BulL  d'arch.  crist.,  1863,  72,  and  1867,  75), 
and  therefore  it  has  no  real  value  as  a  proof  among 
purely  Christian  works.  On  a  beam  in  the  Pceda- 
gogium  on  the  Palatine  there  was  discovered  a  graffito 
on  the  plaster,  showing  a  man  with  an  ass's  head,  and 
clad  in  a  perizoma  (or  short  loin-cloth)  and  fastened 
to  a  crux  immissa  (regular  Latin  cross).  Near  by 
there  is  another  man  in  an  attitude  of  prayer  with  the 
legend  AXeld/wrot  aifitrtu  Btkv,  i.  e.,  Alexamenos  adores 
God.  This  graffito  is  now  to  be  seen  in  the  Kircherian 
Museum  in  Rome,  and  is  but  an  impious  caricature  in 
mockery  of  the  Christian  Alexamenos,  drawn  by  one 
of  his  pagan  comrades  of  the  p&dagogium.  (See 
Ass.)  In  fact  Tertullian  tells  us  that  in  his  day, 
i.  e.  precisely  at  the  time  when  this  caricature  was 
made.  Christians  were  accused  of  adoring  an  ass's 


head,  "Somniatis  caput  asininum  esse  Deum  nos- 
trum" (Apol.,  xvi;  Ad  Nat.,  1, 50-  And  Minucius 
Felix  confirms  this  (Octav.,  ix).  The  Palatine  graffito 
is  also  important  as  showing  that  the  Christians 
used  the  crucifix  in  their  private  devotions  at  least 
as  early  as  the  third  oentury.  It  would  not  have 
been  possible  for  Alexamenos'  companion  to  trace  that 
graffito  of  a  crucified  person  clad  in  the  perizoma  (which 
was  contrary  to  Roman  usage)  if  he  had  not  seen  some 
such  figure  made  use  of  by  the  Christians.  Professor 
Haupt  sought  to  identify  it  as  a  caricature  of  a  wor- 
shipper of  the  Egyptian  god  Seth,  the  Typho  of  the 
Greeks,  but  his  explanation  was  refuted  by  Kraus. 
Recently,  a  similar  opinion  has  been  put  forth  by 
Wunsch,  who  takes  his  stand  on  the  letter  Y  which  is 
placed  near  the  crucified  figure,  and  which  has  also 
been  found  on  a  tablet  relating  to  the  worship  of 
Seth ;  he  therefore  concludes  that  Alexamenos  of  the 
graffito  belonged  to  the  Sethian  sect.  (With  refer- 
ence to  the  Alexamenos  graffito,  which  certainly  has  a 
bearing  on  the  crucifix  and  its  use  by  the  early  Chris- 
tians, see  Raffaele  Garucci,  "Un  crocifisso  graffito  da 
mano  pagana  nella  casa  dei  Cesari  sul  Palatino",  Rome, 
1857;  Ferdinand  Becker,  "Das  Spott-Crucifix  del 
romischen  Kaiserpalaste",  Breslau.  1866;  Kraus, 
"Das  Spott-Crucifix  vom  Palatin ',  Freiburg  im 
Breisgau,  1872;  Visconti,  "Di  un  nuovo  graffito  pala- 
tino relativo  al  cristiano  Alessameno",  Rome,  1870; 
Visconti  and  Lanciani,  "Guidadel  Palatino",  1873,  p. 
86;  De  Rossi,  "Rom.  Sott.  Crist.",  1877,  pp.  353-354; 
WUnsch,  ed.,  "Setianische  Verfluchungstafeln  aus 
Rom",  Leipzig,  1898,  p.  110  sqq.:  Vigouroux,  "Les 
livres  saints  et  la  critique  rationalist*  ,  I,  94-102.) 
The  crucifix  and  representations  of  the  Crucifixion  be- 
came general  after  the  sixth  century,  on  manuscripts, 
then  on  private  monuments,  and  finally  even  on  public 
monuments.  But  its  appearance  on  monuments  up  to 
about  the  eighth  century  surely  indicates  such  monu- 
ments to  be  works  of  private  zeal  and  devotion,  or,  at 
least,  not  clearly  and  decidedly  public.  As  a  matter  of 
fact,  it  is  noteworthy  that,  in  the  year  692,  i.  e.  at  the 
end  of  the  seventh  century  the  Quinisext  Council  of 
Constantinople,  called  the  Trullan,  ordered  the  sym- 
bolical and  allegorical  treatment  to  be  laid  aside. 
The  earliest  MS.  bearing  a  representation  of  Christ 
crucified  is  in  a  miniature  of  a  Syriac  codex  of  the 
Gospels  dating  from  a.  d.  586  (Codex  Syriacus,  56), 
written  by  the  scribe  Rabula,  and  which  is  in  the 
Laurentian  Library  at  Florence.  Therein  the  figure 
of  Christ  is  robed  (Assemani,  Biblioth.  Laurent. 
Medic,  catalog.,  PI.  XXIII,  p.  194).  Other  images  of 
the  crucifix  belong  to  the  sixth  century.  Gregory  of 
Tours,  in  his  work  "De  Gloria  Martyrum",  I,  xxv, 
speaks  of  a  crucifix  robed  in  a  colobium,  or  tunic, 
which  in  his  day  was  publicly  venerated  at  Narbonne 
in  the  church  of  St.  Genesius,  and  which  he  consid- 
ered a  profanation — so  far  was  the  public  cult  of  the 
crucifix  from  having  become  general  up  to  that  time. 
A  cross  belonging  to  the  sixth  century  is  to  be  found 
in  the  treasury  at  Monza,  on  which  the  image  of  the 
Saviour  is  wrought  in  enamel  (cf.  Mozzoni,  "Tavole 
cronologiche-critichedella  stor.  eccl:  secolo  VII",  79), 
and  which  seems  to  be  identical  with  that  given  by 
St.  Gregory  the  Great  to  Theodolinda,  Queen  of  the 
Lombards.  We  know  also  that  he  gave  a  cross  to 
Recared,  King  of  the  Visigoths,  and  to  others  (cf .  S. 
Gregorii  Lib.  Ill,  Epist.  xxxii;  Lib.  IX,  Epist.  exxii; 
Lib.  XIII,  Epist.  xlii;  Lib.  XIV,  Epist.  xu). 

It  is  certain,  then,  that  the  custom  of  displaying 
the  Redeemer  on  the  Cross  began  with  the  close  of 
the  sixth  century,  especially  on  encolpia,  yet  such  ex- 
amples of  the  crucifix  are  rare.  As  an  example,  we 
have  a  Byzantine  encolpion,  with  a  Greek  inscrip- 
tion, which  was  erroneously  thought  to  have  been  dis- 
covered in  the  Roman  Catacombs  in  1662,  and  about 
which  the  renowned  Leo  Allatius  has  written  learn- 
edly (cf.  "Codice  Chigiano",  VT;  Fea,  "Miscellanea 


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filol.  critica",  282).    The  little  metal  vases  pre-  To  this  same  period  belongs  a  crucifix  at  Mount 

served  at  Monza,  in  which  was  carried  to  Queen  Theo-  Athos  (see  Smith's  "Dictionary  of  Christian  Antiq- 

dolinda  the  oil  from  the  Holy  Places,  show  clearly  uities",  London,  1875,  L  514),  as  well  as  an  ivory  in 

how  the  repugnance  to  effigies  of  Christ  lasted  well  the  British  Museum.   Christ  is  shown  wearing  only  a 

into  the  sixth  century.    In  the  scene  of  the  Cruci-  loin-cloth:  He  appears  as  if  alive,  and  not  suffering 


fixion  thereon  depicted,  the  two  thieves  alone  are 
seen  with  arms  extended,  in  the  attitude  of  cruci- 
fixion, but  without  a  cross,  while  Christ  appears  as  an 
orante,  with  a  nimbus,  ascending  among  the  clouds, 
and  in  all  the  majesty  of  glory,  above  a  cross  hidden 
under  a  decoration  of  flowers.  (Cf .  Mozzoni,  op.  cit.,  77, 
84.)  In  the  same  manner,  on  another  monument,  we 
see  the  cross  between  two  archangels  while  the  bust  of 
Christ  is  shown  above. 
Another  very  impor- 
tant monument  of  this 
century,  and  perhaps 
dating  even  from  the 

g receding  one,  is  the 
rucifixion  carved  on 
the  wooden  doors  at 
S.  Sabina  on  the  Aven- 
tine  Hill,  at  Rome. 
The  Crucified  Christ, 
stripped  of  His  gar- 
ments, and  on  a  cross, 
but  not  nailed  to  the 
cross,  and  between 
two  thieves,  is  shown 
as  an  orante,  and  the 
scene  of  the  Crucifix- 
ion is,  to  a  certain 
extent,  artistically 
veiled.  The  carving 
is  roughly  done,  but 
the  work  has  become 
of  great  importance, 
owing  to  recent  studies 
thereon,  wherefore  we 
shall  briefly  indicate 
the  various  writings 
dealing  with  it :  Grisar, 
"Analecta  Romana", 
427  sqq. ;  Berthier, 
"  La  Porte  de  Sainte- 
Sabinea  Rome:  Etude 
archeologique"  (Fri- 
bourg,  Switzerland, 
1892);  Perate\"L'Ar- 
cheologie  chrgtienne" 
in  "Bibliotheque  de 
l'enseignement  des 
beaux  arts"  (Paris, 
1892,  pp.  330-36); 
Bertram,"  Die  Thtiren 
von  Sta.  Sabina  in 
Rom:  das  Vorbild  der 
Bern  wards  Thtiren  am 
Dom  zu  Hildesheim 
(Fribourg,  Switzer- 
land, 1892) ;  Ehrhard,  "Die  altchristliche  Prachtthilre 
der  Basilika  Sta.  Sabina  in  Rom  "  in  "  Der  Katholik  ", 
LXXII  (1892),  444  sqq.,  538 sqq. ;  "Civilta  Cattolica", 
IV  (1892),  68-89;  "Rdmische  Quartalschrift " ,  VII 
(1893),  102;  "Analecta  Bollandiana",  XIII  (J894), 
53;  Forrer  and  Muller,  "Kreuz  und  Kreuzigung  Christi 
in  ihrer  Kunstentwicklung"  (Strasburg,  1894),  15,  PI. 
II  and  PI.  Ill;  Strzygowski,  "Das  Berliner  Moses- 
relief  und  die  Thuren  von  Sta.  Sabina  in  Rom"  in 
"  Jahrbuch  derkdnigl.  prcussischen  Kunstsammlungen 
XVI  (1893),  65-81;  Ehrhard,  "Prachtthure  von  S. 
Sabina  in  Rom  und  die  Domthure  von  Spalato"  in 
"Ephemeris  Spalatensis"  (1894),  9  sqq.;  Grisar, 
"  Kreuz  und  Kreuzigung  auf  der  altchristl.  Thure 
von  S.  Sabina  in  Rom  (Rome,  1894) ;  Dobbert,  "Zur 
Entstehungsgeschichte  des  Crucifixes"  in  "  Jahrb.  der 
preuss.  Kunstsammlungen",  I  (1880),  41-50. 


The  Crucifixion — Guido  Reni 
(Church  of  S.  Lorenio  in  Lucina,  Rome) 


physical  pain.  To  the  left,  Judas  is  seen  hanged, 
and  below  is  the  purse  of  money.  In  the  following 
century  the  Crucifixion  is  still  sometimes  represented 
with  the  restrictions  we  have  noticed,  for  instance, 
in  the  mosaic  made  in  642  by  Pope  Theodore  in  S. 
Stefano  Rotondo,  Rome.  There,  between  Sts.  Pri- 
nt as  and  Felician,  the  cross  is  to  be  seen,  with  the 
bust  of  the  Saviour  just  above  it.  In  the  same  sev- 
enth century,  also, 
the  scene  of  the  Cru- 
cifixion is  shown  in 
all  its  historic  reality 
in  the  crypt  of  St. 
Valentine's  Catacomb 
on  the  Via  Flam  in  ia 
(cf.  Marucchi,  La 
cripta  sepolcrale  di  S. 
Valentino,  Rome, 
1878).  Bosio  saw  it 
in  the  sixteenth  cen- 
tury, and  it  was  then 
in  a  better  state  of 
preservation  than  it 
is  to-day  (Bosio, 
Roma  Sort.,  Ill,  lxv). 
Christ  crucified  ap- 
pears between  Our 
Lady  and  St.  John, 
and  is  clad  in  a  long, 
flowing  tunic  (cofc- 
bium),  and  fastened  by 
four  nails,  as  was  the 
ancient  tradition,  and 
as  Gregory  of  Tours 
teaches:  "Clavorum 
ergo  dominicorum 
gratia  quod  qratuor 
fuerint  hsec  est  ratio: 
duo  sunt  affixi  in 
palmis,    et    duo  in 

Slantis"  ("De  Gloria 
[artyrum",  I,  vi,  in 
P.  L.,  XXI,  710). 

The  last  objections 
and  obstacles  to  the 
realistic  reproduction 
of  the  Crucifixion  dis- 
appeared in  the  be- 
ginning of  the  eighth 
century.  In  the  ora- 
tory built  by  Pope 
John  VII  in  the  Vati- 
can, a.  d.  705,  the  cru- 
cifix was  represented 
realistically  in  mosaic. 
But  the  figure  was  robed,  as  we  may  learn  from  the 
drawings  made  by  Grimaldi  in  the  time  of  Paul  V, 
when  the  oratory  was  pulled  down  to  make  room  for 
the  modern  facade.  Part  of  such  a  mosaic  still  exists  in 
the  grottoes  at  the  Vatican  similar  in  treatment  to 
that  of  John  VII.  Belonging  to  the  same  century, 
though  dating  a  little  later,  is  the  image  of  the  Cruci- 
fied discovered  a  few  years  ago  in  the  apse  of  the  old 
church  of  S.  Maria  Antiqua  in  the  Roman  Forum. 
This  remarkable  picture,  now  happily  recovered,  was 
visible  for  a  little  while  in  the  month  of  May,  1702, 
and  is  mentioned  in  the  diary  of  Valesio.  It  dates 
from  the  time  of  Pope  St.  Paul  I  (757-768),  and  stands 
in  a  niche  above  the  altar.  The  figure  is  draped  in  a 
long  tunic  of  a  greyish-blue  colour,  is  very  lifelike,  and 
has  wide-open  eyes.  The  soldier  Longinus  is  in  the 
act  of  wounding  the  side  of  Christ  with  the  lance.  On 


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either  hand  are  Mary  and  John;  between  them  and 
the  Cross  stands  a  soldier  with  a  sponge  and  a  vessel 
filled  with  vinegar;  above  the  Cross  the  sun  and  moon 
dim  their  rays. 

Another  interesting  picture  is  that  in  the  crypt  of 
SS.  Giovanni  e  Paolo  at  Rome,  in  their  dwelling- 
house  on  the  Celian  Hill.  It  is  Byzantine  in  style 
and  shows  the  crucifix.  In  the  ninth  century  the 
crucifix  of  Leo  IV  is  of  importance  (840-847).  It  is  a 
stripped  figure,  with  a  perizoma,  and  four  nails  are 
used.  A  similar  figure  is  in  the  paintings  of  S.  Ste- 
fano  alia  Cappella.  To  the  same  century  belongs 
a  diptych  from  the  monastery  of  Rambona  of  about 
the  year  898,  and  now  in  the  Vatican  Library  (Buo- 
narroti, "Osservaaoni  sopra  alcune  frammenti  di 
vetro",  Florence,  1716,  257-283,  and  P.  Germano  da 
s.  Stanislao,  "La  casa  celimontana  dei  SS.  Giovanni 
e  Paolo",  Rome,  1895).  To  bring  this  list  to  a  close 
we  may  mention  an  eleventh-century  diptych  in  the 
cathedral  of  Tournai,  a  twelfth-century  Roman  cross 
preserved  at  the  Porte  de  Halle,  at  Brussels,  and  an 
enamelled  crucifix  in  the  Spitzer  collection. 

Here  we  bring  our  researches  to  an  end,  the  field  of 
Christian  archaeology  not  extending  further.  In  the 
artistic  treatment  of  the  crucifix  there  are  two 
periods:  the  first,  which  dates  from  the  sixth  to  the 
twelfth  and  thirteenth  centuries;  and  the  second, 
dating  from  that  time  to  our  own  day.  We  shall 
here  treat  only  of  the  former,  touching  lightly  on  the 
latter.  In  the  first  period  the  Crucified  is  shown  ad- 
hering to  the  cross,  not  hanging  forward  from  it;  He 
is  alive  and  shows  no  signs  of  physical  suffering;  He 
is  clad  in  a  long,  flowing,  sleeveless  tunic  (colotkum), 
which  reaches  the  knees.  The  head  is  erect,  and  sur- 
rounded by  a  nimbus,  and  bears  a  royal  crown.  The 
figure  is  fastened  to  the  wood  with  four  nails  (cf. 
Garrucci,  "Storia  dell'  arte  crist.",  Ill,  fig.  139  and 
p.  61  •  Marucchi,  op.  cit.,  and  "II  cimitero  e  la  basilica 
di  S.  Valentino",  Rome,  1890;  Forrer  and  Mailer,  op. 
cit.,  20,  PI.  Ill,  fig.  6).  In  a  word,  it  is  not  Christ 
suffering,  but  Christ  triumphing  and  glorious  on  the 
Cross.  Moreover,  Christian  art  for  a  long  time  ob- 
jected to  stripping  Christ  of  his  garments,  and  the 
traditional  colobium,  or  tunic,  remained  until  the 
ninth  century.  In  the  East  the  robed  Christ  was 
preserved  to  a  much  later  date.  Again,  in  miniatures 
from  the  ninth  century  the  figure  is  robed,  and 
stands  erect  on  the  cross  and  on  the  guppedaneum. 

The  scene  of  the  Crucifixion,  especially  after  the 
eighth  century,  includes  the  presence  of  the  two 
thieves,  the  centurion  who  pierced  Christ's  side,  the 
soldier  with  the  sponge,  the  Blessed  Virgin  and  St. 
John.  Mary  is  never  shown  weeping  and  afflicted, 
as  became  the  custom  in  later  ages,  but  standing 
erect  near  the  cross,  as  St.  Ambrose  says,  in  his 
funeral  oration  on  Valentinian:  "I  read  of  her  stand- 
ing; I  do  not  read  of  her  weeping."  Moreover,  on 
either  side  of  the  Cross  the  sun  and  the  moon,  often 
with  human  faces,  veil  their  brightness,  being  placed 
there  to  typify  the  two  natures  of  Christ;  the  sun, 
the  Divine,  and  the  moon,  the  human  (cf .  St.  Gregory 
the  Great,  Homily  ii  in  Evang.).  At  the  foot  of 
the  Cross  the  female  figures  are  symbolical  of  the 
Church  and  the  Synagogue,  the  one  receiving  the 
Saviour's  blood  in  a  cup,  the  other  veiled  and  dis- 
crowned, holding  in  her  hand  a  torn  banner.  With 
the  tenth  century  realism  began  to  play  a  part  in 
Christian  art,  and  the  colobium  becomes  a  shorter 
garment,  reaching  from  the  waist  to  the  knees  (peri- 
zoma). In  the  "Hortus  deliciarum"  in  the  "album" 
belonging  to  the  Abbess  Herrada  of  Landsberg  in 
the  twelfth  the  colobium  is  short,  and  approaches  the 
form  of  the  perizoma.  From  the  eleventh  century  in 
the  East,  and  from  the  Gothic  period  in  the  West,  the 
head  droops  onto  the  breast  (cf.  Borgia,  De  Cruce 
Veliternfl,  191),  the  crown  of  thorns  is  introduced, 
the  arms  are  bent  back,  the  body  is  twisted,  the  face 
I  34 


is  wrung  with  agony,  and  blood  flows  from  the  wounds. 
In  the  thirteenth  century  complete  realism  is  reached 
by  the  substitution  of  one  nail  in  the  feet,  instead  of 
two,  as  in  the  old  tradition,  and  the  resulting  crossing 
of  the  legs.  All  this  was  done  from  artistic  motives, 
to  bring  about  a  more  moving  and  devotional  pose. 
The  living  and  triumphant  Christ  gives  place  to  a 
Christ  dead,  in  all  the  humiliation  of  His  Passion,  the 
agony  of  His  death  being  even  accentuated.  This 
manner  of  treatment  was  afterwards  generalized  by 
the  schools  of  Cimabue  and  Giotto.  In  conclusion  it 
may  be  noted  that  the  custom  of  placing  the  crucifix 
over  the  altar  does  not  date  from  earlier  than  the 
eleventh  century.    (See  Section  III  of  this  article.) 

Works  of  reference  on  the  crucifix  and  its  various  forms  in 
general:  Justus  Lipsius,  De  Cruce  libri  tret  (Antwerp,  1595); 
Geetber,  De  Cruce  Chritti  rebutque  ad  earn  perttnentibut 
(Ingoldstadt,  1595-1605);  Bosius,  Crux  triumphant  et  gloriota 
(Antwerp.  1817,  folio);  Bartholinus,  De  Cruce  Chritti  hy 
pomnemata  (Copenhagen,  1651);  Alger,  H  it  lory  cf  IK*  Crow 
(Boston,  1868):  Muni,  Archaologitche  Bemerkungtn  Ober  dot 
Kreux  Chritti  (Frankfort,  1867);  Stockbauer,  Kunttgetchichtt 
det  Kreutet  (Schaffhausen,  1870);  ZdcxLSR,  Dot  Kreut  Chritti 
(Guteraloh.  1875). 

Orazio  Marucchi. 

II.  The  True  Cross  and  Representations  of  it 
as  Objects  of  Devotion. — (1)  Growth  of  the  Chrit- 
tian  Cult. — The  Cross  to  which  Christ  had  been  nailed, 
and  on  which  He  had  died,  became  for  Christians, 
quite  naturally  and  logically,  the  object  of  a  special 
respect  and  worship.  St.  Paul  says,  in  I  Cor.,  i,  17: 
"For  Christ  sent  me  not  to  baptize,  but  to  preach  the 
gospel:  not  in  wisdom  of  speech,  lest  the  cross  of 
Christ  should  be  made  void";  in  Gal.,  ii,  19:  "With 
Christ  I  am  nailed  to  the  cross";  in  Eph.,  ii,  16: 
Christ  .  .  .  "might  reconcile  both  to  God  in  one 
body  by  the  cross":  in  Phil.,  iii,  18:  "For  many  walk 
.  .  .  enemies  of  the  cross  of  Christ";  in  Col.,  ii, 
14:  "Blotting  out  the  handwriting  of  the  decree  that 
was  against  us,  which  was  contrary  to  us.  And  he 
hath  taken  the  same  out  of  the  way,  fastening  it  to 
the  cross";  and  in  Gal.,  vi,  14:  "But  God  forbid  that 
I  should  glory,  save  in  the  cross  of  our  Lord  Jesus 
Christ;  by  whom  the  world  is  crucified  to  me,  and  I 
to  the  world". 

It  seems  clear,  therefore,  that  for  St  Paul  the  Cross 
of  Christ  was  not  only  a  precious  remembrance  of 
Christ's  sufferings  and  death,  but  also  a  symbol  closely 
associated  with  His  sacrifice  and  the  mystery  of  the 
Passion.  It  was,  moreover,  natural  that  it  should  be 
venerated  and  become  an  object  of  a  cult  with  the 
Christians  who  had  been  saved  by  it.  Of  such  a  cult 
in  the  Primitive  Church  we  have  definite  and  suffi- 
ciently numerous  evidences.  Tertullian  meets  the 
objection  that  Christians  adore  the  cross  by  answering 
with  an  argumentum  ad  hominem,  not  by  a  denial! 
Another  apologist,  Minucius  Felix,  replies  to  the  same 
objection.  Lastly  we  may  recall  the  famous  carica- 
ture of  Alexamenos,  for  which  see  the  article  Ass. 
From  all  this  it  appears  that  the  pagans,  without 
further  consideration  of  the  matter,  believed  that  the 
Christians  adored  the  cross;  and  that  the  apologists 
either  answered  indirectly,  or  contented  themselves 
with  saying  that  they  do  not  adore  the  cross,  without 
denying  that  a  certain  form  of  veneration  was  paid 
to  it. 

It  is  also  an  accepted  belief  that  in  the  decorations 
of  the  catacombs  there  have  been  found,  if  not  the 
cross  itself,  at  least  more  or  less  veiled  allusions  to 
the  holy  symbol.  A  detailed  treatment  of  this  and 
other  historical  evidence  for  the  early  prevalence  of 
the  cult  will  be  found  in  Section  I  of  this  article. 

This  cult  became  more  extensive  than  ever  after 
the  discovery  of  the  Holy  Places  and  of  the  True 
Cross.  Since  the  time  when  Jerusalem  had  been  laid 
waste  and  ruined  in  the  wars  of  the  Romans,  especially 
since  Hadrian  had  founded  upon  the  ruins  his  colony 
of  iElia  Capitolina,  the  places  consecrated  by  the  Pas- 


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sion,  Death,  and  Burial  of  Christ  had  been  profaned 
and,  it  would  seem,  deserted.  Under  Constantine, 
after  peace  had  been  vouchsafed  to  the  Church,  Ma- 
carius,  Bishop  of  Jerusalem,  caused  excavations  to 
be  made  (about  a.  d.  327,  it  is  believed)  in  order  to 
ascertain  the  location  of  these  holy  sites.  That  of 
Calvary  was  identified,  as  well  as  that  of  the  Holy 
Sepulchre;  it  was  in  the  course  of  these  excavations 
that  the  wood  of  the  Cross  was  recovered.  It  was 
recognized  as  authentic,  and  for  it  was  built  a  chapel, 
or  oratory,  which  is  mentioned  by  Eusebius,  also  by 
St.  Cyril  of  Jerusalem,  and  Silvia  (Etheria).  From 
a.  d.  347,  that  is  to  say,  twenty  years  after  these  ex- 
cavations, the  same  St.  Cyril,  in  his  discourses  (or 
eateeheaes)  delivered  in  these  very  places  (iv,  10;  x, 
14;  xiii,  4)  speaks  of  this  sacred  wood.  An  in- 
scription of  a.  d.  359,  found  at  Tixter,  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  S6tif  in  Mauretania,  mentions  in  an 
enumeration  of  relics,  a  fragment  of  the  True  Cross 
(Roman  Miscellanies,  X,  441).  For  a  full  discussion 
of  the  legend  of  St.  Helena,  see  Section  I  of  this 
article;  see  also  Helena,  Saint.  Silvia's  recital 
(Peregrinatio  Etheria),  which  is  of  indisputable  au- 
thenticity, tells  how  the  sacred  wood  was  venerated 
in  Jerusalem  about  a.  d.  380.  On  Good  Friday,  at 
eight  o'clock  in  the  morning,  the  faithful  ana  the 
monks  assemble  in  the  chapel  of  the  Cross  (built  on  a 
site  hard  by  Calvary),  and  at  this  spot  the  ceremony 
of  the  adoration  takes  place.  The  bishop  is  seated 
on  his  chair ;  before  him  is  a  table  covered  with  a  cloth ; 
the  deacons  are  standing  around  him.  The  silver-gilt 
reliquary  is  brought  and  opened,  and  the  sacred  wood 
of  the  Cross,  with  the  Title,  is  placed  on  the  table. 
The  bishop  stretches  out  his  hand  over  the  holy  relic, 
and  the  deacons  keep  watch  with  him  while  the  faith- 
ful and  catechumens  defile,  one  by  one,  before  the 
table,  bow,  and  kiss  the  Cross;  they  touch  the  Cross 
and  the  Title  with  forehead  and  eyes,  but  it  is  for- 
bidden to  touch  them  with  the  hands.  This  minute 
watchfulness  was  not  unnecessary,  for  it  has  been 
told  in  fact  how  one  day  one  of  the  faithful,  making 
as  though  to  kiss  the  Cross,  was  so  unscrupulous  as 
to  bite  off  a  piece  of  it,  which  he  carried  off  as  a  relic. 
It  is  the  duty  of  the  deacons  to  prevent  the  repetition 
of  such  a  crime.  St.  Cyril,  who  also  tells  of  this  cere- 
mony, makes  his  account  much  more  brief,  but  adds 
the  important  detail,  that  relics  of  the  True  Cross  have 
been  distributed  all  over  the  world.  He  adds  some 
information  as  to  the  silver  reliquary  which  contained 
the  True  Cross.  (See  Cabrol,  La  Peregrinatio  ad  loca 
sancta,  105.)  In  several  other  passages  of  the  same 
work  Silvia  (also  called  Egeria,  Echena,  Eiheria,  and 
Etheria)  speaks  to  us  of  this  chapel  of  the  Cross  (built 
between  the  basilicas  of  the  Anastasis  and  the  Mar- 
tyrion)  which  plays  so  great  a  part  in  the  paschal 
liturgy  of  Jerusalem. 

A  law  of  Theodosius  and  of  Valentinian  III  (Cod. 
Justin.,  I,  tit.  vii)  forbade  under  the  gravest  penalties 
any  painting,  carving,  or  engraving  of  the  cross  on 
pavements,  so  that  this  august  sign  of  our  salvation 
might  not  be  trodden  under  foot.  This  law  was  re- 
vised by  the  Trullan  Council,  a.  d.  691  (canon  lxxii). 
Julian  the  Apostate,  on  the  other  hand,  according 
to  St.  Cyril  of  Alexandria  (Contra  Julian.,  vi,  in 
Opp.,  VI),  made  it  a  crime  for  Christians  to  adore  the 
wood  of  the  Cross,  to  trace  its  form  upon  their  fore- 
heads, and  to  engrave  it  over  the  entrances  of  their 
homes.  St.  John  Chrysostom  more  than  once  in  his 
writings  makes  allusion  to  the  adoration  of  the  cross; 
one  citation  will  suffice:  "Kings  removing  their  dia- 
dems take  up  the  cross,  the  symbol  of  their  Saviour's 
death;  on  the  purple,  the  cross;  in  their  prayers,  the 
cross;  on  their  armour,  the  cross;  on  the  holy  table, 
the  cross;  throughout  the  universe,  the  cross.  The 
cross  shines  brighter  than  the  sun."  These  quota- 
tions from  St.  Chrysostom  may  be  found  in  the  au- 
thorities to  be  named  at  the  end  of  this  article.  At 


the  same  time,  pilgrimages  to  the  holy  places  became 
more  frequent,  ana  especially  for  the  purpose  of  fol- 
lowing the  example  set  by  St.  Helena  in  venerating 
the  True  Cross.  Saint  Jerome,  describing  the  pil- 
grimage of  St.  Paula  to  the  Holy  Places,  teas  us  that 
prostrate  before  the  Cross,  she  adored  it  as  though 
she  had  seen  the  Saviour  hanging  upon  it"  (Ep.  cviii). 
It  is  a  remarkable  fact  that  even  the  Iconoclasts,  who 
fought  with  such  zeal  against  images  and  representa- 
tions in  relief,  made  an  exception  in  the  case  of  the 
cross.  Thus  we  find  the  image  of  the  cross  on  the 
coins  of  the  Iconoclastic  emperors,  Leo  the  Isauriar, 
Constantine  Copronymus,  Leo  IV,  Nicephorus, 
Michael  II,  and  Theophilus  (cf.  Banduri,  Numism. 
Imperat.  Rom.,  II).  Sometimes  this  cult  involved 
abuses.  Thus  we  are  told  of  the  Staurolaters,  or  those 
who  adore  the  cross;  the  Chazingarii  (from  chazut, 
cross),  a  sect  of  Armenians  who  adore  the  cross.  The 
Second  Council  of  Nicsea(A.D.  787),  held  for  the  purpose 
of  reforming  abuses  and  putting  an  end  to  the  dis- 
putes of  Iconoclasm,  fixed,  once  for  all,  the  Catholic 
doctrine  and  discipline  on  this  point.  It  defined  that 
the  veneration  of  the  faithful  was  due  to  the  form  "of 
the  precious  and  vivifying  cross",  as  well  as  to  images 
or  representations  of  Christ,  of  the  Blessed  Virgin,  and 
of  the  saints.  But  the  council  points  out  that  we 
must  not  render  to  these  objects  the  cult  of  latria, 
"which,  according  to  the  teaching  of  the  faith,  belongs 
to  the  Divine  nature  alone.  .  .  .  The  honour 
paid  to  the  image  passes  to  the  prototype;  and  he 
who  adores  the  image,  adores  the  person  whom  it 
represents.  Thus  the  doctrine  of  our  holy  fathers 
obtains  in  all  its  force:  the  tradition  of  the  Holy 
Catholic  Church  which  from  one  end  of  the  earth  to 
the  other  has  received  the  gospel."  This  decree  was 
renewed  at  the  Eighth  (Ecumenical  Council,  at  Constan- 
tinople, in  869  (can.  iii).  The  council  clearly  dis- 
tinguishes between  the  "salutation"  (4<nr<w/iAt)  and 
"veneration"  (rpoa-xtf^it)  due  to  the  cross,  and  the 
"true  adoration"  (dXijWnj  Xarptla),  which  should 
not  be  paid  to  it.  Theodore  the  Studite,  the  great 
adversary  of  the  Iconoclasts,  also  makes  a  very  exact 
distinction  between  the  adoratio  relativa  (rpoanirricii 
vxtruefi)  and  adoration  properly  so  called. 

(2)  Catholic  Doctrine  on  the  Veneration  of  the  Crow. 
— In  passing  to  a  detailed  examination  of  the  Catho- 
lic doctrine  on  this  subject  of  the  cult  due  to  the  Cross, 
it  will  be  well  to  notice  the  theories  of  Brock,  the 
Abbe1  Ansault,  le  Mortillet,  and  others,  who  pretend 
to  have  discovered  that  cult  among  the  pagans  be- 
fore the  time  of  Christ.  For  a  demonstration  of 
the  purely  Christian  origin  of  the  Christian  de- 
votion the  reader  is  referred  to  Section  I  of  this 
article.  See  also  the  works  of  de  Harlay,  Laf ar- 
gue, and  others  cited  at  the  end  of  this  section. 
With  reference,  in  particular,  to  the  ansated  cross  of 
Egypt,  Letronne,  Raoul-Rochette,  and  Lajard  discuss 
with  much  learning  the  symbolism  of  that  simple 
hieroglyphic  of  life,  in  which  the  Christians  of  Egypt 
seem  to  nave  recognized  an  anticipatory  revelation  of 
the  Christian  Cross,  and  which  they  employed  in  their 
monuments.  According  to  the  text  of  the  Second 
Council  of  Nicsea  cited  above,  the  cult  of  the  Cross 
is  based  upon  the  same  principles  as  that  of  relics  and 
images  in  general,  although,  to  be  sure,  the  True  Cross 
holds  the  highest  place  in  dignity  among  all  relics. 
The  observation  of  Petavius  (XV,  xiii,  1)  should  be 
noted  here:  that  this  cult  must  be  considered  as  not 
belonging  to  the  substance  of  religion,  but  as  being 
one  of  the  iSiitpopa,  or  things  not  absolutely  neces- 
sary to  salvation.  Indeed,  while  it  is  of  faith  that 
this  cult  is  useful,  lawful,  even  pious  and  worthy  of 
praise  and  of  encouragement,  and  while  we  are  not 
permitted  to  speak  against  it  as  something  pernicious, 
still  it  is  one  of  those  devotional  practices  which  the 
Church  can  encourage,  or  restrain,  or  stop,  according 
to  circumstances.    This  explains  how  the  veneration 


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of  images  was  forbidden  to  the  Jews  by  that  text  of 
Exodus  (xx,  4  sqq.)  which  has  been  BOgrossIy  abused 
by  Iconoclasts  and  Protestants:  "Thou  shalt  not 
make  to  thyself  a  graven  thing,  nor  the  likeness  of 
any  thing  that  is  inneaven  above,  or  in  the  earth  be- 
neath, nor  of  those  things  that  are  in.  the  waters  under 
the  earth.  Thou  shalt  not  adore  them,  nor  serve 
them:  I  am  the  Lord  thy  God,"  etc.  It  also  explains 
the  fact  that  in  the  first  ages  of  Christianity ,  when  con- 
verts from  paganism  were  so  numerous,  and  the  im- 
pression of  idol-worship  was  so  fresh,  the  Church  found 
it  advisable  not  to  permit  the  development  of  this  cult 
of  images;  but  later,  when  that  danger  had  disappeared, 
when  Christian  traditions  and  Christian  instinct  had 
gained  strength,  the  cult  developed  more  freely. 
Again,  it  should  be  noted  that  the  cult  of  images  and 
relics  is  not  that  of  latria,  which  is  the  adoration  due 
to  God  alone,  but  is,  as  the  Second  Council  of  Nicsea 
teaches,  a  relative  veneration  paid  to  the  image  or 
relic  and  referring  to  that  which  it  represents.  Pre- 
cisely this  same  doctrine  is  repeated  in  Sess.  XXV  of 
the  Council  of  Trent:  "Images  are  not  to  be  wor- 
shipped because  it  is  believed  that  some  divinity  or 
power  resides  in  them  and  that  they  must  be  wor- 
shipped on  that  account,  or  because  we  ought  to  ask 
anything  of  them,  or  because  we  should  put  our  trust 
in  them,  as  was  done  by  the  gentiles  of  old  who  placed 
their  hope  in  idols;  but  because  the  honour  which  is 
shown  to  them  is  referred  to  the  prototypes  which 
they  represent;  so  that  through  the  images  which  we 
kiss,  and  before  which  we  kneel,  we  may  adore  Christ, 
and  venerate  the  saints,  whose  semblances  they  bear." 
(See  also  Images.) 

This  clear  doctrine,  which  cute  short  every  objec- 
tion, is  also  that  taught  by  Bellarmine,  by  Bossuet,  and 
by  Petavius.  It  must  be  said,  however,  that  this 
view  was  not  always  so  clearly  taught.  Following 
Bl.  Albertus  Magnus  and  Alexander  of  Hales,  St. 
Bonaventure,  St.  Thomas,  and  a  section  of  the 
Schoolmen  who  appear  to  have  overlooked  the  Second 
Council  of  Nicsea  teach  that  the  worship  rendered  to 
the  Cross  and  the  image  of  Christ  is  that  of  latria,  but 
with  a  distinction:  the  same  worship  is  due  to  the 
image  and  its  exemplar,  but  the  exemplar  is  honoured 
for  Himself  (or  for  itself),  with  an  absolute  worship; 
the  image  because  of  its  exemplar,  with  a  relative 
worship.  The  object  of  the  adoration  is  the  same, 
though  it  be  primary  in  regard  to  the  exemplar  and 
secondary  in  regard  to  the  image.  To  the  image  of 
Christ,  then,  we  owe  a  worship  of  latria  as  well  as  to 
His  Person.  The  image,  in  fact,  is  morally  one  with 
its  prototype,  and,  thus  considered,  if  a  lesser  degree 
of  worship  be  rendered  to  the  image,  that  worship 
must  reach  the  exemplar  lessened  in  degree.  Against 
this  theory  an  attack  has  recently  been  made  in  "The 
Tablet",  the  opinion  attributed  to  the  Thomists  being 
sharply  combated.  Its  adversaries  have  endeavoured 
to  prove  that  the  image  of  Christ  should  be  venerated 
but  with  a  lesser  degree  of  honour  than  its  exemplar. 
The  cult  paid  to  it,  they  say,  is  simply  analogous  to 
the  cult  of  latria,  but  in  its  nature  different  and  in- 
ferior. No  image  of  Christ,  then,  should  be  honoured 
with  the  worship  of  latria,  and,,  moreover,  the  term 
"  relative  latria  ,  invented  by  the  Thomists,  ought  to 
be  banished  from  theological  language  as  equivocal 
and  dangerous. — Of  these  opinions  the  former  rests 
chiefly  upon  considerations  of  pure  reason,  the  latter 
upon  ecclesiastical  tradition,  notably  upon  the  Sec- 
ond Council  of  Kicsja  and  its  confirmation  by  the 
Fourth  Council  of  Constantinople  and  upon  the  decree 
of  the  Council  of  Trent. 

(3)  Relics  of  the  True  Cross. — The  testimony  of 
Silvia  (Etheria)  proves  how  highly  these  relics  were 
prized,  while  St.  Cyril  of  Jerusalem,  her  contemporary, 
testifies  as  explicitly  that  "  the  whole  inhabited  earth 
is  full  of  relics  of  the  wood  of  the  Cross".  In  1889 
two  French  archaeologists,  Letaille  and  Audollent, 


discovered  in  the  district  of  Se'tif  an  inscription  of  the 
year  359  in  which,  among  other  relics,  is  mentioned 
the  sacred  wood  of  the  Cross  (de  ligno  crucis  et  de 
terra  promissionis  ubi  natus  est  Christ  us).  Another 
inscription,  from  Rasgunia  (Cape  Matifu),  somewhat 
earlier  in  date  than  the  preceding,  mentions  another 
relic  of  the  Cross  ("sancto  ligno  salvatoris  adlato". — 
See  Duchesne  in  Acad,  dee  inscr.,  Paris,  6  December, 
1889;  Morel,  "Les  missions  catholiques",  25  March, 
1890,  p.  156;  Catech.  iv  in  P.  G.,  XXXIII,  469;  cf. 
also  ibid.,  800;  Procopius,  "De  Bello  Persico",  II,  xi). 
St.  John  Chrysostom  tells  us  that  fragments  of  the 
True  Cross  are  kept  in  golden  reliquaries,  which  men 
reverently  wear  upon  their  persons.  The  passage  in 
the  "Peregrinatio  which  treats  of  this  devotion  has 
already  been  cited.  St.  Paulinus  of  Nola,  some  years 
later,  Bends  to  Sulpicius  Severus  a  fragment  of  the 
True  Cross  with  these  words:  "Receive  a  great  gift 
in  a  little  [compass] ;  and  take,  in  [this]  almost  atomic 
segment  of  a  short  dart,  an  armament  [against  the 
perils]  of  the  present  and  a  pledge  of  everlasting 
safety"  (Epist.  xxxi,  n.  1,  P.  L.,  LXI,  325).  About 
455  Juvenal,  Patriarch  of  Jerusalem,  sends  to  Pope 
St.  Leo  a  fragment  of  the  precious  wood  (S.  Leonis 
Epist.  cxxxix,  P.  L.,  LIV,  1108).  The  "Liber  Ponti- 
ficalis",  if  we  are  to  accept  the  authenticity  of  its 
statement,  tells  us  that,  in  the  pontificate  of  St.  Syl- 
vester, Constantine  presented  to  the  Sessorian  basi- 
lica (Santa  Croce  in  Gerusalemme)  in  Rome  a  portion 
of  the  True  Cross  (Duchesne,  Liber  Pontif.,  I,  80; 
cf.  78,  178,  179,  195).  Later,  under  St.  Hilary  (461- 
68)  and  under  Symmachus  (498-514)  we  are  again 
told  that  fragments  of  the  True  Cross  are  enclosed  in 
altars  (op.  cit.,  I,  242  sq.  and  261  sq.).  About  the 
year  500  Avitus,  Bishop  of  Vienne,  asks  for  a  portion 
of  the  Cross  from  the  Patriarch  of  Jerusalem  (P.  L., 
LIX,  236,  239). 

It  is  known  that  Radegunda,  Queen  of  the  Franks, 
having  retired  to  Poitiers,  obtained  from  the  Emperor 
Justin  II,  in  569,  a  remarkable  relic  of  the  True  Cross. 
A  solemn  feast  was  celebrated  on  this  occasion,  and 
the  monastery  founded  by  the  queen  at  Poitiers  re- 
ceived from  that  moment  the  name  of  Holy  Cross 
It  was  also  upon  this  occasion  that  Venantius  For- 
tunatus.  Bishop  of  Poitiers,  and  a  celebrated  poet  of 
the  period,  composed  the  hymn  "Vexilla  Regis" 
which  is  still  sung  at  feasts  of  the  Cross  in  the  Latin 
Rite.  St.  Gregory  I  sent,  a  little  later,  a  portion  of 
the  Cross  to  Theodolinda,  Queen  of  the  Lombards 
(Ep.  xiv,  12),  and  another  to  Recared,  the  first  Catholic 
King  of  Spain  (Ep.  ix,  122).  In  690,  under  Sergius  I, 
a  casket  was  found  containing  a  relic  of  the  True  Cross 
which  had  been  sent  to  John  III  (560-74)  by  the 
Emperor  Justin  II  (cf.  Borgia,  "De  Cruce  Vaticana", 
Rome,  1779,  p.  63,  and  Duchesne,  "Liber  Pontifi- 
calis",  I,  374,  378).  We  will  not  give  in  detail  the 
history  of  other  relics  of  the  Cross  (see  the  works  of 
Gretser  and  the  articles  of  Kraus  and  Baumer  quoted 
in  the  bibliography) .  The  work  of  Rohault  de  Fleury, 
"Memoire  sur  les  instruments  de  la  Passion"  (Pans, 
1870),  deserves  more  prolonged  attention;  its  author 
has  sought  out  with  great  care  and  learning  all  the 
relics  of  the  True  Cross,  drawn  up  a  catalogue  of 
them,  and,  thanks  to  this  labour,  he  has  succeeded 
in  showing  that,  in  spite  of  what  various  Protestant 
or  Rationalistic  authors  have  pretended,  the  frag- 
ments of  the  Cross  brought  together  again  would  not 
only  not  "be  comparable  in  bulk  to  a  battleship",  but 
would  not  reach  one-third  that  of  a  cross  which  has 
been  supposed  to  have  been  three  or  four  metres  in 
height,  with  a  transverse  branch  of  two  metres  (see 
above,  under  I),  proportions  not  at  all  abnormal  (op. 
cit.,  97-179).  Here  is  the  calculation  of  this  savant: 
Supposing  the  Cross  to  have  been  of  pine-wood,  as  is 
believed  by  the  savants  who  have  made  a  special  study 
of  the  subject,  and  giving  it  a  weight  of  about  seventy- 
five  kilograms,  we  find  that  the  volume  of  this  cross  was 


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OBOSS 


532 


OBOSS 


178,000,000  cubic  millimetres.  Now  the  total  known 
volume  of  the  True  Cross,  according  to  the  finding  of 
M.  Rohault  de  Fleury,  amounts  to  above  4,000,000 
cubic  millimetres,  allowing  the  missing  part  to  be  as 
big  as  we  will,  the  lost  parts  or  the  parts  the  existence 
of  which  has  been  overlooked,  we  still  find  ourselves 
far  short  of  178,000,000  cubic  millimetres,  which  should 
make  up  the  True  Cross. 

(4)  Principal  Feasts  of  the  Cross. — The  feast  of  the 
Cross,  like  so  many  other  liturgical  feasts,  had  its 
origin  at  Jerusalem,  and  is  connected  with  the  com- 
memoration of  the  Finding  of  the  Cross  and  the  build- 
ing, by  Constantine,  of  churches  upon  the  sites  of  the 
Holy  Sepulchre  and  Calvary.  In  335  the  dedication 
of  these  churches  was  celebrated  with  great  solemnity 
by  the  bishops  who  had  assisted  at  the  Council  of 
Tyre,  and  a  great  number  of  other  bishops.  This 
dedication  took  place  on  the  13th  and  14th  of  Septem- 
ber. ITiis  feast  of  the  dedication,  which  was  known 
by  the  name  of  the  Encomia,  was  most  solemn;  it  was 
on  an  equal  footing  with  those  of  the  Epiphany  and 
Easter.  The  description  of  it  should  be  read  in  the 
"Peregrinatio",  which  is  of  great  value  upon  this  sub- 
ject of  liturgical  origins.  This  solemnity  attracted 
to  Jerusalem  a  great  number  of  monks,  from  Meso- 
potamia, from  Syria,  from  Egypt,  from  the  Thebai'd, 
and  from  other  provinces,  besides  laity  of  both  sexes. 
Not  fewer  than  forty  or  fifty  bishops  would  journey 
from  their  dioceses  to  be  present  at  Jerusalem  for  the 
event.  The  feast  was  considered  as  of  obligation, "  and 
he  thinks  himself  guilty  of  a  grave  sin  who  during  this 
period  does  not  attend  the  great  solemnity".  It  lasted 
eight  days.  In  Jerusalem,  then,  this  feast  bore  an 
entirely  local  character.  It  passed,  like  so  many 
other  feasts,  to  Constantinople  and  thence  to  Rome. 
There  was  also  an  endeavour  to  give  it  a  local  feeling, 
and  the  church  of  "The  Holy  Cross  in  Jerusalem'' 
was  intended,  as  its  name  indicates,  to  recall  the 
memory  of  the  church  at  Jerusalem  bearing  the  same 
dedication. 

The  feast  of  the  Exaltation  of  the  Cross  sprang  into 
existence  at  Rome  at  the  end  of  the  seventh  century. 
Allusion  is  made  to  it  during  the  pontificate  of  Ser- 
gius  I  (687-701),  but,  as  Doin  Baumer  observes,  the 
very  terms  of  the  text  (Lib.  Pontif.,  I,  374,  378) 
show  that  the  feast  already  existed.  It  is,  then, 
inexact,  as  has  often  been  pointed  out,  to  attribute 
the  introduction  of  it  to  this  pope.  The  Gallican 
churches,  which,  at  the  period  here  referred  to,  do  not 
yet  know  of  this  feast  of  the  14th  September,  have 
another  on  the  3rd  of  May,  of  the  same  signification. 
It  seems  to  have  been  introduced  there  in  the  seventh 
century,  for  ancient  Gallican  documents,  such  as  the 
Lectionary  of  Luxeuil,  do  not  mention  it;  Gregory  of 
Tours  also  seems  to  ignore  it.  According  to  Mgr. 
Duchesne,  the  date  seems  to  have  been  borrowed  from 
the  legend  of  the  Finding  of  the  Holy  Cross  (Lib. 
Pontif.,  I,  p.  cviii).  Later,  when  the  Gallican  and 
Roman  Liturgies  were  combined,  a  distinct  character 
was  given  to  each  feast,  so  as  to  avoid  sacrificing 
either.  The  3rd  of  May  was  called  the  feast  of  the 
Invention  of  the  Cross,  and  it  commemorated  in  a 
special  manner  Saint  Helena's  discovery  of  the  sacred 
wood  of  the  Cross ;  the  14th  of  September,  the  feast 
of  the  Exaltation  of  the  Cross,  commemorated  above 
all  the  circumstances  in  which  Heraclius  recovered 
from  the  Persians  the  True  Cross,  which  they  had 
carried  off.  Nevertheless,  it  appears  from  the  history 
of  the  two  feasts,  which  we  have  just  examined,  that 
that  of  the  13th  and  14th  of  September  is  the  older,  and 
that  the  commemoration  of  the  Finding  of  the  Cross 
was  at  first  combined  with  it. 

The  Good  Friday  ceremony  of  the  Adoration  of  the 
Cross  also  had  its  origin  in  Jerusalem,  as  we  have  seen, 
and  is  a  faithful  reproduction  of  the  rites  of  Adoration 
of  the  Cross  of  the  fourth  century  in  Jerusalem  which 
have  been  described  above,  in  accordance  with  the 


description  given  by  the  author  of  the  "Peregrinatio". 
This  worship  paid  to  the  Cross  in  Jerusalem  on  Good 
Friday  soon  became  general.  Gregory  of  Tours 
speaks  of  the  Wednesday  and  Friday  consecrated  to 
the  Cross — probably  the  Wednesday  and  Friday  of 
Holy  Week.  (Cf.  Greg.,  De  Gloria  Mart.  I.  v.)  The 
most  ancient  adoration  of  the  Cross  in  the  Roman 
Church  is  described  in  the  "Ordo  Roman  us"  generally 
attributed  to  Saint  Gregory.  It  is  performed,  accord- 
ing to  this  "Ordo",  just  as  it  is  nowadays,  after  a 
series  of  responsory  prayers.  The  cross  is  prepared 
before  the  altar;  priests,  deacons,  subdeacons,  clerics 
of  the  inferior  grades,  and  lastly  the  people,  each  one 
comes  in  his  turn;  they  salute  the  cross,  during  the 
singing  of  the  anthem,  "Ecce  lignum  crucis  in  quo 
salus  mundi  pependit.  Venite,  adoremus"  (Behold 
the  wood  of  the  cross  on  which  the  salvation  of  the 
world  did  hang.  Come,  let  us  adore)  and  then  Ps. 
cxviii.  (See  Mabillon,  Mus.  Ital.,  Paris,  1689,  II, 
23.)  The  Latin  Church  has  kept  until  to-day  the 
same  liturgical  features  in  the  ceremony  of  Good  Fri- 
day, added  to  it  is  the  song  of  the  Improperia  and  the 
hymn  of  the  Cross,  "  Pange,  lingua,  gloriosi  lauream 
certaminis". 

Besides  the  Adoration  of  the  Cross  on  Good  Friday 
and  the  September  feast,  the  Greeks  have  still  another 
feast  of  the  Adoration  of  the  Cross  on  the  1st  of  August 
as  well  as  on  the  third  Sunday  in  Lent.  It  is  probable 
that  Gregory  the  Great  was  acquainted  with  this  feast 
during  his  stay  in  Constantinople,  and  that  the  sta- 
tion of  Santa  Croce  in  Gerusalemme,  on  Lsetare  Sun- 
day (the  fourth  Sunday  in  Lent),  is  a  souvenir,  or  a 
timid  effort  at  imitation,  of  the  Byzantine  solemnity. 

On  the  theology  of  the  subject,  St.  Thomas,  Summa  Theol.,  Ill, 
Q.  xxv,  aa.  3  and  4,  with  which  cf.  Idolatry,  the  controversy  in 
The  Tablet  from  22  June  to  21  Sept.,  1907.  Petavius,  De 
Incarnat.,  XV,  xv-xviii;  Bellarmine,  De  Imaginibus  Sancto- 
rum, II.  xxiv;  Theodore  the  Studite,  Adv.  Iconomachos  in 
P.  G.,  XCIX.  For  the  controversy  in  the  time  of  Charlemagne, 
Gondi  or  Orleans.  De  Cullu  Imaginum,  P.  L.,  CVI,  305  so.; 
Dunoal,  Liber  adversus  Claudium  Taurinensem,  P.  L.,  CV. 
487  sq.;  Amalarics,  De  officii*  eccUa.,  I,  xvi,  P.  L.,  CV,  1028 
sq.;  Pseudo-Alcoin,  Officio  ct  Oratt.  de  Cruce,  P.  LyCI,  1207 
sq.;  Rabanus  Maurus,  De Laudibus  S.  Crude,  P.  L. ,  CVII,  133; 
Scotus  Eriugena,  De  Chrieto  CrudfixOj  P.  L.(  CXLI,  345. 

On  the  cult  of  the  Cross  in  pre-Christian  times:  Brock,  The 
Croee,  Heathen  and  Christian  (London,  1880),  criticized  by 
de  Harley  in  Diet.  apol.  de  la  foi  caUwlimieiVans,  1801),  670-78; 
de  Harley,  Prftendue  origine  paienne  de  la  Croix  in  La  Contro- 
vert (1882).  IV,  705-32;  cf .  La  Croix  el  le  Crucifix,  ibid.  (1887), 
IX.  386-404,  and  La  croix  chez  let  Chinois,  ibid.  (1886),  VII, 
589;  Bring-Mocton,  De  NoiA  Christianismi  Ambigud  Grace 
(London,  1745);  Saint  Feux-Matjremont,  De  la  croix  con* 
eideree  comme  eigne  hieroglyphicue  oTadoration  et  de  salut  in 
Bulletin  de  la  toe.  archfal.  du  midi  de  la  France  (1836-37),  III, 
183;  Lajard,  Observations  eur  Vorigine  et  la  signification  du 
symbole  appeU  la  croix  ansee  in  Memcires  de  Vacad.  des  inter. 
(1846);  Kapp,  Das  Labarum  u.  der  Sonnencullus  in  Jahrb. 
(Bonn,  1866),  XXXIX,  XL;  MOller,  Ueber  Sterne,  Kreuxe, 
u.  Kr&nze  ale  religi&se  Symbole  der  alien  Kulturvolker  (Copen- 
hagen, 1865);  Mortillet,  Le  eigne  de  la  croix  avant  le  chris- 
tianisme  (Paris,  1886)— cf.  Nuova  Antologia  (1867),  797,  805, 
and  Revue  Celtique  (1866),  297;  Vertus,  Du  culte  de  la  croix 
avant  J.-C.  in  Annuaire  de  la  Soc.  Hist.  Archeol.  de  Chdteau- 
Thierry  (1873,  1874),  IX,  135-194;  Btjnben.  Dot  Symbol  dee 
Kreuzes  bei  alien  Nationen  u.  die  Entsiehuna  des  Kreuz-Sumbols 
det  christlichen  Kirche  (Berlin,  1876);  Hochart,  Le  symbole 
de  la  croix  in  inn.  de  la  foe.  lilt,  de  Bordeaux  (1886);  Robiou, 
Observations  eur  lee  signes  hUroalyphiques  qui  peuveni  rappeler 
la  figure  de  la  Croix  in  Science  calh.  (1890),  IV,  465-471;  As- 
sault, Le  culte  de  la  croix  avant  J.-C.  (Paris,  1889):  Id.,  Mi- 
moire  sur  le  culte  de  la  croix  avant  J.-C.  (Paris,  1891) :  Lafaroue, 
Le  culte  de  la  croix  avant  J.-C.  in  Rev.  cath.  de  Bordeaux  (1891), 
XIII,  321-330;  Pre-Christian  Cross  in  Ed.  Rev.  (1870),  CXXXI. 
222;  Meyer,  Die  Gesch.  des  Kreuxholies  von  Christus  in  Ab- 
handl.  philos.-philol.  bayer.  Akad.  (1882),  XVI,  101,  116. 

On  crosses  in  general:  Boroia,  De  Cruce  Vaticand  (Rome, 
1774);  Id..  De  Cruce  VditernA  (Rome,  1780);  Gretseb.  De 
Cruce  Christi  (2  vols.  4°,  Inaoldstadt,  1600)  and  4th  ed.  of 
the  same,  enlarged,  in  Opp.  Omnia  (1618);  Bosro,  Crux  trv 
umphans  et  Oloriosa  (Antwerp,  1617);  Decker,  De  Staurolatrid 
Romana  (Hanover,  1617);  Basiijus.  De  Veterum  Christiano- 
rum  Ritibus  (Rome,  1647);  Schlichter,  De  Cruce  apud  Judosot, 
Christianas  et  Gentiles  signo  Salulis  (Halle,  1732);  Zaccaria, 
Dissert,  de  Inventions  S.  Crucis  in  Gori,  Symbol.  Litt.,  X,  65 
sq.;  Papebroch,  De  Invenlione  S.  Crucis  in  Acta  S3..  3  May,  i 
sqq;  Lipoids,  De  Cruce  libri  III  (4°,  Antwerp,  1593);  ZdcK- 
ler.  Das  Kreuz  Christi  (GQtersloh,  1775);  Zieoelbatter, 
Historia  didactica  de  S.  Crude  Cultu  et  Vencralionc  in  Ord.  D. 
Benedicti  (Vienna,  1746);  Wiseman,  Four  Lectures  an  the 
Offices  and  Ceremonies  of  Holy  Week  (London,  18391  11-114; 


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I.  CROSS  OF  CONG  (1123),  NATIONAL  MUSEUM,  DUBLIN 

a.  CROSS  OF  MONASTERBOICE  4.  CROSS  OF  INN  ISM  ACSAIMT,  LOUGH  ERNE 

3.  CROSS  OF  CLONMACNOISE  5.   CROSS  OF  GLENDALOUGH 


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i.  SILVER  (CAPITULAR)  PROCESSIONAL  3.  BRONZE  CRUCIFIX — GIOVANNI  DA 

CROSS,  XVI  CENTURY  BOLOGNA 

PIITI  PALACE,   FLORENCE  PITTI   PALACE,  FLORENCE 

2  BRONZE  ALTAR  CRUCIFIX— BENEDETTO  4.  IVORY  CRUCIFIX— DONATELLO  (DONATO 
DA  MAJANO  DI  NICOLO  DI  BETTO  BARDI) 

<  ATHF.r>RAL,  FLORENCE  PIITI  PALACE,  FLORENCE 

Digitized  by  VjOO^LC 


CROSS 


533 


CROSS 


Hoossaye,  Lea  Ceremonies  de  la  Semame  Sainte  .  .  .  culte 
de  la  Croix  in  Rev.  des  Questions  Historiques  (1878),  XXIII. 
472  sq.;  The  Sign  of  the  Cross  in  the  Early  Church  in  The  Dub.  Rev. 
(1881),  XX,  113:  Bernaroakib,  Le  culte  de  la  Croix  chez  Us 
Greet  in  Echo*  d'Orient  (1902),  193-202;  Revius,  De  Cultu 
Crude  (Leyden,  1851);  Alger,  History  of  the  Cross  (Boston, 
1858);  Bebjeau,  History  of  the  Holy  Cross  (London,  1863); 
Rohaolt  de  Fleoby,  Mimoire  sur  les  instruments  de  la  Passion 
(Paris,  1870);  Nestle,  De  Sancta  Cruce  (Berlin.  1889). 

On  the  Finding  of  the  Cross  in  particular:  Papebroch  in 
Acta  SS.,  3  May;  Cabeol,  Etude  sur  la  Peregrinalio  Silvia 
(Paris,  1895),  103-105;  Holden,  Jnventio  S.  Crude  (Leipzig, 
1889);  Combes,  tr.  by  Ldigi  Cappadelta,  The  Finding  of  the 
Cross  (London,  1907);  Stalky,  The  Liturgical  Year,  an  Ex- 
planation of  the  Origin,  History  and  Significance  of  the  Festival 
Days  and  Fasting  Days  of  the  English  Church  (London,  1907), 
101-103;  Duchesne,  tr.  McCldbe,  Christian  Worship  (Lon- 
don, 1904),  274  so.,  and  cf.  In.  Liber  PonHficalis,  I  374,  378; 
Feasey,  Ancient  English  Holy  Week  Ceremonial  (London,  1897), 
114  sq. 

See  also  Baumer  in  Kirchenlex.,  s.  w.  Kreuz,  Kreuzer- 
findung,  Kreuzpartikel;  Mabucchi  in  Diet,  de  la  Bible,  s.  v. 
Croix:  Schulte  in  Realcncykjur  prot.  Theol.,  s.  vv.  Kreuz  u. 
Kreuzigung,  Kreuzauffindung,  Kreuzeszeichen. 

For  additional  bibliography  see  Baumer  and  above  all 
Chevalier,  Topo-BM.,  s.v.  Crow. 

Fern  and  Cabrol. 

III.  The  Cross  and  Crucifix  in  Liturgy. — (1) 
Material  Objects  in  Liturgical  Use. — A.  The  Altar- 
Cross. — As  a  permanent  adjunct  to  the  altar,  the  cross 
or  crucifix  can  hardly  be  traced  farther  back  than  the 
thirteenth  century.  The  third  canon  of  the  Second 
Council  of  Tours  (567),  "ut  corpus  Domini  in  altario 
non  in  imaginario  ordine  sed  sub  crucis  titulo  com- 
ponatur",  which  has  sometimes  been  appealed  to  to 
prove  the  early  existence  of  an  altar-cross,  almost 
certainly  refers  to  the  arrangement  of  the  particles  of 
the  Host  upon  the  corporal.  They  were  to  be  arranged 
in  the  form  of  a  cross  and  not  according  to  any 
fanciful  idea  of  the  celebrant  (see  Hefele,  Concilien- 
geschichte).  On  the  other  hand,  Innocent  III  at  the 
beginning  of  the  thirteenth  century  in  his  treatise  on 
the  Mass  says  plainly,  "a  cross  is  set  upon  the  altar, 
in  the  middle  between  two  candlesticks",  but  even 
this  probably  refers  only  to  the  actual  duration  of  the 
Holy  Sacrifice.  From  the  ninth  to  the  eleventh  cen- 
tury the  rule  is  several  times  repeated:  "Let  nothing 
be  placed  on  the  altar  except  a  chest  with  relics  of 
saints  or  perhaps  the  four  gospels  or  a  pyx  with  the 
Lord's  Body  for  the  viaticum  of  the  sick"  (cf.  Thiers, 


Sur  les  principaux  autels  des  eglises,  129  sqq.). 
This  no  doubt  was  understood  to  exclude  even  the 
crucifix  from  the  altar,  and  it  is  certain  that  in  various 
liturgical  ivory  carvings  of  the  eighth,  ninth,  and 
tenth  centuries  no  cross  is  shown.  At  the  same  time 
it  should  be  noted  that  the  ciborium,  or  canopy  over 
the  altar,  was  often  surmounted  by  a  plain  cross,  and 
also  that  the  corona!,  or  ornamental  circular  frames 
which  were  suspended  from  the  inner  side  of  the 
ciborium,  frequently  had  a  cross  hanging  down  in  their 
midst.  Some  such  coronas  are  explicitly  referred  to 
in  the  "Liber  Pontificalis"  during  the  ninth  century. 
The  best-known  existing  example  is  the  corona  of 
Recesvinthus  now  at  the  Musee  de  Cluny,  Paris,  in 
which  the  pendent  cross  is  set  with  large  gems.  The 
papal  chronicle  just  referred  to  also  mentions  a  silver 
cross  which  was  erected  not  over,  but  close  beside, 
the  high  altar  of  St.  Peter's  in  the  time  of  Leo  III 
(795-816):  "There  also  he  made  the  cross  of  purest 
silver,  gilded,  which  stands  beside  the  high  altar,  and 
which  weighs  22  pounds"  (Lib.  Pont.,  Leo  III,  c. 
lxxxvii).  It  is  probable  that  when  the  cross  was  first 
introduced  as  an  ornament  for  the  altar  it  was  most 
commonly  plain  and  without  any  figure  of  Our  Sav- 
iour. Such  is  the  cross  which  a  well-known  Anglo- 
Saxon  manuscript  represents  King  Cnut  as  presenting 
to  Hyde  Abbey,  Winchester.  But  the  association  of 
the  figure  of  Christ  with  the  cross  was  familiar  in 
England  as  early  as  678,  when  Benedict  Biscop 
brought  a  painting  of  the  Crucifixion  from  Rome 
(Bede,  Hist.  Abb.,  59),  and  we  can  hardly  doubt  that 
a  people  capable  of  producing  such  sculptural  work 
as  the  stone  crosses  at  Ruthwell  and  Bewcastle,  or 


the  Franks'  casket,  would  soon-  have  attempted  the 
same  subject  in  the  solid.  We  know  at  any  rate  that  a 
gold  crucifix  was  found  in  the  tomb  of  St.  Edward  the 
Confessor,  and  a  crucifix  is  mentioned  in  one  of  the 
later  Lives  of  St.  Dunstan.  That  such  objects  were 
sometimes  used  for  the  altar  seems  highly  probable. 
Still,  Innocent  III  speaks  only  of  a  cross,  and  it  is 
certain  that  for  several  centuries  later  neither  cross 
nor  crucifix  were  left  upon  the  altar  except  at  Mass 
time.  Even  so  late  as  the  beginning  of  the  sixteenth 
century  an  engraving  in  the  Giunta  "Corpus  Juris  " 
shows  the  altar-crucifix  being  carried  in  at  high  Mass 
by  the  celebrant,  while  in  many  French  dioceses  this  or 
some  similar  custom  lasted  down  to  the  time  of  Claude 
de  Vert  (Explication,  IV,  31).  At  present  the  "Csere- 
moniale  Episcoporum  "  assumes  the  permanency  of  the 
crucifix  on  the  altar,  with  its  attendant  candlesticks 
[see  Altar-Crucifix,  under  Altar  (in  Liturgy)]. 

(1)  B.  The  Processional  Cross. — When  Bede  tells  us 
that  St.  Augustine  of  England  and  his  companions 
came  before  Ethelbert  "carrying  a  silver  cross  for  a 
standard"  (veniebant  crucem  pro  vexiUo  ferentes argen- 
team)  while  they  said  the  litanies,  he  probably  touches 
upon  the  fundamental  idea  of  the  processional  cross. 
Its  use  seems  to  have  been  general  in  early  times  and 
it  is  so  mentioned  in  the  Roman  "Ordines"  as  to 
suggest  that  one  belonged  to  each  church.  An  inter- 
esting specimen  of  the  twelfth  century  still  survives 
in  the  Cross  of  Cong,  preserved  in  the  museum  of  the 
Royal  Irish  Academy,  Dublin.  This  is  made  of  oak 
covered  with  copper  plates,  but  much  decoration  is 
added  in  the  form  of  gold  filigree  work.  It  lacks  most 
of  the  shaft,  but  is  two  feet  six  inches  high,  and  one 
foot  six  inches  across  the  arms.  In  the  centre  is  a 
boss  of  rock  crystal,  which  formerly  enshrined  a  relic 
of  the  True  Cross,  and  an  inscription  tells  us  that 
it  was  made  for  Turloch  O'Conor,  King  of  Ireland 
(1123).  It  seems  never  to  have  had  any  figure  of 
Christ,  but  other  processional  crosses  of  the  thirteenth 
and  fourteenth  centuries  are  for  the  most  part  true 
crucifixes.  In  a  great  number  of  cases  the  shaft  was 
removable,  and  toe  upper  portion  could  be  set  in  a 
stand  to  be  used  as  an  altar-cross.  Indeed  it  seems 
not  improbable  that  this  was  the  actual  origin  of  the 
altar-cross  employed  during  Mass  (Rohault  de  Fleury, 
La  Messe,  V,  123-140).  Just  as  the  seven  candle- 
sticks carried  before  the  pope  in  Rome  were  deposited 
before  or  behind  the  altar,  and  probably  developed 
into  the  six  altar-candlesticks  (seven,  it  will  be  re- 
membered, when  a  bishop  celebrates)  with  which  we 
are  now  familiar,  so  the  processional  cross  seems  also 
to  have  first  been  left  in  a  stand  near  the  altar  and 
ultimately  to  have  taken  its  place  upon  the  altar 
itself.  To  this  day  the  ritual  books  of  the  Church 
seem  to  assume  that  the  handle  of  the  processional 
cross  is  detachable,  for  in  the  funeral  of  infants  it  is 
laid  down  that  the  cross  is  to  be  carried  without  its 
handle.  All  Christians  are  supposed  to  be  the  fol- 
lowers of  Christ,  hence  in  procession  the  crucifix  is 
carried  first,  with  the  figure  turned  in  the  direction  in 
which  the  procession  is  moving. 

(1)  C.  Archiepiscopal  and  Papal  Cross. — Itisnoteasy 
to  determine  with  certainty  at  what  period  the  archie- 
piscopal cross  came  into  separate  use.  It  was  prob- 
ably at  first  only  an  ordinary  processional  cross.  In 
the  tenth  "Ordo  Romanus  we  read  of  a  subdeacon 
who  is  set  aside  to  carry  the  crux  papalis.  If  this 
specially  papal  cross  had  been  in  existence  for  some 
tune  it  is  likely  that  it  was  imitated  by  patriarchs  and 
metropolitans  as  a  mark  of  dignity  which  went  with 
the  pallium.  In  the  twelfth  century  the  archbishop's 
cross  was  generally  recognized,  and  in  the  dispute 
regarding  the  primacy  between  the  Archbishops  of 
Canterbury  and  York  the  right  to  carry  their  cross 
before  them  played  a  prominent  part.  In  1125  Pope 
Honorius  IT  admonished  the  Southern  bishops  of 
England  that  they  should  allow  Archbishop  Thurstan 


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of  York  crucem  ante  se  dejerre  juxta  antiquum  constie- 
tudinem.  In  all  ecclesiastical  functions  an  archbishop 
in  his  own  province  has  a  right  to  be  preceded  by  his 
cross-bearer  with  cross  displayed.  Hence  an  arch- 
bishop when  solemnly  giving  his  blessing  gives  it  with 
head  uncovered  out  of  reverence  for  the  cross  which 
is  held  before  him.  An  ordinary  bishop,  who  is  not 
privileged  to  have  such  a  cross,  blesses  the  people  with 
his  mitre  on.  As  regards  form,  both  the  papal  and 
the  archiepiscopal  cross  consists  in  practice  of  a  simple 
crucifix  mounted  upon  a  staff,  the  material  being 
silver  or  silver  gilt.  The  crosses  with  double  ana 
triple  bars,  which  are  sometimes  termed  distinctively 
archiepiscopal,  patriarchal,  or  papal  crosses,  have  for 
the  most  part  only  a  heraldic  existence  (see  Barbier 
de  Montault,  La  croix  a  deux  croisillons,  1883).  An 
archiepiscopal  cross  is  borne  with  the  figure  turned 
towards  the  archbishop. 

(1)  D.  Pectoral  Crosses. — These  objects  seem  origi- 
nally to  have  been  little  more  than  costly  ornaments 
upon  which  much  artistic  skill  was  lavished  and  which 
usually  contained  relics.  A  jewel  of  this  kind  which 
belonged  to  Queen  Theodehnda  at  the  end  of  the 
sixth  century  is  still  preserved  in  the  treasury  of 
Monza.  Another  of  much  later  date,  but  wrought 
with  wonderful  enamels,  was  found  in  the  tomb  of 
Queen  Dagmar  and  is  at  Copenhagen.  When  the 
present  Queen  Alexandra  came  to  England  in  1863 
to  marry  the  then  Prince  of  Wales,  she  was  presented 
with  a  facsimile  of  this  jewel  containing,  among  other 
relics,  a  fragment  of  the  True  Cross.  Such  encolpia 
were  probably  at  first  worn  by  bishops  not  as  insignia 
of  rank,  but  as  objects  of  devotion.  For  example,  a 
famous  and  beautiful  jewel  of  this  kind  was  found  in 
the  tomb  of  St.  Cuthbert  and  is  now  at  Durham. 
When  they  contained  relics  they  often  came  later  on 
to  be  enclosed  in  processional  crosses.  This  no  doubt 
was  the  case  with  the  Cross  of  Cong,  mentioned  above, 
upon  which  we  read  in  Irish  characters  the  Latin  verse: 
Hac  cruce  crux  tegitur  qua  passus  conditor  orbis. — 
See  Journ.  Soc.  Antiq.  Ireland,  vol.  XXXI  (1901).  As 
a  liturgical  cross,  and  part  of  the  ordinary  episcopal 
insignia,  the  pectoral  cross  is  of  quite  modern  date. 
No  word  is  said  regarding  it  in  the  first  edition  of  the 
"Cseremoniale  Episcoporum"  of  1600,  but  later  editions 
speak  of  it,  and  its  liturgical  character  is  fully  recog- 
nized by  all  modern  rubricians.  It  is  worn  by  all 
bishops  at  Mass  and  solemn  functions,  and  also  forms 
part  of  their  ordinary  walking-dress.  It  is  usually  a 
plain  Latin  cross  of  gold  suspended  round  the  neck  by 
a  gold  chain  or  a  cord  of  silk  and  gold.  Its  use  seems 
gradually  to  have  been  introduced  during  the  seven- 
teenth and  eighteenth  centuries  in  imitation  of  the 
pectoral  cross  which  we  know  to  have  been  regularly 
worn  by  the  popes  from  a  much  earlier  date.  Cer- 
tain metropolitans  (e.  g.  the  Patriarch  of  Lisbon  and 
the  Archbishop  of  Armagh)  are  accustomed  to  wear  a 
cross  with  two  oars  or  transoms  (Anal.  Jur.  Pont.,  1896, 
344).  The  privilege  of  wearing  a  pectoral  cross  has 
also  been  conceded  to  certain  canons. 

(1)  E.  Consecration  Crosses. — These  are  the  twelve 
crosses,  usually  merely  painted  on  the  wall,  which 
mark  the  places  where  the  church  walls  have  been 
anointed  with  chrism  in  a  properly  consecrated  church. 
A  candle-bracket  should  De  inserted  immediately  be- 
low. Some  of  these  consecration  crosses  are  even  yet 
distinguishable  on  the  walls  of  old  churches  which  go 
back  to  the  Romanesque  period.  The  Carlovingian 
oratory  in  Nimeguen  preserves,  perhaps,  the  most 
ancient  known  example.  In  other  cases,  e.  g.  at 
Furstenfeld,  some  of  the  old  Romanesque  candle- 
brackets  also  remain.  Owing  to  the  number  of  unc- 
tions, it  was  not  infrequently  the  custom  to  place 
these  consecration  crosses  on  shields,  each  borne  by 
one  of  the  twelve  Apostles.  In  the  Sainte  Chapelle 
at  Paris,  built  by  St.  Louis  in  the  thirteenth  century, 
we  find  twelve  statues  of  the  Apostles  carrying  discs 


used  for  this  purpose.  In  England  it  was  the  custom 
to  mark  twelve  consecration  crosses  on  the  outside 
walls  of  the  church  as  well  as  twelve  on  the  inside. 
The  Roman  Pontifical  only  prescribes  the  latter.  (See 
Consecration.)  Salisbury  cathedral  still  preserves 
some  remarkable  examples  of  consecration  crosses. 
At  Ottery  St.  Mary,  Devon,  the  old  crosses  are  carved 
in  high  relief  on  shields  borne  by  angels  within  moulded 
panels,  a  quatrefoil  in  a  square.  Those  inside  have 
marks  of  the  remains  of  iron  brackets  for  candles  or 
a  lamp.  (See,  on  English  examples,  Middleton  in 
"Archieologia",  XLVin,  1885.) 

(1)  F.  Churchyard  or  Monumental  Crosses. — In  the 
contemporary  life  of  St.  Willibald  (born  c.  700)  we 
have  a  significant  mention  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  custom 
of  erecting  a  cross  instead  of  a  church  as  a  rendezvous 
forprayer.  Many  ancient  stone  crosses  still  surviving 
in  England  are  probably  witnesses  to  the  practice,  and 
the  conjecture  of  Prof.  Baldwin  Browne  (Arts  in 
Anglo-Saxon  England),  that  the  cross  and  graveyard 
often  preceded  the  church  in  date,  has  much  to  rec- 
ommend it.  Certain  it  is  that  the  earliest  known 
forms  for  blessing  a  cemetery  (q.  v.)  contain  five  bles- 
sings pronounced  at  the  four  points  of  the  compass 
and  one  in  the  centre,  thus  forming  a  cross,  while 
crosses  were  later  on  planted  in  the  ground  at  each  of 
these  places.  Throughout  the  Middle  Ages,  both  in 
England  and  on  the  Continent,  there  seems  always 
to  nave  been  one  principal  churchyard  cross.  This 
was  commonly  an  object  of  great  importance  in  the 
Palm  Sunday  procession,  when  it  was  saluted  with 
prostrations  or  genuflexions  by  the  whole  assembly. 
There  was  also  a  scattering  of  boughs  and  flowers, 
and  the  cross  was  often  decorated  with  garlands  of 
yew  or  box.  For  this  reason  it  was  often  called  crux 
buxata  (cf-  Gasquet,  Parish  Life,  1906,  pp.  171-4). 
Many  beautiful  churchyard  crosses  are  still  preserved 
in  England,  France,  and  Germany;  the  most  remark- 
able English  examples  being  perhaps  those  of  Ampney 
Crucis,  near  Cirencester,  ana  Bag  Enderby,  Lincoln- 
shire. The  famous  ancient  Northumbrian  crosses  at 
Bewcastle  and  Ruthwell  (which  English  scholars  still 
assign  to  the  seventh  and  eighth  centuries,  despite  the 
plea  for  a  much  later  date  put  forward  by  Prof.  A.  S. 
Cook  of  Yale)  may  possibly  have  been  principal 
churchyard  crosses.  The  fact  that  they  were  prob- 
ably memorial  crosses  as  well  does  not  exclude  this. 
When  St.  Aldhelm  died  in  709,  his  body  had  to  be 
transported  fifty  miles  to  Malmesbury,  and  at  each 
stage  of  seven  miles,  where  the  body  rested  for  the 
night,  a  cross  was  afterwards  erected.  These  crosses 
were  still  standing  in  the  twelfth  century  (William 
of  Malmesbury,  Gesta  Pont.,  383).  An  even  more 
famous  example  of  such  memorial  crosses,  but  of 
much  later  date,  is  supplied  by  the  removal  of  the 
body  of  Eleanor,  Queen  of  Edward  I,  from  Lincoln  to 
London.  Several  of  these  crosses  in  a  more  or  leas 
mutilated  form  exist  at  the  present  day.  The  most 
famous  of  the  series,  however,  Charing  (  ?  Chkre  Reine) 
Cross  in  London,  is  a  modern  reconstruction.  The 
route  followed  by  the  body  of  St.  Louis  of  France  on 
its  way  to  St.-Denis  was  similarly  honoured,  and  it 
seems  probable  that  a  large  number  of  wayside  crosses 
originated  in  this  manner.  No  stronger  testimony 
of  the  early  connexion  of  the  cross  with  the  cemetery 
could  be  desired  than  the  directions  given  by  St. 
Cuthbert  for  his  own  burial :  "  Cum  autem  Deus  susce- 
perit  animam  meam,  sepelite  me  in  hat.  mansione  juxta 
oratorium  meum  ad  meridiem,  contra  orientalem 
plagam  sancUe  crucis  quam  ibidem  erexi"  (Bede, 
Vita  S.  Cuthberti). 

(1)  G.  Rood,  Rood-Screen,  and  Rood-Loft. — From 
very  early  times  it  seems  to  have  been  not  unusual  to 
introduce  a  plain  cross  in  such  a  way  into  the  mosaics 
of  the  apse  or  of  the  main  arch  (Triumphbogen)  as  to 
dominate  the  church.  Notable  examples  may  be  found 
at  S.  Apollinare  in  Classe  at  Ravenna,  at  S.  Pudenziana 


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in  Rome,  and  at  the  Lateran  basilica.  There  are  also, 
as  already  noticed,  incontestable  examples  both  of 
crosses  surmounting  the  ciborium  over  the  altar,  and 
of  the  large  crosses  suspended,  with  or  without  a 
corona,  from  the  under  side  of  the  ciborium .  It  must, 
however,  be  pronounced  very  doubtful  whether  the 
rood,  which  in  so  many  churches  of  the  four- 
teenth and  fifteenth  centuries  occupied  the  great 
arch,  can  be  regarded  as  a  development  of  this  idea. 
This  point  will  be  more  fully  treated  under  Rood- 
Screen.  It  will  be  sufficient  to  notice  here  that  in  the 
thirteenth  century  a  practice  grew  up  of  screening  off 
the  choir  from  the  nave  of  the  greater  churches  by  a 
structure  broad  enough  to  admit  a  narrow  bridge  or 
gallery  spanning  the  chancel  arch  and  most  commonly 
adorned  by  a  great  crucifix  with  the  figures  of  Our 
Lady  and  St.  John.  The  rood-loft  of  the  cathedral  of 
Sens,  as  described  by  J.  B.  Thiers  (Traits  sur  les  jubes) 
affords  a  valuable  hint  of  how  this  process  was  effected. 
It  consisted,  he  tells  us,  of  two  stone  pulpits  quite 
separate  from  each  other,  supported  by  columns,  and 
with  a  crucifix  between  them,  each  having  an  entrance 
on  the  choir  side  and  an  exit  down  into  the  nave,  on 
either  side  of  the  principal  door  of  the  choir.  From 
this  it  seems  probable  that  the  two  am  boa  (q.  v.) 
from  which  the  Gospel  and  Epistle  were  sung  in  earlier 
times,  became  gradually  connected  by  a  continuous 
gallery  upon  which  was  erected  a  great  crucifix,  and 
that  in  this  way  we  may  trace  the  development  of  the 
rood-loft,  or  jubi,  which  was  so  conspicuous  a  feature 
in  later  medieval  architecture.  There  can  at  least  be 
no  doubt  that  this  loft  was  used  on  certain  occasions 
of  ceremony  for  reading  the  Epistle  and  Gospel  and  for 
making  announcements  to  the  people.  The  great 
rood  above  the  rood-screen  was  saluted  by  the  whole 
procession,  as  they  re-entered  the  church  on  Palm  Sun- 
day, with  the  words:  Ave  Rex  nosier. 

(1)  H.  Absolution  Crosses. — These  have  already  been 
spoken  of  in  the  article  Burial,  Christian.  They 
seem  for  the  most  part  to  have  been  rude  crosses  of 
lead  laid  upon  the  breast  of  the  corpse.  It  is  only  in 
some  few  examples,  of  which  the  most  important  is 
that  of  Bishop  Godfrey  of  Chichester  (1088),  that  a 
formula  of  absolution  is  found  inscribed  upon  them  en- 
tire. We  may  infer  that  the  practice  in  the  West  was 
always  in  some  measure  irregular,  and  it  is  only  the 
absolution  paper,  which  is  uniformly  placed  in  the  hand 
or  on  the  breast  of  the  corpse  in  the  Eastern  Church, 
which  explains  them  and  gives  them  a  certain  impor- 
anoe  as  a  liturgical  development. 

(1)  J.  Crosses  on  Vestments,  etc. — Rubrical  law  now 
requires  that  most  of  the  vestments,  as  well  as  some 
other  objects  more  immediately  devoted  to  the  service 
of  the  altar,  should  be  marked  with  a  cross.  Speaking 
generally,  this  is  a  comparatively  modern  develop- 
ment. For  example,  the  great  majority  of  the  stoles 
and  maniples  of  tne  Middle  Ages  do  not  exhibit  this 
feature.  At  the  same  time  Dr.  Wickham  Legg  goes 
much  too  far  when  he  says  without  qualification  that 
such  crosses  were  not  used  in  pre- Reformation  times. 
For  example,  the  stole  of  St.  Thomas  of  Canterbury 
preserved  at  Sens  has  three  crosses,  one  in  the  middle 
and  one  at  each  extremity,  just  as  a  modern  stole 
would  have.  That  the  archiepiscopal  pallium,  like 
the  Greek  omophorion  (see  Constantinople,  Rite  of) 
was  always  marked  with  crosses,  is  not  disputed.  The 
large  cross  conspicuous  upon  most  modern  chasubles, 
which  appears  behind  in  the  French  type  and  in  front- 
in  the  Roman,  does  not  seem  to  have  been  originally 
adopted  with  any  symbolic  purpose.  It  probably 
came  into  existence  accidentally  for  sartorial  reasons, 
the  orphreys  having  been  so  arranged  in  a  sort  of  Y- 
cross  to  conceal  the  seams.  But  the  idea,  once  sug- 
gested to  the  eye,  was  retained,  and  various  symboli- 
cal reasons  were  found  for  it.  In  somewhat  of  the 
same  way  a  cross  was  marked  in  the  Missal  before  the 
O&non.  and  this  the  Driest  was  directed  to  kiss  when 


beginning  this  portion  of  the  Mass;  probably  this  cross 
first  arose  from  an  illumination  of  the  initial  T,  in  the 
words :  Te  igitur  clemenlissime  Pater.  As  Innocent  III 
writes,  "Et  forte  divina  factum  est  providentia  ut  ab 
ea  litera  T  [tau]  canon  inciperet  qua?  sui  forma  sign  urn 
crucis  ostendit  et  exprimit  in  figura";  and  Beleth  fur- 
ther comments,  "Unde  profecto  est,  quod  istic  crucis 
imago  adpingi  debeat"  (See  Ebner,  Quellen  und 
Forschungen,  445  sqq.).  The  tradition  is  perpetu- 
ated in  the  picture  of  the  Crucifixion  which  precedes 
the  Canon  in  every  modern  Missal.  The  five  crosses 
commonly  marked  on  altar-stones  depend  closely  on 
the  rite  of  the  consecration  of  an  altar. 

(1)  K.  Crosses  for  Private  Devotion. — These  may  all 
be  held  to  wear  a  liturgical  aspect  in  so  far  as  the  Church, 
in  the  "  Rituale,"  provides  a  form  for  their  blessing,  and 

gresupposes  that  such  a  cross  should  be  placed  in  the 
an  da  of  the  dying.  The  crosses  which  surmount  the 
Stations  of  the  Cross,  and  to  which  the  Indulgences  are 
directly  attached  may  also  be  noticed.  In  the  Greek 
Church  a  little  wooden  cross  is  used  for  the  blessing  of 
holy  water,  and  is  dipped  into  it  in  the  course  of  the 
ceremony. 

(2)  Liturgical  Forma  connected  with  the  Material 
Object*. — A.  Blessing  of  Consecration  Crosses. — The 
"  Pontificale  Romanum"  directs  that  towards  the  close 
of  the  dedication  ceremony  the  twelve  consecration 
crosses  previously  marked  upon  the  walls  of  the 
church,  three  upon  each  wall,  are  to  be  each  anointed 
by  the  bishop  with  chrism,  the  following  form  of  words 
being  spoken  over  each:  "May  this  Temple  be  hal- 
lowed +  and  consecrated  +  in  the  name  of  the  Father 
+  and  of  the  Son  +  and  of  the  Holy  Ghost  +  in 
honour  of  God  and  the  glorious  Virgin  Mary  and  of  all 
the  Saints,  to  the  name  and  memory  of  Saint  N. 
Peace  be  to  thee."  This  is  prescribed  in  practically 
identical  terms  in  English  pontificals  of  the  tenth  cen- 
tury; and  the  Pontifical  of  Egbert  (?768)  describes  the 
anointing  of  the  walls,  though  it  does  not  give  the 
words  of  the  form.  What  is  more,  an  analogous  cere- 
mony must  have  existed  in  the  Celtic  Church  from  a 
very  early  date,  for  a  liturgical  fragment  in  the  Leabar 
Breac  describes  how  the  bishop  with  two  priests  is  to 
go  round  the  outside  of  the  church  marking  crosses 
upon  the  "tel-columns"  with  his  knife,  while  the 
three  other  priests  do  the  same  within  (see  Olden  in 
"Trans.  St.  Paul's  Eccles.  Soc.",  IV,  103).  In  this 
case,  however,  the  use  of  chrism  is  not  mentioned. 
From  this  Celtic  practice  the  Anglo-Saxon  and  Sarum 
uses  seem  to  have  derived  the  custom  of  affixing  con- 
secration crosses  outside  the  church  as  well  as  within. 

(2)  B.  In  the  consecration  of  an  altar,  also,  crosses 
are  to  be  marked  in  chrism  upon  the  altar-slab  with 
almost  the  same  form  of  words  as  that  used  for  the 
walls.  This  practice  may  equally  claim  Celtic  ana- 
logues, whose  antiquity  is  shown  by  the  fact  that  the 
altar  to  be  consecrated  must  have  been  of  wood.  The 
Tract  in  the  "  Leabar  Breac ' '  says :  "  The  bishop  marks 
four  crosses  with  his  knife  on  the  four  corners  of  the 
altar,  and  he  marks  three  crosses  over  the  middle  of 
the  altar,  a  cross  over  the  middle  on  the  east  to  the 
edge,  and  a  cross  over  the  middle  on  the  west  to 
the  edge,  and  a  cross  exactly  over  the  middle."  This 
makes  seven  crosses,  but  the  Roman  usage  for  many 
centuries  has  provided  five  only. 

(2)  C.  Pontifical  Blessings  of  Crosses. — The  conse- 
cration crosses  on  the  walls  of  churches  and  on  altars 
are  clearly  not  substantive  and  independent  objects  of 
cultus;  the  blessing  they  receive  is  only  a  detail  in  a 
longer  ceremony.  But  the  "Pontificale  Romanum" 
supplies  a  solemn  form  of  episcopal  blessing  for  a  cross, 
under  the  title,  Benedictio  nova  Crude,  which,  besides 
containing  several  prayers  of  considerable  length,  in- 
cludes a  consecratory  preface  and  is  accompanied  with 
the  use  of  incense.  At  the  conclusion  of  the  ceremony 
we  find  the  rubric:  "Turn  Pontifex,  flexis  ante  crucem 
genibus,  ipsam  devote  adorat  et  osculatur."  This 


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rite  is  of  great  antiquity,  and  many  of  the  prayers  oc- 
cur in  identical  terms  in  pontificals  of  the  tenth  cen- 
tury or  earlier,  e.  g.  in  the  Benedictions!  of  Archbishop 
Robert  (Henry  Bradshaw  Soc.).  But  in  the  ancient 
ceremony  the  cross  was  first  washed  with  holy  water 
and  then  anointed  with  chrism  precisely  as  in  the  form 
for  the  blessing  of  bells  (see  Bells).  For  cemetery 
crosses  in  this  connexion,  see  Cemetery. 

(2)  D.  Blessings  of  Crosses  in  the  Ritual. — The 
"  Rituale  Romanum"  (tit.  VIII,  cap.  xxiv)  supplies  an 
ordinary  blessing  for  a  cross  which  may  be  used  by  any 
priest.  It  consists  only  of  a  short  prayer,  with  a  sec- 
ond prayer  whose  use  is  optional,  and  only  holy  water 
is  used;  but  the  same  rubric  directing  the  priest  to 
kneel  and  "devoutly  adore  and  kiss  the  cross"  is 
added,  which  we  haveiust  noticed  in  the  solemn  epis- 
copal benediction.  Furthermore,  the  Ritual,  in  an 
appendix,  reprints  the  longer  form  from  the  Pontifi- 
cal under  the  heading:  "  Benedictiones  reservata,  ab 
episcopo  vel  sacerdotibus  facultatem  habentibus  faci- 
end».  It  may  be  noted  that  St.  Louis,  King  of 
France,  regarded  it  as  unseemly  that  crosses  and  stat- 
ues shouldbe  Bet  up  for  veneration  without  being  pre- 
viously blessed.  He  accordingly  ordered  search  to  be 
made  for  a  form  of  blessing  in  the  ancient  episcopal 
ceremonials.  The  form  was  found  and  duly  used  first 
of  all  in  St.  Louis'  own  private  chapel;  but  the  in- 
cident seems  to  suggest  that  the  practice  of  blessing 
such  objects  had  partly  fallen  into  desuetude.  (See 
Galfridus,  De  Bello  Loco,  cap.  xxxvi.) 

(2)  E.  Blessings  of  Crosses  for  Indulgences,  etc. — The 
indulgences  most  commonly  attach eato  crosses,  cruci- 
fixes, etc.,  are:  first,  the  so-called  "Apostolic  Indul- 
gences", which  are  the  same  as  those  attached  to 
objects  blessed  by  the  Holy  Father  in  person.  These 
are  numerous  and,  amongst  other  things,  entitle  the 
possessor  who  has  habitually  worn  or  used  such  a 
cross  to  a  plenary  indulgence  at  the  hour  of  death; 
secondly,  the  indulgences  of  the  Stations  of  the  Cross, 
which  under  certain  conditions  may  be  gained  by  the 
sick  and  others  unable  to  visit  a  church  upon  the  reci- 
tation of  twenty  Paters,  Aves,  and  Glorias  before 
the  indulgenced  cross  which  they  must  hold  in  their 
hand;  thirdly,  the  so-called  "Bona  Mors"  indulgence 
for  the  use  of  priests,  enabling  the  priest  by  the  use  of 
this  cross  to  communicate  a  plenary  indulgence  to 
any  dying  person  who  is  in  the  requisite  dispositions 
to  receive  it.  Special  faculties  are  needed  to  com- 
municate such  indulgences  to  crosses,  etc.,  though  in 
the  case  of  the  "Apostolic  Indulgences"  these  facul- 
ties are  easily  obtained.  The  only  blessing  required 
is  the  making  of  a  simple  sign  of  the  cross  over  the 
crucifix  or  other  object  with  the  intention  of  imparting 
the  indulgence.  For  further  details,  the  reader  must 
be  referred  to  the  article  Indulgences  and  to  such 
treatises  upon  indulgences  as  those  of  Beringer, 
"Les  Indulgences",  or  of  Mocchegiani,  "CoUectio 
Indulgentiarum"(Quaracchi,  1897).  (See  also  Bless- 
ings.) 

(3)  Festivals  of  the  Holy  Cross. — A.  The  Invention 
of  the  Holy  Cross. — This  is  now  kept  by  the  Western 
Church  upon  3  May,  but  so  far  as  our  somewhat  un- 
certain data  allow  us  to  judge,  the  real  date  of  St. 
Helena's  discovery  was  14  September,  326.  Upon 
this  same  day,  14  September,  took  place  the  dedica- 
tion of  Constantine's  two  churches,  that  of  the  Ana- 
stasis  and  that  of  Golgotha  Ad  Crucem,  both  upon 
Calvary,  within  the  precincts  of  the  present  church 
of  the  Holy  Sepulchre.  The  portion  of  the  Holy  Cross 
preserved  in  Jerusalem  afterwards  fell  into  the  hands 
of  the  Persians,  but  was  recovered  by  the  Emperor 
Heraclius,  and,  if  we  may  trust  our  authorities,  was 
solemnly  brought  back  to  Jerusalem  on  3  May,  629. 
This  day,  strangely  enough,  seems  to  have  attracted 
special  attention  among  Celtic  liturgists  in  the  West 
and,  though  disregarded  in  the  East,  has  passed 
through  Celtic  channels  (we  meet  it  first  in  the  Lec- 


tionary  of  Silos  and  in  the  Bobbio  Missal)  into  general 
recognition  under  the  mistaken  title  of  "  Invention  of 
the  Cross".  Curiously  enough  the  Greek  Church 
keeps  a  feast  of  the  apparition  of  the  Cross  to  St.  Cyril 
of  Jerusalem  on  7  May,  though  that  of  3  May  is  un- 
known in  the  East. 

(3)  B.  The  Feast  of  the  Exaltation  of  the  Cross,  14 
September,  though  apparently  introduced  into  the 
West  somewhat  later  than  the  so-called  "Invention", 
on  3  May,  seems  to  preserve  the  true  date  of  the  dis- 
covery of  the  Cross  by  St.  Helena.  This  festival  has 
always  been  kept  in  the  East,  and  especially  at  Jeru- 
salem, on  that  day,  under  the  name  of  tyuvit,  i.  e. 
"elevation",  which  probably  meant  originally  the 
"bringing  to  light". 

(3)  C.  Other  Feasts  of  the  Cross.— We  might  in 
some  sense  regard  such  a  festival  as  that  of  the  Holy 
Lance  and  Nails  as  a  festival  of  the  Cross,  but  it  should 
perhaps  rather  be  grouped  with  feasts  of  the  Passion. 
In  the  East,  however,  we  find  other  celebrations 
strictly  connected  with  the  Cross.  For  example,  on 
1  August  the  Greeks  commemorate  the  taking  of  the 
relic  of  the  Holy  Cross  from  the  palace  in  Constanti- 
nople to  the  church  of  St.  Sophia,  and  on  7  May,  as 
we  have  seen,  they  recall  an  apparition  of  the  Cross 
to  St.  Cyril  of  Jerusalem.  The  Armenians,  on  the 
other  hand,  observe  one  principal  feast  of  the  Cross, 
under  the  name  Chatz,  which  occurs  in  autumn  almost 
immediately  after  the  feast  of  the  Assumption.  It  is 
counted  as  one  of  the  seven  principal  feasts  of  the 
year,  is  preceded  by  a  week's  fast,  and  followed  by  an 
octave  or  its  Armenian  equivalent.  See  also  above 
under  I. 

(4)  .  The  "Adoration". — From  a  theological  stand- 
point this  is  treated  above  under  Section  II.  (See 
also  Latria.)  As  a  liturgical  function  the  veneration 
of  the  Cross  on  Good  Friday  must  no  doubt  be  traced 
back,  as  Amalarius  already  in  the  ninth  century  cor- 
rectly divined,  to  the  practice  of  honouring  the  relic 
of  the  True  Cross  at  Jerusalem  which  is  described  in 
detail  in  the  "  Pilgrimage  of  Etheria",  c.  380  (see  Sec- 
tion II  of  this  article).  The  ceremony  came  to  prevail 
everywhere  where  relics  of  the  True  Cross  existed, 
and  by  a  very  natural  development,  where  relics  failed 
any  ordinary  cross  supplied  their  place  as  an  object 
of  cultus.  As  Amalarius  again  sensibly  remarks, 
"although  every  church  cannot  have  such  a  relic,  still 
the  virtue  of  the  Holy  True  Cross  is  not  wanting  in 
those  crosses  which  are  made  in  imitation  of  it." 
Neither  was  this  veneration,  in  the  case,  at  any  rate, 
of  relics  of  the  True  Cross,  confined  to  Good  Friday. 
St.  Gregory  of  Tours  uses  language  which  may  pos- 
sibly imply  that  in  Jerusalem  the  True  Cross  was 
honoured  every  Wednesday  and  Friday.  It  is  cer- 
tain that  at  Constantinople  a  Sunday  in  Mid-Lent, 
the  first  of  AugUBt,  and  the  14th  of  September  were 
similarly  privileged.  Even  from  early  times  there 
was  no  hesitation  about  using  tile  word  adoratio. 
Thus,  St.  Paulinus  of  Nola,  writing  of  the  great  Jeru- 
salem relic  (c.  410),  declares  that  the  bishop  offered 
it  to  the  people  for  worship  (crucem  quotannis  ado- 
randam  populo  promif),  and  first  adored  it  himself. 
(See  P.  L.,  LXI,  325.)  A  curious  practice  was  also 
introduced  of  anointing  the  cross,  or,  on  occasion, 
any  image  or  picture,  with  balm  (balsamo)  before 
presenting  it  for  the  veneration  of  the  faithful.  This 
custom  was  transferred  to  Rome,  and  we  hear  much 
of  it  in  connexion  with  the  very  ancient  reliquary  of 
the  True  Cross  and  also  the  supposed  miraculous  por- 
trait of  Our  Saviour  (acheiropoieta,  i.  e.  not  made  by 
the  hand  of  man)  preserved  in  the  Sancta  Sanctorum 
of  the  Lateran,  both  of  which  recently,  together  with 
a  multitude  of  other  objects,  have  been  examined 
and  reported  on  by  papal  permission  (see  Grisar.  Die 
rdmiscne  Kapelle  Sancta  Sanctorum  und  ihr  Schatz, 
Freiburg,  1908,  91,  92).  The  objects  mentioned  were 
completely  covered  in  part  with  solidified  balm.  Pope 


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Adrian  I,  in  vindicating  the  veneration  of  images  to 
Charlemagne,  mentions  this  use  of  balm  and  defends 
it  (Mansi,  Concilia,  XIII,  778).  The  ceremony  of 
the  adoration  of  the  Cross  on  Good  Friday  must  nave 
spread  through  the  West  in  the  seventh  and  eighth 
centuries,  for  it  appears  in  the  Gelasian  Sacramentary 
and  is  presupposed  in  the  Gregorian  Antiphonarium. 
Both  in  Anglo-Saxon  England  and  in  the  England  of 
the  later  Middle  Ages  the  'Creeping  to  the  Cross"  was 
a  ceremony  which  made  a  deep  impression  on  the 
popular  mind.   St.  Louis  of  France  and  other  pious 

Snnces  dressed  themselves  in  haircloth  and  crept  to 
le  cross  barefoot.  At  present,  instead  of  creeping 
to  the  cross  on  hands  and  knees,  three  profound 
double  genuflexions  are  made  before  kissing  the  feet 
of  the  crucifix,  and  the  sacred  ministers  remove  their 
shoes  when  performing  the  ceremony.  The  collection 
now  commonly  made  on  this  occasion  for  the  support  of 
the  Holy  Places  seems  also  to  date  from  medieval  times. 

(5)  For  the  Figure  of  the  Cross  as  a  Manual  Sign  of 
Blessing  the  reader  must  be  referred  to  the  article 
Sion  of  the  Cross,  also  subtitles  (4)  of  Section  I  and 
(I)  of  Section  II  in  this  article. 

(6)  Dedications  of  Churches,  etc.  to  the  Holy  Cross. — 
Possibly  one  of  the  earliest  dedications  to  the  Cross, 
if  we  put  aside  Constantine's  church  upon  Calvary 
known  in  Etheria's  time  as  Ad  Crucem  and  also  the 
Sessorian  basilica  which  was  its  Roman  counterpart, 
was  the  monastery  erected  at  Poitiers  by  St.  Rhade- 
gund  in  the  sixth  century.  In  behalf  of  this  founda- 
tion the  saint  begged  and  obtained  a  relic  of  the  True 
Cross  from  the  Emperor  Justin  II  at  Constantinople. 
The  bringing  of  the  relic  to  Poitiers  was  the  occasion 
of  the  composition  of  the  two  famous  hymns  by 
Venantius  Fortunatus,  ,"Vexilla  regis"  and  "Pange. 
lingua,  gloriosi  preelium  certaminis".  In  England 
perhaps  the  most  famous  monastery  bearing  this  dedi- 
cation was  the  Holy  Cross  Abbey  at  Waltham,  founded 
by  King  Harold.  At  present  about  sixty  ancient  Eng- 
lish churches  are  dedicated  to  the  Holy  Cross,  while 
twenty  more  bear  the  same  dedication  in  the  distinc- 
tively English  form  of  "Holy  Rood".  The  famous 
Holyrood  Palace  in  Edinburgh,  once  occupied  by 
Mary  Queen  of  Scots,  derives  its  name  from  a  monas- 
tery of  the  Holy  Rood  upon  the  site  of  which  it  was 
erected,  and  its  church,  now  in  ruins,  was  originally 
the  church  of  the  monks. 

(7)  The  Cross  in  Religious  Orders  and  in  the  Crusades. 
— Although  the  older  orders  were  earnest  in  conforming 
to  the  general  usage  of  the  Church  as  regards  the  ven- 
eration of  the  Cross,  no  distinctive  cultus  seems  to  be 
attributable  to  the  monasteries.  The  practice  of 
carrying  a  crucifix  as  part  of  the  ordinary  religious 
habit  seems  to  be  of  comparatively  modern  date.  It 
is  significant  that,  although  in  most  modern  congrega- 
tions of  nuns  the  bestowal  of  the  crucifix  is  a  promi- 
nent feature  of  the  ceremony  of  profession,  the  service 
in  the  Roman  Pontifical,  "De  Benedictione  et  Conse- 
cratione  Virginum",  knows  nothing  of  it.  It  provides 
for  the  giving  of  rings  and  crosses  but  not  of  crucifixes. 
Probably  much  of  the  stimulus  given  to  devotion  to 
the  crucifix  may  be  traced  ultimately  to  Franciscan  in- 
fluences, and  it  is  not  mere  coincidence  that  the  devel- 
opment in  art  of  the  agonized  and  thorn-crowned  type 
of  figure  upon  the  Cross  coincides  more  or  less  exactly 
with  the  great  Franciscan  revival  of  the  thirteenth  cen- 
tury. Somewhat  earlier  than  the  time  of  Francis  an 
Italian  Order  of  crociferi  (cross-bearers),  distinguished 
by  carrying  as  part  of  their  costume  a  plain  cross  of 
wood  or  metal,  was  founded  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
Bologna  to  tend  the  sick,  and  several  other  orders,  par- 
ticularly one  established  shortly  afterwards  in  the  Neth- 
erlands and  still  surviving,  have  since  borne  the  same 
or  a  similar  name.  In  the  case  of  the  Military  Orders, 
for  example,  that  of  St.  John  of  Jerusalem  or  Knights 
Hospitallers,  the  cross  impressed  upon  their  habit  has 
gradually  becofce  distinctive  of  th/j  order.    It  seems 


to  have  been  originally  only  the  badge  of  the  i  

ders,  who  wore  a  red  cross  upon  their  right  shoulders 
as  a  token  of  the  obligation  they  had  taken  upon 
themselves.  The  Roman  Pontifical  still  contains  the 
ceremonial  for  the  blessing  and  imposition  of  the 
cross  upon  those  who  set  out  for  the  aid  and  defence 
of  the  Christian  Faith  or  for  the  recovery  of  the  Holy 
Land.  After  the  cross  has  been  blessed  the  bishop 
imposes  it  upon  the  candidate  with  the  words:  "Re- 
ceive the  sign  of  the  cross,  in  the  Name  of  the  Father + 
and  of  the  Son  +  and  of  the  Holy  Ghost  +  in  token  of 
the  Cross,  Passion,  and  Death  of  Christ,  for  the  de- 
fence of  thy  body  and  thy  soul,  that  by  the  favour  of 
the  Divine  Goodness  when  thy  journey  is  accomplished 
thou  mayest  return  to  thy  family  safe  and  amended 
[salvus  et  emendatus].  Through  Christ  Our  Lord, 
Amen."  The  crosses  conferred  by  sovereigns  in  con- 
nexion with  various  orders  of  knighthood  may  prob- 
ably be  traced  to  the  same  idea. 

The  various  types  of  cross  have  rather  to  do  with 
heraldry  or  art  than  with  the  history  of  Christianity. 
The  names  and  shapes  of  the  more  common  varieties 
can  best  be  gathered  from  the  annexed  table.  For  the 
vast  majority  the  form  is  purely  conventional  and  arti- 
ficial. Their  divergence  from  the  normal  type  is  a 
mere  freak  of  fancy  and  corresponds  to  no  attempt  to 
reproduce  the  shape  of  the  gibbet  on  which  Our  Sav- 
iour died,  or  to  convey  any  symbolical  meaning.  The 
crux  ansata,  or  cross  with  a  handle,  and  the  crux  gam- 
mata,  or  "fylfot",  are  much  more  ancient  than  Chris- 
tianity. (See  in  Section  I  of  this  article,  (1)  Primitive 
Cruciform  Signs. )  The  chrismon,  or  chi-rho,  has  already 
been  mentioned  as  the  earliest  forms  in  which  the  cross 
appears  in  Christian  art  [Section  I  (4)].  The  forms 
which  it  took  varied  considerably  and  it  is  difficult  to 
classify  them  chronologically.  With  regard  to  the 
great  Celtic  stone  crosses,  particularly  in  Ireland,  we 
may  note  the  tendency  conspicuous  in  so  many 
specimens  to  surround  the  cross  with  a  circle.  It 
is  just  conceivable  that  there  is  foundation  for  regard- 
ing this  circle  as  derived  from  the  loop  of  the  Egyp- 
tian crux  ansata. 

(8)  The  Cross  outside  of  the  Catholic  Church. — In  the 
Russian  Church  the  conventional  form  in  which  the 
cross  is  usually  shown  is  in  fact  a  three-barred  cross, 
like  this  ±  of  which  the  upper  bar  represents  the  title 
of  the  p  cross,  the  second  the  arms,  and  the  lowest, 
which  is  always  inclined  at  an  angle,  the  suppedaneum 
or  foot-rest.  In  England  it  may  be  said  that  in  the 
early  yeare  of  Elizabeth's  reign  a  clean  sweep  was 
made  of  the  crosses  so  long  venerated  by  the  people. 
All  the  roods  were  ordered  to  be  pulled  down,  and 
the  crosses  were  removed  from  the  altars,  or  rather  the 
communion-tables  which  replaced  the  altars.  The 
only  check  in  this  movement  was  the  fact  that  the 
queen  herself,  for  some  rather  obscure  reason,  insisted 
at  first  on  retaining  the  crucifix  in  her  own  private 
chapel.  The  presence  of  a  crucifix  or  even  a  plain 
cross  upon  the  altar  was  long  held  to  be  illegal  in  virtue 
of  the  "  Ornaments  Rubric  .  In  recent  years,  how- 
ever, there  has  been  a  notable  reaction,  and  crosses,  or 
even  crucifixes,  are  quite  commonly  seen  upon  the 
altar  of  Anglican  churches.  Again,  in  the  reredos  re- 
cently erected  in  St.  Paul's  Cathedral  in  London  a 
large  crucifix,  with  the  figures  of  St.  Mary  and  St. 
John,  forms  the  most  conspicuous  feature.  In  Luth- 
eran churches  there  has  always  been  much  tolerance 
for  the  crucifix  either  upon  or  behind  the  altar. 

It  would  not  be  easy  to  provide  an  adequate  bibliography 
for  the  very  wide  field  covered  by  this  article.  A  few  works 
may  be  mentioned  of  a  more  general  kind. — Baumer  in  Kir- 
chenlex.,  VII,  1054-1088;  Quilliet  in  Diet,  de  thiol,  eath.. 
Ill,  2339-2383;  Hoppenot,  Le  crucifix  done  VKietoin  (Lille, 
1900);  Seymodh,  The  Crota  in  Tradition,  History  and  Art  (New 
York,  1898). — Both  these  last  works  are  very  comprehensive 
in  scope,  but  unfortunately  quite  uncritical. — Stevens,  The 
Cross  tn  the  Life  and  Literature  of  the  Anglo-Saxons  (New  York, 
1904):  Rohaoup  de  Fledbt,  La  Messe  (Paris,  1885),  specially 
valuable  for  its  illustrations  of  liturgical  crosses;  Kraub,  Oe- 
echichte  der  chrutlichen  Kunst  (Freiburg,  1895-1908);  Cox  AND 


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SOME  FORMS  OF  THE  CROSS  IN  CHRISTIAN  ART 


1.  LATIN  CROSS 

2.  CALVARY  CROSS 

3  and  4.  ANCHOR  CROSS 

6.  PATRIARCHAL  CROSS 
«.  PAPAL  CROSS 

7.  CROSS  PATEE 

8.  MALTESE  CROSS 

8  and  19.  CROSS  MOLINE 
10.  II.  12.  TAU  CROSS 

13  ana  28.  FYLFOT  (28.  CRUX  a  All  MAT  A 

OR  SWASTIKA) 
14.  CROSS  QUARTER  PIERCED 


IS.  GREEK  CROSS 

16   CROSS  QUARTERLY  PIERCED 

17.  CROSS  FLEURIE 

18.  CROSS  PATONCE 

20.  CROSS  FLEURETTE 

21.  CROSS  ENGRAILED 

22.  CROSS  RAOULEE 

23.  CROSS  QUADRATE 

24.  SALTIRE  {CRUX  DBCUSSATA) 
2».  CROSS  BOTONNEE 

26.  CROSS  POMMEE 
■il.  CROSS  POTENT 

28.  CRUX  UAMMATA  OR  SWASTIKA 


29.  CROSS  FOURCHEE 

30.  CROSS  URDEE 

31.  CROSS  CROSS  LET 

32.  CROSS  FITCHEE 

33.  CROSS  RECERCELEE 

34.  CROSS  POINTED 

35.  CROSS  WAVY 

36.  CROSS  OF  IONA 

37.  FROM  THE  CATACOMBS 

38.  FROM  THE  CATACOMBS 

38  and  40.  FROM  THE  CATACOMBS 
(MONOGRAMS  OF  CHRIST) 


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OBOTUS 


Harvry,  English  Church  Furniture  (London,  1807);  Bintsriw, 
Denkwurdiqkeitm.  IV,  Part  I,  496  »qq.;  Martens,  De  Antiquit 
Eedesia  Rttibut;  Thiers.  Dissertation  but  let  principaux  auteU 
tl  turla  jubt*  (Paris,  1888).        HERBERT  THURSTON. 

Cross-Bearer,  the  cleric  or  minister  who  carries 
the  processional  cross,  that  is,  a  crucifix  provided  with 
a  long  staff  or  handle.  An  archbishop's  cross  is  borne 
with  the  figure  of  the  crucifix  towards  the  prelate,  but 
in  all  other  cases  the  figure  should  be  turned  forward. 
The  cross-bearer  should,  whenever  possible,  be  a  cleric 
(Council  of  Milan,  seventeenth  century),  but  in  lay 
processions  the  most  worthy  of  the  laity  should  be 
selected  for  the  office.  In  the  more  solemn  processions 
such  as  those  of  the  Blessed  Sacrament,  Palm  Sunday, 
and  Candlemas  Day,  the  cross  should  be  borne  by  a 
subdeacon  vested  in  amice,  alb,  and  tunic;  on  less 
solemn  occasions  by  a  clerk  in  surplice.  The  staff  is 
held  with  both  hands  so  that  the  figure  is  well  above 
the  head.  The  cross-bearer  and  the  two  acolytes  by 
whom  he  is  accompanied  on  the  more  solemn  occasions 
should  walk  at  the  head  of  the  procession,  except  when 
the  thurifer  is  there,  and  should  not  make  any  rever- 
ence whilst  engaged  in  this  function. 

Catremoniale  Episcoporum,  passim;  De  Herdt,  Praxis  Litur- 
gies Sacra  (Louvain,  1904),  III,  318;  Lb  Vavasbebr,  Ctrt- 
monial  Romain  (Pans,  1876),  I,  680. 

Patrick  Morrisroe. 

Cross  of  Jesus,  Brothers  of  the,  a  congregation 
founded  in  1820  at  Lyons,  France,  by  Father  C.  M. 
Bochard,  Doctor  of  the  Sorbonne,  Vicar-General  of 
the  Diocese  of  Lyons.  Father  Bochard  was  the  first 
superior  general  (1820-34).  He  had  as  successors 
the  Rev.  Father  Corsiain  (1834-65)  and  the  Rev. 
Father  Bernard  (1865-74).  Until  then  the  direction 
of  the  principal  houses  was  entrusted  to  Fathers  who 
were  members  of  the  congregation.  In  1873  Bishop 
Richard  of  Belley,  afterwards  Cardinal  and  Arch- 
bishop of  Paris,  employed  the  Fathers  as  parish 
priests  and  the  congregation  was  henceforward  com- 
posed of  Brothers  only.  The  superiors  general,  from 
this  epoch,  have  been  the  Reverend  Bros.  Pierre-Joseph 
(1873-85),  Lucien  (1885-98),  and  Firmin  (1898—). 

The  name  of  the  congregation  indicates  its  dis- 
tinctive spirit.  It  grew  during  the  nineteenth  century 
in  eastern  France  and  in  Switzerland,  until  the  perse- 
cution of  1903,  which  destroyed  nearly  all  its  estab- 
lishments. Brother  Firmin,  Superior  General,  sent 
Brother  Evariste  with  32  religious  to  establish  a  prov- 
ince in  North  America,  under  the  patronage  of  the 
Right  Rev.  A.  A.  Blais,  Bishop  of  Rimouski,  Canada. 
The  institution,  incorporated  in  Canada  by  a  bill  of 
the  Legislative  Assembly  of  Quebec  (May,  1905), 
possesses  at  Rimouski,  a,  "house  of  formation 
(novitiate  and  scholasticate),  where  the  young  mem- 
bers of  the  congregation  are  taught  all  the  high- 
school  branches  and  the  commerical  courses  both 
English  and  French.  At  the  request  of  the  Most  Rev. 
L.  c.  A,  Langevin,  Archbishop  of  St.  Boniface, 
Manitoba,  the  institution  has  opened,  since  1904, 
the  colleges  of  St-Jean-Baptiste  and  of  St-Pierre, 
Joly,  Manitoba. 

Brother  Charles. 

Orotus,  Johann  (properly  Johannes  Jager,  hence 
often  called  Venator,  "hunter",  but  more  commonly, 
in  grecized  form,  Crotus,  "  archer"),  German  Human- 
ist, b.  at  Domheim,  in  Thuringia,  c.  1480;  d.  probably 
at  Halle,  c.  1539.  From  the  name  of  his  birthplace 
he  received  the  latinized  appellation  Rubianus  and  is 
generally  known  as  Crotus  Rubianus.  At  the  age  of 
eighteen  he  went  to  the  University  of  Erfurt,  then  the 
chief  centre  of  German  Humanism,  where  he  obtained 
his  baccalaureate  degree  in  1500.  Friendship  with 
Conrad  Mutianus  and  Ulrich  von  Hutten  led  him  from 
•>eing  an  upholder  of  Scholasticism  to  l>ecome  an  en- 
thusiastic partisan  of  Humanism  and  a  violent  op- 
ponent of  the  older  learning.    In  1505  he  induced  von 


Hutten  to  leave  the  monastery  of  Fulda,  but  in  1506 
came  back  with  the  latter  from  Cologne  to  Erfurt, 
where  in  1508  Crotus  obtained  the  degree  of  Master 
of  Arts.  After  this  he  was  absent  from  Erfurt  for  a 
short  time  as  tutor  to  Count  von  Henneberg,  but  by 
1509  he  had  again  returned  to  his  studies  and  in  1510 
was  the  head  of  the  monastery  school  at  Fulda.  He 
now  formed  close  relations  witn  Reuchlin  and  Reuch- 
lin's  supporters  in  Cologne;  about  1514  he  was  for  a 
short  tune  in  Cologne  but  soon  returned  to  Fulda 
where  he  was  ordained  priest  and  obtained  a  small 
benefice.  About  1515  he  wrote  the  larger  part  of  the 
"Epistolffl  Obscurorum  Virorum";  the  letters  com- 
posed by  him  are  the  most  violent  in  character,  full 
of  venom  and  stinging  scorn  against  Scholasticism  and 
monasticism.  In  1517  he  settled  in  Bologna  as  tutor 
of  the  Fuchs  brothers,  and  during  his  stay  at  this  city, 
up  to  1519,  he  studied  successively  jurisprudence  and 
theology.  Before  leaving  Italy  he  went  in  company 
with  Eoban  Hesse  to  Rome  (1519)  in  order  to  observe 
for  himself  the  "see  of  corruption".  While  in  Bo- 
logna he  had  become  acquainted  with  Luther's  writ- 
ings and  actions,  learned  of  the  violent  stand  he  had 
taken  and  approved  it  as  the  beginning  of  a  greatly 
needed  reform  of  the  Church;  apparently  also  ne  had 
a  share  in  the  anonymous  broadsides  which  appeared 
in  Germany.  From  1520  he  was  again  in  Erfurt 
where  he  was  made  rector  of  the  university,  and  here 
in  1521  he  gave  Luther  a  warm  greeting  when  the 
latter  passed  through  Erfurt  on  his  way  to  Worms. 
Soon  after  this  Crotus  returned  to  Fulda  where  Me- 
lanchthon  visited  him  in  1524.  In  the  same  year 
Crotus  entered  the  service  of  Duke  Albrecht  of  Prussia 
at  Konigsberg  anct  endeavoured  to  justify  the  duke's 
withdrawal  from  the  old  Faith  in  a  pamphlet  directed 
against  the  new  master  of  the  Teutonic  Order  entitled 
"Christliche  Vermahnung"  (1526). 

Weary  of  his  position  at  Konigsberg  as  early  as 
1529,  he  went  first,  in  1530,  to  Leipzig,  and  soon  after- 
wards to  Halle;  here  Crotus  accepted  service  under 
Cardinal  Albrecht  of  Brandenburg  as  councillor  and 
received  a  canonry.  As  a  genuine  Humanist  Crotus 
had  for  a  long  time  felt  disgusted  with  the  public  dis- 
turbance and  the  bitter  polemics  that  resulted  from 
the  Lutheran  movement;  he  was  still  more  dissatis- 
fied with  the  grave  disorder  in  morals  and  religion. 
Thus  in  Halle,  probably  through  the  influence  of  its 
canons,  he  positively  returned  to  Catholicism,  which 
he  seems,  however,  never  to  have  abandoned  con- 
sciously. The  first  clear  notice  of  this  change  of 
views  is  the  "Apologia,  qua  respondetur  temeritati 
calumniatorum  non  verentium  confictis  criminibus  in 
populare  odium  protrahere  reverendissimum  in 
Christo  jpatrem  et  dominum  Albertum"  (Leipzig. 
1531).  The  "Apologia"  contained  a  positive  denial 
of  the  accusations  made  by  Alexander  Crosner  or 
Luther  that  Cardinal  Albrecht,  in  the  persecution  of 
the  new  doctrine  and  in  his  opposition  to  granting  the 
cup  to  the  laity,  had  acted  with  extreme  cruelty  and 
lack  of  consideration.  Crotus  showed  that  the  Ref- 
ormation had  resulted  in  the  sanctioning  of  all  kinds 
of  immorality  and  blasphemy,  and  that  where  the 
"  Antipopes"  ruled,  those  of  other  beliefs  were  cruelly 
oppressed,  denounced  by  spies,  and  persecuted.  Vari- 
ous pamphlets,  chiefly  anonymous,  were  issued  in 
reply  to  tne  "  Apologia"  and  tne  author  was  violently 
attacked  by  Justus  Jonas  and  other  of  his  former 
friends.  After  this  Luther  always  gave  the  name  of 
Dr.  Krdte  (toad)  to  his  one-time  adherent,  the  dreaded 
opponent  in  former  days  of  Scholasticism  and  monas- 
ticism. Suspicion  was  even  thrown  on  the  motives 
for  the  inner  change  in  Crotus.  His  connexion  with 
the  Church  was  attributed  to  desire  for  princely  favour 
and  greed  of  gain.  But  there  can  be  no  doubt  that 
his  resolution  was  a  deliberate  one  and  that  he  be- 
longed to  Luther's  party  only  so  long  as  he  hoped  in 
this  way  to  attain  a  reform  of  the  Church. 


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As  soon  as  there  was  a  formal  break  with  the  Church, 
and  the  pretended  reform  movement  produced  only 
anarchy  m  religion  and  morals,  he  turned  his  back  on 
it  without  giving  a  thought  to  the  hatred  of  his  friends 
of  earlier  days.  In  a  letter  dated  1532  to  Duke  Al- 
brecht he  states  his  religious  views  clearly:  "with  the 
help  of  God  he  intends  to  remain  in  communion  with 
the  Church  and  allow  all  innovations  to  pass  over  like 
a  disagreeable  smoke ' '.  Crotus  appears  to  have  spent 
the  last  years  of  his  life  entirely  at  Halle,  but  nothing 
positive  is  known  on  the  subject.  Most  probably  Georg 
Witzel  urged  him  at  different  times  to  write  again  in 
defence  of  the  Church,  and  he  seems,  indeed,  to  have 
made  an  effort  to  do  this.  But  afterwards  we  hear 
that  the  position,  "unworthy  of  a  man",  in  which  he 
was  placed,  did  not  permit  him  to  take  up  his  pen 
on  behalf  of  religion.  It  is  not  entirely  certain 
whether  his  canonry  or  his  character  of  official  in 
the  service  of  Cardinal  Albrecht  laid  these  limi- 
tations on  him.  Yet  he  apparently  had  an  im- 
portant influence  on  the  writings  of  others  as,  e.  g. 
on  those  of  Witzel.  Crotus  himself,  as  a  Humanist  of 
strong  intellectual  tastes,  preferred  above  all  the  quiet 
of  his  study.  It  may  be  that  the  revolutionary  tu- 
mult in  religious  and  social  life  took  from  him  both 
the  desire  and  the  strength  to  use  the  pen  which  had 
formerly  so  unmercifully  scourged  the  weaknesses  of 
his  opponents.  He  seems,  however,  to  have  influenced 
the  religious  demeanour  of  his  master.  Cardinal  Al- 
brecht, in  the  cardinal's  later  years.  The  last  scanty 
information  concerning  Crotus  reaches  to  the  year 
1539 ;  his  death  occurred,  if  not  in  this  year,  certainly 
not  much  later. 

Kampscholte.  Die  UnivereiUU  Erfurt  in  ihremVerhaltnia  zu  dem 
Humanismus  und  der  Reformation  (Trier,  1868-60),  I,  197  sqq.; 
II,  43  sqq.;  Idem,  De  Joanna  Croto  Rubiano  (Bonn,  1862);  Ram, 
Die  Convertiten  teit  der  Reformation  (Freiburg,  1866),  1, 95-122; 
Ejnert,  Crotus  Rubianus:  Bin  Beitrag  zur  (fetch,  dee  Humanis~ 
mus  in  Thuringen  in  Zeitschrift  fur  Gesch.  und  Altertumtkunde 
Thuringens,  new  ser.,  IV,  1-75;  Redlich,  Cardinal  Albrecht  von 
Brandenburg  und  doe  neue  Stifl  zu  Halle  (Mainz,  1900),  55-69; 
Wslte  in  Kirchenlex.^1, 1206  sqq.;  Knod,  Deutsche  Studenten 
in  Bologna  (Berlin,  1899),  463  sqq.  JOSEPH  Sauer. 

Grown,  Franciscan  (or  Seraphic  Rosary),  a  rosary 
consisting  of  seven  decades  in  commemoration  of  the 
seven  joys  of  the  Blessed  Virgin  (the  Annunciation, 
Visitation,  Birth  of  Our  Lord,  Adoration  of  the  Magi, 
Finding  of  the  Child  Jesus  in  the  Temple,  the  Resur- 
rection of  Our  Lord,  and  the  Assumption  of  the 
Blessed  Virgin  and  her  Coronation  in  heaven),  in  use 
among  the  members  of  the  three  orders  of  St.  Francis. 
The  Franciscan  Crown  dates  back  to  the  year  1422. 
Wadding  tells  us  that  a  young  novice  who  had  that 
year  been  received  into  the  Franciscan  Order  had, 
previous  to  his  reception,  been  accustomed  to  adorn  a 
statue  of  the  Blessed  Virgin  with  a  wreath  of  fresh  and 
beautiful  flowers  as  a  mark  of  his  piety  and  devotion. 
Not  being  able  to  continue  this  practice  in  the  noviti- 
ate, he  decided  to  return  to  the  world.  The  Blessed 
Virgin  appeared  to  him  and  prevented  him  from  carry- 
ing out  his  purpose.  She  then  instructed  him  how,  by 
reciting  daily  a  rosary  of  seven  decades  in  honour  of 
her  seven  joys,  he  might  weave  a  crown  that  would  be 
more  pleasing  to  her  than  the  material  wreath  of 
flowers  he  had  been  wont  to  place  on  her  statue. 
From  that  time  the  practice  of  reciting  the  crown  of 
the  seven  joys  became  general  in  the  order.  The  man- 
ner of  reciting  lie  Franciscan  Rosary  is  as  follows: 
The  Apostles'  Creed,  the  Our  Father,  and  three  Hail 
Marys  having  been  said  as  usual,  the  mystery  to  be 
meditated  upon  is  introduced  after  the  word  Jesus  of 
the  first  Hail  Mary  of  each  decade,  thus:  "Jesus, 
whom  thou  didst  joyfully  conceive",  "Jesus,  whom 
thou  didst  joyfully  carry  to  Elizabeth",  and  so  on  for 
the  remaining  five  decades,  which  are  given  in  most 
manuals  of  Franciscan  devotion.  At  the  end  of  the 
seventh  decade  two  Hail  Marys  are  added  to  complete 
the  number  of  years  (72)  that  the  Blessed  Virgin  is 
said  to  have  lived  on  earth.   There  are  other  ways  of 


reciting  the  Crown  but  the  one  given  seems  to  be  in 
more  general  use.  The  plenary  Indulgence  attached 
to  the  recitation  of  the  Franciscan  Crown,  and  applica- 
ble to  the  dead,  may  be  gained  as  often  as  the  crown  is 
recited.  It  is  not  required  that  the  beads  be  blessed, 
or  in  fact  that  beads  be  used  at  all,  since  the  Indul- 
gence is  not  attached  to  the  material  rosary,  but  to  the 
recitation  of  the  prayers  as  such.  In  1905  Pope  Pius 
X,  in  response  to  the  petition  of  the  Procurator  Gen- 
eral of  the  Friars  Minor,  enriched  the  Franciscan 
Crown  with  several  new  Indulgences  that  may  be 
gained  by  all  the  faithful.  Those  who  assist  at  a  pub' 
fie  recitation  of  the  Franciscan  Crown  participate  in  all 
the  Indulgences  attached  to  the  Seraphic  Rosary  that 
are  gained  by  the  members  of  the  Franciscan  Order. 
It  is  required,  however,  that  beads  be  used  and  that 
they  be  blessed  by  a  priest  having  the  proper  faculties. 
A  translation  of  the  pontifical  Brief  is  given  in  "St. 
Anthony's  Almanac"  for  1909. 

Waddino,  Annates  Minorum,  X,  61:  XVI,  62;  Moccheoi- 
ani,  Collectio  Indulgentiarum  (Quaracchi,  1897),  317-326;  and 
Jurisprudentia  EccUsiastica  (Quaracchi,  1905),  111,  516-519. 

Stephen  M.  Donovan. 

Crowning  of  Images.    See  Images. 

Grown  of  Thorns. — Although  Our  Saviour's  Crown 
of  Thorns  is  mentioned  by  three  Evangelists  and  is 
often  alluded  to  by  the  early  Christian  Fathers,  such  as 
Clement  of  Alexandria,  Origen,  and  others,  there  are 
comparatively  few  writers  of  the  first  six  centuries 
who  speak  of  it  as  a  relic  known  to  be  still  in  existence 
and  venerated  by  the  faithful.  It  is  remarkable  that 
St.  Jerome,  who  expatiates  upon  the  Cross,  the  Title, 
and  the  Nails  discovered  by  St.  Helen  (Tobler,  Itinera 
Hierosolym.,  II,  36),  says  nothing  either  of  the  Lance 
or  of  the  Crown  of  Thorns,  and  the  silence  of  Andreas 
of  Crete  in  the  eighth  century  is  even  more  surprising. 
Still  there  are  some  exceptions.  St.  Paul  in  us  of  Nola, 
writing  after  409,  refers  to  "  the  thorns  with  which  Our 
Saviour  was  crowned"  as  relics  held  in  honour  along 
with  the  Cross  to  which  He  was  nailed  and  the  pillar  at 
which  He  was  scourged  (Ep.  ad  Macar.  in  Migne,  P.  L., 
LXI,407).  Cassiodorus  (c.  570),  when  commenting  on 
Ps.  lxxxvi,  speaks  of  the  Crown  of  Thorns  among  the 
other  relics  which  are  the  glory  of  the  earthly  Jeru- 
salem. "  There ' ',  he  says,  we  may  behold  the  thorny 
crown,  which  was  only  set  upon  the  head  of  Our  Re- 
deemer in  order  that  all  the  thorns  of  the  world  might 
be  gathered  together  and  broken ' '  (Migne,  P.  L.,  LXX, 
621).  When  Gregory  of  Tours  ("  De  gloria  mart."  in 
"Mon.  Germ.  Hist.:  Scrip.  Merov.",  I,  492)  avers  that 
the  thorns  in  the  Crown  still  looked  green,  a  freshness 
which  was  miraculously  renewed  each  day,  he  does  not 
much  strengthen  the  historical  testimony  for  the  au- 
thenticity of  the  relic,  but  the  "Breviarius",  and  the 
"Itinerary"  of  Antoninus  of  Piacenza,  both  of  the 
sixth  century,  clearly  state  that  the  Crown  of  Thorns, 
was  at  that  period  shown  in  the  church  upon  Mount 
Sion  (Geyer,  Itinera  Hierosolymitana,  154  and  174). 
From  these  fragments  of  evidence  and  others  of  later 
date — the  "Pilgrimage"  of  the  monk  Bernard  shows 
that  the  relic  was  stiff  at  Mount  Sion  in  870 — it  is  cer- 
tain that  what  purported  to  be  the  Crown  of  Thorns 
was  venerated  at  Jerusalem  for  several  hundred  years. 

If  we  may  adopt  the  conclusions  of  M.  de  Meiy,  the 
whole  Crown  was  only  transferred  to  Byzantium  about 
1063,  although  it  seems  that  smaller  portions  must 
have  been  presented  to  the  Eastern  emperors  at  an 
earlier  date.  In  any  case  Justinian,  who  died  in  565, 
is  stated  to  have  given  a  thorn  to  St.  Germanus,  Bishop 
of  Paris,  which  was  long  preserved  at  Saint-Germain- 
des-Pres,  while  the  Empress  Irene,  in  798  or  802,  sent' 
Charlemagne  several  thorns  which  were  deposited  by 
him  at  Aachen.  Eight  of  these  are  known  to  have  been 
there  at  the  consecration  of  the  basilica  of  Aachen  by 
Pope  Leo  III,  and  the  subsequent  history  of  several  of 
them  can  be  traced  without  difficulty.  Four  were 
given  to  Saint-Corneilleof  Compiegne  in  877  by  Charles 


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the  Bald.  One  was  sent  by  Hugh  the  Great  to  the 
Anglo-Saxon  King  Athelstan  in  927  on  the  occasion  of 
certain  marriage  negotiations,  and  eventually  found  its 
way  to  Malmesbury  Abbey.  Another  was  presented 
to  a  Spanish  princess  about  1160,  and  again  another 
was  taken  to  Andechs  in  Germany  in  the  year  1200. 

In  1238  Baldwin  II,  the  Latin  Emperor  of  Constan- 
tinople, anxious  to  obtain  support  for  his  tottering  em- 

fire,  offered  the  Crown  of  Thorns  to  St.  Louis,  King  of 
ranee.  It  was  then  actually  in  the  hands  of  the 
Venetians  as  security  for  a  heavy  loan,  but  it  was  re- 
deemed and  conveyed  to  Paris  where  St.  Louis  built 
the  Sainte-Chapelle  (completed  1248)  for  its  reception. 
There  the  great  relic  remained  until  the  Revolution, 
when,  after  finding  a  home  for  a  while  in  the  Bibliothe- 
que  Nationale,  it  was  eventually  restored  to  theChurch 
and  was  deposited  in  the  Cathedral  of  Notre-Dame  in 
1806.  Ninety  years  later  (in  1896)  a  magnificent  new 
reliquary  of  rock  crystal  was  made  for  it,  covered  for 
two-thirds  of  its  circumference  with  a  silver  case  splen- 
didly wrought  and  jewelled.  The  Crown  thus  pre- 
served consists  only  of  a  circlet  of  rushes,  without  any 
trace  of  thorns.  Authorities  are  agreed  that  a  sort  of 
helmet  of  thorns  must  have  been  platted  by  the  Ro- 
man soldiers,  this  band  of  rushes  being  employed  to 
hold  the  thorns  together.  It  seems  likely  according 
to  M .  de  Mely ,  that  already  at  the  time  when  the  circlet 
was  brought  to  Paris  the  sixty  or  seventy  thorns,  which 
seem  to  have  been  afterwards  distributed  by  St.  Louis 
and  his  successors,  had  been  separated  from  the  band 
of  rushes  and  were  kept  in  a  different  reliquary.  None  of 
these  now  remain  at  Paris.  Some  small  fragments 
of  rush  are  also  preserved  apart  from  the  sainte  Cou- 
ronne  at  Paris,  e.  g.  at  Arras  and  at  Lyons.  With  re- 
gard to  the  origin  and  character  of  the  thorns,  both  tra- 
dition and  existing  remains  suggest  that  they  must 
have  come  from  the  bush  botanicaHy  known  as  Zuyphus 
spina  Christi,  more  popularly,  the  jujube-tree.  This 
reaches  the  height  of  fifteen  or  twenty  feet  and  is  found 
growing  in  abundance  by  the  wayside  around  Jerusa- 
lem. The  crooked  branches  of  this  shrub  are  armed 
with  thorns  growing  in  pairs,  a  straight  spine  and  a 
curved  one  commonly  ocourring  together  at  each  point. 
The  relic  preserved  in  the  Capella  della  Spina  at  Pisa, 
as  well  as  that  at  Trier,  which  though  their  early  his- 
tory is  doubtful  and  obscure,  are  among  the  largest  in 
size,  afford  a  good  illustration  of  this  peculiarity. 

That  all  the  reputed  holy  thorns  of  which  notice  has 
survived  cannot  by  any  possibility  be  authentic  will  be 
disputed  by  no  one.  M .  de  Mely  has  been  able  to  enu- 
merate more  than  700  such  relics.  The  statement  in 
one  medieval  obituary  that  Peter  de  Averio  gave  to  the 
cathedral  of  Angers  "  unam  de  spinis  quae  fuit  apposita 
coronse  spines  nostri  Redemptoris"  (de  tidy,  p.  362), 
meaning  seemingly  a  thorn  which  has  touched  the  real 
Crown  of  Thorns,  throws  a  flood  of  light  upon  the  prob- 
able origin  of  many  such  relics.  Again,  even  in  com- 
paratively modern  times  it  is  not  always  easy  to  trace 
the  history  of  these  objects_  of  devotion,  which  were 
often  divided  and  thus  'multiplied.  Two  "holy 
thorns"  are  at  present  venerated,  the  one  at  St.  Mich- 
ael's church  in  Ghent,  the  other  at  Stonyhurst  College, 
both  professing,  upon  what  seems  quite  satisfactory 
evidence,  to  be  the  thorn  given  by  Mary  Queen  of  Scots 
to  Thomas  Percy  Earl  of  Northumberland  (see  "The 
Month",  April,  1882,  540-556).  Finally,  it  should  be 
pointed  out  that  the  appearance  of  the  Crown  of 
Thorns  in  art,  notably  upon  the  head  of  Christ  in  repre- 
sentations of  the  Crucifixion,  is  posterior  to  the  time  of 
St.  Louis  and  the  building  of  the  Sainte-Chapelle. 
Some  archaeologists  have  professed  to  discover  a  figure 
of  the  Crown  of  Thoms  in  the  circle  which  sometimes 
surrounds  the  chi-rho  emblem  \B<  on  early  Christian 
sarcophagi,  but  it  seems  to  be  /(\,  quite  as  probable 
that  this  is  only  meant  for  a  laurel-wreath. 

The  one  recent  and  authoritative  study  of  the  whole  subject 
is  that  of  de  MfcLY,  forming  the  third  volume  of  Riant,  Exuvia 
Constantinopolitana  (Paris,  1904).    See  also:  de  Melt,  La 


Couronne  <Fcpines  in  the  Revue  de  Vart  Chretien  (1890  and 
1900);  Morris,  English  Relics  in  The  Month  (London,  April  and 
August,  1882);  Lebetre  in  Diet,  de  la  Bible  (Paris,  1897),  II, 
1088;  Rohadlt  de  Flecrt,  Mtmoire  sur  let  instruments  de  la 
Passion  (Paris,  1870),  199-224;  Martin,  Archeotooie  de  la  Pas- 
sion (Paris,  1897),  338-346;  Combes,  De  Vinvention  4  V exalta- 
tion de  la  Croix  (Paris,  1903;  tr.  1908),  138  sag.;  Gosselin, 
Notice  historique  sur  la  sainte  Couronne  d' (pines  (Paris,  I088V 

Herbert  Thurston. 

Oroyland  (or  Crowxand),  Abbey  of,  a  monastery 
of  the  Benedictine  Order  in  Lincolnshire,  sixteen  miles 
from  Stamford  and  thirteen  from  Peterborough.  It 
was  founded  in  memory  of  St.  Guthlac,  early  in  the 
eighth  century,  by  Ethelbald,  King  of  Mercia.DUt  was 
entirely  destroyed  and  the  community  slaughtered 
by  the  Danes  in  866.  Refounded  in  the  reign  of  King 
Edred,  it  was  again  destroyed  by  fire  in  1091,  but  re- 
built about  twenty  years  later  by  Abbot  Joffrid.  In 
1170  the  greater  part  of  the  abbey  and  church  was 
once  more  burnt  down  and  once  more  rebuilt,  under 
Abbot  Edward.  From  this  time  the  history  of  Croy- 
land  was  one  of  growing  and  almost  unbroken  pros- 
perity down  to  the  time  of  the  Dissolution.  Richly 
endowed  by  royal  and  noble  visitors  to  the  shrine  of 


Abbey  or  Croyland 

St.  Guthlac,  it  became  one  of  the  most  opulent  of  East 
Anglian  abbeys;  and  owing  to  its  isolated  position  in 
the  heart  of  the  fen  country,  its  security  and  peace 
were  comparatively  undisturbed  during  the  great  civil 
wars  and  other  national  troubles.  The  first  abbot  (in 
Ethelbald 's  reign)  is  said  to  have  been  Kenulph,  a 
monk  of  Evesham ;  and  one  of  the  most  notable  was 
Ingulphus,  who  ruled  from  1075  to  1109,  and  whose 
pseudo-chronicle  was  long  considered  the  chief  au- 
thority for  the  history  of  the  abbey,  though  it  is  now 
acknowledged  to  be  a  compilation  of  the  fifteenth  cen- 
tury. At  the  time  of  the  Dissolution  the  abbot  was 
John  Welles,  or  Bridges,  who  with  his  twenty-seven 
monks  subscribed  to  the  Royal  Supremacy  in  1534, 
and  five  years  later  surrendered  his  house  to  the  king. 
The  revenue  of  the  abbey  at  this  time  has  been  vari- 
ously estimated  at  £1083  and  £1217.  The  site  and 
buildings  were  granted  in  Edward  VI's  reign  to  Ed- 
ward Lord  Clinton,  and  afterwards  came  into  the  pos- 
session of  the  Hunter  family.  The  remains  of  the 
abbey  were  fortified  by  the  Royalists  in  1643,  and  be- 
sieged and  taken  by  Cromwell  in  May  of  that  year. 
The  abbey  church  comprised  a  nave  of  nine  bays  with 
aisles,  183  feet  long  by  87  wide,  an  apsidal  choir  of 
five  bays  90  feet  long,  a  central  tower  and  detached 
bell-tower  at  the  east  end.  The  existing  remains  con- 
sist of  the  north  aisle,  still  used  (as  it  was  from  the 
earliest  times)  as  the  parish  church;  the  splendid  west 
front,  the  lower  (twelfth  century)  and  the  upper  part 
(fourteenth  century)  elaborately  decorated  with 
arcading  and  statues,  it  is  thought  in  imitation  of 
Wells  cathedral;  and  a  few  piers  and  arches  of  the 
nave.  Much  careful  restoration  and  repair  has  been 
carried  out  since  1860,  under  Sir  Gilbert  Scott,  Mr.  J. 
L.  Pearson,  and  other  eminent  architects. 


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Fbux  of  Croyland,  Life  of  St.  Guihlac  in  Acta  SS„  April, 
II,  38;  Godoh,  History  and  Antiquities  of  Cropland  Abbey  in 
Bib.  Top.  Brit.,  XI;  Victoria  History  of  Lincolnshire  (1906), 
105-118;  Historia  Croylandensis  in  Rervm  Anal.  Scriplores, 
ed.  Folman,  I,  1-107;  Ordekicdb  Vitalis,  Hist.  Ecclcsiast., 
II;  Dcgdale,  Monast.  Anglic.;  II.  90-128. 

D.  O.  HuNTER-BlAIB. 

Ornciflx.    See  Cross  and  Crucifix. 
Crucifixion.    See  Cross  and  Crucifix;  Passion. 

Cruelty  to  Animals. — The  first  ethical  writers  of 
pagan  antiquity  to  advocate  the  duty  of  kindness 
towards  the  brute  creation  were  Pythagoras  and 
Empedocles.  Holding  the  doctrine  of  metempsy- 
chosis, or  the  transmigration  of  human  souls  into  the 
bodies  of  lower  animals  after  death,  these  philosophers 
taught  that  animals  share  in  human  rights,  and  that  it 
is  a  crime  to  kill  them.  These  ideas,  together  with  an 
appreciation  of  the  services  rendered  by  domestic  ani- 
mals to  man,  found  some  expression  in  early  Roman 
legislation.  The  error  of  ascribing  human  rights  to 
animals  is  condemned  by  Cicero  (De  Finibus,  bk.  Ill, 
xx).  The  Old  Testament  inculcates  kindness  towards 
animals.  The  Jews  were  forbidden  to  muzzle  the  ox 
that  treadeth  out  the  corn  (Deut.,  xxv,  4)  or  to  yoke 
together  an  ox  and  an  ass  (ibid.,  xxii,  10).  Some 
other  texts  which  are  frequently  quoted  as  instances 
are  not  so  much  to  recommend  kind  treatment  of  ani- 
mals as  to  insist  upon  duties  of  neighbourly  goodwill. 
The  prohibition  against  seething  the  _  kid  in  its 
mothers  milk,  a  process  in  which  there  is  no  cruelty 
at  all,  and  the  one  against  taking  a  mother-bird  with 
her  young,  seem  to  nave  a  religious  rather  than  a 
humanitarian  significance. 

The  New  Testament  is  almost  silent  on  this  subject. 
Even  when  St.  Paul  cites  the  Mosaic  prohibition 
against  muzzling  the  ox,  he  brushes  aside  the  literal 
in  favour  of  a  symbolic  signification  (I  Cor.,  ix,  9  sq.). 
The  Fathers  of  the  Church  insist  but  little  on  this 
point  of  duty.  Nevertheless,  Christian  teaching  and 
practice  from  the  beginning  reflect  in  a  general  way 
the  Scriptural  ideal  of  righteousness  which  is  ex- 
pressed m  the  words:  "The  just  regardeth  the 
fives  of  his  beasts:  but  the  bowels  of  the  wicked  are 
cruel"  (Prov.,  xii,  10).  The  hagiological  literature 
of  monastic  life  in  the  Middle  Ages,  which  so 
largely  formed  and  guided  the  moral  sentiment  of  the 
Christian  world,  as  Lecky  sets  forth  with  ample  evi- 
dence, "represents  one  of  the  most  striking  efforts 
made  in  Christendom  to  inculcate  a  feeling  of  kind- 
ness and  pity  towards  the  brute  creation"  (History 
of  European  Morals  from  Augustus  to  Charlemagne, 
II,  161  sqq.).  This  considerate  feeling  was  a  char- 
acteristic of  many  holy  personages,  even  before  St. 
Francis  of  Assisi  and  some  of  his  followers  carried  it 
to  a  degree  that  seems  almost  incredible. 

Hie  scholastic  theologians  condemn  the  infliction 
of  needless  suffering  on  animals,  chiefly  because  of  the 
injurious  effects  on  the  character  of  the  perpetrator. 
Thus  St.  Thomas,  in  his  "Summa  Contra  Gentiles" 
(bk.  II,  cxii),  after  refuting  the  error  that  it  is  not 
lawful  to  take  the  lives  of  brutes,  explains  the  import 
of  the  above-mentioned  texts  of  Scripture.  He  says 
that  these  prohibitions  are  issued  either  "lest  anyone 
by  exercising  cruelty  towards  brutes  may  become 
cruel  also  towards  men;  or,  because  an  injury  to 
brutes  may  result  in  loss  to  the  owner,  or  on  account 
of  some  symbolic  signification".  Elsewhere  (Summa 
Theologica,  I— IT,  Q.  cii,  a.  6,  ad  8"™)  he  states  that 
God's  purpose  in  recommending  kind  treatment  of 
the  brute  creation  is  to  dispose  men  to  pity  and  ten- 
derness for  one  another.  While  the  scholastics  rest 
their  condemnation  of  cruelty  to  animals  on  its  de- 
moralizing influence,  their  general  teaching  concern- 
ing the  nature  of  man's  rights  and  duties  furnishes 
principles  which  have  but  to  be  applied  in  order  to 
establish  the  direct  and  essential  sinfulness  of  cruelty 


to  the  animal  world,  irrespective  of  the  results  of  such 
conduct  on  the  character  of  those  who  practise  it.  _ 

Catholic  ethics  has  been  criticized  by  some  zoophil- 
ists because  it  refuses  to  admit  that  animals  have 
rights.  But  it  is  indisputable  that,  when  properly 
understood  and  fairly  judged,  Catholic  doctrine, 
though  it  does  not  concede  rights  to  the  brute  crea- 
tioD,  denounces  cruelty  to  animals  as  vigorously  and 
as  logically  as  do  those  moralists  who  make  our  duty 
in  this  respect  the  correlative  of  a  right  in  the  animals. 
In  order  to  establish  a  binding  obligation  to  avoid  the 
wanton  infliction  of  pain  on  the  brutes,  it  is  not  neces- 
sary to  acknowledge  any  right  inherent  in  them.  Our 
duty  in  this  respect  is  part  of  our  duty  towards  God. 
From  the  juristic  standpoint,  the  visible  world  with 
which  man  comes  in  contact  is  divided  into  persons 
and  non-persons.  For  the  latter  term  the  word 
"things"  is  usually  employed.  Only  a  person,  that 
is,  a  being  possessed  of  reason  and  seif -control,  can  be 
the  subject  of  rights  and  duties;  or,  to  express  the 
same  idea  in  terms  more  familiar  to  adherents  of  other 
schools  of  thought,  only  beings  who  are  ends  in  them- 
selves, and  may  not  be  treated  as  mere  means  to  the 
perfection  of  other  beings,  can  possess  rights.  Rights 
and  duties  are  moral  ties  which  can  exist  only  in  a 
moral  being,  or  person.  Beings  that  may  be  treated 
simply  as  means  to  the  perfection  of  persons  can  have 
no  rights,  and  to  this  category  the  brute  creation  be- 
longs. In  the  Divine  plan  of  the  universe  the  lower 
creatures  are  subordinated  to  the  welfare  of  man. 
But  while  these  animals  are,  in  contradistinction  to 
persons,  classed  as  things,  it  is  none  the  less  true  that 
between  them  and  the  non-sentient  world  there  exists 
a  profound  difference  of  nature  which  we  are  bound  to 
consider  in  our  treatment  of  them.  The  very  essence 
of  the  moral  law  is  that  we  respect  and  obey  the  order 
established  by  the  Creator.  Now,  the  animal  is  a 
nobler  manifestation  of  His  power  and  goodness  than 
the  lower  forms  of  material  existence.  In  imparting 
to  the  brute  creation  a  sentient  nature  capable  of  suf- 
fering— a  nature  which  the  animal  shares  in  common 
with  ourselves — God  placed  on  our  dominion  over 
them  a  restriction  which  does  not  exist  with  regard  to 
our  dominion  over  the  non-sentient  world.  We  are 
bound  to  act  towards  them  in  a  manner  conformable 
to  their  nature.  We  may  lawfully  use  them  for  our 
reasonable  wants  and  welfare,  even  though  such  em- 

Sloyment  of  them  necessarily  inflicts  pain  upon  them, 
iut  the  wanton  infliction  of  pain  is  not  the  satisfac- 
tion of  any  reasonable  need,  and,  being  an  outrage 
against  the  Divinely  established  order,  is  therefore 
sinful.  This  principle,  by  which,  at  least  in  the  ab- 
stract, we  may  solve  the  problem  of  the  lawfulness  of 
vivisection  and  other  cognate  questions,  is  tersely  put 
by  Zigliara:  "  The  service  of  man  is  the  end  appointed 
by  the  Creator  for  brute  animals.  When,  therefore, 
man,  with  no  reasonable  purpose,  treats  the  brute 
cruelly  he  does  wrong,  not  because  he  violates  the 
right  of  the  brute,  but  because  his  action  conflicts 
with  the  order  and  the  design  of  the  Creator"  (Phil- 
osophia  Moralis,  9th  ed.,  Rome,  p.  136).  With 
more  feeling,  but  with  no  less  exactness,  the  late 
Cardinal  Manning  expressed  the  same  doctrine:  "It 
is  perfectly  true  that  obligations  and  duties  are  be- 
tween moral  persons,  and  therefore  the  lower  fi.nima.la 
are  not  susceptible  of  the  moral  obligations  which  we 
owe  to  one  another;  but  we  owe  a  seven-fold  obliga- 
tion to  the  Creator  of  those  animals.  Our  obligation 
and  moral  duty  is  to  Him  who  made  them ;  and  if  we 
wish  to  know  the  limit  and  the  broad  outline  of  our 
obligation,  I  say  at  once  it  is  His  nature  and  His  per- 
fections, and  among  these  perfections  one  is,  most 
profoundly,  that  of  Eternal  Mercy.  And  therefore, 
although  a  poor  mule  or  a  poor  horse  is  not,  indeed,  a 
moral  person,  yet  the  Lord  and  Maker  of  the  mule  is 
the  highest  Lawgiver,  and  His  nature  is  a  law  unto 
Himself.    And  in  giving  a  dominion  over  His  creat- 


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i  to  man,  He  gave  it  subject  to  the  condition  that 
it  should  be  used  in  conformity  to  His  perfections 
which  is  His  own  law,  and  therefore  our  law"  (The 
Zoophilist,  London,  1  April,  1887).  While  Catholic 
ethical  doctrine  insists  upon  the  merciful  treatment 
of  animals,  it  does  not  place  kindness  towards  them 
on  the  same  plane  of  duty  as  benevolence  towards  our 
fellow-men.  Nor  does  it  approve  of  unduly  magnify- 
ing, to  the  neglect  of  higher  duties,  our  obligations 
concerning  animals.  Excessive  fondness  for  them  is 
no  sure  index  of  moral  worth;  it  may  be  carried  to 
un-Christian  excess;  and  it  can  coexist  with  grave 
laxity  in  far  more  important  matters.  There  are 
many  imitators  of  Schopenhauer,  who  loved  his  dog 
and  hated  his  kind. 

St.  Thouas,  Summa  Theologica,  I,  Q.  xovi,  a.  1,  2;  II-II, 
Q.  Iziv,  a.  1;  Id.,  Contra.  Omt.,  Ill,  cxii;  Ziguaba,  PhUo- 
sophia  moralis,  I,  i;  Joseph  Rickabt,  Moral  Philosophy,  Pt. 
II,  v;  Anon.,  The  Church  and  Kindness  to  Animals  (London, 
1908);  Tisbxu.  in  Contemporary  Review,  LXVIII,  November. 
1895. 

James  J.  Fox. 

Cruet,  a  small  vessel  used  for  containing  the  wine 
and  water  required  for  the  Holy  Sacrifice  of  the  Mass. 
Two  are  always  employed.  The  Roman  Missal  (Ru- 
bricae  Gen.,  XX)  directs  that  they  should  be  made  of 
glass.  This  is  the  most  suitable  material  because 
easily  cleaned,  and  its  transparency  obviates  danger 
of  confounding  the  water  and  wine.  Other  materials, 
however,  are  used,  such  as  gold,  silver,  and  other 
precious  metals.  In  this  case  it  is  advisable  to  have  a 
V  ( Vinum)  on  the  wine  and  an  A  (aqua)  on  the  water 
cruet,  so  that  one  may  be  easily  distinguished  from  the 
other.  In  shape  nothing  is  prescribed,  but  the  ves- 
sels should  have  a  good  firm  base  on  which  to  stand 
securely  and  a  fairly  wide  neck  so  as  to  admit  of 
being  easily  cleansed.  They  should  have  a  cover  to 
keep  away  flies  and  insects.  Formerly  the  wine  for 
the  Holy  Sacrifice  was  brought  by  the  faithful  in  a  jar- 
shaped  vessel.  It  was  then  received  by  the  deacon 
and  poured  into  the  chalice,  a  vestige  of  which  custom 
is  still  observable  at  the  consecration  of  a  bishop. 

Van  Deb  Stappbn,  De  Missa  Celebration*  (Mechlin,  1902), 
88;  Pdqim,  Glossary  of  Ecclesiastical  Ornament  (London,  1868). 

Patrick  Morrisroe. 

Crusade,  Bull  or  the,  a  Bull  granting  indulgences 
to  those  who  took  part  in  the  wars  against  the  infidels. 
These  indulgences  were  similar  to  those  which,  as  far 
back  as  the  eleventh  century,  had  been  granted  to  the 
faithful  of  the  Spanish  Mark  who  took  part  in  the 
work  of  building  churches  and  monasteries,  or  who 
gave  alms  to  be  devoted  to  this  purpose.  The  first  of 
these  Crusade  Bulls  which  concerned  Spain  was  that 
of  Urban  II  to  the  Counts  Berenguer  Ram6n  de  Barce- 
lona and  Armengal  de  Besalu  in  1089  at  the  time  of 
the  reconquest  of  Tarragona,  and  that  of  Gelasius  II  to 
Alfonso  I  of  Aragon,  when  he  undertook  to  reconquer 
Saragossa  in  1118.  Clement  IV  in  1265  issued  a  gen- 
eral Bull  for  the  whole  of  Spain,  when  the  Kings  of 
Aragon  and  Castile  joined  in  the  expedition  against 
Murcia.  In  the  course  of  time  these  pontifical  con- 
cessions became  more  and  more  frequent;  in  the  reign 
of  the  Catholic  kings  alone  they  were  granted  in  1478, 
1479,  1481,  1482,  1485,  1494,  1503,  and  1505,  and 
were  continued  during  the  following  reigns,  that 
granted  by  Gregory  XIII  in  1573  being  renewed  by 
his  successors. 

The  alms  given  by  the  faithful  in  response  to  this 
Bull,  which  were  at  first  used  exclusively  for  carrying 
on  the  war  against  the  infidels,  were  afterwards  used 
for  the  construction  and  repair  of  churches  and  other 
pious  works;  sometimes  they  were  also  used  to  defray 
expenses  of  the  State.  The  Cortes  of  Valladolid  of 
1523  and  that  of  Madrid  of  1592  petitioned  that  this 
money  should  not  be  used  for  any  other  purpose  than 
that  for  which  it  had  originally  been  intended  by  the 
donors,  but,  notwithstanding  the  provisions  made  by 


Philip  III  in  compliance  with  this  request,  the  abuse 
already  mentioned  continued.  After  1847  the  funds 
derived  from  this  source  were  devoted  to  the  endow- 
ment of  churches  and  the  clergy,  this  disposition  being 
ratified  by  a  law  in  1849  and  in  the  Concordat  of  1851, 
still  in  force. 

In  virtue  of  the  concessions  granted  by  this  Bull,  the 
faithful  of  the  Spanish  dominions  who  had  fulfilled  the 
necessary  conditions  could  gain  the  plenary  indul- 
gence, granted  to  those  who  fought  for  the  reconquest 
of  the  Holy  Land  and  to  those  who  went  to  Rome  in  the 
year  of  Jubilee,  provided  they  went  to  confession  and 
received  Holy  Communion.  They  enjoyed  also  the 
privilege  of  being  absolved  twice  of  sins  and  censures 
reserved  to  the  Holy  See  and  the  ordinary,  except  open 
heresy,  and  others  concerning  ecclesiastics;  to  have 
vows  which  could  not  be  fulfilled  without  difficulty 
commuted  by  their  confessor,  unless  failure  to  fulfil 
them  would  be  to  the  disadvantage  of  another;  also 
simple  vows  of  perpetual  chastity,  of  religious  profes- 
sion, and  of  pilgrimage  to  the  Holy  Land.  Those  who 
visited  five  churches  or  altars,  or  the  same  altar  five 
times,  and  prayed  for  the  intentions  of  the  Crusade, 
could  gain  the  indulgences  granted  to  those  who  visited 
the  stations  in  Rome.  The  Bull,  moreover,  permitted 
the  faithful  of  the  Spanish  dominions  to  eat  meat  on  all 
the  days  of  Lent  and  other  days  of  fast  and  abstinence, 
except  Ash  Wednesday,  the  Fridays  of  Lent,  the  last 
four  days  of  Holy  Week,  and  the  vigils  of  the  feasts  of 
the  Nativity,  Pentecost,  the  Assumption,  and  Sts. 
Peter  and  Paul 

Mbndo,  Bulla  Sacra  Cruciata  DUueidatio  (Madrid,  1651); 
Llamazares,  Historia  de  la  Bula  de  la  Santa  Cruzada  (Madrid, 
I860);  Salcbs,  Erplicaciin  de  la  Bula  de  la  Santa  Cruzada 
(Madrid,  1881);  Gottlob,  Kreuxablass  und  Almosenablass 
(Stuttgart,  1906),  195-246.      EdUARDO  DE  HlNOJOSA. 

Crusades. — The  Crusades  were  expeditions  under- 
taken, in  fulfilment  of  a  solemn  vow,  to  deliver  the 
Holv  Places  from  Mohammedan  tyranny.  The  origin 
of  tne  word  may  be  traced  to  the  cross  made  of  cloth 
and  worn  as  a  badge  on  the  outer  garment  of  those 
who  took  part  in  these  enterprises.  Medieval  writers 
use  the  terms  crux  (pro  cruce  transmarina,  Charter  of 
1284,  cited  by  Du  Cange  s.  v.  crux),  croisement  (Join- 
ville),  croiserie  (Monstrelet),  etc.  Since  the  Middle 
Ages  the  meaning  of  the  word  crusade  has  been  ex- 
tended to  include  all  wars  undertaken  in  pursuance  of 
a  vow,  and  directed  against  infidels,  i.  e.  against 
Mohammedans,  pagans,  heretics,  or  those  under  the 
ban  of  excommunication.  The  wars  waged  by  the 
Spaniards  against  the  Moors  constituted  a  continual 
crusade  from  the  eleventh  to  the  sixteenth  century; 
in  the  north  of  Europe  crusades  were  organized  against 
the  Prussians  and  Lithuanians;  the  extermination  of 
the  Albigensian  heresy  was  due  to  a  crusade,  and,  in 
the  thirteenth  century,  the  popes  preached  crusades 
against  John  Lackland  and  Frederick  II.  But  modem 
literature  has  abused  the  word  by  applying  it  to  all 
wars  of  a  religious  character,  as^for  instance,  the  expe- 
dition of  Heraclius  against  the  Persians  in  the  seventh 
century  and  the  conquest  of  Saxony  by  Charlemagne. 
The  idea  of  the  crusade  corresponds  to  a  political  con- 
ception which  was  realized  in  Christendom  only  from 
the  eleventh  to  the  fifteenth  century;  this  supposes  a 
union  of  all  peoples  and  sovereigns  under  the  direction 
of  the  popes.  All  crusades  were  announced  by  preach- 
ing. After  pronouncing  a  solemn  vow,  each  warrior 
received  a  cross  from  the  hands  of  the  pope  or  his 
legates,  and  was  thenceforth  considered  a  soldier  of 
the  Church.  Crusaders  were  also  granted  Indulgences 
and  temporal  privileges,  such  as  exemption  from  civil 
jurisdiction,  inviolability  of  persons  or  lands,  etc.  Of 
all  these  wars  undertaken  in  the  name  of  Christendom, 
the  most  important  were  the  Eastern  Crusades,  which 
are  the  only  ones  treated  in  this  article. 

Present  Knowledge  of  the  Crusades. — A  his- 
tory of  the  Crusades  was  begun  in  France  in  the  seven- 


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teenth  century  by  the  Benedictines  of  the  Congrega- 
tion of  St-Maur.  (Bongars  had  previously  published 
the  first  collection  of  texts  bearing  upon  the  Latin 
Orient,  under  the  title  of  "Gesta  Dei  per  Francos", 
Hanover,  1611,  fol.)  Hie  publication  of  original  Ori- 
ental texts  prepared  by  Berthereau  in  the  eighteenth 
century  was  prevented  by  the  French  Revolution,  but 
in  the  nineteenth  century  the  Academy  of  Inscrip- 
tions and  Belles- Lettrea  adopted  the  Benedictine  plan 
and,  in  1841,  began  to  issue  a  "Collection  de  rhis- 
toire  des  Croisades" — Western  historians,  5  vols.; 
Eastern  or  Arabian  historians,  4  vols.;  Greek,  2 
vols.;  Armenian  documents,  2  vols.;  laws,  2  vols. 

The  historic  revival  that  followed  the  Restoration 
of  1815,  produced  works  of  a  romantic  character  like 
those  of  Michaud  (Histoire  des  Croisades,  1st  ed.,  3 
vols.,  Paris,  1812-17;  and  7  vols.  8vo,  1824-29); 
Wilken  (Gesch.  der  Kreuzzuge,  Leipzig,  7  vols.,  8vo, 
1807-32) ;  and  Mills  (History  of  the  Crusades,  2  vols., 
London,  1820}.  Between  1839  and  1842  King  Louis 
Philippe  established  in  the  Versailles  Museum  the 
Halls  of  the  Crusades,  decorated  with  the  armorial 
bearings  of  families  whose  ancestors  had  taken  part  in 
the  Holy  Wars.  At  this  time  was  brought  to  light  the 
unduly  famous  Courtois  collection,  consisting  of  re- 
ceipts for  advance-money  loaned  to  French  Knights 
by  Italian  bankers  and  which,  upon  being  compared 
with  authentic  texts,  was  found  to  contain  a  large 
number  of  forgeries.  (See  L.  Delisle,  "Bibliotheque 
de  l'Ecole  des  Chartes",  1888,  304;  Cartellieri, 
"Philipp  II  August",  Leipzig,  1906,  II,  302  sqq.)  It 
is  only  within  the  last  thirty  years  that  the  h  istory  of  the 
Crusades  has  been  studied  in  a  truly  scientific  manner, 
thanks  to  the  Society  de  1 'Orient  Latin  founded  by 
Count  Riant  in  1875  (principal  seats  at  Paris  and  Ge- 
neva). Its  publications  were  at  first  divided  into  geo- 
graphical and  historical  series,  the  former  containing 
the  itineraries  of  pilgrims  and  the  latter,  chronicles, 
letters,  and  charters.  The  "Archives  de  POrient 
Latin"  were  published  in  1881  (2  vols.,  Paris),  but 
since  1893  the  publications  have  been  included  m  the 
"Revue  de  l'Orient  Latin",  a  periodical  bibliography 
of  the  history  of  the  Crusades.    Moreover,  in  allEuro- 

E countries  national  collections  of  documents 
mumenta  Germaniaj";  " Soctete'  de  l'histoire  de 
ce";  " Rerum  britannicarum  medii  «vi  scrip- 
tores";  "Fontes  rerum  austriacarum",  etc.)  have 
done  much  toward  providing  us  with  sources  of  the 
history  of  the  Crusades.  Owing  to  these  labours  the 
student  of  the  Crusades  may  now  consult: 

(1)  Documents  in  Archives. — ROhricht's  "Regesta 
regni  hierosolymitani,  1097-1291"  (Innsbruck, 
1893),  and  Delaville-Leroulx's  "Cartulaire  genera 
des  Hospitaliers  de  S.  Jean  de  Jerusalem",  4  vols.,  fol. 
(Paris,  1894).  The  correspondence  of  the  popes,  pre- 
served in  the  Vatican  archives,  is  one  of  the  most  im- 
portant sources  for  the  history  of  the  Crusades.  After 
these  archives  were  made  accessible  to  scholars  by 
order  of  Leo  XIII  in  1881,  the  Ecole  Francaise  of 
Rome  inaugurated  the  publication  of  the  registers  of 
the  popes  of  the  thirteenth  century  (Library  of  the 
Ecole  Francaise  of  Rome) — Gregory  IX  (Auvray,  ed.); 
Innocent  IV  (E.  Berger,  ed.);  Alexander  IV  (de  la 
Ronciere,  ed.);  Urban  IV  (Guiraud,  ed.):  Clement  IV 
(Jordan,  ed.);  Gregory  X  and  John  XXl  (Guiraud 
and  Cardier,  ed.);  Nicholas  III  (Gay,  ed.):  Martin  IV 
(Soehnee,  ed.);  Honorius  IV  (Prou,  ed.);  Nicholas  IV 
(Langlois,  ed.);  Boniface  VIII  (Faucon,  ed.);  Bene- 
dictXI  (Grandjean,  ed.).  To  these  must  be  added 
the  registers  of  Honorius  III  (Pressuti,  ed.;  Rome, 
1888)  and  Clement  V  (Benedictines,  ed. ;  Rome,  1885- 
88).  For  the  other  popes  see  Migne's  "Patrologia 
Latina"  and  the  "  Annaies  Ecclesiastici"  of  Baromus 
and  Raynaldi  (Mansi,  ed.,  Lucca,  1738-59).  The 
archives  of  the  Italian  states  of  Venice,  Genoa,  and 
Naples  have  also  been  of  great  value  for  throwing  new 
light  on  the  history  of  the  Crusades,  e.  g.  Tafel  and 


Thomas,  "  Urkunden  zuralteren  Handels-  und  Staato- 
geschichte  der  Republik  Venedig"  (Fontes  rerum 
austriacarum,  XII-XIV,  Venice,  1856-57);  Thomas, 
"  Diplomatanum  Veneto-Levantinum  "  (Venice,  1880). 

(2)  Judicial  Documents. — Such  are  the  "Assises  de 
Jerusalem"  (Beugnot,  ed.,  2  vols.,  Paris,  1841)  and  the 
"Regie  du  Temple"  (Curzon,  ed.,  Paris.  1886). 

(3)  Chronicles. — These  have  not  yet  been  gathered 
into  a  single  collection.  The  reader  should  consult 
chiefly  the  "Collection  de  l'histoire  des  Croisades", 
published  by  the  Academic  des  Inscriptions,  and  the 
"Serie  Historique"  of  the  Soctete'  de  l'Orient  Latin. 
The  most  detailed  account  of  the  Christian  states  is 
that  in  the  chronicle  of  William,  Archbishop  of  Tyre 
(d.  1190).  It  comprises  twenty-three  books  (1095- 
1 184  )  and,  from  1 1 43,  has  the  value  of  an  original  source 
(Historiens  Occidentaux,  I).  This  work  was  translated 
into  French  under  the  title  of  "Livre  d'Eracles", 
the  translation  being  continued  until  1229  by  Ernoul 
and  until  1231  by  Bernard,  Treasurer  of  Saint-Pierre 
de  Corbie. 

(4)  A<xounUofPilgrimagesandItineraries,  Especially 
in  the  Latin  Orient. — The  following  are  important:  a 
geographical  series  from  the  fourth  to  the  thirteenth 
century,  issued  by  the  Palestine  Pilgrims'  Text  Soci- 
ety (London,  1884 — );  "Recueil  de  voyages  et  m6- 
moires ' ',  published  by  the  Society  de  Geographie  (Paris, 
1824-66);  "Recueil  de  voyages  et  de  documents  pour 
servir  a  la  geographie"  (Paris,  1890 — ). 

(5)  Oriental  Research. — The  history  of  the  Crusades 
has  profited  by  the  progress  made  in  the  study  of  the 
Byzantine,  Arabian,  Armenian,  and  Mongolian  Orient 
(Collection  de  l'histoire  des  Croisades:  Greek  histo- 
rians, 2  vols.,  1875;  Arabian  historians,  4  vols.,  since 
1872;  and  Armenian  documents,  2  vols.,  since  1869). 

(6)  Archaeology. — Finally,  archneological  exploration 
has  added  new  elements  to  our  knowledge  of  the  Latin 
Orient.  The  castles  of  the  crusaders  in  Palestine  and 
the  churches  in  French  style  throughout  Cyprus  and 
Syria  have  been  discussed  by  Rey  in  his  "  Etudes  but 
les  monuments  de  l'architecture  militaire  des  croises" 
(Paris,  1871)  and  by  Enlart  in  "L'art  gothique  et  la 
Renaissance  en  Chypre"  (Paris,  1899);  for  coins  and 
seals  see  Schlumberger's  "Numismatique  de  l'Orient 
Latin"  (Paris,  1878).  The  history  of  the  Crusades 
becomes  henceforth  a  special  field  of  study.  How- 
ever, many  sources  of  information  still  remain  unpub- 
lished, and  those  that  have  been  published  are  scattered 
through  numerous  collections  as  yet  but  little  known. 

Division. — It  has  been  customary  to  describe  the 
Crusades  as  eight  in  number:  the  first,  1095-1101; 
the  second,  headed  by  Louis  VII,  1145-47;  the  third, 
conducted  by  Philip  Augustus  and  Richard  Coeur-de- 
Lion,  1188-92;  the  fourth,  during  which  Constanti- 
nople was  taken,  1204;  the  fifth,  which  included  the 
conquest  of  Damietta,  1217;  the  sixth,  in  which  Fred- 
erick II  took  part  (1228-29);  also  Thibaud  de  Cham- 
pagne and  Richard  of  Cornwall  (1239);  the  seventh, 
led  by  St.  Louis,  1249-52;  the  eighth,  also  under 
St.  Louis,  1270.  This  division  is  arbitrary  and  ex- 
cludes many  important  expeditions,  among  them 
those  of  the  fourteenth  and  fifteenth  centuries.  In 
reality  the  Crusades  continued  until  the  end  of  the 
seventeenth  century,  the  crusade  of  Lepanto  occurring 
in  1571,  that  of  Hungary  in  1664,  ana  the  crusade  of 
the  Duke  of  Burgundy  to  Candia,  in  1669.  A  more 
scientific  division  is  based  on  the  history  of  the  Chris- 
tian settlements  in  the  East;  therefore  the  subject 
will  be  considered  in  the  following  order:  I.  Origin  of 
the  Crusades;  II.  Foundation  of  Christian  states  in 
the  East ;  III.  First  destruction  of  the  Christian  states 
(1144-87);  IV.  Attempts  to  restore  the  Christian 
states  and  the  crusade  against  Saint-Jean  d'Acre 
(1192-98);  V.  The  crusade  against  Constantinople 
(1204);  VI.  The  thirteenth-century  crusades  (1217- 
52);  VII.  Final  loss  of  the  Christian  colonies  of  the 
East  (1254-91);  VIII.  The  fourteenth-century  crusade 


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and  the  Ottoman  invasion;  IX.  The  crusade  in  the 
fifteenth  century;  X.  Modifications  and  survival  of 
the  idea  of  the  crusade. 

I.  Origin  of  the  Crusades. — The  origin  of  the  Cru- 
sades is  directly  traceable  to  the  moral  and  political 
condition  of  Western  Christendom  in  the  eleventh 
century.  At  that  time  Europe  was  divided  into  nu- 
merous states  whose  sovereigns  were  absorbed  in  tedious 
and  petty  territorial  disputes  while  the  emperor,. in 
theory  the  temporal  head  of  Christendom,  was  wast- 
ing his  strength  in  the  quarrel  over  Investitures.  The 
popes  alone  had  maintained  a  just  estimate  of  Chris- 
tian unity;  they  realized  to  what  extent  the  interests 
of  Europe  were  threatened  by  the  Byzantine  Empire 
and  the  Mohammedan  tribes,  and  they  alone  had  a 
foreign  policy  whose  traditions  were  formed  under  Leo 
IX  and  Gregory  VII.  The  reform  effected  in  the 
Church  and  the  papacy  through  the  influence  of  the 
monks  of  Cluny  had  increased  the  prestige  of  the 
Roman  pontiff  in  the  eyes  of  all  Christian  nations; 
hence  none  but  the  pope  could  inaugurate  the  inter- 
national movement  that  culminated  in  the  Crusades. 
But  despite  his  eminent  authority  the  pope  could 
never  have  persuaded  the  Western  peoples  to  arm 
themselves  for  the  conquest  of  the  Holy  Land  had  not 
the  immemorial  relations  between  Syria  and  the  West 
favoured  his  design.  Europeans  listened  to  the  voice 
of  Urban  II  because  their  own  inclination  and  historic 
traditions  impelled  them  towards  the  Holy  Sepulchre. 
From  the  end  of  the  fifth  century  there  had  been  no 
break  in  their  intercourse  with  the  Orient.  In  the  early 
Christian  period  colonies  of  Syrians  had  introduced 
the  religious  ideas,  art,  and  culture  of  the  East  into  the 
large  cities  of  Gaul  and  Italy.  The  Western  Christians 
in  turn  journeyed  in  large  numbers  to  Syria,  Palestine, 
and  Egypt,  either  to  visit  the  Holy  Places  or  to  follow 
the  ascetic  life  among  the  monks  of  the  Thebaid  or 
Sinai.  There  is  still  extant  the  itinerary  of  a  pilgrim- 
age from  Bordeaux  to  Jerusalem,  dated  333;  in  385 
St.  Jerome  and  St.  Paula  founded  the  first  Latin  mon- 
asteries at  Bethlehem.  Even  the  Barbarian  invasion 
did  not  seem  to  dampen  the  ardour  for  pilgrimages 
to  the  East.  The  Itinerary  of  St.  Silvia  (Ethena) 
shows  the  organization  of  these  expeditions,  which 
were  directed  by  clerics  and  escorted  by  armed  troops. 
In  the  year  600,  St.  Gregory  the  Great  had  a  hospice 
erected  in  Jerusalem  for  the  accommodation  of  pil- 
grims, sent  alms  to  the  monks  of  Mount  Sinai  ("Vita 
Gregorii"  in  "Acta SS.", March  II,  132),  and,  although 
the  deplorable  condition  of  Eastern  Christendom  after 
the  Arab  invasion  rendered  this  intercourse  more  diffi- 
cult, it  did  not  by  any  means  cease. 

As  early  as  the  eighth  century  Anglo-Saxons  under- 
went the  greatest  hardships  to  visit  Jerusalem.  The 
journey  of  St.  Willibald,  Bishop  of  Eichstadt,  took 
•even  years  (722-29)  and  furnishes  an  idea  of  the 
varied  and  severe  trials  to  which  pilgrims  were  subject 
(Itiner.  Latina,  I,  241-283).  Alter  their  conquest  of 
the  West,  the  Carlovingians  endeavoured  to  improve 
the  condition  of  the  Latins  settled  in  the  East;  in  762 
Pepin  the  Short  entered  into  negotiations  with  the 
Caliph  of  Bagdad.  In  Rome,  on  30  November,  800, 
the  very  day  on  which  Leo  III  invoked  the  arbitration 
of  Charlemagne,  ambassadors  from  Haroun  al-Raschid 
delivered  to  the  King  of  the  Franks  the  keys  of  the 
Holy  Sepulchre,  the  banner  of  Jersualem,  and  -some 
precious  relics  (Einhard,  "Annales",  ad  an.  800,  in 
"Mon.  Germ.  Hist.:  Script.",  I,  187);  this  was  an 
acknowledgment  of  the  Frankish  protectorate  over  the 
Christians  of  Jerusalem.  That  churches  and  monas- 
teries were  built  at  Charlemagne's  expense  is  attested 
by  a  sort  of  a  census  of  the  monasteries  of  Jerusalem 
dated  808  (" Commemoratio  de  Casis  Dei"  in  "  Itiner. 
Hieros.",  I,  209).  In  870,  at  the  time  of  the  pilgrim- 
age of  Bernard  the  Monk  (Itiner.  Hierosol.,  I,  314), 
these  institutions  were  still  very  prosperous,  and  it  has 
been  abundantly  proved  that  alms  were  sent  regularly 
IV.— 35 


from  the  West  to  the  Holy  Land.  In  the  tenth  cen- 
tury, just  when  the  political  and  social  order  of  Europe 
was  most  troubled,  knights,  bishops,  and  abbots, 
actuated  by  devotion  and  a  taste  for  adventure,  were 
wont  to  visit  Jerusalem  and  pray  at  the  Holy  Sepul- 
chre without  being  molested  by  the  Mohammedans. 
Suddenly,  in  1009,  Hakem,  the  Fatimite  Caliph  of 
Egypt,  in  a  fit  of  madness  ordered  the  destruction  of 
the  Holy  Sepulchre  and  all  the  Christian  establish- 
ments in  Jerusalem.  For  years  thereafter  Christians 
were  cruelly  persecuted.  (See  the  recital  of  an  eye- 
witness, Iahji  of  Antioch,  in  Schlumberger's  "Epo- 
pee byzantine",  II,  442.)  In  1027  the  Frankish  pro- 
tectorate was  overthrown  and  replaced  by  that  of  the 
Byzantine  emperors,  to  whose  diplomacy  was  due  the 
reconstruction  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre.  The  Christian 
quarter  was  even  surrounded  by  a  wall,  and  some 
Amalfi  merchants,  vassals  of  the  Greek  emperors, 
built  hospices  in  Jerusalem  for  pilgrims,  e.  g.  the  Hos- 
pital of  St.  John,  cradle  of  the  Order  of  Hospitallers. 

Instead  of  diminishing,  the  enthusiasm  of  Western 
Christians  for  the  pilgrimage  to  Jerusalem  seemed 
rather  to  increase  during  the  eleventh  century.  Not 
only  princes,  bishops,  and  knights,  but  even  men  arid 
women  of  the  humbler  classes  undertook  the  holy 
journey  (Radulphus  Glaber,  IV,  vi).  Whole  armies 
of  pilgrims  traversed  Europe,  and  in  the  valley  of  the 
Danube  hospices  were  established  where  they  could 
replenish  their  provisions.  In  1026  Richard,  Abbot 
of  Saint- Vannes,  led  700  pilgrims  into  Palestine  at  the 
expense  of  Richard  II,  Duke  of  Normandy.  In  1065 
over  12,000  Germans  who  had  crossed  Europe  under 
the  command  of  GUnther,  Bishop  of  Bamberg,  while 
on  their  way  through  Palestine  had  to  seek  shelter  in 
a  ruined  fortress,  where  they  defended  themselves 
against  a  troop  of  Bedouins  (Lambert  of  Hersfeld,  in 
"Mon.  Germ.  Hist.:  Script.",  V,  168).  Thus  it  is 
evident  that  at  the  close  of  the  eleventh  century  the 
route  to  Palestine  was  familiar  enough  to  Western 
Christians  who  looked  upon  the  Holy  Sepulchre  as  the 
most  venerable  of  relics  and  were  ready  to  brave  any 
perjl  in  order  to  visit  it.  The  memory  of  Charle- 
magne's protectorate  still  lived,  and  a  trace  of  it  is  to 
be  found  in  the  medieval  legend  of  this  emperor's 
journey  to  Palestine  (Gaston  Paris  in  "  Romania ", 
1880,  p.  23).  The  rise  of  the  Seljukian  Turks,  however, 
compromised  the  safety  of  pilgrims  and  even  threat- 
ened the  independence  of  the  Byzantine  Empire  and 
of  all  Christendom.  In  1070  Jerusalem  was  taken, 
and  in  1091  Diogenes,  the  Greek  emperor,  was  de- 
feated and  made  captive  at  Mantzikert.  Asia  Minor 
and  all  of  Syria  became  the  prey  of  the  Turks.  Anti- 
och succumbed  in  1084,  and  by  1092  not  one  of  the 
great  metropolitan  sees  of  Asia  remained  in  the  pos- 
session of  the  Christians.  Although  separated  from 
the  communion  of  Rome  since  the  schism  of  Michael 
Caerularius  (1054),  the  emperors  of  Constantinople 
implored  the  assistance  of  the  popes;  in  1073  letters 
were  exchanged  on  the  subject  between  Michael  VII 
and  Gregory  VII.  The  pope  seriously  contemplated 
leading  a  force  of  50,000  men  to  the  East  in  order  to 
re-establish  Christian  unity,  repulse  the  Turks,  and 
rescue  the  Holy  Sepulchre.  But  the  idea  of  the  crusade 
constituted  only  a  part  oi  this  magnificent  plan.  (The 
letters  of  Gregory  VII  are  in  P.  L.,  CXLVIII,  300, 
325,  329,  386;  cf.  Riant 's  critical  discussion  in  Ar- 
chives de  l'Orient  Latin,  1.56.)  The  conflict  over  the 
Investitures  in  1076  compelled  the  pope  to  abandon 
his  projects;  the  Emperors  Nicephorus  Botaniates  and 
Alexius  Comnenus  were  unfavourable  to  a  religious 
union  with  Rome;  finally  war  broke  out  between  the 
Byzantine  Empire  and  the  Normans  of  the  Two 
Sicilies.  It  was  Pope  Urban  II  who  took  up  the  plans 
of  Gregory  VII  and  gave  them  more  definite  shape. 
A  letter  from  Alexius  Comnenus  to  Robert,  Count  of 
Flanders,  recorded  by  the  chroniclers,  Guibert  de 
Nogent  ("Historiens  Occidentaux  des  Croisades",  ed 


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by  the  Academie  des  Inscriptions,  IV,  131)and  Hugues 
de  Fleury  (in  "Mon.  Germ.  Hist.:  Script.",  IX, 
392),  seems  to  imply  that  the  crusade  was  insti- 
gated by  the  Byzantine  emperor,  but  this  has  been 

8 roved  false  (Cnalandon,  Essai  sur  le  regne  d'Alexis 
omnene,  appendix),  Alexius  having  merely  sought 
to  enroll  five  hundred  Flemish  knights  in  the  imperial 
army  (AnnaComnena,  Alexiad..  VII,  iv).  The  honour 
of  initiating  the  crusade  has  also  been  attributed  to 
Peter  the  Hermit,  a  recluse  of  Picardy,  who,  after  a 
pilgrimage  to  Jerusalem  and  a  vision  in  the  church  of 
the  Holy  Sepulchre,  went  to  Urban  II  and  was  com- 
missioned by  him  to  preach  the  crusade.  However, 
though  eyewitnesses  of  the  crusade  mention  his 
preaching,  they  do  not  ascribe  to  him  the  all-important 
role  assigned  him  later  by  various  chroniclers,  e.  g. 
Albert  of  Aix  and  especially  William  of  Tyre.  (See 
Hagenmeyer,  Peter  der  Eremite  Leipzig,  1879.)  The 
idea  of  the  crusade  is  chiefly  attributed  to  Pope  Urban 
II  (1095),  and  the  motives  that  actuated  him  are 
clearly  set  forth  by  his  contemporaries:  "On  behold- 
ing the  enormous  injury  that  all,  clergy  or  people, 
brought  upon  the  Christian  Faith  ...  at  the  news 
tfiat  the  Rumanian  provinces  had  been  taken  from 
the  Christians  by  the  Turks,  moved  with  compassion 
and  impelled  by  the  love  of  God,  he  crossed  the 
mountains  and  descended  into  Gaul"  (Foucher 
de  Chartres,  I,  in  "Histoire  des  Crois.",  Ill,  321). 
Of  course  it  is  possible  that  in  order  to  swell  his 
forces,  Alexius  Comnenus  solicited  assistance  in  the 
West ;  however,  it  was  not  he  but  the  pope  who  agitated 
the  great  movement  which  filled  the  Greeks  with  anx- 
iety and  terror. 

II.  Foundation  of  Christian  States  in  the 
East. — After  travelling  through  Burgundy  and  the 
south  of  France,  Urban  II  convoked  a  council  at 
Clermont-Ferrand,  in  Auvergne.  It  was  attended  by 
fourteen  archbishops,  250  bishops,  and  400  abbots: 
moreover  a  great  number  of  knights  and  men  of  all 
conditions  came  and  encamped  on  the  plain  of  Chan- 
toin,  to  the  east  of  Clermont,  18-28  November,  1095. 
On  27  November,  the  pope  himself  addressed  the 
assembled  multitudes,  exhorting  them  to  go  forth  and 
rescue  the  Holy  Sepulchre.  Amid  wonderful  enthu- 
siasm and  cries  of  "God  wills  it!"  all  rushed  towards 
the  pontiff  to  pledge  themselves  by  vow  to  depart  for 
the  Holy  Land  and  receive  the  cross  of  red  material 
to  be  worn  on  the  shoulder.  At  the  same  time  the 
pope  sent  letters  to  all  Christian  nations,  and  the 
movement  made  rapid  headway  throughout  Europe. 
Preachers  of  the  crusade  appeared  everywhere,  and 
on  all  sides  sprang  up  disorganized,  undisciplined, 
penniless  hordes,  almost  destitute  of  equipment,  who, 
surging  eastward  through  the  valley  of  the  Danube, 
plundered  as  they  went  along  and  murdered  the  Jews 
in  the  German  cities.  One  of  these  bands,  headed  by 
Folkmar,  a  German  cleric,  was  slaughtered  by  the 
Hungarians.  Peter  the  Hermit,  however,  and  the 
German  knight,  Walter  the  Pennyless  (Gautier  Sans 
Avoir),  finally  reached  Constantinople  with  their  dis- 
organized troops.  To  save  the  city  from  plunder 
Alexius  Comnenus  ordered  them  to  be  conveyed 
across  the  Bosporus  (August,  1096);  in  Asia  Minor 
they  turned  to  pillage  and  were  nearly  all  slain  by  the 
Turks.  Meanwhile  the  regular  crusade  was  being 
organized  in  the  West  and,  according  to  a  well  con- 
ceived plan,  the  four  principal  armies  were  to  meet  at 
Constantinople.  (1)  Godfrey  of  Bouillon,  Duke  of 
Lower  Lorraine,  at  the  head  of  the  people  of  Lorraine, 
the  Germans,  and  the  French  from  the  north,  followed 
the  valley  ot  the  Danube,  crossed  Hungary,  and  ar- 
rived at  Constantinople,  23  December,  1096.  (2) 
Hugh  of  Vermandois,  brother  of  King  Philip  I  of 
France,  Robert  Courte-Heuse,  Duke  of  Normandy, 
and  Count  Stephen  of  Blois,  led  bands  of  French  and 
Normans  across  the  Alps  and  set  sail  from  the  ports  of 
Apulia  for  Dyrrachium  (Durazzo),  whence  they  took 


the  "Via  Egnatia"  to  Constantinople  and  assembled 
there  in  May,  1097.  (3)  The  French  from  the  south, 
under  the  leadership  of  Raymond  of  Saint-Gilles, 
Count  of  Toulouse,  and  of  Adhemar  of  Monteil,  Bishop 
of  Puy  and  papal  legate,  began  to  fight  their  way 
through  the  longitudinal  valleys  of  the  Eastern  Alps 
and,  after  bloody  conflicts  with  the  Slavonians,  reached 
Constantinople  at  the  end  of  April,  1097.  (4)  Lastly, 
the  Normans  of  Southern  Italy,  won  over  by  the  en- 
thusiasm of  the  bands  of  crusaders  that  passed 
through  their  country,  embarked  for  Epirus  under  the 
command  of  Bohemond  and  Tancred,  one  being  the 
eldest  son,  the  other  the  nephew,  of  Robert  Guiscard. 
Crossing  the  Byzantine  Empire,  they  succeeded  in 
reaching  Constantinople,  26  April,  1097.  The  appear- 
ance of  the  crusading  armies  at  Constantinople  raised 
the  greatest  trouble,  and  helped  to  bring  about  in  the 
future  irremediable  misunderstandings  between  the 
Greeks  and  the  Latin  Christians.  The  unsolicited  in- 
vasion of  the  latter  alarmed  Alexius,  who  tried  to  pre- 
vent the  concentration  of  all  these  forces  at  Constan- 
tinople by  transporting  to  Asia  Minor  each  Western 
army  in  the  order  of  its  arrival ;  moreover,  he  endeav- 
oured to  extort  from  the  leaders  of  the  crusade  a 
promise  that  they  would  restore  to  the  Greek  Empire 
the  lands  they  were  about  to  conquer.  After  resisting 
the  imperial  entreaties  throughout  the  winter.  God- 
frey of  Bouillon,  hemmed  in  at  Pera,  at  length  con- 
sented to  take  the  oath  of  fealty.  Bohemond,  Robert 
Courte-Heuse,  Stephen  of  Blois,  and  the  other  crusad- 
ing chiefs  unhesitatingly  assumed  the  same  obligation; 
Raymond  of  St-Gilles,  however,  remained  obdurate. 

Transported  into  Asia  Minor,  the  crusaders  laid 
siege  to  the  city  of  Nicsea,  but  Alexius  negotiated  with 
the  Turks,  had  the  city  delivered  to  him,  and  pro- 
hibited the  crusaders  from  entering  it  (1  June,  1097). 
After  their  victory  over  the  Turks  at  the  battle  of 
Dorylteum  on  1  July,  1097,  the  Christians  entered 
upon  the  high  plateaux  of  Asia  Minor.  Constantly 
harrassed  by  a  relentless  enemy,  overcome  by  the 
excessive  heat,  and  sinking  under  the  weight  of  their 
leathern  armour  covered  with  iron  scales,  their  suffer- 
ings were  wellnigh  intolerable.  In  September,  1097, 
Tancred  and  Baldwin,  brothers  of  Godfrey  of  Bouillon, 
left  the  bulk  of  the  army  and  entered  Armenian  terri- 
tory. At  Tarsus  a  feud  almost  broke  out  between 
them,  but  fortunately  they  became  reconciled.  Tan- 
cred took  possession  of  the  towns  of  Cilicia,  whilst 
Baldwin,  summoned  by  the  Armenians,  crossed  the 
Euphrates  in  October,  1097,  and,  after  marrying  an 
Armenian  princess,  was  proclaimed  Lord  of  Edessa. 
Meanwhile  the  crusaders,  revictualled  by  the  Arme- 
nians of  the  Taurus  region,  made  their  way  into  Syria 
and  on  20  October,  1097,  reached  the  fortified  city  of 
Antioch,  which  was  protected  by  a  wall  flanked  with 
450  towers,  stocked  by  the  Ameer  Jagi-Sian  with 
immense  quantities  of  provisions.  Thanks  to  the 
assistance  of  carpenters  and  engineers  who  belonged 
to  a  Genoese  fleet  that  had  arrived  at  the  mouth  of 
the  Orontes,  the  crusaders  were  enabled  to  construct 
battering-machines  and  to  begin  the  siege  of  the  city. 
Eventually  Bohemond  negotiated  with  a  Turkish 
chief  who  surrendered  one  of  the  towers,  and  on  the 
night  of  2  June,  1098,  the  cru-aders  took  Antioch  by 
storm.  The  very  next  day  they  were  in  turn  besieged 
within  the  city  by  the  army  of  Kerbuga,  Ameer  of 
Mosul.  Plague  and  famine  cruelly  decimated  their 
ranks,  and  many  of  them,  among  others  Stephen  of 
Blois,  escaped  under  cover  of  night.  The  army  was 
on  the  verge  of  giving  way  to  discouragement  when 
its  spirits  were  suddenly  revived  by  the  discovery  of 
the  Holy  Lance,  resulting  from  the  dream  of  a  Prov- 
encal priest  named  Pierre  Barthelemy.  On  28  June, 
1098,  Kerbuga's  army  was  effectually  repulsed,  but, 
instead  of  marching  on  Jerusalem  without  delay,  the 
chiefs  spent  several  months  in  a  quarrel  due  to  the 
rivalry  of  Raymond  of  Saint-Gilles  and  Bohemond. 


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CORONATION  OF  BALDWIN  I.  KINO  OP  JERUSALEM,  BY  ENRICO  DANDOLO, 

DOGE  OP  VENICE 

VASSILACCHI  (l'aLIENSE),  DOGE'S  PALACE,  VENICE 


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ORTJSADES 


547 


CRUSADES 


both  of  whom  claimed  the  right  to  Antioch.  It  was 
not  until  April,  1099,  that  the  march  towards  Jeru- 
salem was  begun,  Bohemond  remaining  in  possession 
of  Antioch  while  Raymond  seized  on  Tripoli.  On  7 
June  the  crusaders  began  the  siege  of  Jerusalem. 
Their  predicament  would  have  been  serious,  indeed, 
had  not  another  Genoese  fleet  arrived  at  Jaffa  and,  as 
at  Antioch,  furnished  the  engineers  necessary  for  a 
siege.  After  a  general  procession  which  the  crusaders 
made  barefooted  around  the  city  walls  amid  the  in- 
sults and  incantations  of  Mohammedan  sorcerers,  the 
attack  began  14  July,  1099.  Next  day  the  Christians 
entered  Jerusalem  from  all  sides  and  slew  its  inhabi- 
tants regardless  of  age  or  sex.  Having  accomplished 
their  pilgrimage  to  the  Holy  Sepulchre,  the  knights 
chose  as  lord  of  the  new  conquest  Godfrey  of  Bouillon, 
who  called  himself  "  Defender  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre". 
They  had  then  to  repulse  an  Egyptian  army,  which 
was  defeated  at  Ascalon,  12  August,  1099.  Their 
position  was  nevertheless  very  insecure.  Alexius 
Comnenus  threatened  the  principality  of  Antioch,  and 
in  1100  Bohemond  himself  was  made  prisoner  by  the 
Turks,  while  most  of  the  cities  on  the  coast  were  still 
under  Mohammedan  control.  Before  his  death,  29 
July,  1099,  Urban  II  once  more  proclaimed  the  cru- 
sade. In  1101  three  expeditions  crossed  Europe  un- 
der the  leadership  of  Count  Stephen  of  Blois,  Duke 
William  IX  of  Aquitaine,  and  Welf  IV,  Duke  of 
Bavaria.  All  three  managed  to  reach  Asia  Minor,  but 
were  massacred  by  the  Turks.  On  his  release  from 
prison  Bohemond  attacked  the  Byzantine  Empire,  but 
was  surrounded  by  the  imperial  army  and  forced  to 
acknowledge  himself  the  vassal  of  Alexius.  On  Bohe- 
mond's  death,  however,  in  1111,  Tancred  refused  to 
live  up  to  the  treaty  and  retained  Antioch.  Godfrey 
of  Bouillon  died  at  Jerusalem  18  July,  1100.  His 
brother  and  successor,  Baldwin  of  Edessa,  was  crowned 
King  of  Jerusalem  in  the  Basilica  of  Bethlehem,  25 
December,  1 100.  In  1 1 12,  with  the  aid  of  Norwegians 
under  Sigurd  Jorsalafari  and  the  support  of  Genoese, 
Pisan,  and  Venetian  fleets,  Baldwin  1  began  the  con- 
quest of  the  ports  of  Syria,  which  was  completed  in 
1124  by  the  capture  of  Tyre.  Ascalon  alone  kept  an 
Egyptian  garrison  until  1153. 

At  this  period  the  Christian  states  formed  an  ex- 
tensive ana  unbroken  territory  between  the  Euphrates 
and  the  Egyptian  frontier,  and  included  four  almost 
independent  principalities:  the  Kingdom  of  Jerusalem, 
the  Countship  of  Tripoli,  the  Principality  of  Antioch. 
and  the  Countship  of  Rohez  (Edessa).  These  small 
states  were,  so  to  speak,  the  common  property  of  all 
Christendom  and,  as  such,  were  subordinate  to  the 
authority  of  the  pope.  Moreover,  the  French  knights 
and  Italian  merchants  established  in  the  newly  con- 

Suered  cities  soon  gained  the  upper  hand.  The  au- 
lority  of  the  sovereigns  of  these  different  principali- 
ties was  restricted  by  the  fief-holders,  vassals,  and 
under- vassals  who  constituted  the  Court  of  Lieges,  or 
Supreme  Court.  This  assembly  had  entire  control  in 
legislative  matters;  no  statute  or  law  could  be  estab- 
lished without  its  consent;  no  baron  could  be  deprived 
of  his  fief  without  its  decision;  its  jurisdiction  ex- 
tended over  all,  even  the  king,  and  it  controlled  also 
the  succession  to  the  throne.  A  "Court  of  the  Bur- 
gesses" had  similar  jurisdiction  over  the  citizens. 
Each  fief  had  a  like  tribunal  composed  of  knights  and 
citizens,  and  in  the  ports  there  were  police  and  mercan- 
tile courts  (see  Assizes  of  Jerusalem).  The  author- 
ity of  the  Church  also  helped  to  limit  the  power  of  the 
king;  the  four  metropolitan  sees  of  Tyre,  Ctesarea, 
Bessan,  and  Petra  were  subject  to  the  Patriarch  of 
Jerusalem,  similarly  seven  suffragan  sees  and  a  great 
many  abbeys,  among  them  Mount  Sion,  Mount  Olivet, 
the  Temple,  Josapnat,  and  the  Holy  Sepulchre. 
Through  rich  and  frequent  donations  the  clergy  be- 
came the  largest  property-holders  in  the  kingdom; 
they  also  received  from  the  crusaders  important 


estates  situated  in  Europe.  In  spite  of  the  aforesaid 
restrictions,  in  the  twelfth  century  the  King  of  Jeru- 
salem had  a  large  income.  The  customs  duties  estab- 
lished in  the  ports  and  administered  by  natives,  the 
tolls  exacted  from  caravans,  and  the  monopoly  of 
certain  industries  were  a  fruitful  source  of  revenue. 
From  a  military  point  of  view  all  vassals  owed  the 
king  unlimited  service  as  to  time,  though  he  was 
obliged  to  compensate  them,  but  to  fill  the  ranks  of 
the  army  it  was  necessary  to  enroll  natives  who  re- 
ceived a  life  annuity  (fief  de  aoudie).  In  this  way 
was  recruited  the  light  cavalry  of  the  "Turcoples  , 
armed  in  Saracenic  Btyle.  Altogether  these  forces 
barely  exceeded  20,000  men,  ana  yet  the  powerful 
vassals  who  commanded  them  were  almost  independ- 
ent of  the  king.  So  it  was  that  the  great  need  of 
regular  troops  for  the  defence  of  the  Christian  domin- 
ions brought  about  the  creation  of  a  unique  institu- 
tion, the  religious  orders  of  knighthood,  viz.:  the 
Hospitallers,  who  at  first  did  duty  in  the  Hospital 
of  St.  John  founded  by  the  aforesaid  merchants  of 
Amalfi,  and  were  then  organized  into  a  militia  by 
Gerard  du  Puy  that  they  might  fight  the  Saracens 
(1113);  and  the  Templars,  nine  of  whom  in  1118 
gathered  around  Hugues  de  Payens  and  received  the 
Rule  of  St.  Bernard.  These  members,  whether  knights 
drawn  from  the  nobility,  bailiffs,  clerks,  or  chaplains, 
pronounced  the  three  monastic  vows,  but  it  was  chief- 
ly to  the  war  against  the  Saracens  that  they  pledged 
themselves.  Being  favoured  with  many  spiritual  and 
temporal  privileges,  they  easily  gained  recruits  from 
among  the  younger  sons  of  feudal  nouses  and  acquired 
both  in  Palestine  and  in  Europe  considerable  prop- 
erty. Their  castles,  built  at  the  principal  strategic 
points,  Margat,  Le  Crac,  and  Tortosa,  were  strong 
citadels  protected  by  several  concentric  enclosures. 
In  the  Kingdom  of  Jerusalem  these  military  orders 
virtually  formed  two  independent  commonwealths. 
Finally,  in  the  cities,  the  public  power  was  divided 
between  the  native  citizens  and  the  Italian  colonists, 
Genoese,  Venetians,  Pisans,  and  also  the  Marseillais 
who,  in  exchange  for  their  services,  were  given  su- 
preme power  in  certain  districts  wherein  small  self- 
governing  communities  had  their  consuls,  their 
churches,  and  on  the  outskirts  their  farm-land,  used 
for  the  cultivation  of  cotton  and  sugar-cane.  The 
Syrian  ports  were  regularly  visited  by  Italian  fleets 
which  obtained  there  the  spices  and  silks  brought  by 
caravans  from  the  Far  East.  Thus,  during  the  first 
half  of  the  twelfth  century  the  Christian  states  of  the 
East  were  completely  organized,  and  even  eclipsed 
in  wealth  and  prosperity  most  of  the  Western  states. 

III.  First  Destruction  of  the  Christian  States 
(1144-87). — Many  dangers,  unfortunately,  threatened 
this  prosperity.  On  the  south  were  the  Caliphs  of 
Egypt,  on  the  east  the  Seljuk  Ameers  of  Damascus, 
Haman  and  Aleppo,  and  on  the  north  the  Byzantine 
emperors,  eager  to  realize  the  project  of  Alexius  Com- 
nenus and  bring  the  Latin  states  under  their  power. 
Moreover,  in  the  presence  of  so  many  enemies  the 
Christian  states  lacked  cohesion  and  discipline.  The 
help  they  received  from  the  West  was  too  scattered 
and  intermittent.  Nevertheless  these  Western  knights, 
isolated  amid  Mohammedans  and  forced,  because  of 
the  torrid  climate,  to  lead  a  life  far  different  from 
that  to  which  they  had  been  accustomed  at  home,  dis- 
played admirable  bravery  and  energy  in  their  efforts 
to  save  the  Christian  colonies.  In  1137  John  Com- 
nenus, Emperor  of  Constantinople,  appeared  before 
Antioch  with  an  army,  and  compelled  Prince  Ray- 
mond to  do  him  homage.  On  the  death  of  this  poten- 
tate (1143),  Raymond  endeavoured  to  shake  off  the 
irksome  yoke  and  invaded  Byzantine  territory,  but 
was  hemmed  in  by  the  imperial  army  and  compelled 
(1144)  to  humble  nimself  at  Constantinople  before  the 
Emperor  Manuel.  The  Principality  of  Edessa,  com- 
pletely isolated  from  the  other  Christian  states,  could 


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not  withstand  the  attacks  of  Imad-ed-Din,  the  prince, 
or  atabek,  of  Mosul,  who  forced  its  garrison  to  capitu- 
late 25  December,  1144.  After  the  assassination  of 
lmad-ed-Din,  his  son  Nour-ed-Din  continued  hostili- 
ties against  the  Christian  states.  At  news  of  this, 
Louis  VII  of  France,  Queen  Eleanor  of  Aquitaine,  and 
a  great  number  of  knights,  moved  by  the  exhortations 
of  St.  Bernard,  enlisted  under  the  cross  (Assembly  of 
Ve>elay,  31  March,  1146).  The  Abbot  of  Clairvaux 
became  the  apostle  of  the  crusade  and  conceived  the 
idea  of  urging  all  Europe  to  attack  the  infidels  simul- 
taneously in  Syria,  in  Spain,  and  beyond  the  Elbe. 
At  first  he  met  with  strong  opposition  in  Germany. 
Eventually  Emperor  Conrad  III  acceded  to  his  wish 
and  adopted  the  standard  of  the  cross  at  the  Diet  of 
Spires,  25  December,  1146.  However,  there  was  no 
such  enthusiasm  as  had  prevailed  in  1095.  Just  as 
the  crusaders  started  on  their  march,  King  Roger  of 
Sicily  attacked  the  Byzantine  Empire,  but  his  expedi- 
tion merely  checked  the  progress  of  Nour-ed-Din's 
invasion.  The  sufferings  endured  by  the  crusaders 
while  crossing  Asia  Minor  prevented  them  from  ad- 
vancing on  Edessa.  They  contented  themselves  with 
besieging  Damascus,  but  were  obliged  to  retreat  at 
the  end  of  a  few  weeks  (July,  1148).  This  defeat 
caused  great  dissatisfaction  in  the  West;  moreover, 
the  conflicts  between  the  Greeks  and  the  crusaders 
only  confirmed  the  general  opinion  that  the  Byzantine 
Empire  was  the  chief  obstacle  to  the  success  of  the 
Crusades.  Nevertheless,  Manuel  Comnenus  endeav- 
oured to  strengthen  the  bonds  that  united  the  Byzan- 
tine Empire  to  the  Italian  principalities.  In  1161  he 
married  Mary  of  Antioch,  and  in  1167  gave  the  hand 
of  one  of  his  nieces  to  Amalric,  King  of  Jerusalem. 
This  alliance  resulted  in  thwarting  the  progress  of 
Nour-ed-Din,  who,  having  become  master  of  Damas- 
cus in  1154,  refrained  thenceforth  from  attacking  the 
Christian  dominions. 

King  Amalric  profited  by  this  respite  to  interpose 
in  the  affairs  of  Eteypt,  as  the  only  remaining  repre- 
sentatives of  the  Fatimite  dynasty  were  children,  and 
two  rival  viziers  were  disputing  the  supreme  power 
amid  conditions  of  absolute  anarchy.  One  of  these 
disputants,  Shawer,  being  exiled  from  Egypt,  took 
refuge  with  Nour-ed-Din,  who  sent  hia  best  general, 
Shfrkuh,  to  reinstate  him.  After  his  conquest  of 
Cairo,  Shfrkuh  endeavoured  to  bring  Shawer  into  dis- 
favour with  the  caliph ;  Amalric,  taking  advantage  of 
this,  allied  himself  with  Shawer.  On  two  occasions, 
in  1164  and  1167,  he  forced  Shfrkuh  to  evacuate 
«  Egypt;  a  body  of  Frankish  knights  was  stationed  at 
one  of  the  gates  of  Cairo,  and  Egypt  paid  a  tribute  of 
100,000  dinars  to  the  Kingdom  of  Jerusalem.  In 
1 168  Amalric  made  another  attempt  to  conquer  Egypt, 
but  failed.  After  ordering  the  assassination  of  Sha- 
wer, Shfrkuh  had  himself  proclaimed  Grand  Vizier. 
At  his  death  on  3  March,  1169,  he  was  succeeded  by 
his  nephew,  Salah-ed-Dtn  (Saladin).  During  that 
year  Amalric,  aided  by  a  Byzantine  fleet,  invaded 
Egypt  once  more,  but  was  defeated  at  Damietta. 
Saladin  retained  full  sway  in  Egypt  and  appointed  no 
successor  to  the  last  Fatimite  caliph,  who  died  in  1171. 
Moreover,  Nour-ed-Din  died  in  1174,  and,  while  his 
sons  and  nephews  disputed  the  inheritance,  Saladin 
took  possession  of  Damascus  and  conquered  all  Meso- 
potamia except  Mosul.  Thus,  when  Amalric  died  in 
1173,  leaving  the  royal  power  to  Baldwin  IV,  "the 
Leprous",  a  child  of  thirteen,  the  kingdom  of  Jeru- 
salem was  threatened  on  all  sides.  At  the  same  time 
two  factions,  led  respectively  by  Guy  de  Lusignan, 
brother-in-law  of  the  king,  and  Raymond,  Count  of 
Tripoli,  contended  for  the  supremacy.  Baldwin  IV 
died  in  1184,  and  was  soon  followed  to  the  grave  by 
his  nephew  Baldwin  V.  Despite  lively  opposition, 
Guy  de  Lusignan  was  crowned  king,  20  July,  1186. 
Though  the  struggle  against  Saladin  was  already 
under  way,  it  was  unfortunately  conducted  without 


order  or  discipline.  Notwithstanding  the  truce  con- 
cluded with  Saladin,  Renaud  de  Chatillon,  a  powerful 
feudatory  and  lord  of  the  trans-Jordanic  region,  which 
included  the  fief  of  Montreal,  the  great  castle  of 
Karak,  and  Ailet,  a  port  on  the  Red  Sea,  sought  to 
divert  the  enemy's  attention  by  attacking  the  holy 
cities  of  the  Mohammedans.  Oarless  vessels  were 
brought  to  Ailet  on  the  backs  of  camels  in  1182,  and 
a  fleet  of  five  galleys  traversed  the  Red  Sea  for  a 
whole  year,  ravaging  the  coasts  as  far  as  Aden;  a 
body  of  knights  even  attempted  to  seize  Medina.  In 
the  end  this  fleet  was  destroyed  by  Saladin's,  and,  to 
the  great  joy  of  the  Mohammedans,  the  Frankish 

Erisoners  were  put  to  death  at  Mecca.  Attacked  in 
is  castle  at  Karak,  Renaud  twice  repulsed  Saladin's 
forces  (1184-86).  A  truce  was  then  signed,  but 
Renaud  broke  it  again  and  carried  off  a  caravan  in 
which  was  the  sultan's  own  sister.  In  his  exaspera- 
tion Saladin  invaded  the  Kingdom  of  Jerusalem  and, 
although  Guy  de  Lusignan  gathered  all  his  forces  to 
repel  the  attack,  on  4  July,  1187,  Saladin's  army 
annihilated  that  of  the  Christians  on  the  shores  of 
Lake  Tiberias.  The  king,  the  grand  master  of  the 
Temple,  Renaud  de  Chatillon,  and  the  most  powerful 
men  in  the  realm  were  made  prisoners.  After  slay- 
ing Renaud  with  his  own  hand,  Saladin  marched  on 
Jerusalem.  The  city  capitulated  17  September,  and 
Tyre,  Antioch,  and  Tripoli  were  the  only  places  in 
Syria  that  remained  to  the  Christians. 

IV.  Attempts  to  restore  the  Christian  States 

AND  THE  CRUSADE  AGAINST  SAINT-JEAN  d'AcRE.  

The  news  of  these  events  caused  great  consternation 
in  Christendom,  and  Pope  Gregory  VIII  strove  to  put 
a  stop  to  all  dissensions  among  the  Christian  princes. 
On  21  January,  1188,  Philip  Augustus,  King  of 
France,  and  Henry  II,  Plantagenet,  became  reconciled 
at  Gisors  and  took  the  cross.  On  27  March,  at  the 
Diet  of  Mainz,  Frederick  Barbarossa  and  a  great  num- 
ber of  German  knights  made  a  vow  to  defend  the 
Christian  cause  in  Palestine.  In  Italy,  Pisa  made 
peace  with  Genoa,  Venice  with  the  King  of  Hungary, 
and  William  of  Sicily  with  the  Byzantine  Empire. 
Moreover,  a  Scandinavian  fleet  consisting  of  12,000 
warriors  sailed  around  the  shores  of  Europe;  when 
passing  Portugal,  it  helped  to  capture  Alvor  from  the 
Mohammedans.  Enthusiasm  for  the  crusade  was 
again  wrought  up  to  a  high  pitch;  but,  on  the  other 
hand,  diplomacy  and  royal  and  princely  schemes  be- 
came increasingly  important  in  its  organization.  Fred- 
erick Barbarossa  entered  into  negotiations  with  Isaac 
Angelus,  Emperor  of  Constantinople,  with  the  Sultan 
of  Iconium,  and  even  with  Saladin  himself.  It  was, 
moreover,  the  first  time  that  all  the  Mohammedan 
forces  were  united  under  a  single  leader;  Saladin, 
while  the  holy  war  was  being  preached,  organized 
against  the  Christians  something  like  a  counter- 
crusade.  Frederick  Barbarossa,  who  was  first 
ready  for  the  enterprise,  and  to  whom  chroniclers 
attribute  an  army  of  100,000  men,  left  Ratisbon, 
11  May,  1189.  After  crossing  Hungary  he  took  the 
Balkan  passes  by  assault  and  tried  to  outflank  the 
hostile  movements  of  Isaac  Angelus  by  attacking  Con- 
stantinople. Finally,  after  the  sack  of  Adrianople, 
Isaac  Angelus  surrendered,  and  between  21  and  30 
March,  1190,  the  Germans  succeeded  in  crossing  the 
Strait  of  Gallipoli.  As  usual,  the  march  across  Asia 
Minor  was  most  arduous.  With  a  view  to  replenish- 
ing provisions,  the  army  took  Iconium  by  assault.  On 
their  arrival  in  the  Taurus  region,  Frederick  Barba- 
rossa tried  to  cross  the  Selef  (Kalykadnos)  on  horse- 
back and  was  drowned.  Thereupon  many  German 
princes  returned  to  Europe-  the  others,  under  the 
emperor's  son,  Frederick  of  Swabia,  reached  Antioch 
and  proceeded  thence  to  Saint-Jean  d'Acre.  It  was 
before  this  city  that  finally  all  the  crusading  troops 
assembled.  In  June,  1189,  King  Guy  de  Lusignan, 
who  had  been  released  from  captivity,  appeared  there 


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with  the  remnant  of  the  Christian  army,  and,  in  Sep- 
tember of  the  same  year,  the  Scandinavian  fleet  ar- 
rived, followed  by  the  English  and  Flemish  fleets,  com- 
manded respectively  by  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury 
and  Jacques  d'Avesnes.  This  heroic  siege  lasted  two 
years.  In  the  spring  of  each  year  reinforcements  ar- 
rived from  the  West,  and  a  veritable  Christian  city 
sprang  up  outside  the  walls  of  Acre.  But  the  winters 
were  disastrous  to  the  crusaders,  whose  ranks  were 
decimated  by  disease  brought  on  by  the  inclemency  of 
the  rainy  season  and  lack  of  food.  Saladin  came  to  the 
assistance  of  the  city,  and  communicated  with  it  by 
means  of  carrier  pigeons.  Missile-hurling  machines 
(pierrtires),  worked  by  powerful  machinery,  were 
used  by  the  crusaders  to  demolish  the  walls  of  Acre, 
but  the  Mohammedans  also  had  strong  artillery.  This 
famous  siege  had  already  lasted  two  years  when  Philip 
Augustus,  King  of  France,  and  Richard  Cceur  de  Lion, 
King  of  England,  arrived  on  the  scene.  After  long 
deliberation  they  had  left  Vezelay  together,  4  July, 
1190.  Richard  embarked  at  Marseilles,  Philip  at 
Genoa,  and  they  met  at  Messina.  During  a  sojourn 
in  this  place,  lasting  until  March,  1191,  they  almost 
quarrelled,  but  finally  concluded  a  treaty  of  peace 
While  Philip  was  landing  at  Acre,  Richard  was  ship- 
wrecked on  the  coast  of  Cyprus,  then  independent 
under  Isaac  Comnenus.  With  the  aid  of  Guy  de  Lusi- 
gnan, Richard  conquered  this  island.  The  arrival  of 
the  Kings  of  France  and  England  before  Acre  brought 
about  the  capitulation  of  the  city,  13  July,  1191. 
Soon,  however,  the  quarrel  of  the  French  and  English 
kings  broke  out  again,  and  Philip  Augustus  left  Pales- 
tine, 28  July.  Richard  was  now  leader  of  the  crusade, 
and,  to  punish  Saladin  for  the  non-fulfilment  of  the 
treaty  conditions  within  the  time  specified,  had  the 
Mohammedan  hostages  put  to  death.  Next,  an  attack 
on  Jerusalem  was  meditated,  but,  after  beguiling  the 
Christians  by  negotiations,  Saladin  brought  numer- 
ous troops  from  Egypt.  The  enterprise  failed,  and 
Richard  compensated  himself  for  these  reverses  by 
brilliant  but  useless  exploits  which  made  his  name 
legendary  among  the  Mohammedans.  Before  his  de- 
parture ne  sold  the  Island  of  Cyprus,  first  to  the  Tem- 
plars, who  were  unable  to  settle  there,  and  then  to  Guy 
de  Lusignan,  who  renounced  the  Kingdom  of  Jerusa- 
lem in  favour  of  Conrad  of  Montferrat  (1192).  After 
a  last  expedition  to  defend  Jaffa  against  Saladin, 
Richard  declared  a  truce  and  embarked  for  Europe, 
9  October,  1192,  but  did  not  reach  his  English  realm 
until  he  had  undergone  a  humiliating  captivity  at 
the  hands  of  the  Duke  of  Austria,  who  avenged  in 
this  way  the  insults  offered  him  before  Saint-Jean 
d'Acre. 

While  Capetians  and  Plantagenets,  oblivious  of  the 
Holy  War,  were  settling  at  home  their  territorial  dis- 
putes, Emperor  Henry  VI,  son  of  Barbarossa,  took  in 
hand  the  supreme  direction  of  Christian  politics  in  the 
East.  Crowned  King  of  the  Two  Sicilies,  25  Decem- 
ber, 1194,  he  took  the  cross  at  Bari,  31  May,  1195,  and 
made  ready  an  expedition  which,  he  thought,  would 
recover  Jerusalem  and  wrest  Constantinople  from  the 
usurper  Alexius  III.  Eager  to  exercise  his  imperial 
authority  he  made  Amaury  de  Lusignan  King  of  Cy- 
prus and  Leo  II  King  of  Armenia.  In  September, 
1197,  the  German  crusaders  started  for  the  East. 
They  landed  at  Saint-Jean  d'Acre  and  marched  on 
Jerusalem,  but  were  detained  before  the  little  town 
of  Tibnin  from  November,  1197,  to  February,  1198. 
On  raising  the  siege,  they  learned  that  Henry  VI  had 
died,  28  September,  at  Messina,  where  he  had  gathered 
the  fleet  that  was  to  convey  him  to  Constantinople. 
The  Germans  signed  a  truce  with  the  Saracens,  but 
their  future  influence  in  Palestine  was  assured  by  the 
creation  of  the  Order  of  the  Teutonic  Knights.  In 
1143,  a  German  pilgrim  had  founded  a  hospital  for  his 
fellow-countrymen;  the  religious  who  served  it  moved 
to  Acre  and,  in  1198,  were  organized  in  imitation  of 


the  plan  of  the  Hospitallers,  their  rule  being  approved 
by  Innocent  III  in  1199. 

V.  The  Crusade  against  Constantinople  (1204). 
— In  the  many  attempts  made  to  establish  the  Chris- 
tian states  the  efforts  of  the  crusaders  had  been  di- 
rected solely  toward  the  object  for  which  the  Holy 
War  had  beeen  instituted ;  the  crusade  against  Con- 
stantinople shows  the  first  deviation  from  the  original 
purpose.  For  those  who  strove  to  gain  their  ends  by 
taking  the  direction  of  the  crusades  out  of  the  pope's 
hands,  this  new  movement  was,  of  course,  a  triumph, 
but  for  Christendom  it  was  a  source  of  perplexity. 
Scarcely  had  Innocent  III  been  elected  pope,  in  Janu- 
ary, 1198,  when  he  inaugurated  a  policy  in  the  East 
which  he  was  to  follow  throughout  his  pontificate. 
He  subordinated  all  else  to  the  recapture  of  Jerusalem 
and  the  reconquest  of  the  Holy  Land.  In  his  first 
Encyclicals  he  summoned  all  Christians  to  join  the 
crusade  and  even  negotiated  with  Alexius  III,  the 
Byzantine  emperor,  trying  to  persuade  him  to  re-enter 
the  Roman  communion  and  use  his  troops  for  the  lib- 
eration of  Palestine.  Peter  of  Capua,  the  papal  legate, 
brought  about  a  truce  between  Philip  Augustus  and 
Richard  Cceur  de  Lion,  January,  1199,  and  popular 
preachers,  among  others  the  parish  priest  Foulques 
of  Neuilly,  attracted  large  crowds.  During  a  tourna- 
ment at  Ecry-sur-Aisoe  28  November,  1199,  Count 
Thibaud  de  Champagne  and  a  great  many  knights 
took  the  cross;  in  southern  Germany,  Martin,  Abbot 
of  Pairis,  near  Colmar,  won  many  to  the  crusade.  It 
would  seem,  however,  that,  from  the  outset,  the  pope 
lost  control  of  this  enterprise.  Without  even  consult- 
ing Innocent  III,  the  French  knights,  who  had  elected 
Thibaud  de  Champagne  as  their  leader,  decided  to  at- 
tack the  Mohammedans  in  Egypt  and  in  March,  1201, 
concluded  with  the  Republic  of  Venice  a  contract  for 
the  transportation  of  troops  on  the  Mediterranean. 
On  the  death  of  Thibaud  the  crusaders  chose  as  his 
successor  Boniface,  Marquis  of  Montferrat,  and  cousin 
of  Philip  of  Swabia,  then  in  open  conflict  with  the 
pope.  Just  at  this  time  the  son  of  Isaac  Angelus,  the 
dethroned  Emperor  of  Constantinople,  sought  refuge 
in  the  West  and  asked  Innocent  III  and  his  own 
brother-in-law,  Philip  of  Swabia,  to  reinstate  him  on 
the  imperial  throne.  The  question  has  been  raised 
whether  it  was  pre-arranged  between  Philip  and  Boni- 
face of  Montferrat  to  turn  the  crusade  towards  Con- 
stantinople, and  a  passage  in  the  "Gesta  Innocentii" 
(83,  in  P.  L.,  CCXIV,  CXXXII)  indicates  that  the 
idea  was  not  new  to  Boniface  of  Montferrat  when,  in  the 
spring  of  1202,  he  made  it  known  to  the  pope.  Mean- 
while the  crusaders  assembled  at  Venice  could  not  pay 
the  amount  called  for  by  their  contract,  so,  by  way  of 
exchange,  the  Venetians  suggested  that  they  help  re- 
cover the  city  of  Zara  in  Dalmatia.  The  knights  ac- 
cepted the  proposal,  and,  after  a  few  days'  siege,  the 
city  capitulated,  November,  1202.  But  it  was  in  vain 
that  Innocent  III  urged  the  crusaders  to  set  out  for 
Palestine.  Having  obtained  absolution  for  the  cap- 
ture of  Zara,  and  despite  the  opposition  of  Simon  of 
Montfort  and  a  part  of  the  army,  on  24  May,  1203,  the 
leaders  ordered  a  march  on  Constantinople.  They 
had  concluded  with  Alexius,  the  Byzantine  pretender, 
a  treaty  whereby  he  promised  to  have  the  Greeks  re- 
turn to  the  Roman  communion,  give  the  crusaders 
200,000  marks,  and  participate  in  the  Holy  War.  On 
23  June  the  crusaders'  fleet  appeared  before  Constan- 
tinople; on  7  July  they  took  possession  of  a  suburb  of 
Galata  and  forced  their  way  into  the  Golden  Horn; 
on  17  July  they  simultaneously  attacked  the  sea 
walls  and  land  walls  of  the  Blachern®.  The  troops 
of  Alexius  III  made  an  unsuccessful  sally,  and  the 
usurper  fled,  whereupon  Isaac  Angelus  was  released 
from  prison  and  permitted  to  share  the  imperial  dig- 
nity with  his  son,  Alexius  IV.  But  even  had  the  latter 
been  sincere  he  would  have  been  powerless  to  keep  the 
promises  made  to  the  crusaders.    After  some  months 


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of  tedious  waiting,  those  of  their  number  cantoned  at 
Galata  lost  patience  with  the  Greeks,  who  not  only 
refused  to  live  up  to  their  agreement,  but  likewise 
treated  them  with  open  hostility.  On  5  February, 
1204,  Alexius  IV  and  Isaac  Angel  us  were  deposed  by  a 
revolution,  and  Alexius  Murzuphla,  a  usurper,  under- 
took the  defence  of  Constantinople  against  the  Latin 
crusaders  who  were  preparing  to  besiege  Constanti- 
nople a  second  time.    By  a  treaty  concluded  in  March, 

1204,  between  the  Venetians  ana  the  crusading  chiefs, 
it  was  pre-arranged  to  share  the  spoils  of  the  Greek 
Empire.  On  12  April,  1204,  Constantinople  was  car- 
ried by  storm,  and  the  next  day  the  ruthless  plunder- 
ing of  its  churches  and  palaces  was  begun.  The  mas- 
terpieces of  antiquity,  piled  up  in  public  places  and  in 
the  Hippodrome,  were  utterly  destroyed.  Clerics  and 
knights,  in  their  eagerness  to  acquire  famous  and 
priceless  relics,  took  part  in  the  sack  of  the  churches. 
The  Venetians  received  half  the  booty;  the  portion  of 
each  crusader  was  determined  according  to  his  rank 
of  baron,  knight,  or  bailiff,  and  most  of  the  churches 
of  the  West  were  enriched  with  ornaments  stripped 
from  those  of  Constantinople.  On  9  May,  1204,  an 
electoral  college,  formed  of  prominent  crusaders  and 
Venetians,  assembled  to  elect  an  emperor.  Dandolo, 
Doge  of  Venice,  refused  the  honour,  and  Boniface  of 
Montferrat  was  not  considered.  In  the  end,  Baldwin, 
Count  of  Flanders,  was  elected  and  solemnly  crowned 
in  St.  Sophia.  Constantinople  and  the  empire  were 
divided  among  the  emperor,  the  Venetians,  and  the 
chief  crusaders;  the  Marquis  of  Montferrat  received 
Thessalonica  and  Macedonia,  with  the  title  of  king; 
Henry  of  Flanders  became  Lord  of  Adramyttion; 
Louis  of  Blois  was  made  Duke  of  Nicsea,  and  fiefs  were 
bestowed  upon  six  hundred  knights.  Meanwhile,  the 
Venetians  reserved  to  themselves  the  ports  of  Thrace, 
the  Peloponnesus,  and  the  islands.  Thomas  Moro- 
sini,  a  Venetian  priest,  was  elected  patriarch. 

At  the  news  of  these  most  extraordinary  events,  in 
which  he  had  had  no  hand,  Innocent  III  bowed  as  in 
submission  to  the  designs  of  Providence  and,  in  the  in- 
terests of  Christendom,  determined  to  make  the  best  of 
the  new  conquest.  His  chief  aim  was  to  suppress  the 
Greek  schism  and  to  place  the  forces  of  the  new  Latin 
Empire  at  the  service  of  the  crusade.  Unfortunately, 
the  Latin  Empire  of  Constantinople  was  in  too  pre- 
carious a  condition  to  furnish  any  material  support  to 
the  papal  policy.  The  emperor  was  unable  to  impose 
his  authority  upon  the  barons.  At  Nicsea,  not  far 
from  Constantinople,  the  former  Byzantine  Govern- 
ment gathered  the  remnant  of  its  authority  and  its 
followers.  Theodore  Lascaris  was  proclaimed  em- 
peror. In  Europe,  Joannitsa,  Tsar  of  the  Wallach- 
lans  and  Bulgarians,  invaded  Thrace  and  destroyed 
the  army  of  the  crusaders  before  Adrianople,  14  April, 

1205.  During  the  battle  the  Emperor  Baldwin  fell. 
His  brother  and  successor,  Henry  of  Flanders,  devoted 
his  reign  (1208-16)  to  interminable  conflicts  with  the 
Bulgarians,  the  Lombards  of  Thessalonica,  and  the 
Greeks  of  Asia  Minor.  Nevertheless,  he  succeeded  in 
strengthening  the  Latin  conquest,  forming  an  alliance 
with  the  Bulgarians,  and  establishing  his  authority 
even  over  the  feudatories  of  Morea  (Parliament  of 
Ravennika,  1209) ;  however,  far  from  leading  a  cru- 
sade into  Palestine,  he  had  to  solicit  Western  help, 
and  was  obliged  to  sign  treaties  with  Theodore  Las- 
caris and  even  with  the  Sultan  of  Iconium.  The 
Greeks  were  not  reconciled  to  the  Church  of  Rome; 
most  of  their  bishops  abandoned  their  sees  and  took 
refuge  at  Nicsea,  leaving  their  churches  to  the  Latin 
bishops  named  to  replace  them.  Greek  convents 
were  replaced  by  Cistercian  monasteries,  command- 
eries  of  Templars  and  Hospitallers,  and  chapters  of 
canons.  With  a  few  exceptions,  however,  the  native 
population  remained  hostile  and  looked  upon  the 
Latin  conquerors  as  foreigners.  Having  failed  in  all 
his  attempts  to  induce  the  barons  of  the  Latin  Empire 


to  undertake  an  expedition  against  Palestine,  and 
understanding  at  last  the  cause  of  failure  of  the  cru- 
sade in  1204,  Innocent  III  resolved  (1207)  to  organize 
a  new  crusade  and  to  take  no  further  notice  of  Con- 
stantinople. Circumstances,  however,  were  unfa- 
vourable. Instead  of  concentrating  the  forces  of 
Christendom  against  the  Mohammedans,  the  pope  him- 
self disbanded  them  by  proclaiming  (1209)  a  crusade 
against  the  Albigensee  in  the  south  of  France,  and 
against  the  Almohades  of  Spain  (1213),  the  pagans  of 
Prussia,  and  John  Lackland  of  England.  At  the  same 
time  there  occurred  outbursts  of  mystical  emotion 
similar  to  those  which  had  preceded  the  first  crusade. 
In  1212  a  young  shepherd  of  Venddme  and  a  youth 
from  Cologne  gathered  thousands  of  children  whom 
they  proposed  to  lead  to  the  conquest  of  Palestine. 
The  movement  spread  through  France  and  Italy. 
This  "Children's  Crusade"  at  length  reached  Brindisi, 
where  merchants  sold  a  number  of  the  children  as 
slaves  to  the  Moors,  while  nearly  all  the  rest  died  of 
hunger  and  exhaustion.  In  1213  Innocent  III  had  a 
crusade  preached  throughout  Europe  and  sent  Car- 
dinal Pelagius  to  the  East  to  effect,  if  possible,  the  re- 
turn of  the  Greeks  to  the  fold  of  Roman  unity.  On 
25  July,  1215,  Frederick  II,  after  his  victory  over  Otto 
of  Brunswick,  took  the  cross  at  the  tomb  of  Charle- 
magne at  Aachen.  On  11  November,  1215,  Innocent 
III  opened  the  Fourth  Lateran  Council  with  an  ex- 
hortation to  all  the  faithful  to  join  the  crusade,  the 
departure  being  set  for  1217.  At  the  time  of  his  death 
(1210)  Pope  Innocent  felt  that  a  great  movement  had 
been  started. 

VI.  The  Thirteenth-century  Crusades  (1217- 
52). — In  Europe,  however,  the  preaching  of  the  cru- 
sade met  with  great  opposition.  _  Temporal  princes 
were  strongly  averse  to  losing  jurisdiction  over  their 
subjects  who  took  part  in  the  crusades.  Absorbed  in 
political  schemes,  they  were  unwilling  to  send  so  far 
away  the  military  forces  on  which  they  depended. 
As  early  as  December,  1216,  Frederick  II  was  granted 
a  first  delay  in  the  fulfilment  of  his  vow.  The  cru- 
sade as  preached  in  the  thirteenth  century  was  no 
longer  the  great  enthusiastic  movement  of  1095,  but 
rather  a  series  of  irregular  and  desultory  enterprises. 
Andrew  II,  King  of  Hungary,  and  Casimir,  Duke  of 
Pomerania,  set  sail  from  Venice  and  Spalato,  while  an 
army  of  Scandinavians  made  a  tour  of  Europe.  The 
crusaders  landed  at  Saint-Jean  d'Acre  in  1217,  but  con- 
fined themselves  to  incursions  on  Mussulman  territory, 
whereupon  Andrew  of  Hungary  returned  to  Europe. 
Receiving  reinforcements  in  the  spring  of  1218,  John 
of  Brienne,  King  of  Jerusalem,  resolved  to  make  an 
attack  on  the  Holy  Land  by  way  of  Egypt.  The  cru- 
saders accordingly  landed  at  Damietta  m  May,  1218, 
and,  after  a  siege  marked  by  many  deeds  of  heroism, 
took  the  city  by  storm,  5  November,  1219.  Instead 
of  profiting  t>y  this  victory,  they  spent  over  a  year  in 
idle  quarrels,  and  it  was  not  until  May,  1221,  that  they 
set  out  for  Cairo.  Surrounded  by  the  Saracens  at 
Mansurah,  24  July,  the  Christian  army  was  routed. 
John  of  Brienne  was  compelled  to  purchase  a  retreat 
by  the  surrender  of  Damietta  to  the  Saracens.  Mean- 
while Emperor  Frederick  II,  who  was  to  be  the  leader 
of  the  crusade,  had  remained  in  Europe  and  continued 
to  importune  the  pope  for  new  postponements  of  his 
departure.  On  9  November,  1225,  he  married  Isa- 
betle  of  Brienne,  heiress  to  the  Kingdom  of  Jerusalem, 
the  ceremony  taking  place  at  Brindisi.  Completely 
ignoring  his  father-in-law,  he  assumed  the  title  of  King 
of  Jerusalem.  In  1227,  however,  he  had  not  yet  left 
for  Palestine.  Gregory  IX,  elected  pope  19  March, 
1227,  summoned  Frederick  to  fulfil  his  vow.  Finally, 
8  September,  the  emperor  embarked  but  soon  turned 
back;  therefore,  on  29  September,  the  pope  excom- 
municated him.  Nevertheless.  Frederick  set  sail 
again  18  June,  1228,  but  instead  of  leading  a  crusade 
he  played  a  game  of  diplomacy.    He  won  over  Malek- 


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el-Khamil,  the  Sultan  of  Egypt,  who  was  at  war  with 
the  Prince  of  Damascus,  and  concluded  a  treaty  with 
him  at  Jaffa,  February,  1229,  according  to  the  terms 
of  which  Jerusalem,  Bethlehem,  and  Nazareth  were 
restored  to  the  Christians.  On  18  March,  1229,  with- 
out any  religious  ceremony,  Frederick  assumed  the 
royal  crown  of  Jerusalem  m  the  church  of  the  Holy 
Sepulchre.  Returning  to  Europe,  he  became  recon- 
ciled to  Gregory  IX,  August,  1230.  The  pontiff  ratified 
the  Treaty  of  Jaffa,  and  Frederick  sent  knights  into 
Syria  to  take  possession  of  the  cities  and  compel  all 
feudatories  to  do  him  homage.  A  struggle  occurred 
between  Richard  Filangjeri,  the  emperor's  marshal, 
and  the  barons  of  Palestine,  whose  leader  was  Jean 
d'Ibelin,  Lord  of  Beirut.  Filangieri  vainly  at- 
tempted to  obtain  possession  of  the  Island  of  Cyprus, 
and,  when  Conrad,  son  of  Frederick  II  and  IsabeUe  of 
Brienne,  came  of  age  in  1243,  the  High  Court,  de- 
scribed above,  named  as  regent  Alix  of  Champagne, 
Queen  of  Cyprus.  In  this  way  German  power  was 
abolished  in  Palestine. 

In  the  meantime  Count  Thibaud  IV  of  Champagne 
had  been  leading  a  fruitless  crusade  in  Syria  (1239). 
Similarly  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  and  Richard  of  Corn- 
wall, brother  of  the  King  of  England,  who  had  under- 
taken to  recover  Ascalon,  concluded  a  truce  with 
Egypt  (1241).  Europe  was  now  threatened  with  a 
most  grievous  disaster.  After  conquering  Russia,  the 
Mongols  under  Jenghiz  Khan  appeared  in  1241  on 
the  frontiers  of  Poland,  routed  the  army  of  the  Duke 
of  Silesia  at  Liegnitz,  annihilated  that  of  Beta,  King 
of  Hungary,  andreached  the  Adriatic.  Palestine  felt 
the  consequences  of  this  invasion.  The  Mongols  had 
destroyed  the  Mussulman  Empire  of  Kharizm  in  Cen- 
tral Asia.  Fleeing  before  their  conquerors,  10,000 
Kharizmians  offered  their  services  to  the  Sultan  of 
Egypt,  meanwhile  seizing  Jerusalem  as  they  passed  by, 
inSeptember,  1244.  The  news  of  this  catastrophe 
created  a  great  stir  in  Europe,  and  at  the  Council  of 
Lyons  (June-July,  1245)  Pope  Innocent  IV  pro- 
claimed a  crusade,  but  the  lack  of  harmony  between 
him  and  the  Emperor  Frederick  II  foredoomed  the 
pontiff  to  disappointment.  Save  for  Louis  IX,  King 
of  France,  who  took  the  cross  in  December,  1244,  no 
one  showed  any  willingness  to  lead  an  expedition  to 
Palestine.  On  being  informed  that  the  Mongols  were 
weU-disposed  towanls  Christianity,  Innocent  IV  sent 
them  Giovanni  di  Pianocarpini,  a  Franciscan,  and 
Nicolas  Ascelin,  a  Dominican,  as  ambassadors.  Piano- 
carpini was  in  Karakorum  8  April,  1246,  the  day  of  the 
election  of  the  great  khan ,  but  nothing  came  of  this  first 
attempt  at  an  alliance  with  the  Mongols  against  the 
Mohammedans.  However,  when  St.  Louis,  who  left 
Paris  12  June,  1248,  had  reached  the  Island  of  Cyprus, 
he  received  there  a  friendly  embassy  from  the  great 
khan  and,  in  return,  sent  him  two  Dominicans.  En- 
couraged, perhaps,  by  this  alliance,  the  King  of  France 
decided  "to  attack  Egypt.  On  7  June,  1249,  he  took 
Damietta,  but  it  was  only  six  months  later  that  he 
marched  on  Cairo.  On  19  December,  his  advance- 
guard,  commanded  by  his  brother,  Robert  of  Artois, 
began  imprudently  to  fight  in  the  streets  of  Mansurah 
and  were  destroyed.  The  king  himself  was  cut  off 
from  communication  with  Damietta  and  made  pris- 
oner 5  April,  1260.  At  the  same  time,  the  Aioubite 
dynasty  founded  by  Saladin  was  overthrown  by  the 
Mameluke  militia,  whose  ameers  took  possession  of 
Egypt.  St.  Louis  negotiated  with  the  latter  and  was 
set  at  liberty  on  condition  of  surrendering  Damietta 
and  paying  a  ransom  of  a  million  gold  bezants.  He 
remained  in  Palestine  until  1254;  bargained  with  the 
Egyptian  ameers  for  the  deliverance  of  prisoners; 
improved  the  equipment  of  the  strongholds  of  the 
kingdom,  Saint-Jean  d'Acre,  Coesarea,  Jaffa,  and 
Sidon;  and  sent.  Friar  William  of  Rubruquis  as  am- 
bassador to  the  great  khan.  Then,  at  the  news  of  the 
death  of  his  mother,  Blanche  of  Castile,  who  had  been 


acting  as  regent,  he  returned  to  France.  Since  the 
crusade  against  Saint-Jean  d'Acre,  a  new  Frankish 
state,  the  Kingdom  of  Cyprus,  had  been  formed  in  the 
Mediterranean  opposite  Syria  and  became  a  valuable 
point  of  support  for  the  crusades.  By  lavish  distribu- 
tion of  lands  and  franchises,  Guy  de  Lusignan  suc- 
ceeded in  attracting  to  the  island  colonists,  knights, 
men-at-arms,  and  civilians;  his  successors  established 
a  government  modelled  after  that  of  the  Kingdom  of 
Jerusalem.  The  king's  power  was  restricted  by  that 
of  the  High  Court,  composed  of  all  the  knights,  vas- 
sals, or  under-vassals,  with  its  seat  at  Nicosia. 
However,  the  fiefs  were  less  extensive  than  in  Pales- 
tine, and  the  feudatories  could  inherit  only  in  a  direct 
line.  The  Island  of  Cyprus  was  soon  populated  with 
French  colonists  who  succeeded  in  winning  over  the 
Greeks,  upon  whom  they  even  imposed  their  language. 
Churches  built  in  the  French  style  and  fortified  castles 
appeared  on  all  sides.  The  Cathedral  of  St.  Sophia 
in  Nicosia,  erected  between  1217  and  1251,  was  almost 
a  copy  of  a  church  in  Champagne.  Finally,  commer- 
cial activity  became  a  pronounced  characteristic  of 
the  cities  of  Cyprus,  and  Famagusta  developed  into 
one  of  the  busiest  of  Mediterranean  ports. 

VII.  Final  Loss  of  the  Christian  Colonies  of 
the  East  (1254-91). — No  longer  aided  by  funds  from 
the  West,  and  rent  by  internal  disorders,  the  Christian 
colonies  owed  their  temporary  salvation  to  the  changes 
in  Mussulman  policy  and  the  intervention  of  the  Mon- 

Sols.  The  Venetians  drove  the  Genoese  from  Saint- 
ean  d'Acre  and  treated  the  city  as  conquered  terri- 
tory; in  a  battle  where  Christians  fought  against 
Christians,  and  in  which  Hospitallers  were  pitted 
against  Templars,  20,000  men  perished.  In  revenge 
the  Genoese  allied  themselves  with  Michael  Palaeolo- 
gus,  Emperor  of  Nicsea,  whose  general,  Alexius  Stra- 
tegopulos,  had  now  no  trouble  in  entering  Constanti- 
nople and  overthrowing  the  Latin  Emperor,  Baldwin 
II,  25  July,  1261.  The  conquest  of  the  Caliphate  of 
Bagdad  by  the  Mongols  (1258)  and  their  invasion  of 
Syria,  where  they  seized  Aleppo  and  Damascus,  terri- 
fied both  Christians  and  Mohammedans;  but  the 
Mameluke  ameer,  Bibars  the  Arbelester,  defeated  the 
Mongols  and  wrested  Syria  from  them  in  September, 
1260.  Proclaimed  sultan  in  consequence  of  a  con- 
spiracy, in  1260,  Bibars  began  a  merciless  war  on  the 
remaining  Christian  states.  In  1263  he  destroyed  the 
church  at  Nazareth ;  in  1265  took  Csesarea  ana  Jaffa, 
and  finally  captured  Antioch  (May,  1268).  The  ques- 
tion of  a  crusade  was  always  being  agitated  in  the 
West,  but  except  among  men  of  a  religious  turn  of 
mind,  like  St.  Louis,  there  was  no  longer  any  earnest- 
ness in  the  matter  among  European  princes.  They 
looked  upon  a  crusade  as  a  political  instrument,  to  be 
used  only  when  it  served  their  own  interests.  To  pre- 
vent the  preaching  of  a  crusade  against  Constantinople, 
Michael  PalEeologus  promised  the  pope  to  work  for  the 
union  of  the  Churches;  but  Charles  of  Aniou,  brother 
of  St.  Louis,  whom  the  conquest  of  the  Two  Sicilies 
had  rendered  one  of  the  most  powerful  princes  of 
Christendom,  undertook  to  carry  out  for  his  own  bene- 
fit the  Eastern  designs  hitherto  cherished  by  the 
Hohenstaufen.  While  Mary  of  Antioch,  granddaugh- 
ter of  Amaury  II,  bequeathed  him  the  rights  she 
claimed  to  have  to  the  crown  of  Jerusalem,  he  signed 
the  treaty  of  Viterbo  with  Baldwin  II  (27  May,  1267), 
which  assured  him  eventually  the  inheritance  of  Con- 
stantinople. In  no  wise  troubled  by  these  diplomatic 
combinations,  St.  Louis  thought  only  of  the  crusade. 
In  a  parliament  held  at  Paris,  24  March,  1267,  he  and 
his  three  sons  took  the  cross,  but,  despite  his  example, 
many  knights  resisted  the  exhortations  of  the  preach- 
er Humbert  de  Romans.  On  hearing  the  reports  of 
the  missionaries,  Louis  resolved  to  land  at  Tunis,  whose 

Crince  he  hoped  to  convert  to  Christianity.    It  has 
pen  asserted  that  St.  Louis  was  led  to  Tunis  by 
Charles  of  Anjou,  but  instead  of  encouraging  his 


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brother's  ambition  the  Baint  endeavoured  to  thwart 
it.  Charles  had  tried  to  take  advantage  of  the 
vacancy  of  the  Holy  See  between  1268  and  1271  in 
order  to  attack  Constantinople,  the  negotiations  of 
the  popes  with  Michael  Palseologus  for  religious  union 
having  heretofore  prevented  him.  St.  Louis  received 
the  embassy  of  the  Greek  emperor  very  graciously  and 
ordered  Charles  of  Anjou  to  join  him  at  Tunis.  The 
crusaders,  among  whom  was  Prince  Edward  of  Eng- 
land, landed  at  Carthage  17  July,  1270,  but  the  plague 
broke  out  in  their  camp,  and  on  25  August,  St.  Louis 
himself  was  carried  off  by  the  scourge.  Charles  of 
Anjou  then  concluded  a  treaty  with  the  Mohamme- 
dans, and  the  crusaders  reimbarked.  Prince  Edward 
alone,  determined  to  fulfil  his  vow,  and  set  out  for 
Saint- Jean  d'Acre;  however,  after  a  few  razzias  on 
Saracenic  territory,  he  concluded  a  truce  with  Bibars. 

The  field  was  now  clear  for  Charles  of  Aniou,  but 
the  election  of  Gregory  X,  who  was  favourable  to  the 
crusade,  again  frustrated  his  plans.  While  the  emis- 
saries of  the  King  of  the  Two  Sicilies  traversed  the 
Balkan  peninsula,  the  new  pope  was  awaiting  the 
union  of  the  Western  and  Eastern  Churches,  which 
event  was  solemnly  proclaimed  at  the  Council  of 
Lyons,  6  July,  1274;  Michael  Palseologus  himself 
promised  to  take  the  cross.  On  1  May,  1275,  Gregory 
X  effected  a  truce  between  this  sovereign  and  Charles 
of  Anjou.  In  the  meantime  Philip  III,  King  of 
France,  the  King  of  England,  and  the  King  of  Aragon 
made  a  vow  to  go  to  the  Holy  Land.  Unfortunately 
the  death  of  Gregory  X  brought  these  plans  to  nought, 
and  Charles  of  Anjou  resumed  his  scheming.  In  1277 
he  sent  into  Syria  Roger  of  San  Severino,  who  suc- 
ceeded in  planting  his  banner  on  the  castle  of  Acre 
and  in  1278  took  possession  of  the  principality  of 
Achaia  in  the  name  of  his  daughter-in-law  Isabelfe  de 
Villehardouin.  Michael  Palseologus  had  not  been 
able  to  effect  the  union  of  the  Greek  clergy  with  Rome, 
and  in  1281  Pope  Martin  IV  excommunicated  him. 
Having  signed  an  alliance  with  Venice,  Charles  of 
Anjou  prepared  to  attack  Constantinople,  and  his 
expedition  was  set  for  April,  1283.  On  30  March, 
1282,  however,  the  revolt  known  as  the  Sicilian 
Vespers  occurred,  and  once  more  his  projects  were 
defeated.  In  order  to  subdue  his  own  rebellious  sub- 
jects and  to  wage  war  against  the  King  of  Aragon, 
Charles  was  at  last  compelled  to  abandon  his  designs 
on  the  East.  Meanwhile  Michael  Palseologus  re- 
mained master  of  Constantinople,  and  the  Holy  Land 
was  left  defenceless.  In  1280  the  Mongols  attempted 
once  more  to  invade  Syria,  but  were  repulsed  by  the 
Egyptians  at  the  battle  of  Hims;  in  1286  the  inhabi- 
tants of  Saint-Jean  d'Acre  expelled  Charles  of  Anjou's 
seneschal  and  called  to  their  aid  Henry  II,  King  of 
Cyprus.  Kelaoun,  the  successor  of  Bibars,  now  broke 
the  truce  which  he  had  concluded  with  the  Christians, 
and  seized  Margat,  the  stronghold  of  the  Hospitallers. 
Tripoli  surrendered  in  1289,  and  on  5  April,  1291, 
Maiek-Aschraf,  son  and  successor  of  Kelaoun,  ap- 
peared before  Saint-Jean  d'Acre  with  120,000  men. 
The  25,000  Christians  who  defended  the  city  were 
not  even  under  one  supreme  commander;  neverthe- 
less they  resisted  with  heroic  valour,  filled  breaches  in 
the  wall  with  stakes  and  bags  of  cotton  and  wool,  and 
communicated  by  sea  with  King  Henry  II,  who 
brought  them  help  from  Cyprus.  However,  28  May, 
the  Mohammedans  made  a  general  attack  and  pene- 
trated into  the  town,  and  its  defenders  fled  in  their 
ships.  The  strongest  opposition  was  offered  by  the 
Templars,  the  garrison  of  whose  fortress  held  out  ten 
days  longer,  only  to  be  completely  annihilated.  In 
July,  1291,  the  last  Christian  towns  in  Syria  capitu- 
lated, and  the  Kingdom  of  Jerusalem  ceased  to  exist. 

VIII.  The  Fourteenth  Century  Crusade  and 
the  Ottoman  Invasion. — The  loss  of  Saint-Jean 
d'Acre  did  not  lead  the  princes  of  Europe  to  organize 
h  new  crusade.    Men's  minds  were  indeed,  as  usual, 


directed  towards  the  East,  but  in  the  first  years  of  the 
fourteenth  eentury  the  idea  of  a  crusade  inspired  prin- 
cipally the  works  of  theorists  who  saw  in  it  the  best 
means  of  reforming  Christendom.  The  treatise  by 
Pierre  Dubois,  law-officer  of  the  crown  at  Coutances, 
"De  Recuperatione  Terrse  Sanctse"  (Langlois,  ed., 
Paris,  1891),  seems  like  the  work  of  a  dreamer,  yet 
some  of  its  views  are  truly  modern.  The  establish- 
ment of  peace  between  Christian  princes  by  means  of 
a  tribunal  of  arbitration,  the  idea  of  making  a  French 
prince  hereditary  emperor,  the  secularization  of  the 
Patrimony  of  St.  Peter,  the  consolidation  of  the  Orders 
of  the  Hospitallers  and  Templars,  the  creation  of  a 
disciplined  army  the  different  corps  of  which  were  to 
have  a  special  uniform,  the  creation  of  schools  for  the 
study  of  Oriental  languages,  and  the  intermarriage  of 
Christian  maidens  with  Saracens  were  the  principal 
ideas  it  propounded  (1307).  On  the  other  hand  the 
writings  of  men  of  greater  activity  and  wider  expe- 
rience suggested  more  practical  methods  for  effecting 
the  conquest  of  the  East.  Persuaded  that  Christian 
defeat  in  the  Orient  was  largely  due  to  the  mercantile 
relations  which  the  Italian  cities  Venice  and  Genoa 
continued  to  hold  with  the  Mohammedans,  these 
authors  sought  the  establishment  of  a  commercial 
blockade  which,  within  a  few  years,  would  prove  the 
ruin  of  Egypt  and  cause  it  to  fall  under  Christian 
control.  For  this  purpose  it  was  recommended  that 
a  large  fleet  be  fitted  out  at  the  expense  of  Christian 
princes  and  made  to  do  police  duty  on  the  Mediter- 
ranean so  as  to  prevent  smuggling.  These  were  the 
projects  set  forth  in  the  memoirs  of  Fidentius  of 
Padua,  a  Franciscan  (about  1291,  Bibliotheque  Na- 
tionale,  Latin  MSS.,  7247);  in  those  of  King  Charles 
II  of  Naples  (1293,  Bib.  Nat.,  Frankish  MSS.,  6049); 
Jacques  de  Molay  (1307,  Baluze,  ed.,  Vitee  paparum 
Avenion.,  II,  176-185);  Henry  II,  King  of  Cyprus 
(Mas-Latrie,  ed.,  Histoire  de  Chypre,  II,  118);  Guil- 
laume  d'Adam,  Archbishop  of  Sultanieh  (1310,  Kohler, 
ed.,  Collect.  Hist,  of  the  Crusades.  Armenian  Docu- 
ments,. II);  and  Marino  Sanudo,  the  Venetian  (Bon- 
gars,  ed.,  Secreta  fidelium  Crucis,  II).  Hie  consolida- 
tion of  the  military  orders  was  also  urged  by  Charles 
II.  Many  other  memoirs,  especially  that  of  Hayton, 
King  of  Armenia  (1307,  ed.  Armenian  Documents,  I), 
considered  an  alliance  between  the  Christians  and  the 
Mongols  of  Persia  indispensable  to  success.  In  fact, 
from  the  end  of  the  thirteenth  century  many  mission- 
aries had  penetrated  into  the  Mongolian  Empire;  in 
Persia,  as  well  as  in  China,  their  propaganda  flour- 
ished. St.  Francis  of  Assisi  and  Raymond  Lully  had 
hoped  to  substitute  for  the  warlike  crusade  a  peace- 
able conversion  of  the  Mohammedans  to  Christianity. 
Raymund  Lully,  born  at  Palma,  on  the  Island  of 
Majorca,  in  1235,  began  (1275)  his  "Great  Art", 
which,  by  means  of  a  universal  method  for  the  study 
of  Oriental  languages,  would  equip  missionaries  to 
enter  into  controversies  with  the  Mohammedan  doc- 
tors. In  the  same  year  he  prevailed  upon  the  King 
of  Majorca  to  found  the  College  of  the  Blessed  Trinity 
at  Miramar,  where  the  Friars  Minor  could  learn  the 
Oriental  languages.  He  himself  translated  catecheti- 
cal treatises  into  Arabic  and,  after  spending  his  life 
travelling  in  Europe  trying  to  win  over  to  nis  ideas 
popes  and  kings,  suffered  martyrdom  at  Bougie,  where 
he  had  begun  his  work  of  evangelization  (1314). 
Among  the  Mohammedans  this  propaganda  encoun- 
tered insurmountable  difficulties,  whereas  the  Mon- 
gols, some  of  whom  were  still  members  of  the  Nestorian 
Church,  received  it  willingly.  During  the  pontificate 
of  John  XXII  (1316-34)  permanent  Dominican  and 
Franciscan  missions  were  established  in  Persia,  China, 
Tatary,  and  Turkestan,  and  in  1318  the  Archbishopric 
of  Sultanieh  was  created  in  Persia.  In  China  Gio- 
vanni de  Monte  Corvino,  created  Archbishop  of  Cam- 
baluc  (Peking),  organized  the  religious  hierarchy, 
founded  monasteries,  and  converted  to  Christianity 


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men  of  note,  possibly  the  great  khan  himself.  The 
account  of  the  journey  of  Blessed  Orderic  de  Porde- 
none  (Cordier,  ed.)  across  Asia,  between  1304  and 
1330,  shows  us  that  Christianity  had  gained  a  foothold 
in  Persia,  India,  Central  Asia,  and  Southern  China. 

By  thus  leading  up  to  an  alliance  between  Mongols 
and  Christians  against  the  Mohammedans,  the  crusade 
had  produced  the  desired  effect;  early  in  the  four- 
teenth century  the  future  development  of  Christianity 
in  the  East  seemed  assured.  Unfortunately,  how- 
ever, the  internal  changes  which  occurred  in  the  West, 
the  weakening  of  the  political  influence  of  the  popes, 
the  indifference  of  temporal  princes  to  what  did  not 
directly  affect  their  territorial  interests  rendered  un- 
availing all  efforts  towards  the  re-establishment  of 
Christian  power  in  the  East.  The  popes  endeavoured 
to  insure  the  blockade  of  Egypt  by  prohibiting  com- 
mercial intercourse  with  the  infidels  and  by  organizing 
a  squadron  for  the  prevention  of  smuggling,  but  the 
Venetians  and  Genoese  defiantly  sent  their  vessels  to 
Alexandria  and  sold  slaves  and  military  stores  to  the 
Mamelukes.  Moreover,  the  consolidation  of  the  mili- 
tary orders  could  not  be  effected.  By  causing  the 
suppression  of  the  Templars  at  the  Council  of  Vienne 
in  1311,  King  Philip  the  Fair  dealt  a  cruel  blow  to  the 
crusade;  instead  of  giving  to  the  Hospitallers  the 
immense  wealth  of  the  Templars,  he  confiscated  it. 
The  Teutonic  Order  having  established  itself  in  Prus- 
sia in  1228,  there  remained  in  the  East  only  the  Hos- 
pitallers. After  the  capture  of  Saint-Jean  d'Acre, 
Henry  II,  King  of  Cyprus,  had  offered  them  shelter  at 
Limasol,  but  there  they  found  themselves  in  very 
straitened  circumstances.  In  1310  they  seized  the 
Island  of  Rhodes,  which  had  become  a  den  of  pirates, 
and  took  it  as  their  permanent  abode.  Finally,  the 
contemplated  alliance  with  the  Mongols  was  never 
fully  realized.  It  was  in  vain  that  Argoun,  Khan  of 
Persia,  sent  the  Nestorian  monk,  Raban  Sauma,  as 
ambassador  to  the  pope  and  the  princes  of  the  West 
(1285-88);  his  offers  elicited  but  vague  replies.  On 
23  December,  1299,  Cazan,  successor  to  Argoun,  in- 
flicted a  defeat  upon  the  Christians  at  Hims,  and 
captured  Damascus,  but  he  could  not  hold  his  con- 
quests, and  died  in  1304  just  as  he  was  preparing  for 
a  new  expedition.  The  princes  of  the  West  assumed 
the  cross  in  order  to  appropriate  to  their  own  use  the 
tithes  which,  for  the  defrayal  of  crusade  expenses, 
they  had  levied,  upon  the  property  of  the  clergy.  For 
these  sovereigns  the  crusade  had  no  longer  any  but  a 
fiscal  interest.  In  1336  King  Philip  VI  of  France, 
whom  the  pope  had  appointed  leader  of  the  crusade, 
collected  a  fleet  at  Marseilles  and  was  preparing  to  go 
to  the  East  when  the  news  of  the  projects  of  Edward 
III  caused  him  to  return  to  Paris.  War  then  broke 
out  between  France  and  England,  and  proved  an 
insurmountable  obstacle  to  the  success  of  any  crusade 
just  when  the  combined  forces  of  all  Christendom 
would  have  been  none  too  powerful  to  resist  the  new 
storm  gathering  in  the  East.  From  the  close  of  the 
thirteenth  century  a  band  of  Ottoman  Turks,  driven 
out  of  Central  Asia  by  Mongol  invasions,  had  founded 
a  military  state  in  Asia  Minor  and  now  threatened  to 
invade  Europe.  They  captured  Ephesus  in  1308,  and 
in  1326  Othman,  their  sultan,  established  his  residence 
at  Broussa  (Prusa)  in  Bithynia;  under  Ourkhan, 
moreover,  they  organized  the  regular  foot-guards  of 
janizaries  against  whom  the  undisciplined  troops  of 
Western  knights  could  not  hold  out.  The  Turks  en- 
tered Nicomedia  in  1328  and  Nicsea  in  1330;  when 
they  threatened  the  Emperors  of  Constantinople,  the 
latter  renewed  negotiations  with  the  popes  with  a 
view  towards  the  reconciliation  of  the  Greek  and 
Roman  Churches,  for  which  purpose  Barlaam  was  sent 
as  ambassador  to  Avignon,  in  1339.  At  the  same  time 
the  Egyptian  Mamelukes  destroyed  the  port  of  La- 
jazzo,  commercial  centre  of  the  Kingdom  of  Armenia 
Minor,  where  the  remnants  of  the  Christian  colonies 


had  sought  refuge  after  the  taking  of  Saint-Jean 
d'Acre  (1337).  Tne  commercial  welfare  of  the  Vene- 
tians themselves  was  threatened;  with  their  support 
Pope  Clement  VI  in  1344  succeeded  in  reorganizing 
the  maritime  league  whose  operations  had  been  pre- 
vented by  the  war  between  France  and  England. 
Genoa,  the  Hospitallers,  and  the  King  of  Cyprus  all 
sent  their  contingents,  and,  on  28  October,  1344,  the 
crusaders  seized  Smyrna,  which  was  confided  to  the 
care  of  the  Hospitallers.  In  1345  reinforcements 
under  Humbert,  Dauphin  of  Viennois,  appeared  in 
the  Archipelago,  but  the  new  leader  of  tne  crusade 
was  utterly  disqualified  for  the  work  assigned  him; 
unable  to  withstand